Andhra History

History of the Andhras
upto 1565 A. D.
DURGA PRASAD
P. G. PUBLISHERS
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PREFACE
I have made an earnest attempt, in this book, to present

a concise and clear account of the History of the Andhras upto
A.D. 1565. ! do not claim that this is an original contribution
on my part in the field of historical research. I have simply
tried to give a dependable compendium of the best works on
the subject covering all aspects. This is neither a text book
nor a guide. But I hope it serves the purpose of both the
under-graduate and in particular the Post-graduate students
of History as a study-material for the concerned paper in their
examinations. Repetition of material is unavoidable keeping
in view the nature of topic-wise treatment of the subject.
I express my deep sense of gratitude to all those writers

whose publications ! have made use of with great profit. Also
! extend my grateful thanks to all those who have been behind
me in providing the necessary spirit and enthusiasm in my
en devour and those who have seen the book through the press.
April, 1988.
Guntur. J. DURGA PRASAD
CONTENTS
Pages
CHAPTER I —INTRODUCTION
1. Sources of History of Andhras till 1565 A.D. 1 -5
2 Aryanization of the Andhra country and its condition
in the pre-Mauryan and Mauryan periods 6-8
CHAPTER II—THE SATAVAHANAS

1. Identity of the Satavahanas 9-12
2 Homeland of the Satavahanas 12-17
3- Chronology of the Satavahanas 17-23
4. Later Sstavahana Chronology 23 - 31
5 Political History of the Satavahanas 32-36
8. The Satavahana—Western Kshtrapa Relations 36-40
7. Cultural condition under the Satavahanas 40 - 45
CHAPTER III —SUCCESSORS OF THE SATAVAHANAS

1. The Ikshvakus of Vijayapuri 46-53
2. The Brihatphalayanas 53-54
3 The Ananda Gotras 55-56
4 The Salankayanas 57-60
5. The Early Pallavas 60-70
6. The Vishnukundins 70 - S4
CHAPTER IV—THE EASTERN CHALUKYAS

1. Circumstances under which the Eastern Chslukyan
rule was established 85 - 91
2, political history of the Eastern Chalukyas 91-96
3. Relationship between the Eastern Chalukyas and the
Rashtrakutas 97 - 102
4. The relations between the Eastern Chalukyas and
the Cholas (The interference of the Western Chalu-
kyas of Kalyani in the affairs of the Vengi Chalukyas) 102- 108
5 General conditions of the Eastern Chalukyan period 108-112
CHAPTER V —THE AGE OF THE CHALUKYA-CHOLAS

1. The condition of Andhra under the Chatukya-Cholas 113-118
2 The Chodas (Durjayas) of Velanadu 119-128
3 The Telugu Choda families 128-132
Pages
CHAPTER VI —THE KAKATIYAS

1. Early Feudatory Rulers 133-135
2 Rudradeva 135-137
3. Ganapathideva 137-142
4. Rudramadevi 142-146
5 Prataparudra II 146 -151
5- Prataparudra and the Muslim Invasions (The Muslim
Invasions on Andhra) 151 - 156
7. General conditions of the Kakatiya period 156-164
CHAPTER VII —THE AGE OF THE MUSUNURl CHIEFS AND THE REDDIS
1. The Musunuri Chiefs 165-172
2. The Reddis of Kondavidu and Rajahmundry 172-180
3- The relations between the Reddis and the Reyas
of Vijayanagara 180-187
CHAPTER VIII —THE VIJAYANAGARA EMPIRE

1. The origin of the Vijayanagara empire 189-198
?- Circumstances under which the Vijayanagara empire
was established 193 - 205
3 The Sangamas 205-219
4. The Saluvas 219-226
5 Tuluva Dynasty 226 - 255
G. Vijayanagara after the battle of Bannihatti (1565
A.D.) (Aravidu Dynasty) 255-258
7 General features of the Vijayanagara empire 258 - 273
Appendix
A Note on the Raya Bahmani Relations 274 - 275
ILLUSTRATIONS
1st Cover Page: Sculpture from Nagarjunakonda 3rd Century

3rd Cover Page : Monolithic Car, Hampi - 15th Century.
4th Cover Page : Telugu Thalli
CHAPTER
Introduction
1. Sources of History of Andhras till 1565 A.D.

'History as a subject of study is more or less completely
at the mercy of its sources'. It is a fact that we have no
ancient or medieval literature created in Andhra which can
be classified as truly historical. So it is but natural one has
to depend heavily on 'Primary source material of incidental
nature, created not for the purpose of communicating the
history of contemporary times chronologically set forth, but
to record events and impressions for political, legal and religious
purposes like the epigraphs of medieval times, the quasi-
historical literary works and so forth'.
Just like ancient Indian history, the history of the Andhras

is still in the formative stage. Though the available source
material is vast, it is incomplete and at the same time diverse
in nature and variety. In the last 70 years, yeomen service
was rendered by eminent scholars and organisations in recover-
ing the records of the past with sustained effort and in re-
constructing the history of the Andhras with judicious nature.
Of course, the work is still going on.
The source material for the writing of ancient and medieval

Andhra history can conveniently be classified under (i) archaeo-
logy including epigraphs and numismatics apart from monu-
ments and other ancient relics, (ii) literature, native as well
as foreign, and (iii) foreign notices.
2 HISTORY OF THE ANDHRAS
ARCHAEOLOGICAL SOURCES.
Among the available archaeological source materials, epi-

graphs or inscriptions are more copious for the ancient end
medieval Andhra history. With Asokart edicts, our authentic
history begins. This royal sage's rock edicts in Brahmi script
at Erragudi, Rajulamandagiri, Amaravati and Kottam in Andhra
reveal the extension of the Mauryan authority and its admini-
strative system over the Andhra area. Bhattiprolu relic casket
inscriptions datable to 200 B.C. reveal the fact that Buddhism
spread far and wide in our province in that remote age. The
Prakrit inscriptions in the Kanheri, Karle and Nasik caves,
Naganika's Nanaghat record, Balasri's Nasik inscription and
Kharavela's Guntupalli records help us a lot for the Satavahana
history.
Among the post-Satavahana dynasties of Andhradesa, the

Ikshvakus of Vijayapuri occupy an important place. Their
Nagarjunakonda, Jaggayyapeta, Amaravati and Ramireddipalle
Ayaka stone pillar inscriptions constitute the sole source of
information for the political, religious and social conditions of
the times. The Kondamudi copper plate grant gives information
about the Brihatphalayanas. Most of the inscriptions of the
early Pallavas, Anandagotras, Salankayanas, Vishnukundins,
Matharas, Eastern Gangas and the Eastern Chalukyas are only
copper plate grants. These records gave importance to the
Sanskrit language. The Brahmi script underwent transforma-
tion and the Telugu script emerged. The Telugu language also
found a place in the inscriptions. From the time of the Eastern
Chalukyas of Vengi, the number of stone inscriptions increased.
Inspite of some drawbacks on the part of all these inscriptions,
these are the records which form the most authentic sources
for the rulers, their dynastic succession, their chronology, extent
of their respective kingdoms and the economic, social and
cultural conditions more or less till 11th century A.D. The
inscriptions in Brahmi and Vengi characters of the Hindu and
the Buddhist Andhras who migrated to the South-East Asian
regions from the Kalinga and Andhra coasts indicate that they
established only our cultural traditions there. For the medieval
Introduction 3
period of Andhra history, one can conveniently depend upon

the inscriptions of the Chalukya-Cholas, Kakatiyas, Musunuris,
Reddis and Vijayanagara rulers and their chieftains.
Though not to the extent of epigraphs, numismatics also
helps us for our history reconstruction. Coins made of several
metals like gold, silver, copper or other baser metals of dif-
ferent periods are available. Of the available coins of almost
ail the Satavahana rulers, the number of potin (coins of a
mixed character) and lead coins is more. These coins bearing
the figures of an elephant, a horse, a camel etc. indicate the
probable means of conveyance commonly used in that period.
The ship-mast coins of Yajnasri Satakarni reveal the brisk
maritime trade of the Satavahana period. From the gold coins
of the Roman emperors unearthed in some parts of Andhra
datable to the Satavahana-lkshvaku period, it may be concluded
that the Romans carried on commerce with Andhra and paid
gold dinars. Similarly some gold coins of the Eastern Chalukyan
rulers Chalukya Chandra Saktivarma I and Rajaraja Narendra
were discovered in Burma. The coins of the Kakatiyas were
in Nandi-Nagari script while the Vijayanagara were in Nagari
characters. Coins of different metals in different denominations
issued in different periods help us only to some extent in
knowing about the rulers, about the extent of the kingdom,
and about the religious sentiments of the age.
The archaeological finds of the past include stone tools,
pottery, bricks, megaliths, Buddhist structural remains, Jain
relics, constructions of temples, forts and palaces, sculptures
and paints. A careful study of these finds throws a flood of
light on the religious beliefs, the social life and the artistic
excellence attained by the Andhras in the past. They reveal
the evolutionary process of the Telugu culture.
LITERARY SOURCES.
The literary sources for ancient and medieval Andhra
history may be divided into indigenous and foreign. Early
references to the Andhras were found in indigenous literature
which includes sriti and smriti works like the Aitareya Brahmana,
the Epics, the Puranas, the early Buddhist and Jain works.
Gunadhya's Brhatkatha, Hala's Gathasaptasati and Vatsyayana's
Kamasutras reflected the social and cultural life of the Sata-
vahana period. Mention was made to the details of the
Rashtrakuta-Eastern Chalukya conflicts in poet Pampa's Gade-
yuddha and Vikramarjuna Vijaya, both Kannada Kavyas, His-
torical data relating to the Kakatiya, Reddi and Vijayanagara
times was obtained from the Sanskrit and Telugu literary
works dedicated by poets and scholars to their royal and
princely patrons. Purely literary works and quasi-historical
kavyas like Prataparudra Yasobhushanam, Siddheswara Chan-
tramu, Somadevarajiyamu, Saluvabhyudayamu, Rayavachakamu,
Rangarajacharitra and others, after being purged of all exag-
gerations, provided some solid historical information relating
to the deeds of the kings, princes and potentates. The Kalaj-
nanas and Vamsavalis also rendered help in the reconstruction
of history.
Apart from these works, some glorified popular ballads
like the 'Siege of Bobbili' and ballads relating to Sarvaya Papadu
and others threw light on the courage, heroism and reckless
valour of the local heroes of different Andhra regions. Another
interesting source of historical information relates to the
'Kaifiyats', These were local revenue records maintained by
village karnams during the medieval and later periods relating
to details of the village lands, their nature, ownership, and
payable tax etc. Changes in the political set up, revenue
assessment and life of the village were faithfully recorded in
these village annals which are of great value now as sources
of historical information. Colonel Colin Mackenzie and sub-
sequently C.P. Brown, the two Britishers, rendered yeomen
service in getting these records collected and copied. These
local chronicles provided valuable historical material especially
from the age of the Vijayanagara Rayas to the British period.
In the Indian Muslim historical writings of the medieval
period, only passing references to the events in Andhra were
made. For example. Allauddin Khilji's invasions of Andnra
were referred as part of his southern conquests in Amir Khusru's
Persian works especially in his Tarikh-i-Alai. Isami gave an
Introduction 5
authentic description in his 'Fatuh-us-salatin' in verse, of the

circumstances under which the Andhras revolted against
Mahammad Bin Tughlak's authority and established independent
kingdoms. Similarly Barani, Nizamuddin and Shams-i-Siraz
Afif in their chronicles shed some side light on Andhra deve-
lopments of the period. Among the Nizam Shahi and Adil
Shahi dynastic historical accounts, Mohammed Khasim H.
Ferishta's Tarik-i-Ferista, though not devoid of narrow sectarian
loyalty and rabidly violent animosity towards the Hindus,
deserves mention for its references to his patrons Ahmadnagar
and Bijapur sultans with the Vijayanagare and other Andhra
rulers.
The earliest reference to the Andhradesa in foreign
literature was found in the account of Magasthanes, the Greek
ambassador in Maurya Chandragupta's court. Of the Greeco-
Roman writings of the early centuries of Christian era, Pliny and
Ptolemys' accounts and the ananymous author's the periplus
of the Erythrean Sea' shed light on the ports, trade routes,
markets and various items of trade, of Andhra during those
times.
Among the two Chinese travellers who visited India in
the 5th and 7th centuries A.D., Fahien, though did not visit
the south, referred in his account to Andhra Parvata Vihara
about which he heard. The other Chinese traveller Hieun Tsang
came to the South and toured the coastal Andhra as well in
the first half of the 7th century A.D. He left us a vivid account
of the religious customs and ways of the life of the people.
In 1293 A.D., Marcopolo, an Italian traveller, visited Andhra
and wrote an excellent account of what all he saw in Kakatiya
kingdom.
Ibn Batuta a Moroccan Muslim traveller (14th century
A.D.), Abdur Razzak, the Persian ambassador, Nicolo-De-Conti,
the Italian traveller, Nikitin, the Russian merchant (all in the
15th century A.D.), Barbossa, Paes and Nuniz—all Portuguese
(16th century) and Barradas, Rubino and other foreigners
(17th century) provided much useful information, in their
travel accounts, reports and correspondence, about the con-
ditions prevailing here and their experiences.
2. Aryanization of the Andhra Country and its Condi-

tion in the Pre-Mauryan and Mauryan Periods.
The historical period in Andhra starts with the famous
Satavahanas. Prior to their emergence into power, during
the 6th and 5th centuries B.C., northern India was under the
settled government of the Sisunaga and Haryanka rulers. The
two famous reformist faiths. Buddhism and Jainism came to
be founded during the same period. In Andhra, the Nagas
who were definitely of a non-Aryan stock were having their
republican states. Some other semi-civilised races also in-
habited the thick jungle regions to the south of the Vindhyas,
known for a long time as Dandakaranya. It was during this
period that the Aryans from the north were penetrating into
this Dandaka area.
The coming of the Aryans into Deccan was peaceful. The
progress of the 'Aryanisation' is reflected in literature and
legend. Until about 600 B.C., works of North exhibit little
knowledge of India, south of the Vindhyas, but acquaintance
increased with the progress of the centuries. Legends centring
round the name of Agastya found in the Epics and Puranas
appear in their own quaintest way to preserve the memory
of this vast and important cultural movement. It seems the
Vedic Rishis, in quest of peace and lonliness, ventured to
enter Dandaka forest to establish hermitages on the banks of
rivers in the thick of the forests. The local inhabitants who
were described by the Aryans as 'Asuras and Rakshasas'
might have raided their settlements, destroying their sacrifices
and interrupting their penance. The memory of these episodes
is preserved in tradition regarding the advent of Agastya into
the South. The Ramayana when purged of all exaggerations,
interpolations and anachronisms, proves the central fact that
Rama championed the cause of Aryan culture fighting against
the Asuras, thus giving an impetus to the spread of Aryan
ideals and institutions in the Deccan, Regarding the origin of
Andhras, Pundras, Sabaras, Pulindas and Mutibas, the Aitareya
Brahmana treats them as descendants of Visvamitra's fifty sons
condemned by his curse to live on the borders of the Aryan
Introduction 7
settlements. The Mahabharata regards them as created by

Vasishtha from his divine cow to be enemies and opponents
of Visvamitra. The Sabaras were degenarate people, according
to Sankhyayana Srauta Sutra. What lies behind these legends
is the separation of a section of the Aryan community from the
main stock and their fusion with the non-Aryans, the Dasyus
or Rakshasas or Nagas, the early inhabitants of Deccan. The
Mahabharata and the Puranas refer to the Andhras, Sabaras
and Pulindas as the tribes of Deccan. During the age of the
Brahmanas, the Aryans pushed their conquests into the Deccan.
Panini and Katyayanas' references point out that they pushed
further into, the south and even made contracts with the
Pandya, Chola and Kerala peoples of Southern India.
The caste system accompanied the spread of Brahmanism
from its stronghold in the Gangetic Doab into the Deccan and
South India'. The people, who refused Aryan practices,
dwelled in caves and forests where they have kept up their
primitive customs, habits and' languages to the present day.
Though we do not have definite information regarding the
early history of the Aryan states that arose in the Deccan,
it is evident that the imperialism of the Nandas and the Mauryas
and the missionary activities of the northern Jain and Buddhist
followers were the two forces that hastened the pace of the
Aryanisation of the Deccan and South. The concept of imperia-
lism in India had its origin in the age of the Brahmanas. It
aimed at political integration of the country under ekarat (sole
monarch). Celebrating its achievements by rituals like Aswa-
medha became a custom. The Nandas and the Mauryas from
Pataliputra confined the concept first to Northern India but
later extended to the Deccan and South India. According
to Puranas, Ugrasena Mahapadma Nanda established himself
as ekarat by bringing the whole earth under his umbrella.
Inscriptions directly or indirectly point out the Nanda and
then the Mauryan rule over the Deccan. The reference to the
Nanda king in Kharavela's inscription (Hathi Gumpha) to his
carrying away to Magadha a Jina statue as a trophy from
Kalinga and the existence of Nanded (Nau Nanda Dehra) on
the Godavari testify that a large portion of the Deccan formed
part of the Nanda empire. Commercially also the South began

to grow in importance for the sake of its diamond and gold
mines, peart and chank fisheries and numerous opulent marts'.
(Kautilya).
The low bom and unpopular Nandas were overthrown by
Chandragupta Maurya with Kautilya's assistance about 322 B.C.
This founder of the Mauryan rule, who established his sway
over the entire north, pushed forward his conquests to the
south. "Jaina references in literature and epigraphs associating
his name with Sravana Belgola in Mysore (Karnataka) may
be accepted as proof of his acquisition of this part of the
Peninsula as well'. During this period, the Kalingas and the
Andhras were powerful forces to reckon with. According to
Magasthenes, the Andhras possessed numerous villages, 30
fortified towns and an army of 1,00,000 infantry, 2,000 cavalry
and 1,000 elephants. It is well known that Kalinga was con-
quered by Asoka after a terrible war. No other conquest is
attributed to this ruler. However the provenance of his Edicts
prove that the country upto the river Pennar in South was
included in his empire. So it may be concluded that in all
probability the rest of Deccan was earlier conquered by Asoka's
grandfather, Chandragupta. "Beyond the Pennar lay the in-
dependent Chola, Pandya, Keralaputra and Satiyaputra states.
The Nanda and Mauryan imperialism influenced enormously
the lives of the Deccan people. A uniform administrative system
based upon Aryan polity came into vogue. The ideas of the
people were gradually moulded in the cast of Vedic, Jain and
Buddhist creeds. Asoka's missionary activities resulted in the
establishment of the Chetyavada school of Buddhism at
Amaravati The prevalence of Asoka's edicts in the Deccan
and South indicates the widespread literacy among the people.
With Asoka's death, the disruptive forces were let loose
The weakness of his successors, the insubordination of vassal
sates, the disloyalty of ambitious ministers and the aggression
of foreign foes led to the loss of overlordship of Magadha on
the Deccan, The progress of Aryanization was checked for
the time being. The Satavahanas soon appeared on the scene
in Deccan.
CHAPTER
The Satavahanas
1. Identity of the Satavahanas

The Pauranic genealogies refer to the kings of 'Andhra-Jati'.
Some Puranas style them as Andhrabhrityas. The Nanaghat
and Nasik cave inscriptions and coins discovered in the Deccan
mention the names of several kings of 'Satavahana-Kula'. On
the basis of certain names, and their order of succession com-
mon to various kings mentioned in the two sources, some
scholars identified the Satavahanas of the epigraphical records
and coins with the Andhras of the Puranas. However the
Puranas never use the term 'Satavahana' and the inscriptions
and coins do not refer to the Satavahanas as the Andhras.
On the basis of this, some scholars strongly objected to the
identification.
According to R.G. Bhandarkar, The Andhrabhritya dynasty
of the Puranas is the same as the Satavahana dynasty of the
inscriptions'. The basis, he relied upon, is that the names
occuring in the inscriptions and on the coins as well as the
order (of their succession) sufficiently agree with those given
in the Purarras under the Andhrabhritya dynasty. He explained
the term 'Andhrabhritya' as meaning 'Andhras who were once
servants or dependents.' Dr. K. Gopalachari asserted that the
Satavahanas were Andhras by tribal connection. He suggested
that either they were the scions of the royal family in the
Andhradesa or Andhra fortune-hunters who accepted service
in the western Deccan under the Mauryan suzerains, thereby
getting the Puranic appelation 'Andhrabhritya' and that after
Asoka's death their descendants might have struck a blow

in their own interests in the land of their adoption.
J. Burgess, V.A. Smith, E.J. Rapson, L.D. Barnett and

P.T. Srinivasa Ayyangar held the same opinion as that of
Bhandarkar as regards the Andhra-Satavahana identity.
However V.S. Suktankar, K.P. Jayaswal, H.C Roychaudhuri

and V.S. Bakhle rejected the Andhra-Satavahana equation.
Jayaswal regarded the Satavahanas as probable representatives
of the Satiyaputras of the Asokan records. All these scholars
who denied the identity of the Satavahanas with the Andhras
put forth the following arguments :-
1. The Andhras were in the eastern part of Deccan. If the
Satavahanas were Andhras, how was then the inscriptions
end coins of the early Satavahana rulers were discovered only
in Maharashtra but not in Andhra?
2. Many inscriptions and coins of the Satavahanas were
found and no ruler is mentioned any where as the Andhra.
3. The language of the Andhras is Telugu. However the
Satavahana records are in Prakrit. If the Satavahanas were
the Andhras, then their records be issued in Telugu itself but
not in Prakrit.
4. The kings mentioned in the Puranas were either Andhras
or Andhrabhrityas but not Satavahanas.
5. The Satavahanas established their authority first in Maha-
rastra. After sometime, they conquered the Andhra country.
Among these rulers, the last 7 or 8 rulers reigned only Andhra
proper. Simply because of this the contemporary Pauranic
writers might have mistaken and described the Satavahanas
as Andhras.
However the above arguments may be refuted on the

following grounds :—
1. The Andhras were not simply confined to the eastern
Deccan, They were to be found even in Bastar area of Madhya
The Satavahanas 11
Pradesh, Northern Kamataka, some parts of Maharashtra and

Orissa as well. The Satavahanas, starting from Andhra, con-
quered Maharashtra and settled there for sometime. Hence
records of the early rulers were found there. However the
recently discovered coins from Kondapur and Kotilingala (Karim-
nagar district) in the eastern Deccan refer to Simuka Sata-
vahana, the founder of the Dynasty. In view of this, the argu-
ment of the Scholars who denied the identity on the basis that
records of early Satavahanas are not found in Andhradesa
does not hold good.
2. !t is true that inscriptions and coins do not refer to the

Satavahanas as Andhras. Generally rulers give the names of
their dynasties and not the racial affinity. For example, the
rulers of the Post-Satavahana dynasties like Ikshvaku, Pallava,
Salankayana, Vishnukundin and even Reddi, which ruled over
Andhra did not claim themselves in their inscriptions as Andhras.
But there is no denying the fact that they were Andhras. The
Nasik and Karle inscriptions refer to Nahapana's dynastic name
(Kshaharata) and not his race (Saka-Pahlava known from
other sources). Similarly the Kanheri inscription refers to
Rudradaman's dynasty (Kardamaka) and not his race (Saka).
Hence Satavahana is the name of the family (Kula). They
might have been part and parcel of the Andhra race.
3. No doubt, Telugu is the language of the Andhras and it

had its origins probably in the Desi of first century A.D.
However the use of Prakrit might be the custom of that period.
It was used in inscriptions not simply by the Satavahanas, but
also by their predecessor Asoka, their contemporaries Sungas
and their successors Ikshvakus and early Pallavas. Even the
Buddhists also wrote books in Prakrit which was perhaps the
language of the masses.
4. It is true the Puranas refer to them either as Andhras or

Andhrabhrityas but not as Satavahanas. The term 'Andhra-
bhritya' need not be interpreted as 'the servants of the Andhras
(as Dr. Suktankar did). It may mean the Andhras that were
servants'. Further K.P. Jayaswal suggested that when the
centre of political gravity shifted from Magadha, the Puranas

describe the imperial dynasties with reference to their place
of origin as in the case of Vakatakas who were described in
the Puranas as the Vindhyakas. So also the Satavahanas were
called Andhras in the Puranas. Moreover Matsya Purana
clearly states that Simuka was an 'Andhra Jatiya'.
5. There is evidence to show that the Satavahanas conquered

Vidisa, Maharashtra and even Pataliputra. But there is no
evidence to their conquest of Andhra area. This is because of
the fact that they were Andhras and had their political career
started first in the Andhra area and then extended to Maha-
rashtra and other areas. The compilers of some of the Puranas
were so near in point of time to the Satavahana kings that they
could not have in their ignorance foisted the name Andhra on
to the Satavahana princes simply because they found or knew
them only as rulers of Andhra. The fact is that the Pauranikas
were dealing with them in the larger context of their tribal or
communal affinity.
Further, if the Satavahanas and Andhras are not identified

as one and the same, then number of difficulties will arise. In
view of certain common names and the order of succession,
one has to say that two different dynasties with same names
of kings ruled over the same area during the same period, which
is impossible. Thus it appears most likely that the Satavahanas
belonged to the Andhra Community.
2. Home Land of the Satavabanas

A subject of controversy regarding the Satavahanas is their
homeland or origin. There are conflicting theories and con-
tradictory opinions regarding this. Earlier scholars like
D.R. Bhandarkar conjectured that the land of the Andhras must
have at the early period consisted of certain parts of the
Central Provinces together with the Visakhapatnam district and
may have also included the Godavari and Krishna districts. The
eastern Deccan was not called Andhra after its conquest by
The Satavahanas 13
the Satavahanas. Andhradesa existed where it is today even

before the Satavahanas came into prominence.
BELLARY OR CANARESE ORIGIN
Dr. Suktankar viewed that the Satavahanas did not belong

to the Andhra area as the field of their early activity was
confined to the west of India and Paithan was their capital
He postulated the theory that Bellary was the original home
of the Satavahanas. He based his theory on the evidence of
Macadoni inscription of Pulomavi (IV), the last of the Andhra
Satavahanas and the Hirahadagalli copper plate grant of
an early Pallava ruler, wherein references were made to
'Satavahana ahara' and 'Satavahani rashtra' respectively. Ac-
cording to him, both these names might be derivatives from
Satavahanas only. The Satavahanas reigned several regions
but no other places were known after them. Hence, Suktankar
concluded, those two places located in the Bellary region must
be the area of original inhabitance of the Satavahanas and the
latter subsequently conquered Maharashtra and later Andhra.
However V.S. Bakhle did not accept Suktankar's identifica-

tion of the original home of the Satavahanas with the Bellary
region which they made their home in later times. The two
inscriptions prove that the Satavahanas ruled the Bellary region
in their last years of rule. But they do not prove that it was
their original home. There was a gap of more than 400 years
between the time of the issue of the two inscriptions and the
founder of the dynasty who had nothing to do with the Bellary
region. Moreover there are several hills and villages in different
parts of Deccan which were known by the name of the
Satavahanas. So the argument of Suktankar that except the
two places mentioned in the inscriptions, no other places were
known after the Satavahanas is incorrect
VIDARBHA ORIGIN
Vasudeva Vishnu Mirashi postulated the theory that

Vidarbha was the home of the Satavahanas. His argument
was on the strength of two other inscriptions. One is the

Nasik inscription of Bala Sri, wherein Gautamiputra Satakarni
was described as 'the Lord of Bervakata'. Mirashi identified
Benakata with the region on either side of the Wainganga. The
other inscription is Kharavela's Hathigumpha inscription, where-
in mention was made that Kharavela marched westwards,
heedless of Satakarni, upto Kannabenna. According to Mirashi,
Kannabenna is identical with the Kanner near Nagapur. Since
Satakarni's dominions ware mentioned to be in the west of
Kalinga, Vidarbha wherein Kanner flows must have been the
original home of the Satavahanas.
However the river Krishnaveni and the city of Dhanyakataka

have better claims to be identical with Kannabenna and Bena-
kata. Benakata or Benakataka just like Kalyana Kataka, can
only be the name of a city but not of a region. With regard
to the argument that Satakarni's dominions lay in the west
and Andhra lay to the south of Kalinga, is not correct, Sata-
karni was 'Dakshinapathapati', i.e., the lord of the whole of
Deccan. Then it must be understood that his dominions were
not confined only to the west of Kalinga and moreover Bastar
and the neighbouring regions which lay to the west of Kalinga
were portions of Andhradesa from very early times.
MAHARASHTRA ORIGIN
There is a strong belief among some scholars that Maha-

rashtra was the original home of the Satavahanas. P.T. Srinivasa
Ayyangar, who accepted the Andhra-Satavahana identity, put
forth arguments to show that the Andhras were a Vindhyan
tribe, that their kings originally ruled over Western India and
spoke Prakrit and not Telugu and that the extension of their
authority was from the west to the east down the Godavari-
Krishna valley. When their power declined in the west, the
name Andhramandalam travelled to their eastern districts and
became established there. Jogelkar further strengthened this
theory. His contention was that the Satavahanas were Andhras,
but not Andhras of the east coast. They were known as
Andhras because they lived on the banks of a river by name
The Satavahanas 15
Andhra in Pune district of Maharashtra. These Andhras ted

a great revolution and drove away the foreigners (Kshaharatas),
united the various tribes of Deccan and established a new
rashtra. So Maharashtra was known as Navarashtra.
The protagonists of the theory of the Maharashtra origin

of the Satavahanas put forth in general the following arguments:-
(1) The Puranas describe Simuka only as Andhrajatiya but not
as Andhradesiya; (2) politically Andhra then was not indepen-
dent but part of Kalinga; (3) The metronymics and the Prakrit
language of the Satavahanas indicate their western or Maratha
origin; (4) the early Andhra Satavahana rulers were connected
with Paithan and their records are found only in the west. On
the basis of these arguments, scholars concluded that the
Andhras lived with Rathikas etc. in Maharashtra and uniting ail
of them rose to political prominence. It was either Gautamiputra
Satakarni or his son Vasisthiputra Pulomavi that conquered
Andhra desa.
However the above arguments may ably be controverted.

In the first place, the term Andhrajatiya applied to Simuka does
not preclude the possibility of his being Andhradesiya. Secondly,
the argument that the then Andhra was not politically inde-
pendent but part of Kalinga is proved false by the Jatakas and
Indica which mention Kalinga and Andhra as two separate and
contiguous Janapadas. The Edicts of Asoka place the Andhras
in present Andhradesa, and indicate it unreasonable to huddle
them together with the others in Maharashtra. Thirdly, the
metronymics argument is not strong one as only the later
Satavahanas took them. Further Prakrit was inherited by the
Satavahanas from the Mauryas along with political power.
Fourthly, the early Satavahana connection with Paithan and
the provenance of their records in the west only indicate that
in view of the threat from the aliens like Yavanas, they bestowed
more attention on the north-west.
ANDHRA ORIGIN
The theory that the eastern part of Deccan, i.e. Andhradesa
was the homeland of the Satavahanas, is championed by
scholars like E.J. Rapson, V.A. Smith, R.G. Bhandarkar,

J. Burgess and others. Suktankar and others held this opinion
that the Satavahanas came to power from Andhradesa as
unwarranted mainly on four grounds: (1) Their earliest records,
epigraphic and numismatic, have been discovered at Nanaghat
and Nasik in the Western Deccan; (2) In Hathigumpha inscrip-
tion of Kharavela, the dominions of the contemporary Satakarm
are spoken of as being to the west of Kharavela's own kingdom
of Kalinga; (3) Bala Sri's inscription while recounting the terri-
torial possessions of her son, Gautamiputra Satakarni makes
no mention of any locality in the Andhra area; and (4) the first
available Satavahana records begin to appear in Andhradesa
only during the reign of his successor Vasisthiputra Pulomavi.
These arguments are the result of inadequate appreciation

of the available information. The preconceived notion, that
the Satavahanas had nothing to do with Andhradesa until the
reign of Pulomavi I, blurred the vision of Suktankar and others
in holding the Andhra origin as unwarranted. It is forgotten
that Satakarni (II) of the Nanaghat record, who performed two
Asvamedhas, one Rajasuya and other sacrifices, bore the title
'Dakshinapathapati', i.e. the lord of Deccan. Deccan naturally
includes Andhradesa which is its eastern part. If it is conceded
that the Satavahanas were Andhras and that they were masters
of the Deccan, then the sentence 'heedless of Satakarni,
he sent his forces to west' in Kharavela's inscription does not
mean that Satakarni's dominions were confined only to the
west of Kalinga and had no connection with the Andhra area.
Further Bala Sri's record has not completely ignored the Andhra
area. It refers to Siritana (Srisailam), Mahendra (the Eastern
Ghats) and 'Assaka' (the south-east province of Hyderabad
state and the Godavari district), as within her son's dominions.
Moreover the earliest coins known hitherto were those

of Satakarni I, the third member of the dynasty. Some very
important coins have come to light recently. Of such coins
the Kondapur coins bear the legend 'Sadvahana'. On palaco-
graphical grounds, this Satavahana can be placed in 3rd century
B.C. Dr. P.V. Parabrahma Sastri collected very recently over
The Satavahanas 17
hundred early coins near the village Kotitingala on the eastern

side of the hillock called Munulagutta on the right bank of
the river Godavari in the Peddabankur taluk of the Karimnagar
district of Andhra Pradesh. These included seven coins belong-
ing to the first Satavahana ruler Simuka. This discovery is of
momentous importance for the history of the Satavahanas. It
leaves no doubt about the association of the Satavahanas with
Andhra from the very start. The legend on these coins streng-
thens the possibility that king Satavahana of Kondapur coins
is none other than Simuka himself who is called Simuka Sata-
vahana in a Nanaghat label inscription also. The Jain sources
mention Satavahana as the first Andhra king. The Kathasarrt-
sagara contains a story about Satavahana. Therefore Satahana
or Simuka Satavahana of the Kondapur and Kotilingala coins
respectively is the same Satavahana who founded the imperial
Andhra line and his successors called themselves Satavahanas,
With regard to the capitals of the Satavahana kings, un-

reliable and much later legend points to Srikakulam in the
Krishna district, which cannot stand for scrutiny. Dhanyakataka
(Dharanikota in the Guntur district) seems to be the eastern
capita] and when Maharashtra became part of Andhra empire
and when the Satavahanas concentrated their more attention
on western Deccan because of the Saka-pahlava menace.
Paithan became the seat of their government in the west.
3. Chronology of the Satavahanas

Of the many complicated problems that the Andhras have
presented, the most important one is the problem of their
chronology. Divergent views have been expressed by different
scholars about the beginning of the Andhra Satavahana rule,
but so far no unanimous conclusion has yet been arrived at
by the historian on this point of issue.
The foundation of the dynasty, which is known by its

tribal name Andhra in the Puranas and by its family name
Satavahana in the epigraphs, is attributed to one Simuka. The
2)
Puranas misspelt the name Simuka as Sisuka (Matsya)

Sindnuka (Vayu), and Sipraka (Vishnu). Five out of the 18
Puranas namely the Matsya, the Vayu, the Vishnu, the
Bhagavata and the Brahmanda, furnish dynastic lists of rulers
who ruled Magadha till the rise of the Guptas. Besides the
mention of the dynastic lists, they recorded the reigning period
of each dynasty and even tire names of the princes. The
Matsya and Vayu shed more light by furnishing in addition the
regnal period of each prince. The statements found in the
Puranas would have been accepted as the mast authentic but
for the glaring discrepancies in their versions, and also for their
self-contradictory statements between the genera! and the
specific statements in the same Puranas.
Regarding the Andhra dynastic list, the Matsya mentioned

in its general statement 29 kings with a total reign of 460
years and in its particular statement, 30 kings with a total
reign of 448 1/2 years. The Vayu's genera! statement refers to
30 kings with a reign of 441 years, while the particular state
ment mentions the names of 17 kings with a total reign of
272 1/2 years. Both the Vishnu and the Bhagavata, in their
general statements gave the names of 30 kings with a total
reign of 456 years. In these contradicting statements, there
is at least one point of uniformity in the Puranic tradition,
that the Andhra kings were 30 and that they ruled for over
four centuries. There is another unanimous statement in all
the Puranas, viz : 'Sisuka (Simuka) of the Andhra race, having
destroyed Susarman of the Kanva family with main force, and
whatever will have been left of the power of the Sungas, will
obtain possession of earth', It has been agreed on all hands
that the Kanva Susarman's rule was ended in 28 B.C. If the
Puranic statement that Simuka was the Andhra king who slew
Susarman of the Kanva family in 28 B.C. is accepted, then the
most complicated problem would arise as to the duration of
the reign of the Andhra kings. If the Puranic statement that
the Andhras ruled for more than 4 centuries is
taken into account, the rule of the Andhra
dynasty would come to an end in the 5th century A.D.
The Satavahanas 19
which is untenable due to the claims of other dynasties which

came to dominate over their territories. Therefore of the two
satements, the most reasonable one should be taken into con-
sideration, rejecting the other. In view of the fact that the
rule of the Andhras cannot be extended beyond 2nd century
A.D., the Puranic tradition, that Simuka ended the rule of the
Kanvas may be rejected and the other statement that the
Andhras enjoyed a reign of more than 4 centuries can be relied
upon. V.A. Smith rejected the former tradition with an obser-
vation, "the Andhra king who slew Susarman cannot possibly
have been Simuka'.
R.G. Bhandarkar accepted the first tradition, i.e., Simuka

slew Susarman of the Kanva family. Yet he fixed 73 B.C.
as the initial year of the Satavahana rule. Bhandarkar took
Vayu Purana as his authority and relied upon its specific state-
ment of 17 kings and 2721/2 years rule. In his view, the Matsya
furnished the names of those princes (who were 13 in number)
belonging to the collateral branches of the dynasty in addition
to the 17 kings of the main line, given in the Vayu Purana.
By interpreting the clause 'Whatever will have been left of
the power of the Sungas' to mean that the Sungas and the
Kanvas were simultaneously ruling the territories. Bhandarkar
placed the two successive dynasties as contemporary dynasties
and came to the conclusion that the 112 year rule of the Sungas
also included the 45 year rule of the Kanvas. On the basis
of this reasoning, he fixed the initial year of the Satavahana
rule at 73 B.C. (137 + 112 = 249; 322 B.C. - 249 = 73 B.C.).
Bhandarkar's reasoning cannot be accepted because his inter-
pretation goes counter to the Puranic testimony which is
confirmed by Bana that Devabhuti, the 10th and last Sunga
king was slain by Vasudeva, the first Kanva ruler who usurped
the throne of Magadha for himself. In such a case it would
be impossible to make Susarman, the 4th and hast Kanva king,
a contemporary of Devabhuti. Another improbabiliy in Bhan-
darkar's argument is that Matsya mentioned the kings of both
main and collateral lines of the Andhra dynasty, while Vayu
gave only the kings of the main line, and that Vayu's statement
that 17 kings ruled for 300 years. The point to be borne in
mind is that Vayu also in its general statement mentioned
30 kings with a total reign of 411 years. If in Bhandarkar's
view, Vayu gave only the names of the kings of the main line,
it had surprisingly omitted the name of Pulomavi II, who
was a king of the main line, succeeded to the throne after
Gautamiputra. Therefore, the argument and the view expressed
by R.G. Bhandarkar may be rejected and the Matsya Purana
may be accepted in preference to the other Puranas as our
authority, for it is fuller in details with regard to the number
and names of the Andhra kings and also as it is in harmony
with the general statements of the other Puranas including
the Vayu which allot more than 400 years to the Andhra
dynasty.
Dr. Smith accepted the general statement of the Puranas

that there were 29 or 30 kings who ruled successively for a
period of four and half centuries and placed the beginning
of the Andhra rule in the last quarter of the 3rd century B.C.
He observed, "the independent Andhra dynasty must have
begun its rule about 240 or 230 B.C. long before the depression
of the Kanvas about 28 B.C. and the Andhra king who slew
Susarman cannot possibly have been Simutea". Rapson, like
Smith, held that 'the most complete of the extent
lists can only be interpreted as indicating that the founder
Simuka began to reign before 200 B.C.
Prof. G.V. Rao, and Dr. O. Ramachandraiya while rejecting

the views of Bhandankar and Roy Choudhury and agreeing
with the conclusion of Dr. Smith and Rapson as nearer to
truth, placed the beginning of the Andhra Satavahana rule
in 271 B.C.
On the assumption that the 15th king of the Matsya

list, Pulomavi I was the slayer of Susarman of the Kanva
family and the conqueror of Magadha in 28 B.C., the learned
professors came to the conclusion that 271 B.C. was the year
in which the foundation of Andhra Satavahana rule was laid.
The Satavahanas 21
The reason for bestowing this greatness on Pulomavi

may be imagined from two points : (1) The Vayu while giving
only important names of the dynasty, by way of passing
reference mentioned the first four rulers by name, kept silent
tilt the advent of Pulomavi, and from him onwards gave a com-
plete and fuller list of kings which fully corresponds with the
detailed Matsya list upto Gautamiputra. By the very mention
of Pulomavi as the first in the second group of its list, the
Vayu indirectly hints the prominence of the ruler who in all
probability might be the ruler who slew Susarman in 28 B.C.
2} The fondness shown by he Satavahana rulers in bearing

that name undoubtedly indicate the importance of the king
who first appeared with that name. His successors must
have regarded him as a great ruler whose memory must be
cherished- We find four rulers, who came after Pulomavi,
with that name, and that name was very much coveted next
to the name of Satakarni. The importance of the name is
further heightened by the statement in the Matsya, viz: "As
to the Andhras, they are the Pulomas". To cherish his
memory by his successors and descendants, Pulomavi's achieve-
ments must have been very great and ever remembering.
This memorable achievement in all probability might be his
conquest of Magadha after slaying Susarma in 28 B.C.
On the assumption that Pulornavi I was the conquaror

of Magadha and slayer of Susarman in 28 B.C., we may deter-
mine the initial year of Simuka, the founder of the dynasty.
The total reign of the 4 immediate predecessors of Pulomavi,
was 19 years. During this period, the dynasty had to face
considerable decline in its fortunes. To regain the lost glory
and to set the house in order, Pulomavi, must have spent a
considerable part of his reign. If we allot a period of 15
years to entrench himself fully in his seat, his attack on Magadha
and its conquest must have taken place in 28 B C. + 15=43 B.C.
Before him, there were 14 kings whose total reign covered
a period of 228 years Hence the first ruler Simuka, the
founder of the dynasty must have come to prominence in
228 + 43 B C =271 BC
The accuracy of 271 B.C. as the starting point of the

Andhra Satavahana 'defacto' rule by Simuka may be verified
and found correct by following another independent line of
reasoning, outside the equation of Pulomavi I with the slayer
of Susarman. The Hatigumpha inscription of Kharavela and
the Nanaghat inscription of Naganika help us in this quest.
In the Hatigumpha inscription, the name of one Satakarni was
mentioned. King Kharavela (of Kalinga) in his second regnal
year, sent his armies west "heedless of Satakarni". The date
of the Hatigumpha inscription is not known. But it furnishes
the scholars a clue, by mentioning Dimita, the name of a
Yavana king who retreated before Kharavela in the later's eigth
regnal year. This Dimita has been identified with Demetrius I,
the son of Euthydemos, whose invasion against India failed
because of Kharavela's opposition and also on account of trou-
bles at home. This fact has been confirmed by Gargi-Samhita
of Yugapurana. According to Meyer the return of Demetrius
occured in 175 B.C. This was the 8th regnal year of Kharavela.
Six years earlier Kharavela sent his armies against Satakarni.
Therefore in 181 B.C., 'A Satakarni' was ruling the Andhra king-
dom. (175+(8-2) =181 B.C.) The Nanaghat inscription of
Naganika refered to one Satakarni. Both the inscriptions, the
Nanaghat and the Hatigumpha, on palaeographical grounds,
were accepted by all scholars as contemporary documents for
'the alphabet of the former agrees generally with that of the
latter'. Satakarni of Nanaghat record had been styled as
Aprathihatacakra, and Dakshinapadhapathi. The 6th ruler of
the Matsya and the 3rd ruler of the Vayu was one Satakarni.
Both the Puranas have given him identical reign of 56 years.
The name of the third ruler in other Puranas was variously
given. Satakarni of the Nanaghat record was a staunch follower
of Brahmanism and is said to have performed a number of
Vedic sacrifices, including two Aswamedhas and one Rajasuya.
Therefore, Satakarni, who appeared in the Nanaghat and Hati-
gumpha inscriptions, can be equated with Satakarni, who
appeared as the 6th of the Matsya and 3rd of the Vayu lists.
On the basis of this identification, we can say that Satakarni
of the Satavahana dynasty was the ruling king of the Andhra
Kingdom in 181 B.C., when Kharavela sent his armies west.
The Satavahanas 23
with out paying any heed of his existence. To entrench him-

self in his seat and become a powerful rival to a great king
like Kharavete, Satakarni must have come to the throne some
3 or 4 years before the dispatch of the armies by Kharavela
against west. The five predecessors (according to Matsya)
rules for 87 years. Therefore Simuka must have founded the)
dynasty in 271 B.C. (181+3 + 87 = 271 B.C.) This date is
fully in accordance with the calculation made by suppossing
that Pulomavi I was the king who slew Susarman in 28 B.C.
and that some 15 years before that he must have sit on the
throne Of the Andhra country (28 + 15 + 228 = 271 B.C.).
4. Later Satavahana Chronology

The correctness of 271 B.C. as the starting point of the
Satavahana rule under Simuka, may be verified and established
from the known dates of Kshatrapas and other foreign kings.
The foreign powers such as the Sakas and the Pahlavas in
the closing years of the 1st Century B.C. and in the beginning
years of the 1st century A.D. became powerful and established
their sway in Malwa, Surashtra and other western areas. It
was mainly on account of these foreign onslaughts, the power
of the Satavahanas for sometime had to register a shart decline,
subsequent to the reign of Pulomavi. The king who once again
retrieved the fallen fortunes of the Satavahana dynasty to its
former glory was Gautamiputra Sri Satakarni, the 23rd king
in the Matsya list. His mother Gautami Bala Sri, registering
a gift at Nasik in the 19th regnal year of her grandson
Pulomavi II, describes the great qualities of her son Gautami-
putra Sri Satakarni as the destroyer of the Sakas, Yavanas
and Pahlavas and the annihilator of the line of the Kshaharatas.
Another inscription at Nasik recorded in the 18th regnal year
of Gautamiputra furnishes details of a campaign. A large
number of Nahapana's coins found in the Jogelthembi hoard
were restruck by Gautamiputra. All the regions mentioned in
Bala Sri's inscription as belonging to Gautamiputra Satakarni
were referred to in the inscriptions of Usavadata, the son-in-law
of Nahapana and his minister Ayama, as were in the occupation
of Nahapana. These inscriptions were issued in Nahapana's
years 41, 42, 45 and 46 at Nasik. Karle and Junnar. Whether

the above years refer to Saka era or the regnal years of
Nahapana is the problem. Prof. Rapson believing the years to
be of Saka era, tried to fix the date of Gautamiputra on the
basis of the Gimar record. The Girnar inscription dated 72
Saka, i.e. 150 AD., shows most of the territories of Gautami-
putra as included in the kingdom of Rudradaman, the Kardamaka
ruler of Ujjain. Rapson who based his chronological scheme
on Nahapana-Gautamiputra synchronism, and on the date of
the Girnar record observed that it would not be improbable
that Nahapana's reign could not have extended much beyond
the last recorded year = 46 = 124 A.D. Gautamiputra's con-
quests of Nahapana seems undoubtedly ....to have taken place
in the 18th year of his reign. We therefore have the equation :
Gautamiputra's years 18 = 124 A.D. or 124 A.D. + x. On this
synchronism, on the recorded regnal dates in the inscriptions
of Andhra kings, on the known date 72 Saka = 150 A.D. of
Rudradamana as Mahakshtrapa rests at present the whole
foundation of the later Andhra Satavahana chronology. On
the basis of the above observation. Prof. Rapson placed the
starting year of Gautamiputra Satakarni's reign in 106 A.D.
and as he is said to have ruled for 24 years, the reign, according
to him came to an end in 130 A.D. But the discovery of
Andhau inscriptions of Chastana and Rudradaman, the Karda-
maka rulers proved Rapson's view erroneous. The Andhau in-
scriptions are dated 20 years earlier than Girnar record, i.e.,
72 Saka —20 = 52 Saka = 130 A.D. According to these inscrip-
tions, Chastana was in possession of all lands between Andhau
and Ujjain, i.e. from Kutch to Malwa. The Greek Geographer
Ptolemy in his account {130 A.D.) referred to one Testenes',
identified as Chastana as ruling at Ozene (Ujjain)- If, according
to Rapson, in 124 A.D. Gautamiputra, in his 18th regnal year
launched on a career of conquest after the death of Nahapana,
we would have to ponder that could he have effected the con-
quest of so vast a territory, which according to Bala Sri's
record of Nasik include Anupa, Aparanta, Akara, Avanti, Suratha
and Kukura kingdoms, and extended his sway as far as the
Aravalis in the north. To effect conquests of such a vast
area in a short period of 6 years is hardly sufficient. Even if
The Satavahanas 25
we agree with the learned Professor that so great a warrior

like Gautamiputra could have effected conquests of such magni-
tude with such lightening rapidity within a short span of 6
years, we must also agree to the fact that all these magnificent
conquests were made only to be lost after 6 years, for the
Andhau inscriptions of 130 A.D. tell us that all these lands,
said to have been conquered by Gautamiputra, were in the
occupation of Chastana and Rudradaman of the Kardamaka
dynasty. From this we are to presume that the areas that were
conquered by Gautamiputra between 124 A.D.-130 A.D. were
occupied by the Kardamakas, immediately after his death. If
this supposition is accepted, we must conclude that the glory
of the Andhras was short-lived. But a close study of Bala
Sri's record of Nasik would not allow us to cling to this
supposition.
The Nasik inscription was issued by Bala Sri, the mother

of Gautamiputra in the 19th regnal year of her grandson Pulo-
mavi-ll, the son and successor of Gautamiputra. In this in-
scription, she recounted the exploits of her son with pride. If
by 130 A.D. Chastana could occupy all these lands between
Andhau and Ujjain during the life time of Gautamiputra itself,
according to Rapson, his mother would not have sung the
glories of her son which were only euphemeral. Another
supporting factor is that there is no scope to take the view
that these lands were lost during the time of Pulomavi, for
there is nothing in the inscriptions of Pulomavi to suggest any
reduction of his dominions during his reign. Therefore it is in-
conceivable that Gautamiputra must have lost a part of his
dominions to Chastana and Rugradaman in 130 A.D.
Like Rapson, R.G. Bhandarkar also thought that the years
of Nahapana belong to Saka era and in order to avoid chrono-
logical improbabilities, suggested a conjoint rule for Gautami-
putra and Pulomavi II. He came to this conclusion on the
basis of Bala Sri's statement that she was 'Maharajamata and
Maharaja Pithamahi'.
Neither the equation of Nahapana's years with the Saka
era nor the conjoint rule of Gautamiputra and his son Pulomavi.
as postulated by R.G. Bhandarkar can be accepted. The mere

mention of Maharajamatha and Maharajapitamahi, the appear-
ance of Gautamiputra's name in the Nasik inscription of Pulo-
mavi as 'Dhanakatakasami' and the mention of Ptolemy to
Polemios (Pulomavi) as the ruler of Paithan cannot establish
the fact of a conjoint rule of the father and son. The pro-
bable position would be that in the 24th regnal year, Gautami-
putra had donated an excavated cave to the Buddhist monks
at Nasik. After 19 years of his death, his mother who out-
lived him for a longtime, during the reign of her grandson
Pulomavi II, gifted a cave and in the inscription that was issued
on that occasion, praised the great qualities of her son, who
was no more by that time. In the Nasik inscription issued
in the 24th regnal year of Gautamiputra, Bala Sri referred to
him as one living (Jivasuata). In another Nasik inscription,
issued by Pulomavi II in his 19th regnal year, it has been stated
that the merit of the gift is said to have been made over to
his father (Pitupatiyo). Such transfer of the merit of gifts
are made only in favour of deceased persons. Another point
which disproved the supposition of a conjoint rule of the father
and the son is that had Gautamiputra been alive and ruling over
the territories as the senior king, the necessity of dating the
inscription in the regnal period of Pulomavi II would not have
arisen. Therefore the theory of conjoint rule of Gautamiputra
and his son Pulomavi, as advocated by R.G. Bhandarkar cannot
be accepted.
Regarding the years 41. 42, 45 and 46 of Nahapana, dif-

ferent views have been expressed. Some scholars like Banerji
feel that they were the regnal years of Nahapana. Accepting
the view of Cunningham, Prof. K.A.N. Sastri held them to be
of Vikrama era. Rapson and Bhandarkar feel that they indicate
the Saka era. This last supposition has been disproved by the
discovery of Andhau inscriptions. If the view that they belong
to Vikrama era is taken into consideration, we are forced to
place the 41st year of Nahapana in 17 B.C. (58 B.C.—41 =
17 B.C.) and his last recorded date 46 in 12 B.C. If we agree
with Rapson that Nahapana's reign could not have extended
much beyond the last recorded year 46. 12 B.C. would be the
The Satavahanas 27
uppermost limit of Nahapana's rule. The interval between

Nahapana and Gautamiputra must have been short which could
not have permitted the successors of Nahapana to issue new
coinage. But, if we accept the view that the years of Nahapana
were of Vikrama era, we should place the end of his rule
12 B.C. in which case there would occur a gap of more than
95 years seperating him from Gautamiputra. Therefore the
reckoning of the years of Nahapana in Vikrama era cannot be
made.
The mention of 'Nambanus' whom the scholars have identi-

fied as Nahapana in the Periplus of the Erythrean Sea would
help us to solve the problem of Nahapana's time. Schoff
assigns the 'Periplus' to 60 A.D. According to 'Periplus', the
kingdom of Nambanus lay on either side of the gulf of Combay.
His power was great ail along the sea board of 'Surastrane'
(Saurashtra) and the Greek ships going to Satavahana ports
of Kalyan were diverted to Barygaza (Broach). On the authority
of 'Periplus', it can be told that Nahapana must be the ruling
king of that area by 60 A.D.
Besides the mention of Nahapana (Nambanus), a reference

has been made to two other kings, Sandanas and Saraganes
whom the scholars have identified as Sundara and Chakora
(33-35 A.D.) respectively who were of the Satavahana family
and whose successive reigns were too insignificant to mention,
for their duration was only 11/2 years. Cakora's successor,
Sivasvati enjoyed a long reign of 28 years, during whose rule,
the Satavahana power regained new strength and was on the
road of recovery. According to the chronology adopted by
us, Siva Svati's reign must have come to an end by 63 A.D.
That was also the time of Nahapana's end if we agree with
the supposition that Nahapana and Nambanus are one, and
that the time of the Periplus is about 60 A.D. and that the
46th year of Nahapana was his last year as stated by Prof.
Rapson. This supposition may be strengthened on other
grounds as well. Gautamiputra is described in the Nasik in-
scription as the annihilator of the line of Kshaharatas. These
Kshaharatas were the Kshatrapas of Saurashtra and Malwa.
In the opinion of V.S. Bakhle, the Kshaharatas were Pahlavas,

and the Kardamakas were Sakas. The rulers of Kshaharata
and Kardamaka families assumed the official titles as Kshatrapas
and Mahakshatrapas respectively. Both these rulers were
perhaps feudatories of the Saka-Pahlava power of Mathura, to
which that great king Rajula belonged. Rajula passed away
in 17 A.D. (f we presume Nahapana to be a Kshatraoa of
Rajula, he must have become independent after his death and
started his rule in his own right as an independent king in
Saurashtra. His rule must come to an end by 63 A.D. (17 A.D.
+ 46 = 63 A.D.). That was the year also in which Gautamiputra
Satakarni ascended the throne at Dhanakataka, according to the
chronological scheme that we have adopted.
Gautamiputra, the successor of Siva Svati who became

ruler in 63 A.D. in his 18th regnal year launched on a career
of conquest and occupied all the lands that were once acknow-
ledged the sway of Nahapana between 81 A.D. and 87 A.D
and after him his son Pulomavi It. The Kardamakas rose to
power and their chief Chastana, with the help of his illustrious
grandson Rudradaman succeeded in occupying the lands from
Andhau to Ujjain between 115-130 A.D. These conquests
must have been effected during the weak rule of Siva Sri and
Siva Skanda (115 to 129 A.D.) In 129 A.D. Yajna Sri Saia-
karni occupied the throne and came into conflict with the
Kardamaka ruler Rudradaman with a view to reconquer the
tost territories. The Girnar inscription describes how Rudrada-
man defeated one Satakarni king twice and seized him but
released him as he was closely related to him.
From the above discussion the following points can be

gleaned namely (1) that Siva Svati and Nahapana were con-
temporaries and that their respective periods of rule came to
an end by 63 A.D., (2) that Gautamiputra who succeeded Siva
Svati, occupied all lands described in Bate Sri's inscription
between 81 A.D. -87 A.D. from the Kshaharatas; (3) that these
lands which were occupied by Gautamiputra were in posses-
sion of the Andhras till the end of Pulomavi II's rule; (4) that
the said lands from Andhau to Ujjain were occupied by Chastana
The Satavahanas 29
and Rudradaman, the Kardamaka rulers after the death of

Pulomavi II, and lastly (5) that Yajna Sri who was a con-
temporary of Rudradaman tried to regain the lost possessions
from the Kardamakas, but was twice defeated.
The contemporaneity of Yajna Sri with Rudradaman has

been accepted by Haricharana Ghosh. According to him, Yajna
Sri's accession to the throne took place in 127 A.D. He came
to this conclusion on the basis of Yajna Sri's Kanheri inscrip-
tion and Rudradaman's Girnar inscription. According to him
Yajna Sri was in possession of Aparanta upto 16th year of his
sovereignty as may be inferred from his record at Kanheri. The
Girnar inscription dated 72 Saka = 150 A.D. shows that the
territory of Aparanta was in the possession of Rudradaman.
Hence an inference can be made that Yajna Sri lost Aparanta
some time after his 16th regnal year. This 'sometime' accord-
ing to Ghosh may not be more than 10 years. He felt that the
repairs to the lake were effected in 150 A.D. (72 Saka) but
the issue of the inscription was made after some time which
according to him was 3 years, i.e. in 153 A.D. (75 Saka).
Hence Yajna Sri's accession to the throne must have taken
place in 153 A.D.-16-10 = 127 A.D.
On the basis of Yajna Sri's year of accession to the throne,

the initial year of the Satavahana rule may be fixed. Yajna Sri's
rule was preceeded by 26 kings, whose total rule according
to Matsya was 396 1/2 years. Therefore the year of Simuka's
accession to power would be 396 1/2 -127 = 269 1/2 + y or 271 A.D.
This is in accordance with the chronology adopted by us earlier.
51
introduction
5. Political History of the Satavahanas

The vague, disputed and uncorroborated doubtful evidences
form the basis for the history of the Satavahanas. The Jain
sources mention Satavahana as the first king in the family. The
Kathasaritsagara also contains a story about Satavahana. The
Kondapur coins bear the legend 'Sadvahana'. On scriptal
grounds this Satavahana is placed close to (either before or
contemporaneous with) Simuka, the first ruler of the family
mentioned in the Puranas. The latest discovery, Kotilingala
coins (from Karimnagar district) included seven coins belong-
ing to this Simuka. The legend on these coins strengthens
the possibility that the king Satavahana of Kondapur coins is
none other than Simuka himself who is called Simuka Sata-
vahana in a Nanaghat label inscription also. It may be assumed
that Simuka Satavahana was the founder of the dynasty and
his successors called themselves Satavahanas.
Though Simuka Satavahana was the reputed founder of
the Satavahana line of kings, he had not founded an indepen-
dent state. He was probably the first to bring several Andhra
family groups together and to oblige them to recognise him as
their mutual and unique leader. He emerged as a prominent
figure about 271 B.C. When the great Asoka Maurya, accord-
ing to the Buddhist sources, was waging a bitter war of suc-
cession against his brothers. With Asoka's show of force
in the Kalinga war, Simuka and his associates who held power
for 23 years were content with their semi-independent status,
Kanha (Krishna), the brother and successor of Simuka,
came under the spell of Asoka's increasing zeal for Dharma.
A cave at Nasik for the Sramanas was constructed. Taking
advantage of Asoka's death and the disturbed conditions in
the Magadhan capital, Kanha probably broke off from the
Mauryan yoke and acquired an independent status for the
area under his authority.
The earliest of the Satavahana rulers to receive wide re-
cognition was Satakami-ll (184 B.C.—128 B.C.), the sixth of
the Matsya corresponding to the third of the Vayu list and
The Satavahanas 33
also to Satakami of both Kharavela's Hathigumpha inscription

and Naganika's Nanaghat record. The wide recognition was
due to his policy of military expansion in all directions. He
defied Kharavela of Kalinga. He was the 'lord of Pratishthana'
(modem Paithan in the north-western Deccan. He conquered
eastern Malwa which was being threatened by the Sakas and
the Greeks. He gained control of the region of Sanchi. After
conquering the Godavari valley, Satakami became the 'lord of
the Southern Regions' (Dakshinapathapati). He supported the
brahman orthodoxy and performed an Aswamedha to establish
his claim to an empire.
The Satavahanas did not hold the western Deccan for long.
They were gradually pushed out of the west by the Sakas
(Western Khatrapas). The Kshaharata Nahapana's coins in
the Nasik area indicate that the Western Kshatrapas controlled
this region by the first century A.D. By becoming master of
wide regions including Malwa, Southern Gujarat, and Northern
Konkan, from Broach to Sopara and the Nasik and Poona dis-
tricts, Nahapana rose from the status of a mere Kshatrapa in
the year 41 (58 A.D.) to that of Mahakshatrapa in the year
46 (63 A.D.).
Gatitamiputra Satakami, the 23rd king of the Matsya list,

was one of the most illustrious rulers of ancient India. His
reign is placed between 62 A.D. and 86 A.D. Some scholars
attribute to him the foundation of the Safivahana era in 78 A.D.
Gautamiputra was credited with the restoration of the fallen
prestige of the dynasty. The Nasik inscription of his mother
Gautami Bala Sri and his own records at Nasik and Karte fur-
nish us a vivid account of his accomplishments and achieve-
ments. His phenomenal success realized his ambition to re-
cover the imperial position of the Satavahanas. He first won
back the territories on his western borders from the Kshaharata
successors of Nahapana. Nahapana's coins were restruck in
his name. Bala Sri's record credits him with the extirpation
of the Kshaharata family. It is solid that he humbled the power
and pride of the Kshatriyas and destroyed the Yavanas, Sakas
and Pahlavans.
3)
HISTORY OF THE ANDHRAS
34
The Satavahanas 35
Gautamiputra Satakarni's dominions included the countries

of Asika. Asaka, Mulaka, Surashtra, Kakura, Aparanta, Anupa,
Vidarbha, Akara and Avanti, the mountainous regions of
Virtdhya, Achavata, Pariyatra. Sahya, Kanhagiri, Siritana, Malaya.
Mahendra, Seta and Chokora and extended as far as the seas
on either side. These details indicate the extent of his empire
over the country between Rajasthan and Cuddalore and between
the Rishikulya and Vaijayanti. Gautamiputra made his horses
drink the waters of the three oceans. He was uniquely skilled
as an archer, absolute as a sovereign and a figure of the heroic
mould.
Though an absolute monarch, Gautamiputra was kind to

his subjects and a father to his people. He tried to fulfil the
duties of the Trivarga-Dharma, Artha and Kama. He shared
the sorrows and pleasures of his people. He is described as
'the abode of the Vedas'. A pious and orthodox Brahmin, he
was meticulous in maintaining caste-purity.
Gautamiputra's son and successor Vasisthiputra Pulomavi

(86-114 A.D.) could not maintain for long his hold over his
vast inheritance. During the last years of his rule, he lost the
north-western provinces of the Andhra empire to Chashtana,
the founder of the Western Kshatrapa Kardamaka line. His
successors, Siva Sri and Sivaskanda each ruled for seven years
during which period the house of Chashtana expanded its
authority upto Cutch in the west by 130 A.D. Chashtana's
grandson Rudradaman made his substantial contribution in
the growth of the Kardamaka power.
Gautamiputra Yajna Sri (128 A.D. - 157 A.D.) was the

last of the great Satavahana rulers. He made attempts to
recover the western (Aparanta) provinces. His efforts proved
futile. Rudradaman won over the disgruntled Vasisthiputra
Satakami, a relation of Yajna Sri, to his side by giving him
his daughter in marriage. The two encounters between Yajna
Sri and Rudradaman's forces went against the Andhras. The
Saka suzerainty was acknowledged. The Satavahana rule was
confined to the Andhra area. The reigns of Yajna Sri's suc-

cessors, Vijaya, Chanda Sri and Pulomavi (III), covering alto-
gether a period of seventeen years, are of little significance
historically. The rise of the Chutus in the west and south, the
Abhiras in the Nasik area, the Ikshvakus in the east and the
relentless pressure of the Kardamakas of Ujjain sounded the
death-knell of the Satavahana empire. Thus came to an end
the glorious phase of the rule of the Satavahanas who not only
gave the area political integrity but protected it from foreign
invaders who inundated the North at that time.
6. The Salavahana - Western Kshtrapa Relations

The Andhra Satavahanas ruled for four centuries and a
half in the Deccan. During their rule they came into contact
with their neighbouring kingdoms, the prominent of which was
that of the Western Kshatrapas. During the Indo-Parthian rule,
the Satraps or Governors were appointed to rule over various
areas conquered by them. One of those satrapal seats was
Malwa and Saurashtra. The chronology of the Satavahanas
and the early phase of the Kshatrapa rule have been controver-
sial. The Kshatrapa rule includes that of the Kshaharatas like
Bhumaka and Nahapana and of the Kardanraka family from
Chashtana onwards. Of the Kshaharatas, Bhumaka was the
first ruler. From the palaeography of his coin legends, he is
regarded as the predecessor of Nahapana; but the actual rela-
tionship between the two is not known. The coins of Bhumaka
mention him as a Kshaharata Kshatrapa. The coins show the
symbol of the Lion-capital. These coins were found in Gujarat
and rarely in Malwa which might indicate the area of rule of
Bhumaka. The figure of the thunder-bolt appearing on Naha-
pana's coins resembles that of the Mathura Kshatrapas. It is
also known that some of the inscriptions of the Mathura
Kshatrapas were incised on a lion capital. These show that
the two families were alike. There are scholars who conclude
from these resemblances that the Kshatrapa Kshaharatas were
originally subordinates of the Mathura Kshatrapas and that
they declared themselves independent after the death of the
great Mathura Kshatrapa Rajula in 17 A.D.
The Satavahanas 37
Nahapana succeeded Bhumaka on the western Kshatrapa

throne. During his rule, the kingdom seems to have been
extended, as is known from the inscnptions. An inscription
at Nasik refers to the gifts given by Ushavadata, the son-in-law
of Nahapana at places like Govardhana, Sopara, Dasapura,
Prabhasa. Barulachchhg and Pushkara. Nahapano's inscriptions
were discovered at Nasik, Karle and Junnar. These taken
together show that in the north Nahapana's empire extended
upto Rajasthan and in the south to Maharashtra.
The Periplus of the Erythrean Sea composed in 60 A.D.

records the hegemony of Nahapana in this area and refers to
the trade activity of Western India with the Red Sea ports,
which was grabbed by Nahapana after defeating the Satavahana
rivals probably Sundara Satakarni and Chakora Satakami, The
Satavahana ports like Kalyan and Sopara lost their commercial
importance to Barygaza.
In the inscriptions, mention of Nahapana's years 41-46

was made. There has been a controversy with regard to the
ere to which these years should be assigned. Scholars like
R.G. Bhandarkar, D.R. Bhandarkar, Prof. Rapson, Roy Chowdhuri,
D.C. Circar and V.D. Mirashi assign them to the Saka era.
Another set of scholars like Cunningham, V.S. Bakhle,
K.A.N. Sastry and G.V. Rao think that they were dated in the
Vrkrama era. But the difficulty in these two propositions is that
Nahapana would be placed either in the 2nd century A.D. or
in the 1st century B.C. respectively, both of which are improb-
able in view of evidence of the Periplus.
The evidence of the Periplus leading to a 1st century A.D.

date for Nahapane has to be accepted. The difficulties in the
assignment of Nahapana's years to one of the two eras have
been exposed by scholars like R.D. Banerji, A.S. Altekar etc.
Taking these years as the regnal years of Nahapana, these
scholars placed him in the second half of the 1st century A.D.
There is also a belief that these years could be the independent
years of rule of the Kshaharatas in Malwa and Saurashtra,
probably when there was weak succession on the Mathura
Kshatrapa throne. Anyway Nahapana's rule cannot be extended

beyond 60 or 70 A.D. because at the time when Periplus was
writing, Nahapana's power was at its zenith. So it is quite
likely that the years referred to in the inscriptions could be
equivalent to 60 or 70 A.D.
Nahapana's rule was put to an end by Gautamiputra

Satakarni, the first of the later Satavahanas. His main credit
was the destruction of Kshaharata power and the restoration
of the fortunes of the Satavahana family. The Nasik prasasti
issued in his son's reign gives a good description of the
achievements of Gautamiputra over the Kshaharatas and the
Sakas, Yavanas and the Pahlavas. It is not known as to
whether the Scytho-Parthians who ruled until the establishment
of Kushana power effectively in northern India, came to the
rescue of the Kshaharatas who were definitely defeated by
Gautamiputra.
In addition to the achievements recorded by Gautamiputra

at a later time, we have a little information from one of the
inscriptions. The Nasik inscription dated in the 18th year was
issued from the battle field after his success over an unnamed
enemy. The same inscription also records the grant of the
land to the Buddhist monks and it is stated that the land was
in possession of Ushavadata earlier. From this, scholars con-
clude that the erstwhile Kshaharata possession went into the
hands of Gautamiputra by his 18th regnal year. The list of
areas mentioned in his son's inscription shows that Saurashtra,
Aparanta, Malwa and parts of Rajasthan were occupied by
Gautamiputra. After this victory, he seems to have restruck
the coins of Nahapana as is known from the Jogelthambi hoard
of coins.
Gautamiputra retained all these areas during his life time.

He died in circa dated 87 A.D. and was succeeded by his son
Vasisthiputra Pulomavi. The latter ruled for 28 years, i.e. from
87 A.O. to 115 A.D. Till his 19th regnal year, the areas of rule
under Gautamiputra must have been retained by Pulomavi,
The Satavahanas 39
because the Nasik inscription of that year refers to Gautami-

putra's areas of rule and also styles Pulomavi as 'Dakshina-
patheswara'. During the last 9 years of rule, he must have
lost the Malwa region to Chashtana, who was the founder
of the Kardamaka line. The Kardamakas were at first sub-
ordinates to the Kushanas. Later on they might have become
independent.
According to Ptotemy, Chashtana of Ujjain was ruling at

the time when Pulomavi was ruling at Paithan. So the seizure
of some of the Satavahana possessions must have taken place
between 106 A.D. and 114 A.D. The clashes between the
Kardamakas and Satavahanas continued during the rule of
Siva Sri and Siva Skanda on one side and Chashtana and
Jayadaman on the other. During these conflicts must have
occured the death of Jayadaman who predeceased his father
Chashtana. The latter could have obtained the territory in
between Malwa and Kutch including Saurashtra by about
130 A.D. The Andhau inscriptions of Chashtana issued along
with his grandson Rudradaman show the western limit of the
Kardamaka empire.
Meanwhile by 129 A.D., Yajna Sri Satakarni came to the
Satavahana throne. During his rule, he had to contend against
the power of Rudradaman who came to the throne in or after
130 A.D. In the Girnar inscription of Rudradaman, dated in
the year 72 corresponding to 150 A.D., the king is said to have
defeated the 'Dakshinapathapati' Satakarni and liberated because
of his non-remote relationship. This ruler could have been
Yajna Sri Satakarni. The Aparanta region seems to have been
the arena of conflict between the two empires. Yajna Sri's
defeat must have occured after his 16th year of rule because
his inscription dated in that year comes from Kanheri. The
Aparanta territory thenceforth became a Kshatrapa possession.
After the reign of Yajna Sri, the rulers of the Satavahana family
could not regain these areas and had to be contended with
parts of the Andhra area.
While there had been conflicts throughout between the
Satavahanas and the Western Kshatrapas, evidence also points
to one matrimonial alliance between the two families (Karda-

makas and Satavahanas). This is known from an inscription
at Kanheri which mentions the daughter of one Mahakshatrapa
Rudradaman, who was the queen of one Vasisthiputra Sata-
kami. The identity of Vasisthiputra Satakami and his relation-
ship with Yajna Sri are problematic. Scholars like Rapson
and Smith identify him with Vasisthiputra Pulomavi. This is
improbable because of the contemporaniety of Vasisthiputra
Pulomavi with Chashtana. tt is likely that Vasisthiputra Sata-
karni was a successor of Pulomavi who must have had some
clashes with the other Satavahana rulers for succession to the
throne and who thereby must have entered into this matrimonial
alliance with the Kshatrapas. This might also explain the
absence of reference to his name in the Puranic list of the
Andhra kings. He must have been benefitted by this alliance
as an inscription at Nanaghat was issued by him in his 13th
year which indicates that the Aparanta region went into the
hands of Vasisthiputra Satakarni with the consent of his father-
in-law Rudradaman.
Thus during the first and second centuries A.D., fortune

favoured for a time the Kshaharatas, later the Satavahanas and
afterwards the Kardamakas in the possession of Western India.
There had been throughout a conflict between the Satavahanas
and the Western Kshatrapas. The areas that were conquered
by Rudradaman to a large extent retained by his successors
The Satavahanas confined themselves to the Andhra region for
nearly a quarter of a century more when their power eclipsed
finally.
7. Cultural Condition Under the Satavahanas

The cultural history of the period is the history of Aryaniza-
tion of the country. 'Administration, social and economic life,
religion and philosophy, art and literature—in fact every branch
of human activity, was recast in the Aryan mould. The Vedic
rishis. Mauryan officers and Buddhist missionaries alike by
precept and example hastened the revolutionary change and
served to implant Aryan institutions firmly in the Deccani soil.'
The Satavahanas 41
The Satavahanas accepted them and deliberately and consciously

followed the policy laid down in the Sastras available to them.
ADMINISTRATION
The extent of the Satavahana empire fluctuated continually

according to the political vicissitudes of the times. At its
zenith, their empire stretched from the Bay of Bengal in the
east to the Arabian sea in the west and embraced the entire
region between the Narmada in the north and the Krishna in
the south. There is also archaeiological evidence regarding the
Satavahana conquest of Malwa and the Puranic evidence for
their control over the ancient imperial capital of Magadha, i.e.
Pataliputra. Being the political successors of the Mauryans,
they borrowed much from the Mauryan administrative system.
Their government was based upon hereditory absolute mon-
archy. They were not content with the simple title of Raja.
Gautamiputra Satakarni bore the imperial title 'Rajarano' i.e. of
King of Kings. The rulers regarded themselves as the guardians
of social and political order and the welfare of their subjects.
For administrative purposes, the empire was divided into

a number of Aharas or Rashtras (Govardhana, Sopara. Manrrala,
Satavahana etc.), each of which consisted of at least one central
town (Nigama) and a number of villages. The Amatyas
governed these Aharas. The Maharathis and the Mahabhojas,
the feudatory chieftains, were superior in rank and power to
the Amatyas. The inscriptions refer to officers like Mahassna-
pati, Heranika, Bhandagarika, Mahamatra, Lekhaka and Niban-
dhakaras. Gramas (villages) and Nigamas (towns) were the
lowest administrative units. Considerable autonomy was there
in managing the affairs of these units. The trade and merchant
guilds (srenies) played an important part in this regard.
SOCIAL CONDITIONS
During this period, the people were familiar with the Aryan
fourfold division of society into Brahmins, Kshatriyas, Vaisyas
and Sudras. Outside the Aryan influence were the indigenous
tribes, indifferent to Aryan ways of life and thought. People

were known according to their professions such as the Halika
(cultivator), the Sethi (merchant), the Kolika (Weaver) and
the Gadhika (druggist). The Buddhists and the Saka-Pahlavas
shook in social structure considerably. The foreigners were
becoming absorbed in the indigenous society by adopting the
faith and customs here and through intermarriages with the
caste people. It is true Gautamiputra Satakami attempted in
restoring the balance and stopping the contamination of the
castes. Yet caste rules were not strictly observed.
Inscriptions and other records indicate the prominence of

women in social life. Their lavish charity and assumption of
the titles of their husbands like Mahatalavari signify their
economic and social status. The sculptures of the period
reveal their scanty dress and profuse ornamentation. Joint
family system was another normal feature of society in the
Aryan patriarchal mould. The prevalence of polygamy among
the princes was revealed by the metronymic tithes (calling sons
after their mothers), which some of the later Satavahanas bore
along with the personal name.
ECONOMIC CONDITIONS
In the economic sphere, agriculture was the mainstay of

both the people and the government. The country abounded
in agricultural products. The king collected the traditional
one-sixth of the produce as the share of the state. Salt was
a state monopoly.
industry and commerce occupied the next place in the
economic life of the state. Various classes of workers such
as Kularika (potters), Kolika (weaver), Vasakara (bamboo
worker), Dhanntka (com dealer) and ICamara (iron worker)
are known from the inscriptions. Most of these crafts and
trades were organised into guilds or srenis. These guilds
provided banking facilities.
There was brisk inland trade and sea-borne commerce.
Paithan, Tagara, Karahataka, Nasik, Govardhana Vaijayanti,
The Satavahanas 43
D-hanyakataka, Vijayapura and Vinukonda were great inland

market towns of the period. They were connected with each
other and with the important parts by roads. Ptolemy described
Barukachcha and Kalyan on the west and Maisolia, Allosygne
and Apheterion on the east as greet centres of foreign trade.
The Periplus of the Erythrean Sea notes that Barukachacha
imported wines, silver vessels, fine cloth and ornaments white
her exports included ivory, agate, silk cloth and pepper. The
number and variety of the Satavahana coins also prove this
vigorous commercial activity. The Roman gold flowed into
the Deccan for articles of luxury.
The Satavahana period also witnessed an active maritime

activity (as revealed by the ship-marked coins of Pulomavi and
Yajnasri Satakarni) with the Far East, Ptolemy and the
Periplus give descriptions of the Indian settlements in Burma,
Sumatra, Arakan and Champa.
RELIGIOUS CONDITIONS
Most of the Satavahana rulers were staunch followers of

the Vedic religion with its ritual and caste system. Satakarni II
of the Nanaghat record performed a number of Vedic sacrifices
including Aswamedhas and Rajasuya. Gautamiputra restored
the caste system and protected the Brahmins. Adherence to
the Vedic creed is also indicated by the name of King Yajna Sri.
The invocations to various gods like Indra, Sankarshana, Vasu-
deva, Surya, Varuna etc. show the transition from the Vedic
to Puranic pantheon. This feature is prominently reflected in
Hala's Gatha Saptasati wherein there are references to Pasupali
and Gauri, Rudra and Parvati, Lakshmi and Narayana. The
Aryanized foreigners and mixed castes had the solace in the
Puranas. As PT. Srinivasa lyyangar observed, the two cults-
Vedic and Agamic had coalesced completely during this period
and modern Hinduism was born.
The Satavahana kings were renowned for their spirit of

tolerance They even extended their patronage to the Buddhist
ascetics. Buddhism commanded greater influence with the
women folk (especially with the royal ladies) and with the
masses. It was in fact the heyday of Buddhism in the Deccan.
The Buddhist monuments at Nasik, Karie, Bhaja, Bedsa, Ajanta,
Amaravati. Jaggayyapeta and Nagarjunakonda show the
Chaitya cult predomment in the South. Mehasanghika sects
flourished. Acharya Nagarjuna received patronage from the
ruler Yajna Sri and from his time Andhra became the stronghold
of Mahayanism. Due to the patronage and great services of
Kharavela of Kalinga, Jain ism made considerable progress in
the coastal region to the north of river Krishna.
LITERATURE
As regards the contemporary system of education and

literary development, it is but natural that the Aryan,
teachers and missionaries brought with them, into the Deccan
their own literature and methods of instruction. The elaborate
sacrifices performed by Satakarni II show how the priests
were well-versed in the Vedic literature. The Asokan Edicts
in the Deccan prove the familiarity of the people with the
Brahmi script and the Prakrit language. Almost all the records
of the Satavahana period are in Prakrit. Instruction in secular
and sacred learning was imparted in the asramas of the
Brahmins or the Viharas of the Buddhists and the Jains, which
received liberal grants from the rulers. The craft and trade
guilds too might have served the cause of education.
Among the literary works of outstanding merit produced

during this period under the patronage of the Satavahana rulers,
mention may be made of the Katantra, the Brihatkatha and
the Gatha Sattasai. Sarvavarman, probably a minister of Hala
composed the Katantra on Sanskrit grammer for the use of
the King. Gunadhya made over his Brihatkatha in Paisachi
Prakrit to the same king Hala. Hala himself compiled the
Gatha Sattasai, an authology of 700 Prakrit verses of various
poets and poetesses. This Sattasai contains many Desi terms.
An unknown author composed another poem in Prakrit, called
Lilavati Parinayam on the marriage of Hala. In the later part
of the Satavahana period, with the revival of Brahmanical
The Satavahanas 45
Hinduism, Sanskrit became predominant. The Mahayana

Buddhists including Nagarjuna wrote all their works in Sanskrit.
ART AND ARCHITECTURE
With religion and that too Buddhism as the source of

inspiration, the Satavahana period witnessed great building
activity. The ancient monuments that have been brought to
light south of the Vindhyas are almost all post-Asokan and
Buddhist in inspiration'. They included Stupas, Chaityas,
Viharas and Sangharamas discovered both in the Western and
in the eastern dominions of the Satavahanas. The Bhattiprolu
and Amaravati Stupas were the oldest brick built Stupas in
the south. The brick-built Chaityagrihas were located at
Chejerla and Nagarjunakonda in the east, whereas the rock-cut
grihas were in the west at Karle, Nasik, Bhaja and other places.
The sculptural representations on most of the stupas, of

the Jataka tales or the incidents in the life of Buddha and
scenes from normal social life, are noteworthy. At Amaravati,
the well known South Indian centre of Buddhism, a thoroughly
indigenous school of sculpture grew up. For the conception
of delicate beauty of human form and the technical skill and
efficiency to realise that conception and for the wonderful
imagination and sense of symmetry in depicting the most
subtle human feelings, the Amaravati artist won universal praise.
With regard to the minor arts, the articles like beads, terra-
cotta figurines, pottery, shell ornaments, precious stones and
jewels and coins excavated at Paithan, Maski, Kondapur and
other places, indicate their progress during this period.
CHAPTER
Successors of the Satavahanas
1. The Ikshvakus of Vijayapuri

After the downfall of the Satavahana power, the feudatory
rulers declared their independence and established their own
kingdoms in parts of the erstwhile empire. One among such
new Kingdoms belonged to the Ikshvakus who ruled the eastern
Andhra country from the last quarter of the second century
A.D. The Puranas called them 'Sri Parvatiya Andhras' and
'Andhra Bhrityas'. From an inscription found at Nagarjuna-
konda. it has been made clear that in the beginnings of the
Christian era, the mountain was called Sriparvata. But some
scholars apply the term Sriparvata to the whole range of the
Nallamala hills which stretch along the Krishna into Kurnool
district.
The number of the Ikshvaku Kings and the total duration
of their reign as mentioned in the Puranas were contradictory
to scholars On the whole, the Puranas gave a hundred year
rule to the Ikshvaku line (with seven rulers). It is uncertain
whether these Ikshvakus of the Andhra country represented
a branch of the ancient Ikshvaku family of Ayodhya that might
have migrated to the Deccan and settled down on the lower
Krishna or not. The oriental scholars like Buhler and Rapson
expressed the view that the former were the descendants of
the latter.
The excavation of the site Nagarjunakonda from time to
time resulted in the discovery of many Buddhistic edifices
containing numerous sculptures and inscriptions. To know
The Ikshvakus of Vijayapuri 47
the history of the Ikshvaku Kingdom which flourished in the

Andhra country along the Krishna river, the Prakrit inscriptions
incised in Brahmi script found at Nagarjunakonda and at Jag-
gayyapeta serve as the important authorities.
The sporadic distribution of the lead coins of Yajnasri

Satakarni and of the last Satavahana king Pulomavi IV in the
early Ikshvaku layers, the designations like Mahatatavara etc.
of officials under both the Satavahanas and the Ikshvakus and
the matronymies, the practice prevalent in the later Satavahana
period and among the Ikshvaku rulers, sufficiently testify to the
fact that the Ikshvakus of Nagarjunakonda were the immediate
successors of the Andhra-Satavahanas in the Krishna valley.
The Ikshvakus, eventually the feudatory nobility 'Mahatalavaras'.
became heirs to the political and religious traditions of the
imperial Satavahana power.
THE GENEALOGY AND CHRONOLOGY OF THE IKSHVAKUS
From the inscriptions, the names of four rulers of the

Ikshvaku race have been traced. Not only this, even some
of the regnal years of these rulers are also known. The
information is as follows :-
a) Santamula I — 13th regnal year

son
b) Virapurushadatta — 20th regnal year
son
c) Santamula It — 24th regnal year
son
d) Rudrapurshudatta — 11th regnal year
brother
Virapurushadatta as prince
Thus according to epjgraphic evidence, the total years of

the four known rulers come to not less than 69, whereas the
Puranas give hundred years of rule to the seven Ikshvaku
rulers. in deciding the chronology of the Ikshvaku rulers,

two things are to be kept in mind:— (1) The Nagarjuna-
konda inscription of the Abhira Vasusena dated in the 30th
year of the Chedi era which might have begun in 248-49 A.D.
refers to the installation of the image of Ashtabhuja Swamy in
the presence of Saka Rudradaman of Avanti, the Yavana
princess of Sanjayapuri and Vishnurudrasivalananda Satakami
of Vanavasi.
(2) The two inscriptions of Nagarjunakonda, one issued in

the reign of Virapurushadatta and the other in the reign of
Santamula II, refer to the Cyclic year 'Vijaya'.
D.C. SIRCAR'S SCHEME OF CHRONOLOGY
He proposed the Abhira presence in the Ikshvaku territory

in between 275 A.D. and 285 A.D. He also thinks that the
two Cyclic years (Vijaya) referred to in the two inscriptions
were different. He equates them with 273-74 A.D. and 333-34
A.D. respectively. Accordingly he gives the following scheme
of Chronology —
1. Santamula I — 225-50 A.D.

2. Virapurushadatta — 250-75 A.D.
Abhirama interregunum — 275-85 A.D.
3. Santamula II — 285-333-34 A.D.
4. Rudrapurushadatte — 334-45 A.D.
However there are certain difficulties in accepting this

theory. Sircar gives the years of rule assigned to kings dif-
ferently which are not in consonance with the latest regnal
years mentioned in the inscriptions of the concerned kings.
He unnecessarily extends the rule of Santamula II to 49 years.
This is because of the supposition that the cyclic years of
the two inscriptions were different. Moreover, Sircar places
the Ahira attack in between the reigns of Virapurushadatta and
Santamula II. But the available evidence of the continuous
building activity in the reigns of Virapurushadatta and Santa-
mula II at Nagarjunakonda points to the contrary. The Abhira
attack thus can not be placed in between these reigns. It can

only be placed in the last years of the Ikshwaku rule.
THE CHRONOLOGICAL SCHEME OF DR. RAMARAO
Dr. Ramarao on the other hand takes into consideration

the presence of Abhira Vasusena at Nagarjunakonda as a
friendly visit. Regarding the cyclic years referred to in the
inscriptions, he says it was not the practice to mention the
cyclic years in the early inscriptions. Accordingly he suggests
the following scheme of chronology :
1 Santamula I — 220-240 A.D.

3. Santamula II — 250-84 A.D.
4. Rudrapurushadatta — 284-95 A.D.
However Dr. Ramarao's supposition of a friendly visit by

Abhira Vasusena cannot be taken for granted. The Abhira
inscription, which mentions some rulers who were present at
the time of the installation of the image, does not mention
the name of the Ikshvaku ruler and hence the hostile nature
of the presence of the Abhiras in Nagarjunakonda must be
accepted.
SCHEME OF CHRONOLOGY AS SUGGESTED BY DR. O.

RAMACHANDRAIYA
Dr. Ramachandraiya suggests the following scheme :—
1. Santamula I — 180-193 A.D.

3. Santamula II — 213-37 A.D.
4 Rudrapurushadatta — 237-48 A.D.
5. Three unknown rulers (on the basis of Puranic evidence)
— 248-78 A.D.
4)
SO HISTORY OF THE ANDHRAS
The basts for his chronology is as follows : (1) The

Puranic evidence that the seven kings ruled for 100 years has
been accepted and the corroboration from the inscriptions has
been sought for four kings with a minimum total period of rule
for 68 years. (2) The Abhira inscription is regarded as in-
dicative of the victory of the Abhiras over the Ikshvakus and
the event be placed in 278 A.D., which should also be the end
of the Ikshvaku rule. (3) The cyclic years mentioned in the two
inscriptions of Virapurushadatta and Santamuha II need not be
different but could be one cyclic year. It must have witnessed
the end of Virapurushadatta's rule and the accession of the
Santamula II, Since 278 A.D. is accepted as the last date
of the Ikshwaku power, the cyclic year would be the year
corresponding to 213 A.D. (4) The rule of the four kings known
from inscriptions should be placed in between 180 and 248 A.D.
From that date upto 278 A.D., when the Abhiras conquered
the Ikshvaku territory, the three unknown Ikshvakus must have
ruled in their own right.
POLITICAL FORTUNES AND THE CULTURAL DESTINIES OF

THE DYNASTY
The Ikshvakus, who were the immediate successors of
the Satavahanas, had performed the Asvamedha sacrifices with
a view to proclaiming their independent and imperial status.
It had become a common practice among the rulers of the
subsequent dynasties to perform the Asvamedha sacrifice in
token of their declaration of independent status From this
fact, it can be inferred that it was Santamula I who first
declared his independence and established the Ikshvaku dynasty.
So far not even a single inscription of Santamula I had been
traced. The scanty information about him was gathered from
the inscriptions of the reign period of his son Virapurushadatta.
SANTAMULA I : In the inscriptions, Santamula I was named
as Vasistiputra Santamula. This is in accordance with the
prevalent practice of the adoption of metronymy. This practice
undoubtedly indicates the high social status accorded to
women in those days. The numerous extolling epithets at-
tached to the name of Santamula I indicates that he was the
most powerful monarch of the day in Dakshinapatha and he

was regarded as Samrat in Dakshinapatha, both by his con-
temporaries and the descendants. He was a follower of
Brahmanism. He is said to have performed besides the
Asvamedha, Agnistoma, Agnihotra and Vajapeya sacrifices. He
was 3 devotee of God Mahasena (Kartikeya). He was a great
donor. He gifted away crores of gold coins, lakhs of cows
and lakhs of ploughs to the donees. By donating vast tracts
of land and ploughs, he encouraged agriculture in his Kingdom.
Santamula 1 had two sisters (his father's name was not

given), Hammash and Chantisri. Crrantisri was the wife of
Vasishtiputra Skandasri of the Pugiya family. Chantisri had
also borne Mahatalavari and Mahasenapatni, the titles of her
husband. This Chantisri had a son named Skandasagara and
a daughter who was given in marriage to her nephew Vira-
purushadatta. The second sister, Hammasri of Santamula I,
had two daughters namely Bapisri and Chatisri. Both these
daughters were given in marriage to Santamula's son Vira-
purushadatta.
VIRAPURUSHADATTA: Virapurushadatta was the son and

successor of Santamula I through his wife Madhari. He had
a sister named Adavi Santisri. She was the wife of Maha-
senapati and Mahadandanayaka. Skandavisakha of the Dhanaka
family. From the Ikshvaku inscriptions the names of different
families such as Pugiyas, Dhanakas, Hiranyakas and Kulahakas
can be traced. The territories that were colonized by these
people were named after their family names. For example, the
colony of the Pugiyas was called Pugiya rashtra; this incourse
of time came to be known as Pungi rashtra or Pakanadu. The
inscriptions found at Nagarjunakonda and at Jaggayyapeta give
the 20th regnal year of Virapurushadatta. The marriages of
Virapurushadatta with his paternal aunts' daughters prove that
there was the custom of cross-cousin marriages in the Andhra
country. Among the queens of Virapurushadatta,. three were
the daughters of his paternal aunts. He entered into matri-
monial alliances with the neighbouring kings and strengthened
his position. One such alliance was made with the rulers of
Ujjain. He married Ujjainee Maharajabalika, Mahadevi Rudra-

dhara Bhattarika, probably a near relative of Saka Rudrasena I.
EHUVALU SANTAMULA: Santamula II was the son and

successor of Virapurushadatta. He had a sister by name
Kodavalisri. She was the queen of the ruler of Vanavasi
(Kamataka). Through this matrimonial alliance, Virupurusha-
datta strengthened his position. In the 24th year of the reign
of Santamula II, his sister Kodavalisri erected a Vihara at
Nagarjunakonda; the inference is that the reign of Santamula II
must have lasted at least for 24 years,
RUORAPURUSHADATTA: An inscription found at Gurajala

in Guntur district has revealed the name of another Ikshvaku
ruler Rudrapurushadatta. This has been confirmed by another
inscription which proved that he was a son of Santamula II.
During his 4th regnal year, one Nudukasiri donated a piece of
land to God Halampura Swamy. Some scholars identify this
Halampura with Alampur in Kurnool district. But this con-
jecture is open to doubt. Halampura Swamy was no other
than the Buddha himself. Halampura may be identified with
the present Nagalapuram. Rudrapurushadatta must have ruled
for more than 11 years. He was probably the last important
ruler of the Ikshvaku family. After him there were three more
unknown rulers according to the Puranas. In or about 278 A.D.,
the Abhiras might have put an end to the Ikshvakus.
Most of the inscriptions of the Ikshvaku period record

either the construction of the Buddhist viharas or the gifts
made to them. All the donors and builders of the Viharas
were the female members of the Ikshvaku royal family. Though
Santamuta I is reported to have performed the Vedic sacrifices,
nothing is stated about his son regarding his religious leanings.
Not only that, neither he nor his son is said to hove donated
to the Buddhist establishments. From this it is inferred
that Virapurushadatta and his successors were not Buddhists,
but this was the period from which Andhra became a flourishing
centre of Buddhism and a place of pilgrimage for the Buddhists
all over the world. The patrons were ladies, many of them
being royal ladies, the merchants and artisans and the people
at large.
A new era began with the Buddhists of Krishna-Guntur

region. The great stupas of Jaggayyapeta, IMagarjunakonda
and Ramireddipalle were built, repaired or extended and Buddhist
monks were coming for pilgrimage from all the Buddhist coun-
tries of the world to Nagarjunakonda, the celebrated- religious
centre. In short, it may be said that Buddhism was in its
hey day here at the time of the later Ikshvakus. The chief
object of attraction was the Mahachaitya raised over a dhatu
of the Buddha on Sriparvata. Monks of many Buddhist sects
like Aparamahavinasailiyas. Bahusutiyas and Mahisasakas were
residing at this centre. The attraction for this Buddhist
centre can be accounted for from the sea trade which was
carried on between Ceylon and the ports of other countries
on one hand and those situated on the mouths of the Krishna
and the Godavari on the other hand. During these days
Nagarjunakonda was a renowned centre of higher education.
What Dhanakataka was during the days of Satavahanas,
Nagarjunakonda was the same during the days of the Ikshvakus.
Students from different parts of Asia flocked around this great
centre of higher learning to prosecute their higher studies in
the Buddhist lore.
2. The Brihatphalayanas
After the fall of the Ikshvakus, some of the ruling families
on the east coast of Andhra followed the practice of using
their Gotras as their dynastic appellations. Among such fami-
lies, the Vasishtha Gotras in Kalinga, the Salankayanas in the
Krishna-Godavari basin and the Ananda Gotras in the region
to the south of the river Krishna, are known from inscriptions.
Similarly, Brihatphalayana was also the Gotra indicating the
ancestry of the family.
The only king of this dynasty was Jayavarma. He was

known from his Kondamudi copper plate inscription. The
Kondamudi grant was in Prakrit and Palaeographically it is
nearer in time to Pallava Sivaskandavarma's Mayidavolu in-

scription. Dr. K. Gopalachari thought that Jayavarma belonged
to one generation preceding that of Sivaskandavarma.
Dr. K.R. Subrahmayam would make the Ikshvakus and Jaya-
varma contemporary and dated them to the 3rd century A.D.
Jayavarma was identified with king Srivarma of Brihaphateyana
Gotra, who was referred in one of the records dated in the
reign of Ikstwaku Rudrapurushadatta. He is said to have
raised a chhayastambha in memory of a great Ikshvaku queen,
Mahadevi who was a Brihatphalayana Gotri.
The Kondamudi grant is dated in the tenth regnal year
of Jayavarma. So Jayavarma must have ruled for minimum
ten years and is believed to have ruled between 278 A.D. and
288 A.D. It is suggested that he had a large share in weakening
the Ikshvaku rule. The solitary record furnishes some interest-
ing Information about Jayavarma and the nature of his rule.
Jayavarma's kingdom is known to have included Kudura Ahara
(Masula Taluk as far as Gudivada), Kolleru and the northern
parts of Guntur district. His capital perhaps was Kudura which
is identified with Koduru, a village near Ghantasala in Krishna
District.
As regards the contents of the inscription, it was issued
from Kudura and was addressed to a local official by the king.
A village by name Panturu (Patur in Tenali taluk) was conferred
as a gift on 8 Brahmins. The person, who caused the royal
proclamation to be inscribed, was one 'Maha Tagavara, Maha-
dandanayaka Bapanavarma'. The gift of the village was ac-
companied by certain special privileges. The officials were
forbidden from entering this Agrahara. No tax was to be
collected from the village. Salt monopoly was also to be
enjoyed by the Brahmin donees
It is evident from the inscription that after the fall of
Ikshvakus. under the influence of the Pallavas, Brahmanism
was revived once again and Jayavarma's learnings towards
Saivism testify the same. After the death of Jayavarma, the
Ananda Gotras occupied the Brihatphalayana territories to the
south of the river Krishna and the Salankayanas to the north
of the river.
3. The Ananda Gotras

A new line of kings of Ananda Gotra, claiming descent
from one Kandaranripati, seems to have risen from the ashes
of the Ikshavakus south of the river Krishna within the region
of north Guntur, contending with those across the Krishna and
probably with their own immediate neighbours, the Pallavas.
One Kandara appears to be the founder of this line. His
dauhitra's (daughter's son) Chezarla inscription speaks of him
as the destroyer of enemy forces at the battle of Dhanyakataka
causing offences to the lord of Krishnavenna by bringing out
the widowhood of Andhra women. This lord of Krishnavenna
evidently was the last Ikshvaku ruler and the battle of Dhanya-
kataka might be assigned to 278 A.D. These exploits of
Kandara ied to the rise of the Ananda Gotra kings.
All that is known of the Ananda Gotra kings is from the

light thrown by a copper plate grant of Attivarma from Gorantla,
another of Damodaravarma from Mattepad and the damaged
stone inscription from Chezarla. All these three inscriptions
are from the Guntur district itself. In the two copper plate
grants, no filial affiliations are given. Attivarma claims descent
from Kandara and Damodaravarma is silent on this. The two
copper plate grants are in Sanskrit except that the names of
the donees in the Mattepad grant and that of the donor In
the Gorantia plates are spelt in Prakritic way. While Attivarma
was a fervent devotee of Siva, Damodaravarma was a follower
of Buddhist faith. While the former was a 'hiranyagarbha-
prasava', the latter was a 'hiranyagarbhodbhavodbhava'.
On this meagre information, the historians have expressed

varying and conflicting opinions about them. There is no
general agreement on how many were of the line, how they
were related, where they have to be placed in point time and
on what basis the precedence of one to the other should be
determined. It is now generally accepted that it was a transi-
tional period and the language used in the inscriptions depended
more on what the individual ruler favoured, most probably based
on either his brahmanical or Buddhist leanings. This consi-

deration weigh much with scholars like Dr. D.C. Sircar and
Dr. O. Ramachandraiya.
Since Attivarma was a 'hiranyagarbhaprasava' and Damo-

daravarma was admittedly born of the 'hiranyagarbhodbhava',
it is right to conclude that Attivarma was the father of Damo-
daravarma. The Prakritic form of his name was what his
parents gave to Attivarma. But he himself, because of his
Brahmanical leanings, would prefer a Sanskritic appellation for
his son and for the donees of his gifts. Damodaravarama, with
his Buddhistic inclinations, prefers Prakritic denominations for
his donees. With regard to the first ruler of the dynasty,
Kandara, how he is related to Attivarma is not known. How-
ever they should have been very close in point of time. Both
palaeography and provenance of the inscriptions would place
them nearer to the last of the Ikshvakus. As already said,
Kandara fought the battle of Dhanyakataka that saw the end
of the Ikshvaku rule. Hence the three rulers of the Ananda
Gotra line known from the inscriptions may rightly be placed
in the hast quarter of 3rd century A.D. or in the beginning of
4th century A.D. As they were nowhere noticed at the time
of Samudragupta's invasion of the south in about 345-350 A.D.
it may be surmised that their rule itself might not have lasted
long.
Lastly, a word about the capital of the Ananda Gotra kings

— It is declared to be Kapota Kandarapura. The standard of
these kings bore the figure of the monkey. A temple dedicated
to Kapoteswara is located at Chezaria in the Narasaraopet Taluk
of Guntur district. Hence some scholars identify Kapote
Kandarapura with this village. Some locate it at Chebrolu near
Guntur. Dr. M. Ramarao held that Kandarapura should be
identified with the village Kanteru in the Guntur district itself.
4. The Salankayanas
About the end of the third quarter of the third century
A.D., there was utter political and military confusion in the
coastal Andhra country, following the end of the Ikshvaku rule
which was probably brought about by the Abhiras and their
allies. To add fuel to the fire, the Ikshvaku feudatories like
the Brihatphalayanas were making their efforts to assert them-
selves and to carve out for themselves a small but independent
principality of their own. The Brihatphalayanas in Kudurahara,
north of the river Krishna, the Ananda Gotras in Kandarapura,
south of the river Krishna within the region of North Guntur
and the Pallavas in the Prakasam-Nel.'ore tract, were contending
for extension of their sway at the cost of their neighbours.
After this almost three decade long political and military

confusion, peace was restored in the region north of the river
Krishna by the expanding Salankayana power from Vengi
southwards. The Salankayanas ruled over the Vengi region for
about a century in the third and fourth centuries A.D. 'The
city of Vengi emerged as the seat of powerful empires from
their times and commanded the prestige for about seven
hundred years to come'. The revival of Brahmanism and the
Sanskritic learning gradually progressed in Andhra country
during this age.
The history of the Salankayanas remains a ground for keen

controversies and conjectures. It is because of the insufficient
and indefinite source moterial which consists of only nine cop-
per plate grants and a recently discovered stone inscription
from Guntupalli. Of all the records of the dynasty, four copper
plate grants are in Prakrit and the remaining are in Sanskrit.
The Sanskrit records are those of the last two rulers of the
family, viz., Skandavarma and Nandivarma II.
It appears that the Salankayanas were an ancient people

of Andhra country. Prof. Raychaudhuri identified them with
the 'Salekenoi', a people referred to by Ptolemy's geography
(130 A.D.) as the inhabitants of the region of Maisolia, which
is identified with the land on either side of the river Krishna at

its mouth. The Salankayanas were, like the Pallavas, Brahmins
who played the role of Kshatriyas. The word Salankayana which
was acti/ally their gotra name, denotes Nandi, the Bull of Siva.
The crest-symbol of both the Paltava and the Saiankayana
families was the Bull. Such similarities between them may
point out either their friendly and matrimonial alliances or a
common cultural background and a possible original home of
the two.
The Salankayanas were first in the service of the Sata-

vahanas as their feudatories and frontier guards in Andhra
country. The Ikshvaku patronage to Buddhism that reached
Jaggayyapeta and Ghantasala may indicate the extension of
their suzerainty over the country north of the river Krishna in
the third century A.D., in which case the Salankayonas might
have been their feudatories. Subsequently when the Pallava
paramountacy stretched over southern Andhra country and also
across the river Krishna, the Salankayanas might have been
their feudatories for some time. These kings took delight in
proclaiming themselves as 'Bappabhattaraka Padabhakta1 (wor-
shippers of the feet of their exalted parents) and worshipped
in particular Chitrarathaswami, i.e. Sun-God, enshrining him
in a remple at their capital city Vengi which is identified with
two tiny hamlets 'Pedavegi' and 'Chinavegi' quite close to Eluru
in the West Godavari district.
Most of the scholars opine that Vijayadevavarma of the

Eluru Prakrit plates was the founder of the dynasty. It is
mostly because of the language of the inscription and his per-
formance of asvamedha. It is generally accepted that Prakrit
preceded Sanskrit as the language of the inscriptions. Further
founders of several other dynasties like the Ikshvakus of the
times in this region claimed to have celebrated such founding
by the performance of asvamedha. Thus the first of the Salan-
kayana rulers was Vijayadevavarma. He might have been a
great conqueror as his performance of horse-sacrifice and the
honorific Vijaya borne by him suggest. He ruled for 13 years
in the last quarter of the third century A.D. During this period.
Brihatphalayana Jayavarma might have been killed and his

Kudurahara was annexed to the Vengi kingdom.
Hastivarma I, who succeded Devavarma, was a Maharaja

and a great warrior and won victories on numerous battle fronts.
After supplanting the Ananda Gotra kings in the region to the
north of the river Krishna, he might have had some understand-
ing with the Pallavas that both should follow a policy of live
and let live. In the Guntupalli record, he is said to have built
a number of Vishnu temples and 'Chaturvaidyasalas (houses
for the study of four vedas). His son and successor, Nandi-
varma I is known to have ruled at least 14 years (318-332 A.D.).
He was a valorous king. His unbounded generosity in giving
a variety of gifts including gosahasras, is attested by his des-
cendant's inscriptions.
it was in the reign of his elder son, Hastivarma II (332-367

A.D.), the Salankayanas faced the danger from the north in
the shape of Samudragupta, the imperial Gupta ruler, who
had his successful southern expedition. The Allahabad prasasti
refers to him among the South Indian rulers, that were defeated
by Samudragupta. Hastivarma II seems to have clashed in
the early part of his reign with Mantaraja of Kurala, identified
with Kolleru lake or the region around it in the vicinity of
Vengi, for security as well as for supremacy. This was before
the two were overpowered by Samudragupta about 350 A.D
At the same juncture, with his brother Achandavarrna. grown
up and ambitious, he tried to secure the claims of his son,
Skandavarma to the throne after him. He did this by associating
the boy with himself in the administration of the kingdom
(Skandavarma described as Bataka Maharaja in Kanukollu
plates, issued the Kanteru plates independently without
reference to his father). However this associate boy-king died
shortly thereafter and Hastivarma II had to be content with
his brother Achandavarrna as Yuvamaharaja. Achandavarma
might have ruled on his own for some years after his brother's
death. His son, Nandivarma II who was the last flicker of the
Salankayana power, ruled for ten years (Pedavegi plates). The
rule of the Salankayanas was brought to a close in the last
quarter of the fourth century A.D. with the ascendency of the

Vishnukundins.
During their rule for about a century over Vengi mandala,

the Salankayanas contributed to the development of Indian
culture and its spread to the neighbouring eastern countries
like Burma, Siam and Cambodia. They were devout Hindus,
honouring both Lord Siva and Lord Vishnu, Though Buddhism
lost its hold on the Andhra people, eminent Buddhist scholars
like Buddhapalita, Bhavaviveka and Dingnaga carried their acti-
vities without hindrance. Dingarvaga spent last years of his
life in a Buddhist sanctuary near Vengi.
5. The Early Pallavas
THE ORIGIN OF THE PALLAVAS
The origin of the Pallavas still remains a mystery. Scholars

like Lewis Rice and V. Venkayya put forward the view that the
Pallavas of Kanchi were of Persian (Parthian) origin. Their
consideration was based on etymological grounds. The
Pallavas of Kanchi were identified with the Pahlavas of the
Northwestern India. Dubreiul and V.A. Smith also pointed
out that the Pallavas were foreign intruders, probably a branch
of the Pahlavas or Parthians of North-western India. However
the words Pallava and Pahlava may be the same philologically
but historically they refer to different peoples. Rajasekhara, the
great poet and play-wright in the Gurjara-Pratihara court at
Kanauj, made a clear distinction between the Pallavas occupy-
ing South India and the Pahlavas (Parthians) occupying the
trans-Indus Valley.
Dr. K.P. Jayaswal expressed the view that the Pallavas

were a branch of the Vakatakas ruling in Central India. But
the fact is that the Pallavas rose to independent sovereignty
simultaneously with the Vakatakas, if not earlier. Hence
Jayaswal's view is untenable. On the basis of a story fabricated
by a commentator in the 14th century in the Tamil classic
'Manimekhalai', Rasanayagam concluded that the Pallavas were
an off-spring of the Chola-Naga alliance and their home should

be located only in the south. Since the basis for this is a
fabricated story at a later date, this view also cannot be
accepted.
Prof. R. Sathianathaier opined that the Pallavas had origi-

nated in Tondaimandalam itself. He identified them with the
Paladas or the Pulindas of the Asokan edicts. But the word
'Pallava' has philologically, greater affinity with the word
'Pahlava' rather than with 'Pulinda'. According to Dr. S.K, Iyengar,
the Pallavas were the Tondaiyar tribe of Tondaimandalam. They
were officers and governors in the south-eastern part of the
Satavahana empire and after the fall of the Satavahanas, they
succeeded in annexing a great part of the Chola territory by
which their territory thereupon came to be known as Tondai-
mandalam. However it may be pointed out that the early Pal-
lavas issued their inscriptions in Prakrit and not in Tamil and
they patronised Sanskrit literature rather than Tamil literature.
How then could they be given Tamil Origin?
Since the early Tamil literature treats the Pallavas as,

different from the Tamils, scholars like N.V. Ramanayya con-
jectured the Telugu origin of the Pallavas on the basis of their
early association with the Andhra country. The 'Mahavamsa'
refers to Pallava Bogga as a stronghold of Buddhism and locates
it at the mouth of the river Krishna. This description of Pallava
Bogga agrees with the Palanadu region in the Guntur district.
Moreover most of the inscriptions of the Pallavas before Simha-
vishnu are found in the Guntur-Nellore tract of the Andhra
country. "The Telugu country, south of the Krishna, formed
the bulk of the Pallava kingdom till the last quarter of the sixth
century A.D." The Pallavas even maintained relations friendly
or otherwise, with their contemporary dynasties in the rest of
the land. Further their early administrative system was on
the lines of the Andhra-Satavahana system. Hence the con-
clusion is that the Pallavas were the original inhabitants of the
region at the mouth of the Krishna end that they went to
Tondaimandalam as the Satavahana officers, consolidated their
position with the help of the local Naga princes end became
independent subsequent to the fall of the Satavahanas, Whether

this Telugu origin of the Pallavas is acceptable or not, one
thing is certain that their political and cultural influence was
felt by Andhra till it was swept by the Western Chalukyan
invasion led by Pulakesin II, in the first quarter of the 7th
century A.D.
THE PROBLEMS RELATING TO THE GENEOLOGY AND

CHRONOLOGY OF THE PALLAVAS OF THE PRAKRIT AND
SANSKRIT CHARTERS
Scholars like Dubreuil, Fr. Heras, R. Gopalan, H. Krishna

Sastri, B.V. Krishnarao, D.C. Sircar, N. Ramesan, T.V. Maha-
lingam and others presented conflicting theories on the Pallava
genealogy and chronology. There is division among them
regarding the issue whether the Pallavas of the Sanskrit in-
scriptions from the Nellore-Guntur area had ruled from Kanchi
or not. D.C. Sircar and K.R. Subrahmanyam opined that the
Pallavas ruling in the Andhra area were a collateral branch of
the Pallavas of Kanchi. However the recently discovered
Vesanta grant of Simhavarma makes it clear that they did rule
from Kanchi.
There are four Prakrit inscriptions and fourteen Sanskrit
copper plates, including the solitary plate of the Darsi grant,
of the early Pallavas. All of them are dated in regnal years
only. Hence palaeography is the only means to arrange them
in chronological order. Of the four Prakrit records, the Manchi-
kallu stone inscription of Simhavarma is palaeographically the
earliest. Its script resembles that of the Ikshvaku records. Its
similarity with the Mayidavolu and Hirahadagalli Prakrit plates
of Sivaskandavarama makes it the missing link between the
end of the Ikshvaku rule and the beginning of the Pallava rule
in the Krishna valley. Obviously, Simhavarma becomes a
predecessor of Sivaskandavarma.
The British Museum plates, the fourth Prakrit inscription,
issued by Queen Charudevi of Yuvamaharaja Buddhavarma and
the mother of Buddyankura, were dated in the reign of Maha-
raja Vijayaskandavarma. This record does not refer to the rule
of Buddhevarma and his son Buddhyankura at all. As regards

Maharaja Vijaya Skandavarma, taking Vijaya and Siva as honori-
fics, scholars generally identify him with Maharaja Sivaskanda-
\rarrria. Thus on the basis of the four Prakrit charters the
Pallava genealogy can be given as follows :
SIMHAVARMA
(Manchikallu inscription)
V
(SIVA OR VIJAYA) SKANDAVARMA
(Mayidavolu and Hirahadagalli plates)
V
BUDDHAVARMA
(Married Charudevi, the donatrix of the British Museum
plates)
V
BUDDHYANKURA
Of this list, only the first two were rulers. Since on the basis
of scriptal resemblances, the nearness of Simhavarma to the
Ikshvaku rulers is pointed out, tentatively the reign of Simna-
varma may be fixed in the last quarter of the third century A.D.
(290 A.D.) and the reign of (Siva or Vijaya) Skandavarma in
the first quarter of the fourth century A.D, (310 A.D.)
The fourteen Sanskrit charters, more or less give a con-

tinuous line of succession of kings. These are dated only in
their regnal years. Hence, to arrange them in a precise genea-
logical and chronological order, one has to depend upon palaeo-
graphy and other historical synchronisms. The Omgodu plates
(I set) is considered the earliest of the Sanskrit charters of
the Pallavas. (Vijaya) Skandavarma was the donor of this
grant which gives the names of his father, grandfather and
great-grandfather also. Paleographicatly and in the method of
dating, this Omgodu plates (I set) is apparently closer to the
Prakrit plates of the family. Hence, we may take Kumara
Vishnu, who is mentioned at the top of the pedigree list in the
record either as the successor or even as the predecessor of
Skandavarma of the Hirahadagalli and the British museum platas.
64 HISTORY OP THE ANDHRAS
The first three members of the Uravapalli and Nedungaraya

grants tally with the latter three members of he Omgodu plates
(I set). The Uravapalli and Nedungaraya grants were made
by the donor Yuvamaharaja Vishnugopa in the reign of Maharaja
Simhavarma, This Maharaja Simhavarma can be identified with
the donor of the two recently discovered Vesanta end Sakra-
patna grants. The names of predecessors of Simhavarma of
these two records totally agree with those of the predecessors
of Yuvamaharaja Vishnugopa in his two grants. Then Maha-
raja Simhavarma can be taken, beyond any doubt, as the elder
brother of the Yuvamanaraja, It was in his elder brother
Simhavarma's regnal years, the Yuvamaharaja dated his records.
Thus from the Omgodu plates (I set), Uravapalli, Nedungaraya,
Vesanta and Sakrapatna charters, the following pedigree, in
father-son relationship, is arrived:
The Mangadur, Pikira, Omgodu plates (II set) and Vilavetti

grants were issued by Maharaja Simhavarma. the son of
Yuvamaharaja Vishnugopa. On the basis of palaeography, it
can be concluded that the Darsi fragmentary copper plate may
be taken to be the gram of Simhavarma, the donor of the above
Mangadur group of charters. Virakorchavarma of the Darsi
record may be identified with Viravarma, the great-grandfather
of Vishnugopa's son Simhavarma. Thus these five grants add
only one more name, that of Yuvamaharaja Vishnugopa's son
Simhavarma, to the pedigree already arrived at. Then the
Chura grant gives the genealogy that tallies with that of Man-
gadur and other records of Simhavarma for the first three
generations. Thus we get the following genealogy :
Then the scholars like K.R. Subrahmanyam, Fleet,

S.K, lyengar, R. Gopalan and others tried to adjust the kings
of Chendalur and Udayendiram plates to the early kings of
the Sanskrit charters. Some of them even suggested two
or three sets (branches) of kings ruling contemporaneously
from different headquarters. The Vesanta grant issued from
Kanchi makes it clear that there were no branches but only
one line. Further, palaeographically, the Chendalur and Udayen-
diram records are much later. D.C. Sircar tagged the kings
known from these two grants to the later kings just before
Simhavishnu line of the imperial Pallavas. Another thing is
that Nandivarma, the issuer of the Udayendiram plates is
definitely known from the Vayalur and Velurupalayam plates to
be connected with the Simhavishnu line. Hence the kings of
the Chendalur and Udayendiram plates cannot be connected
with the early kings of the Sanskrit charters.
Moreover some synchronisms must be kept in mind. The

Penukonda and Kudalur plates of the Western Ganga king
Madhavavarma point out that he and his father Ayyavarma
were anointed by the Pallava kings Skandavarma and obviously
his father Simhavarma. Palaeographically, these plates may be
assigned to the last quarter of the 5th century A.D. It implies
that the two Pallava kings Simhavarma and his son Skanda-
varma must be placed somewhere in the close of the 5th
5)
century A.D. This father and son (Simhavarma and Skanda-

varma) order of succession appears only in the Udayendiram
grant. Hence Simhavarma and Skandavarma of the Udayendiram
grant are the same as those of the Penukonda and Kudalur
grants datable to about 475 A.D.
Another synchronism comes from the Jain work 'Loka-

vibhaga'. This Jain work was completed in the 22nd regnal
year of the Pallava king Simhavarma, corresponding to the
year Saka 380. It is equal to 458 A.D. and thus the initial year
of the reign of Simhavarma comes to 436 A.D, As the Udayen-
diram grant mentions a Simhavarma followed by a Skandavarma
(same as those of the Penukonda inscription dated about 475
A.D.), it is clear thai Simhavarma mentioned here must be the
same Simhavarma whose starting point can be fixed as 436 A.D.
by the Lokavibhaga synchronism.
Further the Indrapalanagara plates of the Vishnukundin

king Vikramendrabhattaraka II (555-69 A.D.) refers to a Pallava
king called Simha (Varma), whom the Vishnukundin king
Claims to have defeated. This Pallava Simha (varma) may be
identified with the issuer of the Pallankovil Jain Copper plate
grant, who was the father Simhavishnu and grand-father of
Mahendravarma I of the imperial Pallava line.
Keeping in view all the above things and also the reference
to Vishnugopa of Kanchi in the Allahabad Prasasti of Samudra-
gupta (350 A.D.), the following genealogy and the possible
dates of the Pallava kings may be given :
HISTORY OF THE EARLY PALLAVAS

The history of the early Pallavas is one of the controversial
subjects in the ancient history of South India. It has not yet
been satisfactorily settled. The Prakrit and the Sanskrit
charters of the early Pallavas merely mention the royal names,
their non-political grants and not their political achievements.
But certain facts can be gleaned from the related sources. The
provenance of the bulk of the Pallava Prakrit and Sanskrit
charters from the southern Andhra country intimately connects
them with the history of that area. The Political and cultural
influence of the Pallavas was felt by Andhra till it was swept
by the Western Chalukyan invasion led by Pulakesin II in the
first quarter of the 7th century A.D.'
The Pallavas were not a recognised political power before
the second century A.D. It has been widely accepted by
scholars that they were originally executive officers under the
Satavahana kings. After the fall of the Satavahanas, they began
to get control over parts of Andhra and the Dravida country.
By the close of the third century A.D., there was utter political
and military confusion in the coastal Andhra due to the invasion
of the Abhiras and their allies on the last Ikshvaku remnants
on one hand and due to the rise of the Brihatphalayanas, the
Anandagotras and the Salankayanas on the other. It was under
these conditions that Simhavarma of the Manchikallu stone
inscription probably founded the independent rule of the
Pallavas in parts of the Krishna valley.
It was in the reign of Maharaja Sivaskandavarma of the
Mayidavolu, Hirahadagalli and the British Museum plates, that
the early Pallavas had their ascendency in the first quarter of
the fourth century A.D. Sivaskandavarma seems to have been
the first great ruler of the early Pallavas. He extended his
dominions from the Krishna in the north to the south Pennar
in the south and to the Bellary district in the West. He
performed the Aswametha and other Vedic sacrifices. He
administered the kingdom on the Mauryan and Satavahana
lines.
At the beginning of their rule. Manchikallu, Mayidavoiu,
Darsi and Ongodu were the centres of their activity Kanchi
gained prominence as the centre of their political and cultural

activity by the second quarter of the fourth century A.D.
Probably under the rule of Maharaja Simhavarma ll, the issuer
of the Vesanta and Sakrapatna plates. It was in his reign,
his younger brother Yuvamaharaja Vishnugopa issued his
Uravapaili and Nedungaraya grants. This Yuvamaharaja, who
subsequently succeeded his elder brother to the throne as
Maharaja Vishnugopavarma, was defeated by Samudragupta
by 350 A.D. Some scholars say this Pallava Vishnugopa of
Kanchi formed a confederacy of some southern kings against
the north Indian invader. However it was a futile attempt on
the part of Vishnugopa.
With Samudragupta's expedition, the Paliava eclipse had
set in. The Kandaras (Anandagotras) becanre independent in
the Karma rashtra. The Cholas had their ascendency in the
Kavery valley in the south. The Talgunda inscription refers to
the ambitious and aggressive activity of Mayurasarma, the
founder of the Kadamba dynasty in the Karnataka. It was
again in the reign of Simhavarma IV, who ascended the throne
in 436 A.D. (references from Lokavtbhaga and Penukonda
grant of the Western Ganga Madhavavarma), the fallen pre-
stige of the Pallavas was restored. In the north upto the mouths
of the Krishna, the territories were recovered from the Vishnu-
kundins. In the West, to restrain the Sana aggressiveness in
the Anantapur, Kolar and North Arcot regions, Simhavarma IV
intervened in the Western Ganga-Kadamba conflict and enth-
roned Ayyavarma of the Ganga family.
With the accession of Nandivarma, issuer of the Udayen-
diram plates, in the last quarter of the 5th century A.D., the
decline of the early Pallava family was seen. The Kadambas
had their aggressions and even the headquarters of the Pallavas
was occupied by them. In coastal Andhra the Vishnukundins
established their ascendency. The Pallava authority was con-
fined to Tondaimandalam. With the accession of Simha Vishnu
father of Mahendravarma I. probably in 575 A.D., the glorious
imperial Pallava phase begins in the south.
The Pallavas were Brahmins of Bharadwaja gotra. The
early Pallavas styled themselves as Brahma Ksnatriyas. i.e., the
Brahmins in Pursuit of arms The Kadamba records show

that by the fifth century A.D., the Pallavas were regarded as
Kshatriyas. They were followers of the Brahmanical religion.
In tune with the imperial concept and the revival of the Brah-
manrc faith of the times, some of the rulers performed the
Aswametha and other Vedic sacrifices. They had made gifts
of lands to gods and Brahmins. Though their political history
from 475 A.D. to 575 A.D. is some what obscure, yet during
the same period Kanchi produced great Buddhist teachers like
Aravana Adigal, Aryadeva, Dignaga and Dharmapala. 'Kanchi
became famous as the spiritual and intellectual metropolis of
South Indian Buddhism.'
6. The Vishnukundins
THE GENEALOGY AND THE CHRONOLOGY OF THE
VISHNUKUNDINS
Since the fall of the Ikshwakus, the Vishnukundins were

the first great dynasty, which held sway way over the entire
Andhra country including Kalinga and parts of Telangana and
played an important and imperial role in the history of Deccan
during the 5th and 6th centuries of the Christian era. So far
9 copper-plate inscriptions and one stone inscription pertaining
to this dynasty have been discovered. Though they supply
us a lot of information, they do not speak any thing about
the origin and originator of the dynasty. Several attempts were
made to solve the problem. But no difinite conclusion has
yet been reached. It is generally believed that the Vishnu-
kundins were an Andhra family and they hailed from Vinukondd
in the Guntur district. On the basis of the discovery of two
tndrapalanagara grants, B.N. Sastri assumes that the early
rulers of the dynasty migrated to the west in search of employ-
ment and under the Vakatakas they might have attained
feudatory status with Indrapalanagara in the Nalgonda district
as their capital. He further says that later in the time of
Madhavavarma, the great, they became independent and con-
quered the coastal Andhra from the Salankayanas and might
have shifted their capital to a place in the coastal Andhra.
THE GENEALOGY OF THE V1SHNUKUNDINS : It has been

a matter of controversy. The scanty source material does not
give any clue to formulate a satisfactory theory. The inscrip-
tions give the names of the two or more of their forefathers
with their titles and achievements. But they do not speak
of any thing about the founder of the dynasty and about the
approximate date of their rule. Several writers have formulated
their own schemes, some maintaining that there was unilateral
succession and others proposing a scheme with colleteral
branches. The main difference between the two schools lies
in the identification of Madhava Varma, who was the per-
former of many sacrifices. One school argues that there were
two kings with the name Madhava Varma of great repute and
the other schools point to the improbability of the two kings
of same name and time performing equal number of sacrifices
with in a short span of time.
Prior to the discovery of the Indrapalanagara plates, of
the earlier records, the Ipur plates second set was the earliest
on the basis of palaeography. It gives the following genealogy—
In point of antiquity, next comes the Ramatirtrram plates of

Indravarma and the Chikkulla and Tundi grants of Vikramendra
Varma These three records give the following genealogies—
RAMATIRTHAM CHIKKULLA TUNDl
On the basis of the titles, the extolling epithets and other des-
criptions of the rulers of the above three records, the following
genealogy may be arrived at —
Here M.S. Sharma and others identify Madhavavarma II of the

Ipuru plates second set with Madhavavarma of the above three
records. This is untenable because the Trikuta-malayadhipati'
Madhavavarma of the Ipuru plates-ll set was not a performer
of many sacrifices and not Maharaja tike Madhavavarma of the
other grants. On the other hand the epithets given to Madhava-
varma I of the same lpur-ll set and those attributed to the
Madhavavarma of the three records seem to be similar. There-
fore it is probable that Madhava Varma I of the Ipur second
set and Madhavavarma of the other grants were one and the
same. If so Maharaja Madhava Varma had two sons—Deva-
varma and Vikramendravarma (through the Vakataka princess).
Accordingly the following genealogy may be derived —
The Ikshvakus of Vijayapuri . 73
On the basis of the similarities in the two records, the following

pedigree may be arrived at —
Now in combining the first (I) and second (II) pedigrees

to arrive at final conclusion, scholars differ from one another
in assuming Madhavavarma of the Ipur I set and Polamuru
plates to be the same at Maharaja Madhava Varma of the other
records. Dr. D.C. Sircar, Dr. Ramarao and K. Gopalachari
advocate the following shorter genealogy —
However a careful examination of the titles of Mahandra-

varma of the Ipur plates-l set and Polamuru grant and those of
Madhavavarma of the other grants and the other evidences
point out there were two Madhavavarmas of great repute :
(1) Dr. Hultzch thinks that the Ipur plates-II set was earlier
than the Ipur ptates-I set.
74
(2) The Ipur plates-l set and Polamuru plates indicate The
matrimony of Madhavavarma with the princess of Tivaranagara
whereas Maharaja Madhavavarma of the other records is said
to have married the Vakataka Princess,
(3) The title 'Janasraya' given to Madhavavarma in the

Polamuru grant is not given to Madhavavarma of the other
records.
(4) Further the donee Sivasharma of the Polamuru inscription

of Madhavavarma was the father of Rudrasharma, the donee
of another Polamuru inscription of the Eastern Chalukya Jaya-
simha I. If this Polamuru Madhavavarma was the same as
Maharaja Madhavavarma of the other records, there would
be a gap of a century or more between Madhava Varma and
Jayasimha I which is unwarranted.
(5) Moreover the reference to Madhavavarma in the literary

work 'Sri Krishna Vijaya' of a later date and the reference to
his rule in Saka 514 in an inscription of the 12th century A.D.
in the Malliswaraswamy temple at Vijayawada definitely place
one Madhavavarma at the end of the dynasty.
If these two Madhavavarmas were not one and the same,

then how to combine the first and the second genealogical
lists? Dr. N.V. Ramanayya identifies Vikramahendra of the
Polamuru inscription with Vikramendravarma I of the other
grants. But the epithets show that Vikramahendra was a more
powerful king than Vikramendravarma I. On the other hand
Vikramahendra may be identified with Vikramendravarma II
because the titles given to the former were more or less similar
to those of the latter. This identification alone would place
Madhavavarma (Ipur I set) at the end of the dynastic lists,
who was probably uprooted by the Eastern Chalukyan ruler,
or it may be his son who faced this calamity. Hence K.A.N.
Sastri and others give the following genealogy—
Almost all the scholars unanimously agree that the Indrapala-

nagara grant of Vikramendra II gives the same genealogy as
we have already had from Maharaja Madhavavarma to Vikra-
mendravarma II. But it adds one more name that of Govinda-
varma (prior to Maharaja Madhavavarma) to the genealogy
already arrived at.
In regard to the place of the kings given in the Indra-

palanagara grant of Govindavarma in Vishnukundin genealogy.
Dr. Rama Rao thinks that the rulers mentioned in the grant
of Govindavarma (Maharaja Indravarma, his son Madhavavarma
and his son Govindavarma) could be collaterals who occupied
the Vishnukindin territory after Vikramendravarma II. Or. Rama
Rao and Prof. Mirashi try to fill in the gap between 569 A.D,
and 615 A.D. or 624 A.D. the former being the last date of
Vikramendravarma II and the latter being the date of the
Eastern Chalukyan occupation of Vengi from these collecterals
However Dr. Ramacrrandraiya and B.N. Sastri fill in this gap
by placing here the genealogy of the Polamuru grant and the
Ipur plates I set, i.e. by identifying Vikramendravarma II with
Vikramahendra.
How are we then to explain the relationship of the three
kings given in the Indrapalanagara grant of Govindavarma with
the other known kings? After a careful study of the two

Indrapalanagara grants. Dr. Ramachandraiya and B.N. Sastri
come to the conclusion that the Indrapatanagara grant of
Govindavarma was the first record of the Vishnukundins and
that Govindavarma of the Indrapalanagara grant (issuer) and
Govinda Raja of the Indrapalanagara grant of Vikramendra
Bhattaraka were one and the same. The basis for the identifi-
cation is the leanings of the two Govindavarmas towards
Buddhism. Thus with the above assumptions, we get—
CHRONOLOGY:— Opinion is actutely divided even with

regard to the chronology of the Vishnukundins Their rule
may be fixed between the end of the Salankayanas and the
rise of the Eastern Chalukyan power in 624 AD "The last
year of the Salankayana rule is dated differently by different
scholars on the basis of varying theories of Satavahana chrono-
logy. So naturally the initial year of the Vishnukundin rule
varies from historian to historian". All the Vishnukundin grants

with the lone exception of the Indrapalanagana inscription of
Vikramendravarma II were dated in the regnal years. The
Indrapalanagara grant of Vikramendravarma II was dated in his
11th regnal year corresponding to Saka 488, With the help
of this date and taking into consideration the latest regnal
years known from the inscriptions as the last years of rule
of the rulers, the chronology of the Vishnukundins may be
fixed.
On the basis of the Indrapalanagara grant dated in the

11th regnal year corresponding to Saka 488, Vikramendra-
varma II may be said to have ascended the throne in Saka 477
i.e., 555 A.D. His Tundi grant gives his latest regnal year as
fourteen. So his reign period may be placed between 555 A.D.
and 569 A.D. His father Indravarma II, who issued the Rama-
tirtham plates in his 27th regnal year might have ruled from
528 A.D. to 555 A.D. Vikramendravarma I, the father and
predecessor of Indravarma II was the off-spring of a political
marriage between the Vishnukundin and the Vakataka families.
In accordance with the general principle, he can be assigned
25 years rule i.e., from 503 A.D. to 528 A.D.
The father of Vikramendravarma I i.e., Madhavavarma II

had no record of his son. But in the records of his descen-
dants, he was described as the greatest ruler of the Vishnu-
kundins. The year 47 mentioned in the Ipur plates-II set issued
by Madhava, son of Devavarma and grandson of the above said
Madhava II. may be taken to be the year of Madhava II. Scholars
do not consider Devavarma a ruler because he did not possess
any royal titles. Devavarma's son Madhava was referred simply
as Adhiraja and Trikuta-Malayadhipati, indicating the subordi-
nate position of a feaudatory prince. Owing to the unusual
longevity of the reign of Madhava II, his elder son, Devavarma
predeceased his father and Madhava. son of Devavarma might
have been made viceroy for the territory around Trikutamalaya.
So the 47th year of the Ipur plates-ll set should foe that of
Madhava II, who must have ruled from 456 A.D. to 503 A.D,
Govindavarma I, father of Madhava II was the issuer of

one Indrapalanagara grant dated in his 37th regnal year. So
he might have ruled between 419 A.D. and 456 A.D. His
predecessors, Indravarma I and Madhavavarma I who were
having the title Maharaja should be deemed to have ruled in
their own right. In general, 25 years rule, for each of them,
may be allotted.
Now coming to the successors of Vikramendravarma II

(555-69 A.D.), Janasraya Madhavavarma IV issued the Pola-
muru inscription in his 48th year on a full moon day in the
month of Phalguna when Lunar eclipse occurred. 621 A.D.
may conveniently be taken as the date of Potemuru record
because it brings the Vishnukundins close to the beginning of
the Eastern Chalukyan rule in 624 A.D. (which was fixed by
Dr. N.V. Ramanayya and supported by Dr. N. Ramesan). So
621 A.D. was the 48th regnal year of Madhava IV. Consequently
his reign period should be 573 A.D.-621 A.D. Madhava's father
Govindavarma II was now left with only four years (569-573
A.D.). Because no special achievement was attributed to him,
it may said that he might have died at an early age.
As regards the last ruler overthrown by the Eastern

Chalukyas in 624 A.D., there is no definite information. If it
were Madhava IV, he might have ruled for 3 more years after
the issue of Polamuru plates. If the 48th year is the last year
of Madhava IV, Manchana Bhattaraka, as his dear son, might
have succeeded him in 621 A.D. and the Eastern Chalukyan
catestrophe fell on this victim in 624 A.D. Thus we get the
Following chronology :—
POLITICAL HISTORY OF THE VISHNUKUND1NS

The Vishnukundins were the main orbit of power in the
eastern Deccan during the fifth and sixth centuries A.D. As
their affinity with Sriparvataswami (Lord Mallikharjuna of
Srisailam) and their family name Vishnukundin (derived from
Vishnukundinapura which may be identified with modern Vinu-
konda in Guntur district) definitely trace their origin in Guntur
district, it may be assumed that the early rulers of the dynasty
migrated to the West in search of employment. Under the
Vakatakas. They might have attained feudatory status with
Indrapalanagara (Tummalagudem) in Nalgonda district as their
capital. Later in the time of Madhavarma, the great, they
became independent and conquered coastal Andhra from the
Salankayanas and might have shifted their capital to a place
in the coastal Andhra.
According to the Indrapalanagara plates, Maharaja Indra-
varma is considered to be the first ruler of the dynasty. He
might have carved out a small principality for himself probably
as a subordinate of the Vakatakas sometime about the last
quarter of the fourth century A.D. Not much information is
known about the next two kings, Madhavarma I and his son
Govindavarma. They might have kept in tact the inheritance
or extended their sway to some extent.
By the middle of the 5th century A.D., the dynasty began

its imperial expansion under its most efficient ruler Madhavarma
(II), the great. The reign of Madhavavarma (461-508 A.D.)
nearly for half a century is a golden age in the history of the
Vishnukundins. It was during this period, the small Vishnu-
kundin dynasty was raised to the imperial dignity. A princess
of the then powerful ruling family of the Deccan the Vakatakas
was given in marriage to Madhavarma's son, Vikramendravarma.
This alliance with the great power made easy the task of
extending the Vishnukundin influence to the east coast and
vanquishing the petty chieftains lingering on in that area.
Madhavavarma II led his arms against Anandagotrins who

were ruling over Guntur, Tenali and Ongole Taluks, probably
enjoying subordinate position under the Pallavas of Kanchi.
After occupying these areas from the Anandagotrins, he made
Amarapura (modern Amaravati his capital. Keeping in view
the constant threat from the Pallavas, he created an out-post
to check their activities and appointed his son, Devavarma and
after his death the grandson Madhavavarma III as its Viceroy.
This southern out-post 'Trikutamalaya' is identified with Kotappa-
konda in Narasaraopet Taluk in the Guntur district.
Madhavavarma II next turned his attention against the

Vengi kingdom which was under the Salankayanas. The Vengi
region was annexed. The Godavari tract became pan of the
Vishnukundin territory. After these conquests the capital might
have been shifted to Bezwada, a more central place than
Amarapura. These extensive conquests entitle him to the title
of the lord of Dakshinapatha. After these various conquests.,
Madhavavarma performed many Asvamedha, Rajasuya and
other sacrifices.
The fortunes of the Vishnukundins were at a tow ebb during

the reign of next ruler Vikramendravarma I (508-528 A.D.). The
next two and half decades also experienced the constant strife
and dynastic struggles during the reign period of Indrabhattaraka-
varma (528-555 A.D.). Though Indrabhattaraka overcame the
troubles from the day a das like his cousin Madhavavarma III
(Trikutamalayadhipati), he could not withstand the hostile

Kaling subordinate Indravarma of the Jirjingi plates and lost
his life. The Vishnukundins lost their Kalinga possessions north
of the Godavari.
With the accession of Vikramendravarma II (555-569 A.D),

the fallen prestige of the Vishnukundin family was restored
To have an immediate access to the Kalinga region, he shifted
his capital from Bezwada to Lenduluru (modem Denduluru
in the West Godavari district). He repulsed the attack of the
Pailava ruler Simhavarman. He was successful enough to
restore the fortunes of the Vishnukundins in the Kalinga region.
After the victory, he donated Tundi (Tuni) village to a Brahmin
and styled himself as 'Uttamasraya'. His son Govindavarma II
enjoyed comparatively a short period of rule (569-573 A.D.).
The Vishnukundin empire set its way again to the imperial

expansions and cultural prosperity under its able ruler 'Jans-
sraya' Madhavavarma (IV) (573-621 A.D.). This prudent king
spent his early years of rule in consolidating his position in
Vengi. The later part of his reign is marked by wars and
annexations. According to his epithets in Ipur I set and
Polamuru plates, Madhavavarma IV conquered Tivara, the
Somavamsi king of Mahakosala and married his daughter and
spent sometime in their capital, Trivaranagara. In his 37th
regnal year, he suppressed the revolt of his subordinate chief
the Durjaya Prithvimaharaja in Guddadivishya (modern Rama-
chandrapuram Taluk in the East Godavari district).
Madhavarma IV had to face the Chalukyan onsteught in

his last years of rule. By about 616 A.D., Pulakesin II and his
brother Kubja Vishnuvardhane conquered Vengi from Vishnu-
kundins and the Pithspuram area from their subordinate
Durjayas. In 621 A.D. i.e., in his 48th regnal year, Madhava
crossed the Godavari probably to oust the Chalukyas from his
territories. However he lost his life on the battle-field. His
son Manchanabhattaraka also might have been expelled by the
Chalukyas. Thus the Vishnukundin rule was brought to a
close by 624 A.D.
6)
CULTURAL CONDITIONS
It is really a venture to try to speak, on the basis of a few
records available, about the contribution of the Vishnukundins
in various walks of life during that period. The society of the
period appears to be based upon the traditional Hindu four-fold
caste system. The Vishnukundins belonged to the priestly
class committed to arms. The fourth class swelled the military
ranks, in general people lived in harmony.
ADMINISTRATION
For administrative convenience, the empire might have
been divided into a number of rashtras and Vishayas. Inscrip-
tions refer to Palki rashtra. Karma rashtra, Guddadi vishaya etc.
The ruler carried on administration depending upon the Sukra-
niti. Madhavavarma III as the Trikutamalayadhipati shows the
appointment of members of the royal family as Viceroys for
strategical areas. Vishayemahattaras might have been the heads
of the vishayas. It seems that villages enjoyed autonomy with-
in their jurisdiction.
In judicial administration, the king was the highest court
of appeal. Endowed with the knowledge of law and intelligence,
the Vishnukundin rulers established various kinds of ordeals
(divyas) in trails of disputes. They were known for their
impartial judgment and high sense of justice. Their army
consisted of traditional Chaturangabala. Hastikosa (officer-in-
charge of elephant forces) and Virakosa (officer-in-charge of
land forces) were referred in records. These officers issued
even grants on behalf of the kings. There might have been a
well-organised administrative machinery for collection of land
revenue. Agrahara villages enjoyed tax exemptions. Sixteen
types of coins of the Vishnukundin rulers, brought to light by
Dr. R. Subrahmanyam, speak well of the economic prosperity
of the kingdom.
RELIGION
All the records of the Vishnukundins throw a flood of light
on the religious conditions of the period. The kings prior to
Madhavavarma II seem to be patrons of Buddhism. Govinda-

varma I was hailed as the Buddhist and builder of stupas and
Viharas. His wife Paramabhattarikamahadevi also patronised
Buddhism and built a monastery. Vikramendravaima II, though
a 'paramamahesvara', made liberal grants to the same Maha-
devi's Buddhist vihara. These things show that Buddhism
was a considerable force to be reckoned with during the
Vishnukundin period.
However from the time of accession of Madhavavarma II,

an aggressive self-assertion of the Vedic brahmanism is to be
seen in Andhradesa. Elaborate Vedic ceremonies like Rajasuya,
Purushamedha, Sarvamedha and Aswamedha were undertaken.
The celebration of all these sacrifices represents the militant
spirit of the brahmanical revival. Some of the rulers styled
themselves as Paramamahesvaras. The inscriptions refer to
their family deity Sriparvataswami (Lord Mallikarjuna of Sri-
sailam). The names of rulers like Madhavavarma, Govinda-
varma etc. show their Vaishnava leanings. Thus both the sects
might have received equal patronage from them. Rock-cut
cave temples were constructed at Bezwada, Vimdavalli and
Bhairavakonda which were dedicated to both the sects.
LITERATURE
The Vishnukundins were also great patrons of learning-
Learned brahmins were encouraged by gifts of lands and
ghatikasthanas (colleges) were established for the propagation
of Vedic studies. Being a greet believer in the efficacy of
sanatanadharma, Indrabhattaraka established many Ghatike-
sthanas for imparting education on Vedic literature. Performance
of several elaborate Vedic ceremonies by Madhavarmas imply
the faith of the rulers in Brahmanism and popularity of Vedic
learning with the people during this period.
Apart from being patrons of learning, some of the Vishnu-
kundin kings were by themselves men of letters of high cadre.
Vikramendravarma I was described as 'Mahakavi' in a record.
Further, an incomplete work on Sanskrit poetics called 'Jana-
sraya Chhandovichhiti', was attributed to Madhavarma IV who
bore the title of 'Janasraya'. As is known from the available

records, Sanskrit enjoyed royal patronage. Telugu had not
yet grown to the stature of receiving royal patronage.
Being great devotees of Siva, the Vishnukundins seem to

have been responsible for construction of a number of cave
temples dedicated to Siva, The cave structures at Bezwada,
Mogalrajapuram, Vundavalli and Bhairavakonds were dated to
this period. Though some of these cave temples were attributed
to the Pallavas (Mahendravarma I), the emblems found on the
caves and the areas being under the rule of the Vishnukundins
during this period clearly show that these were contributions
of the Vishnukundins. The big four-storeyed cave at Vundavalli
and the 8 cave temples in Bhairavakonda in Nellore district show
however clear resemblances with the architecture of Pallava
Mahendravarman's period.
CHAPTER 4
The Eastern Chalukyas
The Eastern Chalukyas were a branch of the Western

Chalukyas of Vatapi or Badami. Pulakesin II was one of the
greatest kings of Badami, He conquered the whole of Eastern
Deccan, corresponding roughly to the coastal districts of
Andhra, quite early in his reign and appointed his brother
Kirbja Vishnuvardhana as Viceroy. On the death of Pulakesin II,
the Vengi Viceroyalty developed into an independent kingdom.
Kubja Vishnuvardhana founded the line of kings called the
Eastern Chalukyas of Vengi which outlived the main Vatapi
dynasty by many generations. They had their capital originally
at Vengi near Eluru of the West Godavari district end later
changed to Rajamahendravaram. They were lords of the Vengi
country for nearly 500 years till destiny had taken them to
the Chola kingdom in the South. However they continued to
hold Vengi for several generations even after that. The five
centuries of the Eastern Chalukyan rule of Vengi saw not merely
the consolidation of this region into an unified whole, but also
saw the efflorescence of Telugu culture, literature, poetry and
art. It can verily be said to be the golden period of Andhra
history.
1. Circumstances Under which the Eastern Chalukyan

Rule was Established
ORIGIN OF THE CHALUKYAS
The word 'Chalukya' seems to have been derived from
the word 'Chalkya' which was the original form of the dynastic
name. Like the Chutus and Kadambas, the Chalukyas were an

indigenous tribe. They rose to importance in the later Sata-
vahana period and asserted their independence after the down-
fall of the central empire. In the Maruturu inscription of
Pulakesin II. a village that was granted by him is said to be
situated in the Chalukya Vishaya. It is therefore clear that
the original word of 'Chalukya' was applied to a territorial
division or a Vishaya of a kingdom. Like the Pugiyas, the
Hiranyakas and the Dhanakas of the (kshvaku period, the terri-
torial division came to be known as Chalukya after the Chalukyan
clan. The provenance of the Maruturu grant and also the
other factors mentioned in it clearly prove that this Chalukya
Vishaya must have comprised portions of the ceded districts
of Andhra Pradesh including perhaps parts of the Mahboobnagar
district of Telangana, Hence the Chalukyas were the original
residents of this area.
According to the earliest Chalukyan legend preserved in

an inscription dated 578 A.D. at Badami, the Chalukyas were
worshippers of the feet of the sacred Lord Kartikeya and be-
longed to Manavyasa Gotra and had themselves purified by the
performance of several yajnas. They belonged to a war like
race of Kshatriyas. They were nourished by the Saptamatrikas,
acquired great merit and prosperity and obtained the Varaha
Lanchana by the divine favour and grace of Vishnis.
MANY A PROBLEM TO BE ANSWERED
Pulakesin II with whom the Western Chalukyan line of

kings came to prominence was a warrior. He built up his
kingdom from scratch, gave victorious battle to Harshavardhana
in the north and held his vast empire in a close grip. A
graphic description of his conquests is given in the Aihols
inscription of Ravikirti. According to it, one is to believe that
the Chalukyan conquest of the Coastal Andhra was effected
in the course of a single campaign. This may not be true.
The invaders met with stout resistance and it was only after
a strenuous warfare of ten years that they could reduce the
country to subjection. In this process of the conquest of the
The Eastern Chalukyas 87
East Coast, several doubts arise. When did the actual con-
quest of the coastal districts of Andhra take place? who were
the enemies from whom the Chalukyas conquered these terito-
ries? When was Kubja Vishnuvardhana appointed as Viceroy
of the region? When did he assume full titles as a Maharaja?
Why was Vengi partitioned as a separate kingdom. These
questions which sound simple evoke many and sometimes
even conflicting answers.
THE DATE OF THE CHALUKYAN CONQUEST OF COASTAL
ANDHRA
The Maruturu grant of Pulakesin II gives us some informa-
tion regarding this. The grant was made immediately after
the conquest by seizure of Pishtapuraka. This was indicated
by the phrase in the inscription in lines 13 and 14. i.e. 'Pishta-
purakadana Grahananantaryena'. 'Adana' means seizure,
'grahana' means capture and 'anantaryena' means immediately
after. This phrase therefore clearly proves that the grant was
given immediately after Pishtapuraka was captured. The in-
scription was issued in the eighth victorious reign of Pulakesin
II. Dr. N. Ramesan who edited the inscription has come to
the conclusion that it was issued in 616 A.D. So by 616 A.D.
Vengi must have been conquered by Pulakesin II. The details
of the Maruturu grant indicate the same. The King is described
as granting the village Maruturu from Kallura and the Aluka
Maharaja for whose benefit also the grant was made said to
have come from Mangalapura. Pishtapuraka is the modern
Pithapuram in the East Godavari district. Kallura is probably
to be identified with the modem Kollur and Mangalapura with
the modern Mangalagiri in Guntur district. The village that was
granted was Maruturu, a famous village of Narasaraopet Taluk
of the Guntur district.
However the Chalukyan conquest of the coast was not
affected in the course of a single campaign. There must have
been a strenuous warfare for some years.
WHO WAS THE ENEMY FROM WHOM THE CHALUKYAS
CONQUERED THE COASTAL DISTRICTS?
Whether it was the Durjaya family or the Vishnukunndin
family, there are doubts regarding the enemy from whom the
Chalukyas conquered the coastal region. No doubt, the

Maruturu and Kopparam plates conclusively prove that in the
first two decades of the seventh century itself, the Gunlur-
Netlore region had been fully conquered by Pulakesin II and
the Pallava king Mahendravarman might have been deprived of
these territories during the early part of the reign of Pulakesin II.
But with regard to the rulers of the region north of the Krishna
river, uncertainly prevails. The conquest of Vengi by the
Eastern Chalukyas from the Durjayas is referred by the tradi-
tion preserved in the Katlaparru grant of Gunaga Vijayaditya,
the Pandipaka grant of Chalukya Bhima I and the Kandayam
plates of Dananrava. In no Eastern Chalukyan grant, the
Vishnukundins were mentioned. But one cannot definitely
conclude that the Chalukyas conquered from the Durjayas and
got under their control a vast area stretching from Jaipur in
Orissa to some parts of Krishna district. The inscriptions speak
of the Chalukyan conquest of a small principality around Pitha-
puram from the Durjayas. What about the territory between
the rivers Godavari and Krishna? Probably it was still during
this period under the Vishnukundins. The proximity of the
Polamuru inscription of the Vishnukundin Madhavavarma with
that of the Eastern Chalukyan Jayasimha I suggests the same.
So it is possible that the Chalukyas got success over the
Durjayas in Pithapuram by which they got a footing on the
east coast. Pithapuram might have been the first capital of the
Eastern Chalukyas from where they marched their victorious
banners into the Vishnukundin territory.
THE STARTING POINT OF THE EASTERN CHALUKYAN

CHRONOLOGY
It may be remembered that Pulakesin II conquered Vengi

country and sent his brother Kubja Vishnuvardhana there as
Viceroy and that Kubja Vishnuvardhana was the founder of the
Eastern Chalukyan line, which held sway over the coastal
districts of Andhra for nearly 500 years. The exact starting
point of the Eastern Chalukyan chronology has been the sub-
ject matter of great doubt and discussion. Dr. Fleet remarked
thus:
'The historical event, which gave the starting point, was

the installation of Kubja Vishnuvardhana not as the Maharaja
or the independent ruler of a separate kingdom but as Yuvaraja
associated, in the government with his eider brother Pulakesin II.'
Dr. Fleet proposed that Pulakesin II conferred the sove-
reignty (Viceroyalty) of Vengi on his younger brother in 615
A.D. But the Satara grant speaks of the presence of Kubja
Vishnuvardhana on the banks of the Bhimaradhi as Yuvaraja
in the 8th regnal year of Pulakesin II (616-17 A.D.). Sri M.S.
Sarma on the basis of the Kopparam plates corresponding to
631 A.D. firmly assuming that they were the earliest evidence
to the invasion of Vengi, fixed the starting point in 633 A.D.
However this may be set aside in view of the later research
and particularly of information furnished in the Maruturu grant.
The late B.V. Krishnarao arrived at 624 A.D. and Dr.
N. Venkataramanayya accepted this date mainly influenced by
the details given in the Terala (Palnad taluq) epigraph,
Dr. N. Ramesan who also worked on the problem supports
624 A.D. as the date of appointment of Kubja Vishnuvardhana
as Viceroy of Vengi. This date based on astronomical and
other calculations tallies with other dates assigned to the later
kings of the dynasty. This may also be confirmed by other
means. As stated in the Maruturu grant of 616 A.D., Pulakesin
II conquered Vengi. In the same year (8th regnal year) of
Pulakesin II, Vishnuvardhana was a Yuvaraja in the West as
is seen from his Satara grant The Kopparam plates of Vishnu-
vardhana issued in the 21st regnal year of Pulakesin II clearly
show Kubja Vishnuvardhana as Viceroy of the Andhra area.
So the date of appointment of Vishnuvardhana as Yuvaraja
of Vengi should be between the years 616 and 631 A.D., i.e
between the Maruturu and Kopparam plates and thus 624 A.D .
which falls within the above mentioned limits, may be the most
satisfactory year as the starting point of the Eastern Chalukyan
Chronology.
WHY WAS VENGI PARTITIONED FROM THE WESTERN
CHALUKYAN KINGDOM?
By the time of the Chipurupalli grant in his own year
eighteen, Kubja Vishnuvardhana had assumed for himself the
title of a Maharaja. If 624 A.D. is taken to be the starting

point of the Eastern Chalukyan chronology, the date of the
above inscription has been calculated to be 641 A.D. What
was the necessity for the partition of Vengi as a separate
kingdom from the Western Chalukyan empire? Hitherto it has
been tacitly assumed that this was a formal division and
Pulakesin II conferred independent sovereignty of Vengi on his
younger brother. It is improbable to hold that a great warrior
like Pulakesin II could not have administered Vengi also as
part of his kingdom and felt the need for a separate king.
Kopparam plates make it clear that Kubja Vishnuvardhana was
living only as Yuvaraja subordinate to his brother Pulakesin II
in the Vengi area. A revolution of Kubja Vishnuvardhana can
be ruled out of account since he seems to have been very loyal
and affectionate towards his brother. Though the Chipurupalli
grant of Vishnuvardhana was issued in 641 A.D. with the
appellation of Maharaja, he was himself not quite certain about
his title and did not mention his regnal year with the usual
phrase Pravardhamana Vijayarajya Samvatsare etc.
In this connection one should bear in mind for a moment

the course of history in the Western Chalukyan country to
understand the reason. The last ruling years of Pulakesin II
ended in a disaster. The great Pallava king Narasimhavarman I,
in order to wipe off the disgrace which his father Mahendra-
varma had to sustain at the hands of Pulakesin II, inflicted a
crushing defeat on the Chalukyas and burnt Badami. Pulakesin II
actually lost his life in this encounter. This event was placed
some-where in 641 A.D. by Fleet. After this there was an
interregnum in the Western Chalukyan power. The date 641
A.D. is exactly equivalent to the Chipurupalli grant of Kubja
Vishnuvardhana where he also haltingly made a reference to
himself as Maharaja. Just as the Chalukyas of Gujarat, the
Chalukyas of the Andhra line also proclaimed their independence
on the death of Pulakesin II and the eclipse of the Western
Chalukyan power. Thus it was in 641 A.D. when Pulakesin II
fell, Vishnuvardhana issued his Chipurupalli charter where he
made a very halting and modest reference to himself just as a
Maharaja and did not refer to the year as 'the Pravardhamana
Vijayarajya Samvatsare' since by that time his reign had not

firmly been established. He gave only a reference to his 18th
year of rule over Vengi perhaps counting his rule as a Viceroy.
Hence there is no necessity at all to postulate a formal division
of the kingdom into two. One important and interesting point
is the three events, i.e. the sack of Vatapi, destruction of Pula-
kesin II, and Kubja Vishnuvardhana assuming the title of
Maharaja, occured in 641 A.D. itself. It is also probable that
when the disaster fell upon his brother, Kubja Vishnuvardhana,
who assumed full sovereignty over Vengi being 'Priya Anuja'
of Pulakesin II, could not have kept quite, but must have rushed
to the help of Badami and he too must have probably fallen
in the same onslaught against the Pallavas.
2. Political History of the Eastern Chalukyas

The Beginnings
The Eastern Chalukyas, also called the Chalukyas of Vengi,
were a branch of the Chalukyas of Vatapi (Badami). Pulakesin II
had his extensive conquests which included the whole of the
Deccan in the early part of his reign. Thereupon he appointed
his younger brother Kubja (The Hump-back) Vishnuvardhane
as viceroy of the newly acquired territory in the Eastern Deccan
Very soon this viceroyalty developed into an independent king-
dom and Vishnuvardhana became the founder of a line which
cultivated the main dynasty for many generations and is known
to history as that of the Eastern Chalukyas of Vengi. These
Eastern Chalukyas were lords of the Vengi country for nearly
five centuries, i.e. from the first quarter of the 7th century A.D.
to the last quarter of the 11th century A.D., before their destiny
called them to the Chola kingdom of Tanjore in the south.
They continued to hold Vengi for several generations even
after that. They identified themselves with the Andhras and
became in fact the makers of he Telugu culture and literature.
KUBJA VISHNUVAROHANA
It is widely accepted that Pulakesin II completed the con-
quest of the Vengi country by 624 A.D. and appointed his
brother as Viceroy over it in that year. Soon after, this brother
Vishnuvardhana had many successes in the eastern Deccan

to his credit and became virtually independent. He ruled over
a kingdom extending from Nellore to Visakhapatnam. He as-
sumed the title of Vishamasiddhi (conqueror of difficulties). The
wars between his brother Putekesin II and the Pallava Nara-
simhavarma I might have given him his opportunity to achieve
all these things.
Vishnuvardhana observed the formalities of subordination

to his elder brother carefully and did not presume independence
till catastrophe overtook Vatapi. He ruled till 641 A.D. He
died in that year probably fighting against the Pallava forces.
His son JayasimhavaMabha though enjoyed a long reign of
33 years, had no achievement for his credit.
THE CHALUKYAS AND THE RASHTRAKUTAS

During the reign of Vijayaditya I (755-772 A.D.) the ninth
king, there occured in the Western Deccan the political revolution
by which the Chalukyas of Vatapi lost their dominion and were
succeeded by the Rashtrakutas under Dantidurga. The enmity
of the Rashtrakutas with the Chalukyas soon began to manifest
itself against the Vengi kingdom also. This meant merely a lot
of fighting in which the Eastern Chalukyas fared mostly badly;
the exceptional instances were very occasional. Vijayaditya I
was defeated by the Rashtrakuta prince, Govinda at the con-
fluence of the Musi and the Krishna rivers and was compelled
to purchase peace. His son Vishnuvardhana IV (772-808 A.D.)
became subordinate to the Rashtrakuta Krishna I. He made
the mistake of supporting Govinda II against Dhruva, his com-
petent younger brother and had to reverse his policy on Dhruva's
success. He gave his daughter in marriage to Dhruva. Since
he ruled for long, he had enough time to be subordinate to a
number of the Rashtrakuta rulers.
But Vishnuvardhana IV's son and successor Vijayaditya II

(808-847 A.D.) rebelled against Rashtrakuta aggression. It
proved to be only an exhibition of valour without prudence
since he was expelled by Govinda III. He had to accept humilia-
tion till the accession of Amoghavarsha I, whose military in-
competence ted the former carry the Chalukyan arms into the
heart of the Rashtrakuta dominions. Amoghavarsha I made
peace with him and gave his sister to the latter's son Kali
Vishnuvardhana. Inscriptions say of Vijayaditya that he fought
108 battles and erected 108 Siva temples.
GUNAGA VIJAYADITYA (849-892 A.D.)
Vijayaditya III, better known as Gunaga Vijayaditya, the

eldest son of Kali Vishnuvardhana bom of the Rashtrakuta
princess Silamahadevi, succeeded his father in 849 A.D. and
ruled the Kingdom for forty four years. He had a number
of titles of which Gunake-nallata (the lover of virtue), Para-
chakra-Rama (Rama in the circle of his enemies), Tripura-
martya-mahesvara (the mortal Mahesvara to the three cities)
and Vallabha (the lord), are the most important.
His reign began with a short period of victory and expan-

sion. Soon after his accession to the throne, he sent an
expedition against the Boya-Kottams in the Nellore district
who attempted to assert their independence by defying his
authority. His army under Pandaranga dismantled the fort of
Kattem and reduced the Nellore fort to ashes and advanced
triumphantly to the frontier of Tondaimandalam. This expedi-
tion resulted in the permanent annexation of the south-eastern
Telugu country which was until that time a fief of the Pallavas.
Vijayaditya bestowed the governorship of this conquered terri-
tory with Kandukur as the headquarters on Pandaranga who
is said to have worsted another chief called Rahana (whose
identity or country is not known) as well in battle.
Flushed with victory over the Boyas and Rahana, Gunaga

had his inroad into the Rashtrakuta dominions and destroyed
Stambhapuri (Cumbum in the Kumool district). This inroad
naturally provoked reprisals. His cousin through his mother,
Amoghavarsha I inflicted a crushing defeat on him in the battle
at Vingavalli in the neighbourhood of Cumbum and made him
his vassal. Now Gunaga Vijayaditya joined the forces of his
overlord and rendered him valuable service against the rebel-

lious feudatories who attempted to overthrow his power. He
slew Mangi. the Nolamba king and the ally of the Western
Ganga ruler who stirred up a rebellion in Gangavadi about the
year 866 A.D. Then he advanced upon Gangavadi and inflicted
a severe defeat on the Ganga army and the Ganga ruler Niti-
marga Permanadi was forced to oblige to make peace with
Amoghavarsha I.
After the death of Amoghavarsha I in 880 A.D., Gunaga

Vijayaditya repudiated the Rashtrakuta supremacy and reas-
serted his independence. He defeated the new Rashtrakuta
king Krishna II and his brother-in-law and the Kalachuri Chedi
ruler of Dahata, Sankila and set fire to Kiranapura and Achala-
pura, the two principal cities of the Dhala kingdom, In this
connection itself, he worsted in the field the kings of Kalinga
and Kosala and the Chalukya chief of Vemulavada, the feuda-
tories of the Rashtrakuta and Chedi monarchs. After these
brilliant victories, he took over he pali banner and the symbols
of the rivers Ganga and Yamuna which constituted the insignia
of Rashtrakuta imperialism and assumed the title Vallabha. He
is also said to have scored victories over the Pallavas and the
Pandyas in the south.
In the reign of the Chalukya Bhima I (892-921 A.D.), the

nephew and successor of Gunaga, the Rashtrakutas attempted
to avenge the defeats. Bhima, after putting down the internal
rebels, defeated even the Rashtrakutas in the battles of Nira-
vadyapura and Peruvanguru. The death of his grandson.
Amma I (921-927 A.D.) was followed by a continually fought
war of succession among many claimants. The Rashtrakutas
continued to interfere in this internecine warfare to their
advantage. One Ammaraja II (945-970 A.D.) suppressed all
his rivals and ruled the kingdom from his new capital, Raja-
mahendravaram. He was overthrown by his own brother,
Danarnava who got help from the Rashtrakutas. However
Danamava was defeated and killed by Jata Choda Bhima.
JATA CHODA BHIMA
Jata Choda Bhima was the Telugu Choda chief of Pedakallu

In the modern Kurnool district. He was most probably a
grandson of Chalukya Bhima II through his mother and a
brother-in-law (wife's brother) of Amma II. Perhaps to avenge
the death of Amma, he stew Danamava in battle in 973 A.D.
and took possession of Vengi. Danamava's sons were driven
into exile. For the first time in the long history of the Vengi
Chalukya rule, an interregnum was recorded.
Jata Choda Bhima ruled Vengi for 27 years from 972 A.D.
to 1000 A.D. He compares himself in an inscription with
Gunaga Vijayaditya from whom he proudly traces his descent.
He subjugated the kings of Anga, Kalinga, Vaidumba and
Dravida. At the zenith of his glory, he exercised authority over
the entire coastal region from Mahendragiri to Kanchi and from
the Bay of Bengal to the frontiers of Karnataka.
THE CHALUKYA-CHOLA CONFLICT IN VENGI
Bhima invaded Kanchi region in 1001 A.D. This was pro-

bably in pursuance of the ambitious and imperialistic Chola
army of Rajaraja I who espoused the cause of Danamava's sons,
and having given his daughter in marriage to the younger of
the two princes (Vimaladitya), invaded Vengi in 999-1000 A.D.
to restore them to their ancestral throne. Bhima laid seize to
Kanchi and captured it in 1001-2 A.D. But soon he was
expelled from the Chola territory. Rajaraja I then invaded the
coastal Telugu country again and having slain Bhima in battle
established Saktivarma I, the elder son of Danamava, firmly
in Vengi. However Vengi ceased to be an independent kingdom
and became a protectorate of the Chola empire.
This chola hegemony over the Telugu country of the mari-

time plain was not liked by the Chalukyas of Kalyani who had
just replaced the Rashtrakutas in the Deccan. With the result.
Vengi became a bone of contention and the battle arena of a

long war for the Cholas and the Western Chalukyas. Sakti-
varma I (1000-1011 A.D.) faced the Western Chalukya inroad
into Vengi in 1006 A.D. and with the Chola help, he secured
his throne back.
In the reign of Rajarajanarendra (1018-22-61 A.D.) the

Chalukya-Chola rivalry in Vengi reached a high pitch. His
accession to the throne was challenged by his step brother,
Vjjayaditya (VII) who usurped the throne with the help of
Jayasimha II, king of Kalyani. But his maternal uncle and the
Chola emperor, Rajendra Chola, came to his rescue and after
defeating the usurper and his Western Chalukya ally, reinstated
Rajarajsnarendra in Vengi in 1022 A.D. and gave him his
daughter Ammangadevi in marriage. Vijayaditya VII continued
his efforts to dislodge his counterpart and rule the kingdom
during frequent intervals (1031-35 A.D.). With the accession
of Somesvara I in Kalyani and that of Rajadhiraja in Tanjore, the
conflict was revived. Somesvara compelled Rajarajanarendra
to accept a subordinate position. The latter's death in 1061
A.D. was followed by confusion in Vengi. Vijayaditya VII
placed his son Saktivarma II on the Vengi throne. But Chola
Rajendra II killed Saktivarma and raised Rajarajanarendra's son,
Rajendra to the throne and gave his daughter Madhurantaki in
marriage to him.
On the death of Virarajendra and the assassination of his

son and successor Adhirajendra a few months later in 1070 A.D.
in Tanjore, the Eastern Chalukya Rajendra, a descendant through
his mother from Rajendra Chola I, went to Tanjore and ascended
the Chola throne as Kulottunga I, Later he reconciled with
his uncle Vijayaditya VII and allowed him to rule in Vengi
(1063-68 A.D.; 1072-75 A.D.) as an independent king. With
Viiayaditya's death in 1075-76 A.D., the Eastern Chalukya line
came to an end. Vengi became a Chola province under
Kulottunga I.
3. Relationship Between the Eastern Chalukyas and

the Rashtrakutas
The relationship between the Eastern Chalukyas and the

Rashtrakutas was one of characteristic dynastic struggle, where
the two dynasties tried to benefit each by itself at the cost of
the other. The Eastern Chalukyan empire was founded by
Kubja Vishnuvardhana, the brother of Pulakesin-lI, who was
the great Western Chaiukyan ruler of Vatapi. The line founded
by Vishnuvardhana held sway in the Telugu country for over
four centuries from the first quarter of the 7th century A,D.
Rashtrakutas were feudatories of the Western Chalukyas.

When the Western Chalukyan power received a set back in the
reign of Kirtivarman II, Dantidurga, the Rashtrakuta prince began
to assert his power at the expense of his over-lord and the
final assault was given to the Western Chalukyan empire some-
time in 753 A.D. The disappearance of the friendly house of
Badarni and the emergence in its place of the new Rashtrakuta
power upset the equalibrium of the Southern Deccan. Vengi
which enjoyed comparitive peace since the time of its conquest
under Pulakesin II, was drawn into vortex of an inter-dynastic
struggle and became the arena of warfare between the
Chalukyas and the Rashtrakutas during the succeeding two
centuries.
Dantidurga though overthrew the Western Chalukyan

power and conquered Kanchi, Kosala, Kalinga and Srisailam, he
did not turn to himself against the then Eastern Chalukyan
emperor Vijayaditya I. But towards the end of the reign, the
Rashtrakutas became more aggressive and invaded Vengi from
the west. Krishna I, the successor of Dantidurga sent his son
Govinda. According to the Alas plates dated 769 A.D., the
king of Vengi, Vijayaditya unable to resist the invading Rashtra-
kuta forces saved himself 'by the cession of his treasury, forces
and his country'. The reason for this Rashtrakuta invasion was
perhaps the desire of Krishna I to chastise Vtjayaditya for in-
lettering in the affairs of Karnataka, besides territorial ambition
7)
Vijayaditya was succeeded by his son Vishnuvardhana IV.

The Rashtrakuta ruler was Govinda II. But soon there was
a dispute in the house of the Rashtrakutas between Govinda II
and Dhruva. In the contest Govinda acquired the help of
Eastern Chalukyas against his brother Dhruva. But finally
Dhruva emerged successful defeating Govinda II along with
the other kings who helped him. The defeat of Govinda and
the enthronement of his rival in his place brought disaster
especially to Vishnuvardhana IV, Dhruva soon after his settle-
ment on the throne organised an expedition against Vengi. The
Eastern Chalukyan inscriptions though ignored this invasion,
Vishnuvardhana IV had to acknowledge the supremacy of the
Rashtrakuta monarch by paying tribute. It was further cemented
by a matrimonial alliance. Vishnuvardhana IV gave his daughter
Seelamahadevi in marriage to Dhruva. The royal houses of
Vengi and Malkhed were thus for the first time matrimonially
allied in history. As a consequence, peace was restored
between the two kingdoms till the death of Vishnuvardhana IV
in 806 A.D.
The contest between Vijayaditya II and his brother Bheema-
saluki provided again an opportunity for the Rashtrakutas to
interfere in the affairs of the Eastern Chalukyas. Dhruva died
in 794 A.D. and was succeeded by his son Govinda III. He
had to face a rebellion during which Vishnuvardhana IV declared
himself independent, Govinda III after putting down the rebellion
turned his attention to the affairs of Vengi. The death of
Vishnuvardhana and the outbreak of a war between his sons
for the throne gave him an opportunity to reestablish his
supremacy over the country. Therefore Rashtrakuta Govinda III
supported the cause of Bheemasaluki who was not strong
enough to stand before his brother Vijayaditya II. Meanwhile
Rashtrakuta throne passed on to Amoghavarsha I. The Eastern
Chalukya Vijayaditya II took advantage of the situation inflicted
a crushing defeat on his rival Bheema and expelled him from
the kingdom. Vengi now became an independent state. The
Rashtrakuta boy-king Amoghavarsha who had to face an attack
from Gujarat sued for peace with Vijayaditya and in the agree-
ment, the regent's sister Seelamahadevi was given in marriage
to Vijayaditya's son and sucessor Kali Vishnuvardhana.
The Eastern Cholnkyas 99
After the brief rule of Vijayaditya II's son, the throne passed
on to Gunaga Vijayaditya or Vijayadrtya III. Inspite of the
ties of Kinship between Vijayaditya III and the Rashtrakuta
Amoghavarsha I, they came into conflict with each other. This
might be due to the set back the Eastern Chalukyan dynasty
received. The contemporary records make us believe that
Gunaga Vijayaditya sustained a defeat in the battle and was
obliged to conclude a disagreeable peace acknowledging the
Rashtrakuta supremacy. It is said that Vijayaditya marched
at the behest of the Rattesa against the Gangas and defeated
them in battle. Rattesa was no other than Amoghavarsha I
himself and Gunaga Vijayaditya attacked the Ganagas as his
subordinate. This must have happened before 866 A.D. (Nilgund
Epigraph). A close examination of the records of this period
reveal that the war started with the Eastern Chalukyan in-
vasion of Stamba (Kambam). The forces of Gunaga Vijaya-
ditya and Amoghavarsha met on the battle field of Vingavalli
where the Chalukyas faced a crushing defeat. Thus humbled
by the Rashtrakuta king, the Eastern Chalukyan ruler Gunaga
was forced to fight on behalf of the Rashtrakutas against the
Gangas. However opportunity came soon for him to avenge
his defeat. Amoghavarsha 1 died about 880 A.D. and his son
Krishna II ascended the throne. His accession seems to have
coincided with an invasion of the Gurjara Pratihara dynasty
from the North. Taking advantage of this confusion. Gunaga
Vijayaditya proclaimed his independence and declared war upon
Krishna II. The Sataluru grant issued by Vijayaditya III alludes
to his conquest of the Rashtrakuta kingdom and the establish-
ment of his suzerainty over the whole Dakshinapatha including
the Trikalinga country. The fact that he set up at the gate of
his palace the symbols of Ganga and Yamuna and the Pali
dhvaja and the assumption of the title 'Samadhigata Pancha
Mahasabda' a special mark of permountcy, clearly establishes
that Gunaga successfully displaced the Rashtrakutas. The
Dharmavaram epigraph states that the battle is said to have
fought in two distinct compaigns The Attili grant of Chalukya
Bheema I states that Gunaga set fire to the cities of Kiranapura
and Achalapura. The Kaluehambarru grant of Amma II speaks
of the worship offered by the Vallabha king (Rashtrakuta) to
Gunaga Vijayaditya. The Pithapuram inscription of Maltappa-

deva mentions that Vijayaditya burnt Chakrakuta, restored to
Vallabhendra his own exalted position and received elephants
from the king of Kalinga. These inscriptions clearly show that
Vijayaditya overran the Rashtrakuta dominion and accepted the
submission of his rival Krishna 11-
The hostilities continued again between the two dynasties

even in the time of Chalukya Bheema I, the successor of
Gunaga Vijayaditya. From Koravi epigraph and Ederu plates
of Amma I, it is inferred that Chalukya Bheema I had faced
more than one Rashtrakuta invasion. The internal troubles
faced by Bheema I from his Dayadas also encouraged the
Rashtrakuta Krishna II to invade the Vengi country with the
assistance of forces of Karnata and Lata. The Rashtrakutas
reached the outskirts of the capital Vengi. Two notable
engagements, one at Niravadyapura and the other at Peruvan-
guru, took place. In these two engagements, Irimartiganda, son
of Bheema I, was victorious; but he lost his life. After these
engagements, the rest of the reign of Chalukya Bheema I passed
on peacefully. The death of Chalukya Bheema I was followed
by a period of turmoil and internecine strife during which the
ambitious princes of the dynasty were engaged in fighting with
one another. The Rashtrakutas had their intrigues by spousing
the cause of some one or the other of the disgruntled princes
and thus hectic activity on the part of the Rashtrakutas was
seen. However even in the Rashtrakuta dominions, quick
succession followed along with the internal strife. When
Amoghavarsha II ascended the throne in 930 A.D., he set his
heart upon the conquest of Vengi and sent an army with the
Eastern Chalukya Yuddhamalla II to help him to regain the
throne. The internal condition of Vengi was favourable for the
success of this venture. At last, Yuddhamaila II occupied the
Vengi throne. However the Rashtrakuta forces were kept in
the Eastern Chalukyan dominions.
Yuddhamalla II had to give away and return to exile, when

Bheema II, a powerful protogonist to the Vengi throne con-
tested with him. The Malyampundi grant of Amma Il refers
to the successful victory of Bheema II over Yuddhamalla II and

his supporters, the Rashtrakutas. The result of this war was
that the power of Rashtrakuta Govinda IV was undermined and
he had to face rivalry from his Kinsmen. These disorders in
the Rashtrakuta kingdom left Chalukya Bheema II free to con-
solidate his position and establish his power firmly in Vengi.
The Rashtrakuta king Govinda IV was succeeded by

Krishna III and in Vengi Chalukya Bheema II was succeeded
by his son Amma II (945-970 A.D.). Amma II had no smooth
sailing. He had to face the Rashtrakuta invasion in 955 A.D.
To ensure his success, he fostered dissensions in the Eastern
Chalukyan dynasty and won over to his side Danarnava, the
elder brother of Amma II. Amma II could not cope up with
the situation. Unable to withstand the advance of the Rashtra-
kuta forces and turn the tide of the invasion, he abandoned
the kingdom and saved himself by timely flight to Kalinga.
Krishna IIl entrusted the Government of Vengi to Danarnava.
Thus once again Vengi was brought with in the fold of Rashtra-
kuta hegemony
The invasion of the Telugu Chola ruler Jata Chola Bheema

on the Eastern Chalukyan kingdom and his usurpation of the
Vengi throne caused a set back in the fortunes of the Eastern
Chalukyan dynasty. Danarnava's son took refuse in Chola-
mandalam. By this time, the Rashtrakutas who competed in
the past with the Eastern Chalukyas had disappeared and
the Western Chalukyan dynasty of Katyani was established
Thus after a vigorous career of almost two centuries and a
quarter, the imperial Rashtrakutas disappeared from history.
From the above discuss-on, it can be said that the Eastern

Chalukyas and the Rashtrakutas waged wars for 200 years with
a view to dislodge each other Both the dynasties tried to
establish their hegemony over the other, whenever the oppor-
tunity came. The struggle was not strictly confined to these
dynasties only At times they took the help from the neighbour-
ing kingdoms. The fortunes fluctuated from one dynasty to
the other. Neither of the powers could establish their grip
over the other permanently. Even the matrimonial alliances

concluded in between them proved to be more political than
cemented with any bond of love.
4. The Relations Between the Eastern Chalukyas and

the Cholas
(The interference of the Western Chalukyas of Kalyani in the
Affairs of the Vengi Chalukyas)
Towards the last quarter of tenth century A.D., the Deccan

was ruled by two Chalukyan dynasties, the Western from
Kalyani and the Eastern from Vengi (In fact, Rajamahendravaram
was the new capital). The Eastern Chalukyan kingdom, founded
by Kubja Vishnuvardhana, a brother of Pulakesin II. continued
without break from the 7th to the 11th century A.D. (with
the exception of the Telugu Choda interregnum). Tailapa II
brought about the fall of the Rashtrakuta power in Western Dec-
can in 973 A.D. He revived the Western Chalukyan kingdom and
founded in Kalyani kingdom of the Chalukyan dynasty. The
relations between the Kalyani and the Vengi Chalukyan king-
doms were mostly inimical.
To the South of the Vengi kingdom were the Cholas who

became dominent having brought about fall of the Pallavas. Raja-
raja, who is considered the greatest Chola ruler, ascended the
throne of Tanjore in 985 A.D. He pursued his imperialistic
ambitions with an aggressive attitude. He conquered and
consolidated the southern provinces and then in a mighty
sweep in the north, brought Gangapadi, Nolambapadi, Talaik-
kadu and parts of southern Mysore under his rule. This Chola
advance into Mysore brought them into conflict with the
Kalyani Chalukyan power.
It is at this juncture Rajaraja thought that it was in the

best interests of the Cholas to see that the Eastern Chalukyas
did not make common cause with their cousins in the west,
for such a coalition would constitute a challenge to the rising
Chola power. He decided befriend the weaker as against the
stronger and create the traditional sphere of balance of power

in South India. He took advantage of the situation when the
sons of the Eastern Chalukya Danamava, being deprived of
their parental kingdom by Jata Choda Bhima, sought his help.
He espoused their cause and entered into matrimonial alliance
with them. He gave his daughter Kundavai in marriage to
Vimaladitya, the younger of the two princes and his was but
a beginning of series of diplomatic marriages between these
two dynasties. He invaded coastal Telugu country twice and
in the second attempt in 1002-03 A.D., having slain Jata Choda
Bhima in battle succeeded in establishing Darramava's elder
son Saktivarma I firmly on the Vengi throne.
This Eastern Chalukyan alliance with the Chola monarch

had its far-reaching consequences. It deprived the rulers of
Vengi much of their individuality and autonomy. Vengi ceased
to be an independent kingdom and became a protectorate of
the Chola empire. 'The formation of the Chola-Chalukya alliance
and the establishment of Chola ascendency over the entire
coastal Telugu country upset the political equilibrium of the
Southern Deccan and plunged the land into interminable dynastic
wars. The Chalukyas of Kalyani challenged the Chola
supremacy over the Telugu country of the maritime plain, and
Vengi became the theatre of a long war which lasted, with
few brief intervals, for the next 135 years, the history of Vengi
during this period is a history of this war; the Eastern Chalukyas,
the rulers of the country recede into the background, leaving
the Cholas and the Kalyani Chalukyas to dispute the field.'
The first of the series of Kelyani Chalukyan invasions

which was to devastate Vengi during the next century and a
quarter occured during the early years of rule Saktivarma I
(1000-11 A.D.). Satyasraya (997-1008 A.D.) the son and
successor of Tailapa II, sent an army led by one of his generals.
Baya Nambi to invade the Eastern Chalukyan kingdom in
1006 A.D. to overthrow the Chola-Chalukya alliance and bring
the east coast under his control. The general entered Vengi
from the south, reduced the forts of Dharanikota and Yana-
madala to ashes and established himself at Chebrolu (Guntur
district). At this juncture. Rajaraja distracted the atten-

tion of Satyasraya by sending his son Rajendra Chola to invade
Rattapadi in the west and thus compelled him to withdraw
his army from Vengi for the defence of his realm. After the
Western Chalukyan army retired from the east coast, Sakti-
varma was left in possession of his kingdom.
At the close of the reign of Vrmaladitya (1011-18 A.D.)-

the succession to the Vengi throne was in dispute. His son
Rajaraja Narendra, through the Chola princess Kundavai, was
appointed crown prince and succeeded his father on the throne
of Vengi. But Vijayaditya VII, who was the step-brother of
Rajaraja Narendra, seized power with the help of Jayasimha II,
the Western Chalukyan ruler. Rajaraja Narendra naturally
sought the help of his maternal uncle and overlord, the Chola
emperor Rajendra Chola I. The latter promptly dispatched
forces to his aid. The tradition of fighting on two fronts in
the north, which was started by Rajaraja Chola, was continued
by his son as well. Rajendra Chola I sent a powerful army
against Rattapadi to divert the attenton of Jayasimha II and
prevent him from sending effective help to Vijayaditya VII.
With this, the king of Kalyani was compelled to take steps for
the defence of his kingdom. On the Eastern Chalukyan front,
the Chola army ted by the general Soliyavarasan defeated
Vijayaditya and his Kalinga and Odda supporters in several
battles, took possession of the country on behalf of Rajaraja
Narendra and proceeded afterwards on a grand military expedi-
tion to the Gangetic valley. To protect the rear of his army
campaigning in the Gangetic valley, Rajendra Chola I had his
sojourn on the banks of the Godavari, during which he en-
throned his nephew Rajaraja Narendra as the ruler of Vengi
and celebrated the latter's coronation on 16th August 1022 A.D.
He even gave his daughter Ammangai in marriage to his nephew
who had by her a son Rajendra named after him.
Rajaraja Narendra was constantly beset with difficulties

during his long rule of 41 years. His half-brother Vijayaditya
never gave up his designs upon the throne. He managed
probably with the help from the Western Chalukya court to
oust his brother, seize the throne and keep himself in power
between 1031 A.D. and 1035 A.D. Even after this, Rajaraja
Narendra did not enjoy peaceful reign. About, the year 1042
A.D. the new ruler of Kalyani, Ahavamalla Somesvara I, with
whom Vijayaditya VII allied himself, sent an expedition against
Vengi. Rajendra Chola I sent some Chola forces to Vengi
under his Brahman general Rajaraja Brahmamaharaja. A bloody
battle took place at Kalidindi in the West Godavari district.
The result of the battle was indecisive. A lull prevailed in the
warfare after this battle.
Rajadhiraja I (1042-52 A.D.), the son and successor of

Rajendra Chola I, in his eagerness to restore the Chola hege-
mony over Vengi to its former absolute state, led an expedition
into the coastal Telugu country in 1044-45 A.O. He fought
a battle at Dhannada (Dharanikota in the Guntur district) and
compelled the Western Chalukyan army along with Vijayaditya
VI! to retreat in disorder. He then entered into me Western
Chaiukyan dominions and set fire to the Kollipaka fort on the
frontier between the Kalyani and Vengi territories This relief
for Rajaraja Narendra, however, was only temporary, for in
1047 A.O. itself, Vengi and Kalinga were lost by the Cholas.
The Western Chalukyas held them almost upto the end of
Chola Virarajendra's reign (1062-69 A.D.). It is very strange
that somehow Rajadhiraja I suddenly lost interest in the Vengi
affairs and never made any attempt to re-establish his authority
in the Telugu country. Rajaraja Narendra realised that to con-
tinue fight with the Western Chalukyas was waste and hence
concluded peace with Somesvare I. In order to show his
respect towards Karnatakas, he assumed their titles like
'Satyasrayakulasekhara' and "Samastabhuvanasraya" Somes-
vara appointed one of his Pradhanis. Narayanabhatta as the
Sthanapati in the court of Rajamahendravarem to look after his
imperial affairs. This Narayanabhatta was a distinguished
scholar. He assisted Rajaraja Narendra's court poet and purohit
Nannayabhatta in the composition of his Telugu Mahabharata
The death of Raiaraja Narendra in 1061 A.D. offered another

opportunity to the Kalyani court to strengthen its hold on
Vengi. Vijayaditya VII seized Vengi and with the consent of

his suzerain of Kalyani whom he had served loyally for several
years, established himself permanently in the kingdom. Mean-
while prince Rajendra, son of Rajaraja Narendra through the
Chola princess Ammangai was brought up in the Chola harem.
He married Madhurantakidevi, the daughter of the new Chola
ruler Rajendra II (1054-55 A.D. —1063 A.D.), who was the
brother and successor of Rajadhiraja I. In order to restore
him on the Vengi throne, the Chola ruler Rajendra II sent his
son Rajamahendra and brother Virarajendra against the Western
Chalukyas and Vijayaditya VII. The Chola forces marched
against Gangavadi and drove away the Chalukyas. Virarajendra
then marched against Vengi and probably killed Saktivarma It,
son of Vijayaditya VII.
Meanwhile, Rajendra II died and as his son Rajamahendra

had predeceased him, his brother Virarajendra went back to
Gangaikondacholapura and coronated himself there in 1062-63
A.D. Fortunes fluctuated for the Eastern Chalukya Rajendra
during this period. For sometime he was found ruling in
Chakrakuta, while his uncle Vijayaditya VII was allowed to rule
Vengi. On the death of Somesvara I in 1O68 A.D., Vikram-
aditya VI, one of his three sons, began to pursue his plans for
securing the throne of Kalyani for himself. Accordingly he
first got Vijayaditya to make his submission to Virarajendra
Chola and make peace with him and soon after followed the
same course himself. Virarajendra even gave his daughter in
marriage to Vikramaditya VI.
On the death of Virarajendra and the assassination of his

son Adhirajendra in 1070 A.D., Rajendra Chalukya, a descen-
dant through his mother from Rajendra Chola I, went to the
south and established himself on the Chola throne as Kulottunga
Chola I. He reconciled himself with his uncle Vijayaditya VII
and allowed him to rule Vengi during the remaining years of
his life. With Vijayaditya's death in 1075 A.D., the Eastern
Chalukyan line came to an end. Vengi became a province of
the Chole empire. Kulottunga Chola I administered the pro-
vince through his sons by sending them as Viceroys. However
there was a prolonged fight between him and Vikramaditya VI

over the possession of Vengi which frequently changed hands.
This perpetual struggle between the two great rulers ended
in the Vengi kingdom slipping out of the Chola hands.
5. General Conditions of the Eastern Chalukyan

Period
ADMINISTRATION
It may be assumed that in the initial stages, the
Eastern Chalukya court was more or less a replica of that of
Badami, and as genrations passed, local factors gained in
strength and the Vengi monarchy developed features of its
own; but still, external influences continued to be present
since the Eastern Chalukyas had had long and intimate contact,
either friendly or hostile, with the Pallavas, the Rashtrakutas,
the Cholas and the Chalukyas of Kalyani.
The Eastern Chalukyan government was a monarchy of
the class which is described in the Hindu works on Artha and
Dharma sastras. The inscriptions refer to the traditional seven
components of the state (Saptanga), and the eighteen tirthas
(offices), such as mantri (minister), purohita (chaplain), sena-
pati (commander), Yuvaraja (heir-apparent), dauvarika (door
keeper), pradhana (chief), adhyaksha (head of department)
and so on. No information is available as to how the work
of administration was carried on. They probably followed the
injunctions laid down in works on Rajaniti.
The Vishaya and Kottam were the administrative sub-
divisions known from the records. The Karmarashtra and the
Boya-Kottams are examples of these. The royal edicts (re-
cording gifts of lands or villages) are addressed to all naiyogi-
kavallabhas, a general term containing no indication of their
duties, as welt as to the grameyakas, the residents of the
village granted. The Manneyas are also occasionally referred
in inscriptions. They held assignments of land or revenue in
different villages. Anyway it is reasonable to hold that there
was no settled administration worthy of the name in the king-
dom as a whole. Fratricidal wars and foreign invasions
frequently disturbed the land. The territory was parcelled

out into many small principalities (estates) held by the nobility
consisting of collateral branches of the ruling house Such as
those of Elamanchili, Pithapuram and Mudigonda, and a few
kshatriya families (Kona Haihayas, Kolanu Saronathas etc.),
closely connected by marriage ties with the Eastern Chalukyas
and others (The Velanadus, Kondapadamatis, Chagis, Parich-
hedis etc.) who were raised to high position for their loyal
services. When the Vengi ruler was strong, the nobility paid
allegiance and tribute to him, but when the weakness was
apparent, they were ready to join hands with the enemies
against the royal house.
Regarding the village administration, the information is

scanty. Probably the administration was in the hands of
grameyakas or rashtrakutapramukhas (chief cultivators). In
the Pabhuparru grant of Saktivarma I, gramani was referred as
the representative of the crown.
SOCIETY
The population in the Vengi country was heterogenous in

character. Yuan Chwang, who travelled in the Andhra country
after the establishment of the Eastern Chalukya kingdom, noted
that the people were of a violent character, were of a dark
complexion and were fond of arts. The society was based
on hereditary caste system. Even the Buddhists and Jains
who originally disregarded caste, adopted it. Besides the four
traditional castes, minor communities like Boyas and Saharas
(uncivilized) were also seen. The Brahmns were held in high
esteem in the society. They were proficient in Vedas and
Sastras and were given gifts of land and money. They held
lucrative posts such as councillors, ministers and members
of civil service. They entered even army and some of them
rose to positions of high command (Vajjayya praggada in the
time of Gunaga Vijayaditya)
The Kshatriyas were the ruling and warring class. Their

love of intrigue and fighting was responsible for civil war for
110 HISTORY OF TOE ANDHRAS
two centuries. The Komatis (Vaisyas) as a trading class,

were a flourishing community. Their organisation into a
powerful guild (Nakaram) which had its headquarters in
Penugonda (West Godavari) and branches in seventeen other
centres had its beginnings in this period. It seems there used
to be a minister for communal affairs (samayamantri) in the
government. The Sudras constituted the bulk of the popula-
tion and there were several sub-castes among them. The army
furnished a career for most of them and some of them, acquired
even the status of samanta and mandalika. The Tamils and
Kannadigas in the Vengi kingdom were telugised. Polygamy
was a general feature of the society. Concubinage (having
mistress-wives) was popular and it must have been a status
symbol.
RELIGION
In the religious sphere. Buddhism which was dominant once
was now in a decadent position. Its monasteries were practi-
cally deserted, when the Chinese traveller visited the Vengi
country. Due to their love of sacred relics in stupas, a few
might have lingered on, Ywan Chwang noticed some twenty
or more Buddhist aramas in which more than three thousand
Sramanas lived. He spent some time in Amaravati and studied
Mahasanghika Abhidamma with the help of two sramanas.
With the spread of Vajrayana Tantric cult and moral degrada-
tion. Buddhism had lost ground and the Buddha at Amaravati
was in fact worshipped as an incarnation of Vishnu.
Jainism. unlike Buddhism, continued to enjoy some sup-
port from the people. This is evident from the several deserted
images in ruined villages all over Andhra. The inscriptions
also record the construction of Jain basadis and grants of land
for their support from the monarchs and the people. The
rulers like Kubja Vishnuvardhana, Vishnuvardhana III and Amma
II patronised Jainism. Vimaladitya even became a declared
follower of the doctrine of Mahavira. Bezwada. Jenupadu
(Aryavatam in East Godavari), Penugonda (West Godavari)
and Munugodu (Guntur district) were the famous jain centres
of the period.
As regards Hinduism which was the national religion

throughout the Chalukya period, Vaishnavism was not popular.
Saivism supplanted Buddhism and subsequently became the
religion of masses. Some of the rulers, declared themselves
as 'Paramamaheswaras'. The pancharamas, Amaravati, Drak-
sharam, Bhimavaram, Palakollu and Samalkot which are believed
to have been once famous centres of Buddhism, attained great
celebrity as Saiva pilgrim centres. The Pasupata, Kalamukha
and Kapalika sects were referred in the records of the period.
The Mahasena temple at Chebrolu (Guntur district) was
specially noted for its annual jatra. One of the features of
this jatra was a grand procession of the image all the way
from Chebrolu to Bezwada and back. The Eastern Chatukya
rulers like Vijayaditya II, Yuddhamalla I. Vijayaditya III and
Bhima I took active interest in the construction of many a
temples. The temple establishments like dancers and musicians
show that during this period, temple was not only a centre
of religious worship but a fostering ground of fine arts.
LITERATURE
Before Nannaya, next to Sanskrit, Karmada is the language

that commanded prestige and position in the literary world.
Ponna (Santipurana). Pampa (Jaina Bharata, Adipurana and
Vikramarjuna Vijaya) and Nagavarma (Chhandombudhi and
Kadambari), the three great Kannada poets, who were Jains
by faith, were closely associated with Kammanadu and Vangi-
puram (Guntur district).
Telugu literature owes its origin to the Chalukyas. Des-

poetry makes its first appearance in the Addanki and Kandukus
inscriptions of Pandaranga in the time of Gunaga Vijayaditya
(III) in the later half of the ninth century. However no literary
work of any value appeared till 11th century A.D. Nannaya
Bhatta's Mahabharata is the earliest extant work of Telugu
literature. Nannaya was the Purohit and poet-Iaureatte of
Rajarajanarendra in the middle of eleventh century A.D. being
an erudite scholar, who was well-versed in Vedas. Sastras,
Itihasas and Puranas, he undertook the Telugu version of the
Great Epic in order to counteract the influence of Pampa's

Bharata (Jaina) in Karmada. He was ably assisted in his
endeavour by Narayana Bhatta who was proficient in eight
languages. Though incomplete, his work is universally ac-
claimed as a masterpiece of art. It remains unrivalled for its
graceful end dignified diction and sweet, mellifious and elegant
verse.
ART & ARCHITECTURE
Because of the widely spread Saiva bhakti cult and to

some extent Vaishnava cult in the kingdom, construction of
temples was seen on a large scale. Vijayaditya II is credited
with the construction of 108 temples. Yuddhamalia I erected
a temple to Kartikeya at Bezwada. Gunaga Vijayaditya con-
structed the Rajarajeswara, Golingeswara and Chandrasekhara
temples at Biccavole (East Godavari). The Mahasena temple
at Chebrole (Guntur District) was well known. Chalukya
Bhima I constructed the famous Draksharbma and Chalukya
Bhimavaram (Samalkot) temples. Rajarajanarendra erected
three memorial shrines at Kalidindi (West Godavari). The
Eastern Chalukyas, following the Pallava and Chalukya tradi-
tions, developed their own independent style of architecture
which is visible in the Pancharama shrines (especially the
Draksharama temple) and Biccavole temples. The Golingeswara
temple at Biccavole contains some richly carved out sculptures
of deities like Arthnariswara, Siva, Vishnu, Agni, Chamundi and
Surya.
CHAPTER 5
The Age of the Chalukya-Cholas
1. The Condition of Andbra Under the Chalnkya-

Cholas
On the death of the Eastern Chalukya ruler Rajeraja
Narendra in 1061 A.D., his step-brother Vijayaditya VII usurped
the throne and placed his son Saktivarma II as the niter of the
Vengi kingdom. But the Chola ruler Rajendradeva II intervened,
killed Saktivarma and raised his nephew (sister's son) and
Rajaraja Narendra's son. Rajendra Chalukya to the throne. He
even gave his daughter Madhurantaki in marriage to the
Chalukyas prince. The sailing was not smooth for Rajendra at
Rajamahendravaram. His uncle Vijayaditya VII again established
his sway over Vengi in 1063 A.D. with the help of the Kalyani
Chalukyas. Finding his position untenable in Vengi against his
uncle, Rajendra Chalukya was induced to leave for the Eastern
lands where he spent his time in military adventures. The
Chola emperor Virarajendra utilised his services to reconquer
Kadaram and the successful Rajendra Chalukya even visited
the Chinese court representing the Cholas. In or about 1068
A.D., Rajendra overthrew Vijayaditya and took over the
Government of Vengi.
When Virarajendra died and his son and successor Adhi-

rajendra was assassinated a few months later in 1070 A.D-
in the Chola capital without a lineal successor in the Vijayalaya
Chola line. Rajendra Chalukya seized the Chola throne also
and virtually became the ruler of both the Chola and the
8)
Eastern Chalukya kingdoms, by right of conquest and also by

virtue of belonging to both the families. This Rajendra, as
already seen, married Madhuramaki, daughter of the Chola
emperor Rajendra II. His father Rajaraja Narendra had married
Ammangadevi, daughter of the Chola Rajendra I. His father
Vimaladitya had married Kundavai, daughter of Rajaraja I Chola.
Thus for three generations the Eastern Chalukyan princes had
married in the Imperial Chola family and they came to feel that
they belonged as much to the Chola family as to the Eastern
Chalukyan, Further Rajendra of Vengi, according to 'Kalingal-
tuparani', spent his childhood days in Gangaikondacholapuram
and was a familiar favourite to the princes and the people of
the Chola country'. Moreover the Chola kingdom was the
more extensive, the more reputed and the more prosperous
of the two kingdoms. It is under these circumstances, Rajendra
Chalukya moved into the 'Political vaccum created by the death
of Adhirajendra'. According to the recently discovered inscrip-
tions, his accession to the Chola throne with the title
Kulottunga Chola (I) must be dated after May, 1071 A.D.
Since then Kulottunga I and his descendants came to be known
as the Chalukya-Cholas in history.
Kulottung's acquisition of the vast and over-grown Chola

kingdom also acquired him traditional hostility between the
Cholas and the Western Chalukyas. So his natural enemy
was Vikramaditya VI, the man in power in the Western
Chalukyan kingdom. Since Kulottunga originally belonged to
Vengi, he wanted to keep his relations with Vengi above any
stress or strain. Hence he reconciled with his uncle Vijay-
aditya VII and bestowed the Vengi kingdom again on the latter,
allowing him to rule almost as an independent king till his
death in 1075/76 A.D. But soon after the demise of his uncle
Vijayaditya, Kulottunga Chola assumed once more the sove-
reignty of Vengi. Thenceforth he sent his sons one after the
other in succession to rule Vengi as his viceroys.
Kulottunga had seven sons by the Chola princess
Madhurantaki of whom the names of only four are known from
the copper-plate inscriptions of his time. They are Rajaraja
The Age of the Chalukya-Cholas 115
Chola Ganga, Rajaraja Mummadi Chola, Vira Chola and Vikrama

Chola. Each one of them acted as Viceroy of Vengi at one
time of other during the suzerainty of their father. They bore
the Eastern Chalukyan titles like Vishnuvardhana and Sarva-
lokasraya.
Kulottunga appointed his second son Rajaraja Mummadi

Chola to the rulership of Vengi, in succession to Vijayaditya VII
and sent him to Vengi in 1076 A.D. This Mummadi Chola
assumed,, purely the Eastern Chalukyan title and name Sarva-
lokasraya Sri Vishnuvardhana maharaja at the time of his
accession to the throne of Vengi. He celebrated his coronation
at Jananathapura (Draksharama in the East Godavari distrct).
Mummadi Chola's viceroyalty lasted at least for two years.
The Velanati chief Gonka (I) of the Durjaya family was his
trusted and faithful commander-in-chief. Mummadi Bhima was
another officer.
During the year 1077-78 A.D. Mummadi Chola, as the

viceroy, had to fight with the Kalinga and the Western Chalukyan
forces. After the death of the Kalinga ruler Rajaraja Devendra-
varma, his agnates (dayadas) with the help of the Western
Chalukyas attempted to occupy the throne. Mummad. Chola
led his forces against Kalinga, crushed the enemies and restored
Devendra's minor son Anantavarma Chola Ganga on the Kalinga
throne. He granted twelve villages, free of all taxes, to his
close friend and subordinate chief Mummadi Bhima for his
help in this Kalinga expedition. These details of the grant were
recorded in his Eluru grant. 'This is the first instance when
the king, as the viceroy, exercised independent powers in is-
suing grants in his own name without acknowledging direct
allegiance to his father, the Chalukya-Chola emperor'. This
indicates his probable defiance of the central authority and so
Kulottunga called him back to the Cholamandalam.
Mummadi Chola was replaced by his younger and more

talented brother Vira Chola as the viceroy of Vengi. The new
viceroy also had his coronation celebrated at Jananathapura.
His viceroyalty lasted from 1078 A.D to 1004 A.D. During
this period, the Western Chalukyan troops forced their entry

into the Vengi territory even upto Draksharama. Probably
Tribhuvanamalla Pandya of Nolambapadi with Uchchhangi as
headquarters, who was a subordinate of the Western Chalukyas
at this time, also marched on Vengi to help his lord's forces.
The Kalinga general Banapati and Velanati Gonka's nephew
Vedura rendered assistance to Vira Chola in repulsing the
Western Chalukyan attack. The Pandyan forces were defeated
by Vedura, for which he was made the chief of Kona country.
During the Viceroyalty of Rajaraja Chola-Ganga (1084-89

A.D.), the elder son of Kulottunga through Madhurantaki, the
Chalukya-Chola sway was extensive from the river Manner
to the Mahendragiri (in Kalinga), as is known from his Teki
inscription. Velanati Gonka I continued to be the mainstay
of the kingdom of Vengi. The only record of Rajaraja Chola-
Ganga coming from Teki furnishes very interesting information
about the social life and certain honorary privileges conferred
on the descendants of Teliki families dwelling at Bezwada for
their great devotion and for their services rendered in the past
for the imperial Chalukyan family of Vengi. Probably the Teliki
(Oilmonger) families helped Kulottunga and his children during
the troubled times of foreign invasion and internal rebellion
with their wealth and men, with courage and devotion.
About the year 1089 A.D., Rajaraja Chola Ganga's reign

seems to have become troubled. The trouble came from the
little but impregnable vassal-kingdom of Chakrakuta in the
northwest of Vengi. It's chief Rajabhushana Somesvaradeva,
who was the most powerful chief of his family, defied the
suzerainty of the Chalukya-Cholas. He received assistance
from Paramara Jagadeva, a vassal of the Western Chalukya
Vikramaditya VI. Rajaraja Chola-Ganga's efforts to subjugate
Somesvara proved unsuccessful and in the course of the strug-
gle, according to B.V. Krishnarao, apparently lost his life on
the battle-field.
The emperor Kulottunga at once despatched prince Vira

Chola once more to Vengi as Viceroy (1089-94 A.D.) with a
The Age of the Chatatya-Cholas 117
large and powerful army, Somesvara returned to his country

only to wait for a more favourable opportunity again to strike
at Vengi. Vira Chola's vice-royalty in Vengi for the second
time witnessed migration of several Tamil brahmanas into the
Andhra country. He granted to 536 Brahmanas who were
great Vedic scholars and masters of several branches of team-
ing, the great village of Virachodachaturvedamangala' formed
by uniting three different villages, Malavelli, Ponnatorra and
Alami, Most of these donees seem to be the Vsishnavas of
Tamil origin on account of their peculiar names. These large
scale migrations of the Vaishnava Tamil Brahmanas to the
Andhra country were probably due to the disfavour in the
Tamil country to Ramanuja Vaishnavism and the bigoted par-
tiality of the emperor Kulottunga for the Saiva faith on one
hand and due to the Vaishnava patronage of the viceroy Vira
Chola who embraced the faith himself and founded great agra-
haras for the immigrants in Vengi. Vira Chola endowed the
village Kaleru as a devabhoga to a temple of Vishnu at Chelluru
(both in Ramachandrapuram Taluk of the East Godavah district).
The war of Vira Chola with Somesvara of Chakrakuta was

a protracted one. It came to an end with the disgraceful
defeat of the former's forces. Devendravarma III, usurper of
Kalinga, also had his role in completely routing Vira Chola's
army. Then Somesvara penetrated into the Vengimandala and
sacked its capital Jananathapura. With this a state of anarchy
prevailed in Vengi (now synonym for the Andhra country).
Under these circumstances, the emperor Kulottunga under-

took the Kalinga expedition. About this expedition there is
difference of opinion among the scholars. According to
K.A.N. Sastri, Kulottunga fed expeditions twice against Kalinga.
For his court poet Jayankondar's 'Kalingattuparani' the theme
is this Kalinga war. The inscriptions of the times indicate only
one expedition against Kalinga. Further M.S. Sarma's conclu-
sion is that this expedition was against Devendravarma, who
was the ruler of southern Kalinga (Trikalinga) and who was
frequently making inroads into Vengi, with the encouragement
of the Western Chalukyas. The person who organised this
successful expedition was Kulottunga's prime minister Karuna-

kara-Tondaiman, the Pallava chief of Vandeinagara. The
Chalukya-Chola prince Vikrama Chola, the vassal Parantaka
Pandya and even the Haihaya, the Durjaya and the Kota chiefs
in the coastal Andhra participated in this Karunakara's expedi-
tion. This expedition might have taken place in 1096 A.D. The
Claim of Karunakara in his Draksharama record is that he drove
away Devendravarma and his associates, burnt Kalinga end
planted a pillar of victory on the borders of the Odhra kingdom.
Kulottunga Chola's Simhachalam inscription dated 1039 A.D.
clearly shows that southern Kalinga was under his suzerainty.
Some scholars believe that prince Vikrama Chola was the

viceroy of Vengi at the time of the Kalinga expedition. How-
ever there is no supporting evidence for this. The inscriptions
indicate that Vira Permadideva ruled Vengi with the usual
titles like Sarvalokasraya Vishnuvardhana etc. between 1094
A.D, and 1107 A.D.
Parantaka Chola was the last of the Chalukya Chola princes

who acted as the viceroy of Vengi. During the period of his
viceroyalty (1107-1119 A.D.), Vengi was in a turbulent state.
The Western Chalukyan invasions were on the increase. More-
over mutual bickerings between Vikrama Chola and Parantaka
ensued over the issue of succession to the Chalukya-Chola
throne. Since Vikrama Chola was the son of Kulottunga
through a princess of the Hoyasala family, the Hoyasalas
extended their support to him. The records also indicate that
about the year 1117 A.D. the forces of the Hoyasaia ruler
Narasimha I marched on Vengi. With all these developments,
finding his dominion dwindling in the Vengi country, Kulottunga
Chola lent support to his loyal vassal chieftains to bring the
situation under control and rule over their respective territories
peacefully. The allegiance of such mandalikarajas to any
sovereign thereafter was only nominal. To safe-guard them-
selves from the attacks of the neighbouring kingdoms and
other chiefs, they made it a custom to refer to one sovereign
or the other in their inscriptions. Among such Mandalikarajas,
the Velanati Chodas of the Rurjaya family gained upper hand.
2. The Chodas (Durjayas) of Velanadu

During the twelfth century of the Christian era there was
no unitary government in Andhradesa. The peculiar political
set up that was in existence was characterised by the govem-
anct under the Mandalika chiefs. With the dwindling of the
power of the imperial Chalukya-Cholas of Gangaikondachola-
puram and Kanchi in the south and that of the Western
Chalukyas of Kalyani in the west by the middle of the century,
the Telugu country was virtually under the control of the
Mandalika rajas. Among them the families of the Polavasa
chiefs, the Kakatiyas, the Kanduri Chodas, the Mudugonda
Chalukyas, the Eruva Chodas, the Telugu Pallavas, the Yadava-
rayas, the Chodas of Pottapi and Komdena, the Durjayas of
Velanadu, the Kota chiefs, the Haihayas, the Oddadi chiefs,
the Kolanu chiefs, the Parichchhedis, the Kondapadumatis, the
Chagis, the Malyalas and others deserve mention.
From this confused state of political disunity, the Kakatiyas
under Prola II and his son and successor Rudradeva were
trying to establish and extend their hegemony in the western
parts whereas in the eastern parts, the Velanati Chodas were
emerging as a power of some reckoning. The allegiance of
these Mandalika rajas to any sovereign ruler was only nominal.
It was just to safe-guard themselves from the attacks of the
neighbouring kingdoms and the other chiefs, they made it a
custom to refer to one sovereign or the other in their inscrip-
tions. Later even under Kakati Ganapatideva, these chiefs
were not prepared to change their status-quo and accept his
unquestionable supremacy over them. Hence there was a re-
markable change in the position of sovereignty. No more
resounding titles of imperial status such as Rajadhiraja and
Rajaparameswara were borne. Even the great Ganapatideva,
who by his extensive conquests brought the entire Telugu-
speaking area under his rule and raised the Kakatiyas to the
dignity of an imperial power, had assumed only the title of
'Mahamandalesvara'.
With regard to the details of the history of the Telugu
Chodas of Velanadu. their inscriptions coming from Pithapuram,
Amaravati, Chebrolu, Chandolu, Draksharama. Tripurantakam

and other places and also the records of the contemporary
Chalukya-Chola princes who were deputed to Vengi as
Viceroys, throw light.
The Velanati Chiefs were regarded as one of the Telugu

Choda families which claimed their descent from the illustrious
Cholas of South India. The words 'Choda' and 'Chola' are
taken to be synonymous. Velanadu corresponds to the
modem Guntur district. Some people regard it, as part and
parcel of 'Aruvelanadu' whereas some believe both as one and
the same. The chieftains who ruled over Velanadu came to
be known as the Velanati Chodas. In fact they belonged to
the Durjaya family, a Sudra clan. One of them, Rajendra
Choda II had even assumed the title 'Durjayakulaprakara'. These
Velanati chiefs were the subordinate allies of the Chalukya-
Cholas of the south. They were entrusted with the responsi-
bility of the governance of the Andhra region, which formed
a part of the Chola kingdom in the twelfth century A.D. 'As
a mark of their gratitude to their masters, the Cholas, the
Andhra chieftains of Velanadu described themselves as Velanati
Chodas and even named their children after their illustrious
monarchs.' Their capital was Dhanadapura or Sanaduprolu,
the modern Chandolu in the Guntur district.
The Velanati Chiefs rose to the foremost position among

the vassals of the Chalukyas of Vengi during the early days
of King Rajendra before he ascended the throne of the Cholas
in the south as Kulottunga Chola. Subsequently after the
death of his uncle Vijayadiya VII, Kulottunga assumed once
more the sovereignty of Vengi. Thenceforth he sent his sons
one after the other in succession to rule Vengi as his viceroys.
The Velanati chiefs served these viceroys faithfully as their
trusted lieutenants and generals. Finding his dominion dwind-
ling, may be due to the ascendency of the Kalyani Chalukyas,
in the Vengi country, Kulottunga Chola lent support to his
loyal chieftains of Velanadu to bring the situation under control
and rule over Vengi as his vassals. Evidence is available to
the effect that five chieftains of Vetenadu ruled over the country
after which it was over-run by the Kakatiyas and became a

part of their kingdom. These chieftains were Gonka I
(1076-1108 A.D.) Rajendra Choda 1 (1108-32 A.D.) Gonka II
(1132-61 A.D.), Rajendra Choda II (1161-81 A.D.), Gonka III
(1181-86 A.D.) and Prithviswara (1186-1207 A.D.).
GONKA I (1076-1108 A.D.)
Gonka I was regarded as the first important chief of the

Velanati family. When Kulottunga Chola sent his second son
Rajaraja Mummadi-Chola as the Viceroy to rule over Vengi,
he appointed, on the occasion, Mahamandalesvara Velanati
Gonkaya, one of the most trusted and faithful subordinates
of his father, as the commander-in-chief of the army. Gonka
continued to serve the successive Chalukya-Chola princes of
Vengi until his death in 1108 A.D. He had to fight battles
along with his masters against the refractory vassal chiefs
who treacherously joined hands with the Lord of Kuntala
(Chalukyan ruler of Kalyani), Kalinga and Chakrakuta. It seems
that in the first year of Rajaraja Chola-Ganga's viceroyalty
(1084 A.D.), a number of local chiefs, under the orders of the
general Velanati Gonka I, assembled at Draksharama (shortly
after the arrival of the viceroy). To prevent any possible dis-
sertion of the cause of the impenat family in the hour or
foreign invasion or internal rebellion, Gonka made those feuda-
tory chiefs swear unswerving allegiance to king Chola-Ganga
before the shrine of the God Bhimanatha. It was a clever move
on the part the Velanati chief whose diplomacy and valour led
them destroy the enemies and subdue the refractory vassals.
Gonka assumed the title 'Chalukyarajya-mulsstambha'. From
his records it is understood that he exercised his authority
as a vassal from the river Gundlakamma in the south to
Tripurantakam in the west.
RAJENDRA CHODA I (1108-32 A.D.)
Rajendra Choda I succeeded his father Gooka I in the

office of the commander-in-chief. He took active part along
with the other Mandalika chiefs tike Manmandaraju of the
Kondapadamati family, Potaraju and Gonkaraju of the Kona

country, in the Kalinga expedition of Karunakara Tondaiman,
the prime minster of Kulottunga Chola, in which the Chalukya-
Chola prince Vikrama Chola also participated.
However when the Western Chalukya Vikramaditya VI sent

an expedition in 1115 A.D. under his general Anantapalaya
to drive away the Chalukya-Chola forces from Vengi, in the
battle that ensued, Rajendra Choda I was defeated and his
son Gonkaya was taken prisoner by the enemies. The Kalyani
forces continued their victorious march, occupied Bezwada,
Kondapalli and other forts and fell on Jananathapura. Probably
on this same occasion itself, Anantapalaya led his forces to
the south also along the coast and ransacked Kanchi. As a
result of all these campaigns, the entire Telugu country sub-
mitted itself to the suzerainty of Vikramaditya VI between
1115 A.D. and 1126 A.D. The Velanati chief also had to
acknowledge the Western Chalukyan overlordship.
In 1126 A.D. Vikramaditya VI died and was succeeded

by his second son Somesvara III (1126-38 A.D.) on the throne
of Kalyani. The predicament of the Kalyani power had set
in. Malla Bhupati a descendant of the Eastern Chalukya
Yuddhamalla, probably with the help of Anantavarma Choda
Ganga of Kalinga drove away the Western Chalukyas and
occupied the territory between the river Krishna and Jananatha-
pura. But to the south of the river Krishna, the Velanati chiefs,
the Palanati Haihayas and the Kondapadamati Durjayas did
not cooperate with Malla Bhupati and remained as vassals of
Somesvara III.
However in 1132 A.D,, the Chalukyia-Chola emperor

Vikrama Chola, on the request of the local chieftains in Vengi,
sent his son Kulottunga II at the head of a powerful army on
an expedition against Vengi. The rulers of Velanadu, Giripas-
chima and Konakandravada also joined hands with the prince
Kulottunga II. The Western Chalukyan supremacy to the south
of the river Krishna was put to an end with their crushing
defeat in the battle of Manneru. Shortly after this battle.
Velanati Rajendra Choda I passed away and his son Gonka II

succeed him to the throne.
GONKA II (1132-61 A.D.)
Gonkaraja II was the greatest prince of his family. He

was a soldier and a statesman. He distinguished himself in
many a battle even during the time of his father. After his
accession to the throne, he accompanied Kulortunga II in his
expedition on Vengi. The famous Godavari battle was fought
about 1135 A.D. between the Chalukya-Chola forces and the
Western Chalukyan troops. With this battle, the Western
Chalukyan supremacy in Vengi came to an end.
Shortly after this, Kulottunga II succeeded his father

Vikrama Chola as the emperor in the south. Because of his
interest and preoccupation with the affairs in the south, he
bestowed the overlordship of the Andhra country, extending
from Mahendragiri in the north to Srisailam in the south, upon
Gonka II. However this overlordship being conferred on the
Velanati chief was not liked by the other Mandalika rajas of
the region. They tried to defy Gonkaraja's authority and assart
their independence. Hence the latter was involved in inces-
sant warfare throughout his reign period.
Gonka II defeated Nanni Choda and Kannaradeva, sons

of Tribhuvanamalla Choda of Konidena, who rebelled and
declared their independence, in the battle of Kanchervulakota
(Pedakancheria in the Vinukonda Taluk) and made them pay
their allegiance to him. This happened sometime about 1150
A.D. During the same period, the Velanati forces marched
on Pakanadu and after defeating the Telugu Choda ruler Nalla-
siddhi of Nellore, established Gonka's authority there. Katama-
nayaka of the Saronatha family of Kolanividu also accepted
the suzerainty of the Chalukya-Cholas and submitted to Gonka's
authority When Lokaraja. one of the dual kings of the
Haihaya family of the Kona country entertained the ambition
of extension of his sway and led his forces on Vetanadu and
marched upto Bapatia (1150 A D ). he was killed by Goonka's
124
general Prolayanayaka. The Kona Haihayas also became

vassals.
Gonka II pardoned Alugu Bhupati, the Haihaya chieftain

of Palnad, who was repentant for the sins of his father and
grandfather earlier in betraying their Chalukya-Chola overlord
and acknowledging the sovereignty of the Western Chalukyas
and even allowing their armies to invade Vengi through their
territory. He gave his daughter Mailama to Alugu Bhupati.
Nalagama, who became the Gurizala Chief about 1147 A.D.,
was the son of this Alugu through Mailama.
About the year 1158 A.D., Gonka II came into clash with
the Kakatiya ruler Prola II. The latter, who expanded his
kingdom in Telangana at the cost of the dwindling Western
Chalukyan power, raided the Vengi territories. Gonka dis-
patched his vassal Kota Chodayaraja along with the prince
Vira Rajendra at the head of a large army. Prola was slain
in the battle and to commemorate this victory, Chodayaraja
assumed the title 'Kakali Prola Nirdahana'.
Thus with all these measures Gonkaraja settled the dis-

turbed country and established peace and order once more.
He became the undisputed lord of the Andhra country. He
was a paramount sovereign, though he acknowledged the
titular sovereignty of the Chalukya-Chola emperors Kulottunga
Chola II and later his son and successor Rajaraja II. He bore
the titles 'Chalukyarajyabhavanamulastambha', 'Pekkandrano-
kkettuganda' (a hero who defeated several at one stroke),
'Chalamartiganda' and several others. His name appears some-
timesas 'Velanati Kulottunga Choda Gangeye Gonkaraja'.
RAJENDRA CHODA II (1161-81 A.D.)

The ascendency and glory of the Velanati dynasty reached
its zenith during the reign of Rajendra Choda II, the son and
successor of Gonkaraja II.
Though Rajendra Choda's reign commenced in peace, it
soon became troubled on account of the rebellions in the north
and raid from the west'. With the help of Amritaluri Devana
Preggada, Rajendra subdued the Chalukyas of Pithapuram and
the Haihayas of Kona mandate. Kolani Bhima was put to death.
In the south, attempts were made by the Kalachuris, who

usurped the Western Chalukyan throne, to restore Pakanadu
to their allies, the Telugu Chodas of Nellore by putting an end
to the authority of the Velanati chiefs there. Kalachutr
Somesvara sent an army under Choundaraya and Pommana
Muppa Choda against Pakanadu. Nanduri Kommanamantri,
who was administering Pakanadu as Rajendra's agent, imposed
a crushing defeat on them and even their Marjavadi was raged
to the ground. The Srisailam region was incorporated into the
kingdom of Vetenadu.
THE BATTLE OF PALNAD (1176-1182 A.D.)
The reign of Rajendra Choda II, which witnessed the

Velanati family's glory reaching its zenith, was also marked by
the dwindling dominion of the family. The foremost cause
of this was the battle of Palnad or Palanadu. This battle was
due to the internecine fight within the family of the Haihayas
of Palanadu, who were the vassals and close relations of the
Velanati Durjayas. Strangely, there is no epigraphic evidence
for this episode. All that is known is only from Srinatha's
'Palnativiracharitra' in dvipada metre and also from the local
legends. When fact is sifted from fiction, the following details
may be discerned.
Nalagama was the son of Alugu Bhupati of the Patanati
Haihaya family through Mailama, the daughter of Gonka II. He
succeeded his father to the throne about 1147 A.D. His step-
brothers were Malideva and others. Doddanayudu and his son
Brahmarrayudu, who were the agents of Velanadu at Gurizala,
ushered in an era of great religious revival and social awakening
in Palanadu. Especially Brahamanna. after becoming the Arbiter
of Politics in Palnad as the prime minister of Natagama. at-
tempted to establish a new religion and a new social order
which did away with distinctions of caste. However his teach-
ings caused an uproar in the country. Being a devotee of
Siva, Nalagama did not like and promptly checked Brahmanna's

religious activity and social reform. Meanwhile Aravilli
Nagamma, a woman-statesman and warrior of remarkable
ability, popularly known as 'Nayakuralu', came upon the scene.
Soon she managed to become Nalagama's chief adviser and
friend at the court. Then she took up her place in the councils
of the king. Differences arose within the court. The Virasaiva
and Viravaishnava (Brahmanayudu was an advocate) faiths
also played their part. Brahmanayudu took his supporters, the
kings step-brothers Malideva and others along with him, retired
from Gurizala and established a separate and independent court
at Maoherla. Malideva was related to the Kalachuri dynasty
of Kalyani, having married the the only daughter Rayamurari
Sovideva.
Mutual suspicion and rivalry between the two courts

reached a high pitch and Nagamma, on the pretext of defeat
of Malideva's faction in a cock-fight, forced them to retire from
Palanadu for a period of seven years into exile. After the
expiry of the period of exile, Brahmanna sent Alaraja, son of
Kalachuri Kommaraja and the son-in-law of Nalagama, to
Gurizala demanding restoration of the share for Malideva. The
demand was turned down and Alaraja was poisoned to death
under the secret orders of Nagamma. The enraged Brahmanna
declared war on Gurizala. The fierce and decisive battle was
fought at Karempudi on the banks of the river Naguleru. The
Kakatiyas, the Hoyasalas and the Kota chiefs who were the
vassals of the Velanati chief, supported the cause of Nalagama,
whereas Malideva got support from the Kalachuris. Nalagama
appears to be the victor.
The civil war in Palanadu shook the Velanati kingdom to

its foundations. 'A whole generation of powerful warriors, the
flower of Andhra soldiery perished in the great slaughter on
the field of Karempudi for nothing. The tragedy of Palanad
sealed the doom of the Velanati rule and paved the way for
final disappearance of the last vestiges of the Chalukyan
sovereignty in Vengi.' The battle exposed the weakness of
the Velanati kingdom. The Kakatiyas of Anmakonda and the
Telugu Chodas of Pakanedu and Pottapi began their raids. The

Kalachuri forces fell upon Velanadu. At the same time. Kakati
Rudradeva led his forces into Vengi in support of the Chalukyan
families there. Under these conditions, Rajsndra Choda II
passed away and his son Gonka III succeeded to the throne
of Vetanadu.
GONKA III (1181-86 A.D.)
During the short span of rule of Gonkaraja III, the kingdom

Velanadu further weakened. The Kakatiya forces marched on
Dhamikota. The Kota chief Ketaraja II, the vassal of the
Velanati king became a subordinate of Rudradeva. The Konda-
padamati family of Nadendla was liquidated by the Kota and
Vipparta chieftains, the Kakatiya vassals. Thus Kakati Rudra-
deva conquered upto Srisailam and Tripurantakam in the south.
In 1186 A.D., Gonka III might have lost his life in battle with
Rudradeva.
PRITHVISWARA (1186-1207 A.D.)
The last important ruler of the Velanati Durjayas was

Prithviswara. His earliest record dated 1186 A.D. is available
from Pithapuram. With the help of his ministers Koravi
Vennayamatye and Nanduri Ketana, Prithviswara made 8 vain
attempt to restore the fallen prestige of the kingdom of Vela-
nadu. In the initial stages, he occupied Vengi territory pro-
bably from Matlapadeva of Pithapuram. The southern Kalinga
was occupied from the Eastern Ganga Rajaraja II Probably
between 1196 A.D. end 1200 A.D., Prithviswara reoccupied
Velanadu. The confusion and disorder that prevailed in the
Kakatiya kingdom due to the Yadava invasions might have
provided this opportunity for him.
However with Garrapatideva's raids on the coast starting

from 1201 A.D.. Prithviswara faced reverses. Finally the Telugu
Chodas of Nellore and the Kakatiyas defeated and killed nan
in 1207 A.O, After this, the attempts made by Kutottung
Rejendra Choda III to restore the prestige of Velanadu proved
futile and the great Kakatiya ruler Ganapatideva could bring

the entire coastal Andhra apart from Telangana and Rayalasima
regions under his sway.
During the period of hegemony of the Velanati Chodas for

a century, according to the poetical work 'Keyurabahu-
charitramu', the country enjoyed plenty and prosperity. The
capital Dhanadapura (Chandolu) was a magnificent city with
beautiful structures and opulent markets. It was comparable
to the city of Kubera, The era witnessed aggressive Saivism
and Vaishnavism. The religious influence made itself felt in
temple architecture and the temples built in this age served
as centres of promoting learning and fine arts like music and
dance. Devadasi system was prevalent. Literature of this
period also was deeply influenced by the religious notions of
the people. Maliikarjuna Panditaradhya's 'Sivatatvasara' and
Palkuriki Somana's 'Basava Purana' reflect the same.
3. The Telugu Choda Families

Many Telugu Chola families held sway over regions to the
south of the river Krishna in the period between the seventh
century and the thirteenth century of the Christian era. Their
original home seems to be the region of Chola corresponding
to the modern Mahabubnagar and Nalgonda districts of Telan-
gana- They established their dominion over the Cuddapah
region and began their career as local chieftains. The Cuddapah
region in the seventh century A.D. was a backward and un-
developed area with thick forests inhabited by savage bandits.
It may be identified with the area which was referred by the
Chinese traveller Yuan Chwng as 'Chuliya' during his visit to
Dec can.
The Telugu Cholas were independent in the beginning of

their career. Later they recognised the suzerainty of the
Chalukyas of Badami. Since the region over which they
exercised their authority was known in those days as 'Renadu'.
they were popular as the Renati Cholas. In course of time,
they spread to other regions and established small principalities.
Among such families, the Pottapi, the Konidena and the

Nellore Telugu Cholas deserve special mention.
The Telugu Chela rulers of Renadu had the unique honour

of using the Telugu language in their official records. Those
records (inscriptions) belonging to the 7th and 8th centuries
A.D. were discovered at Jammulamadugu, Prodduturu and other
places. After the fall of the Renati Cholas, the Cuddapah
region passed into the hands of the Telugu Cholas of Pottapi.
The inscriptions in Telugu, belonging to the 11th century A.D.,
of these Pottapi Cholas were also discovered.
THE KONIDENA CHOLAS were also a branch of the Telugu

Cholas of Renadu They had their head-quarters at Konidena
(Kotyadona) near Narasaraopeta in the Guntur district. They
were to be seen from the middle of the tenth century A.D.
They ruled over parts of Kammanadu and Pakanadu Kannara
Choda and Kama Choda were the earliest among them. Kama
Choda's son and successor Tribhuvanamalla Choda was a sub-
ordinate of the Velanati chief Gonkaraja II. However when
Malla Choda's sons Nanni Choda and Kannaradeva defied the
authority of Gonka II and declared their independence, the
latter through his generals defeated the former and forced them
to be vassals.
Among the Telugu Cholas, there was another branch called

the Nannuru Cholas. The famous Telugu Poet 'Kaviraja Sikrta-
mani' NANNE CHODA belonged to this family He was not a
king, not even a local chieftain, holding authority in the region
of Pakanadu. His mother appears to be a lady of the Haihaya
family. Politically, Nanne Choda has no importance at all
For his high rank as a man of letters in the history of Telugu
literature, he deserves special mention. The period, in which
he flourished, is a matter of controversy. Did he live before
or after Nannaya? This problem has now been set at rest
and it is admitted by alt now that he was later than Nannaya
Probably when the Andhra country was under the suzerainty
of Vikramaditya VI of Kalyani, he flourished
9)
Nanne Choda was a Saivaite poet. His poem 'Kumara-

sambhavamu' in Telugu, might have been composed probably
between 1120 A.D. and 1125 A.D. The poet dedicated his
work to his preceptor Jangama Mallikarjuna Yogi. He blazed
the trail for a new type of literary composition now called
'Prabandha'. He set up new traditions like 'Ishtadevatastuti'
(invoking the blessings of a favourite deity), 'Sukavistuti'
(adulation of worthy poets) 'Kukavininda' (condemnation of
unworthy poets), which were followed by the poets of the
subsequent ages. His racy Telugu and highly Sanskritised
style are note-worthy. His idiomatic and delightful Telugu
expressions and his description of nature with skill and dis-
tinction won laurels for him.
THE TELUGU CHOLAS OF NELLORE
Another branch of the Telugu Cholas was the family of

the CHODAS OF NELLORE. The doyen of the Telugu poets,
Tikkana, in the introduction of his 'Nirvachanottara Rama-
yanamu', gave an account of the history and antecedents of
this family. These Chodas also claimed descent from the
famous Karikala Chola. They ruled over their kingdom con-
sisting of the Nellore, Cuddapah, Chittur and Chengalput dis-
tricts with Vikramasimhapura (modern Nellore) as their capital.
The first important chief in the family of the Nellore Chodas

was one Chola Bijjana. As a feudatory of the Western
Chalukya Someswara I (1042-68 A.D.) of Kalyani, he took
part in the wars of the Chalukyas and Cholas. In recognition
of the loyalty and services of his descendants to the Chalukyas
of Kalyani, Vikramadiya II (1076-1126 A.D.) appointed them
as rulers of Pakanadu.
Later Tikka (1223-48 A.D.) father of the famous Manuma-

siddhi, extended the sway of the Nellore Telugu Chola family
as far south as the river Kaveri. He owed nominal allegiance
to the already crippled Chalukya-Chola emperors of the South,
but was independent ruler for all practical purposes. Along
with the Hoyasala Vira Narasimha, he rendered yeomen service
to the Chalukya-Chola ruler Rajaraja lII in restoring him back

to his throne by repulsing the attacks of Aniyanka Bhima,
Kopperunjinga and the Pandyas. Subsequently, whan the
Hoyasala Vira Narasimha's successor Somesvara, desirous of
making the Chalukya-Chola ruler a puppet in his hands, joined
hands with the Pandyas and attacked Rajendra IIl, who ascended
the Chalukya-Chola throne in 1246 A.D., Choda TiKka came
to the rescue of the emperor. He defeated both the Hoyasala
and the Pandyan forces and got thereby the Tondaimandalam
region for himself. He even assumed the title 'Cholasthapan-
acharya'.
During the reign of Tikka's son and successor Manuma-
siddhi II (1248-63 A.D.), the power of the Nellore Chodas was
at its low ebb. One Vijayagandagopala, probably a member
of the Telugu Cholas, secured the friendship of Somesvara and
Rajendra III and occupied the southern parts (Chengalput area)
of the Nellore kingdom, defying Manumasiddhi's authority. In
addition to this, Manuma was driven out from Nellore by his
agnates Tikkana and Bayyana The Vaidumba chief Rakkesa
Ganga occupied the Cuddapah region. Under these circum-
stances, Manuma's well-wisher and minister Poet Tikkana. who
was a diplomat as well, went to Warangal and secured the
great Kakatiya monarch Ganapatideva's support for his master.
The Kakatiya forces effectively tackled the rivals of Manuma-
siddhi and reinstated him on his paternal throne. Ganapatideva
got of course a big slice of Manuma's realm in the process.
About the year 1260 AD., a dangerous feud broke out

between Manumasiddhi and Katamaraju, the chief of Erragadda-
padu in Kamgiri region. The feud was on the issue of the
rights of the two princes to use certain wide meadows as
grazing grounds for their flocks of cattle. It led to the fierce
engagement of the two sides and the blody battle was fought
at Panchalingala on the Paleru river. Manumasiddhi a forces
led by Khadga Tikkana, the cousin of poet Tikkana won the
cattle, but the leader perished in the battle. This feud and the
consequent battle formed the theme of the popular ballad
entitled 'Katamaraju Katha'. Shortly after this disastrous
battle. Manumasiddhi it passed away.
With the death of Manumasiddhi II, the Nellore kingdom

lost its individuality, became a battre-ground between the
Kakatiyas and the Pandyas and changed hands frequently.
In the reign of Kakati Prataparudra II, the Nellore region became
part and parcel of the Kakatiya empire and lost its political
significance.
The period of rule of the Telugu Chodas was in particular
significant for the development it received in the Telugu litera-
ture under the patronage of the rulers. It was the age in
which the great Telugu poets Tikkana, Ketana and Marana
enriched the literature with their remarkable contributions, As-
already referred Tikkana Somayaji was the well-wisher and
minister of Manumasiddhi II of Nellore. His diplomacy helped
his master in securing the help of Kskati Ganapatideva for
getting back his throne. This great poet had for his credit
two important works in Telugu. The first one is 'Nirvachano-
ttara Ramayanamu'. Though a highly Sanskritised style was
employed, it is characterised by excellent literary qualities and
abounding elements of Pathos and heroism. However it is the
'Andhra Mahabharata' which brought for Tikkana undying fame
and made him one of the immortals. Though it is a translation
of the last fifteen parvas of the Mahabharata, left out by his
predcessor Nannaya, yet Tikkana put life and blood into it with
an avowed objective of making it a Kavya. His delineation
of character, dramatic dialogue and lucid and at the same time
suggestive exposition of facts are masterly in nature. His
broad spiritual outlook, lofty idealism, high imagination and
splendid diction made him 'Kavi Brahma' (The Supreme Creator
among Poets).
'Abhinava Dandin' Ketana, who was a contemporary of
Tikkana. dedicated his 'Dasakumaracharitramu', written in
tasteful and sweet style, to him. He also translated Vijnan-
eswara's 'Mitakshari', a Sanskrit commentary on the 'Yajna-
valkya Smriti', into Telugu under the name 'Vijnaneswaramu'.
Another work of Ketana is 'Andhra Bhashabhushanamu', a book,
on metrical grammer in Telugu. Marana was another contem-
porary of Tikkana, He was also a desciple of the latter. He
translated the 'Markandeya Parana' into Telugu. His work,
became a source book to many subsequent Telugu poets who
selected their themes from the many delightful stones incor-
porated in it.
CHAPTER 6
The Kakatiyas
ORIGIN OF THE DYNASTY
The Kakatiyas had their ascendency during the dominion

of the Chalukyas of Kalyani. The earlier doubts expressed
by certain scholars in tracing the descent of this dynasty from
Kakartya Gundyana, a subordinate of the Eastern Chalukyan
monarch, Amma II (945 AD.-970 A-D ) were set at rest in
view of the recently discovered Bayyaram Tank inscription
The names Kakartya, Kakatya and Kakaliya are etymologically
connected. The dynasty derived its name either because of
its association with a town known as Kakatipura (since the
kings bore the title 'Kakatipuravallabha') or because of their
worship of a goddess called Kakati. At Ekasilanagara (Waran-
gal), the capital of the Kakatiyas. a temple was dedcated to
Kakitamma. Hence there is reasnon to believe that Kakatipura
was another name for Warangal itself. The inscriptional evi-
dence points out that the Kakatiyas were Sudras and that
they were members of the Durjaya family whose remote an-
cestor Karkkalahola founded or first settled in Kakatipura
1 EARLY FEUDATORY RULERS
Gundaya Rashtrakuta who was referred in the Magallu

grant of Danamava (950 A D ) was the first known historical
figure among the Kakatiyas He sacrificed his life in the
service of the Rashtrakuta ruler Krishna II. white fighting aganist
the Eastern Chalukyas The grateful Krishna II placed Gundaya's
son Eriya in charge of Kurravadi in Koravisima near Warangal.

Koravi, which was part of the Mudigonda Chalukyan kingdom
under the suzerainty of the Eastern Chalukyas, was a bone
of contention between the Rashtrakutas and the Eastern
Chalukyas. This Kurravadi kingdom was created as a check
on the Mudiginda Chalukyas on the eastern borders of the
Rashtrakuta empire. Eriya made Orugal (Kakatipura) his
capital.
Eriya's grandson Kakartya Gundyana rendered help on

behalf of his master Rashtrakuta Krishna III to Danarnava in
setting aside his brother Amma II and occupying the throne
of Vengi, as a result of which he got Natavadi as a token of
gratitude. Later when Tailapa II put an end to the Rashtrakuta
rule arid restored the western Chalukyan authority with Kalyani
as head-quarters, the Kakatiyas shifted their loyalty to them.
Gundyana's son and successor Betaraja I took advantage

of the Chalukya Chola conflict and carved out for himself a
small principality. He seems to have ruled upto 1052 A.D. His
son and successor Prola I (1052 A.D. - 1076 A.D.) acknowledged
the supremacy of Chalukya Somesvara I and fought success-
fully against the Nagas of Chakrakota, the Silaharas of Konkana-
mandala, Bhadranga (probably Baddega of the family of the
Chalukyas of Vemulavada) and killed in battle Gonna, the
chief of Purukuta. In recognition of these services, Prola
obtained permanently by way of grant, Anmakonda-vishaya
from Somesvara I.
Beta II, son and successor of Prola, ruled between 1076
A.D. and 1108 A.D. With the encouragement of Vikramaditya
VI, hec onquered Sabbimandala. It was probably during this
period, Anmakonda became the capital of the Kakatiyas. Beta
It's eldest son Durgaraja (1108 A.D.-1116 A.D.) made an at-
tempt to rebel against his Chalukyan suzerain. However his
younger brother Prola II set him aside and occupied the throne
of Anmakonda.
Prola II (1116 A.D.-1153 A.D.) was the most famous
among the early Kakatiya rulers. In the early years of his
The Kakatiyas 135
reign, he owed allegiance to Vikramaditya VI. When, after his

death in 1126 A.D., the Chalukyan power began to decline,
Prola II took advantage of the confused situation He played
an active part in the Kalachuri revolution at Kalyani and after
the overthrow of Tailapa III, proclaimed independence. He made
extensive conquests in Telangana. He defeated Govindaraja
and handed his kingdom Kondapalli (in the Krishna district)
over to Chododaya (whose brother was ruling as his feudatory
near Panugai). He also defeated and killed Gunda, the ruler
of Mantrakuta (Mantena in the Nuzvid taluk of Krishna district)
and annexed it to his kingdom. However he failed in his at-
tempts to push his arms further into the Veianati kingdom
on the east coast. These attempts cost him his life at the
hands of Rajendra Choda, the prince of the Velanati Telugu
Chodas of Chandolu and their samantas.
2. RUDRADEVA (1158 A.D -1195/6 A.D.)
Rudredeva, who was also known as Prataparudra I. was

the eldest son and successor of Prola II. After his accession
to the throne, he devoted all his energy and resources to safe-
guarding his independent status and to extending his dominion
wherever possible To pursue his policy of aggrandizement, he
had to wage wars on many chiefs. A graphic description, of
his achievements is given in his Anmakonds inscrip-
tion, a document of great historical importance. It seems by
the year 1162 A.D., the date of the Anmakonda record, Rudra-
deva vanquished a number of his enemies and transformed
his petty principality into an extensive kingdom . The in-
scription mentions the names of Dommaraja (Nagunur princi-
pality in the Karimnagar district), Medaraja (Pakhal area to
the north-east of Warangal) and Mailagideva (Polavasa terri-
tory in the Jagatyal Taluk of Karimnagar district) as opponents
whom he had overcome in battle These victories, all in the
region to the north of Anmakonda. enabled him to extend his
dominion night upto the banks of the Godavari.i
Then turning his attention to the south, Rudradeva burnt

the city of Chododaya. the ruler of Kondapalli (who died about
this time due to poisoning by his brother Bhima). After this,

he marched on Vardhanapura, the capital of Bhima who had
poisoned his brother Chodadaya to death. Bhima fled to the
forest and the capital was easily captured by the Kakatiyas.
These conquests were also consolidated.
Rudradeva seems to have devoted the later part of his

reign to the conquest of the coastal region. He regarded him-
self as the political successor of the Western Chalukyan
emperors and laid claim to the sovereignty over Vengi and
other parts of the coastal Andhra country, earlier conquered
and enjoyed by Vikramaditya VI and his son until 1133 A.D,
He started making his efforts to avenge his father's death in
the hands of the Telugu Chodas of Velanadu and their sub-
ordinates. The latter were ruling over the territory (comprising
of the Kurnool, Guntur, Krishna and the Gddavari districts) to
the south of the Kakatiya kingdom. By the time of Rajendra
Choda lI, the decline had set in for the Velanadu kingdom.
The Chalukyas in the Vengi manetela were continuing their
intrigues as usual. Apart from this, during the years 1176-82
A.D., the battle of Palanadu was fought. Rudradeva rendered
military assistance to Nalagama's faction. In this battle, the
military strength of Velanadu had got weakened. Exploiting
the situation, Rudradeva led his forces into coastal Andhra and
conquered upto Srisailam and Trpurantakam in the south. In
1186 A.D., Gonka III of Velanadu might have lost his life in
battle with Rudradeva and his son Prithvisvara confined his
rule to the north of Godavari (Pithapuram). According to
Anmakonda inscription, his kingdom comprised the whole area
between Srisailam and Tripurantakam in the south, the
Malyavantam in the north, the Bay of Bengal in the east and
Kalyani in the west.
The history of the last decade of Rudradeva is a dark

spectrum. However in the last year of his reign (1195-96 A.D.),
he came into conflict with the Seunas (Yadavas) of Devagiri.
Whether it is a defensive war or offensive war, it is uncertian.
But one certainty is that Rudra suffered defeat and death in
his encounter with the Seuna king Jaitugl or Jaitrapala I.
The Kakativas 137
Being a powerful king, Rudradeva both up an extensive

kingdom. He paved the way for the subjugation of Vengi by
his successors by contracting diplomatic and matrimonial
alliances with the great feudatory families such as the Kolas
and the Natavadis. Sivayogasara refers to his founding near
his capital Anmakonda of a new town called Orugallu, destined
to become the principal city of the entire Andhradesa under
his successors. Rudra was also a patron of art and letters.
Many splendid temples built in the Chalukyan style rose all
over the country. The famous Thousand Pillar Temple (known
as the Rudresvara temple) at Anmakonda was built during this
period. Rudra is described as the resort and refuse of learned
men. The authorship of a work on rajaniti called 'Nitisaranm'
in Sanskrit is attributed to him
After Rudradeva's death and the imprisonment of his

nephew Ganapati in the hands of the Yadavas of Devagiri.
his younger brother Mahadeva ascended the throne and ruled
the kingdom for a short span of about three years (1195/96-
1198/99 A.D.). He led an expedition against the Yadava
kingdom to avenge Rudra's death and also get the release
of his son Ganapati. He lost his life in the battle
3. GANAPATIDEVA (1199-1262 A.D.)
Following the death of Mahadeva and the captivity of

Ganapati. disorders broke out in the kingdom The nobles
rose in revolt. The rulers of the neighbouring states, especially
the Mudigonda Chalukyan king Nagati and the Chalukya-Chola
emperor Kulottunga III. invaded the country. But Recherta
Rudra, the commander-in-chief of the Kakatiya ruler, saved the
kingdom from crumbling. His titles 'Kakatjyarajyabharadhau-
reya' and 'Kakatirajyasamartha indicate that the carried on
administration in the name of his lord and sovereign
Ganapatideva's imprisonment did not last very long He

was set free and sent back to rule his kingdom This might
be due to sympathy and generosity of the Yadava king Jaitra-
pala, who had his own political considerations (like his desire
to secure himself against an attack from Warangal side in the
event of a conflict with the aggressive Hoyasalas in the south)
in setting Ganapatideva at liberty.
Ganapatideva's reign, reckoned as beginning in 1199 A.D.

lasted for 62 years. It is one of the most brilliant epochs in
the history of Andhradesa. Being an energetic monarch,
Ganapati during his long reign brought under his sway by war
or diplomacy almost the whole land inhabited by the Telugu-
speaking peoples. He took advantage of the dismemberment
of the Western Chalukyan and Chola empires.
Ganapatideva started his successful career of conquest with

the invasion of the coastal districts with strong contingents
in 1201 A.D. The Velanati chief Prithvisvara, who exercised
some sort of authority over his ancestral kingdom, was not
strong enough to check the unruly nobility or to stem the
forces of disintegration. Ganapatideva seized this opportunity.
Accompanied by all the subordinate chiefs like the Kotas,
Natavadis and Malyalas, first Bezwada was captured. Then
the island fortress of Divi, the headquarters of the Ayya chiefs,
was plundered. For the significant part played by the Malyala
chief Chaunda in this expedition, he was conferred with the
title 'Divichurakara' (the plunderer of the island of Divi) by
Ganapati. Being an astute politician, the latter followed a
policy of conciliation towards the vanquished chiefs. Ganapati-
deva restored their possessions, married Narama and Perama,
the two daughters of Ayya Pina Chodi and took their brother
Jayapa into his service. Subsequently he and the Telugu Choda
chiefs, Tikka (of Nellore)' and Ballaya (probably of Kammanadu)
fought against Prithvisvara and killed him. With his death,
the rule of the Velanati chiefs came to an end and their terri-
tory came into the possession of Ganapatideva.
Ganapati appears to have sent between 1212 A.D. and

1230 A.D. two expeditions against the kings of the southern
region. The expansion of the Kakatiya power in the southern
direction was the direct outcome of his alliance with the
The Kakatiyas 139
Telugu cholas of Nellore. Taking advantage of the dismember-

ment of the Chalukya-Cholas, the Nellore Cholas asserted
their independence in the Nellore, Cudapah and Chingteput
districts. During the reign of Manumasiddhi 1 the Chalukya-
Chola ruler Kulottunga III invaded the Telugu Chola kingdom,
dislodged him and placed his younger brother Nallasiddni on
the throne of Nellore. Manumasiddhi I's son Tikka, the rightful
heir to the throne, sought Ganapatideva's help to regain his
patrimony from his uncles, In the war on Prithvisvara, this
Tikka joined forces with the Kakatiya monarch. In return for
this help, Ganapatideva marched against Nellore, drove away
Tikka's uncle and his supporters and installed Tikka on the
throne of Nellore. However during the years 1p15-1228 A.D..
Tikka had again been driven from the throne. It might be
due to the Chalukya-Chola and Yadava menace. These troubles
he could overcome again with the help of his friend Ganapati-
deva. The Seuna army was defeated in the Karumulur (Cad-
dap-ah district) battle. Kanchi was plundered. Tikka was
re-established at Nellore and Kanchi. Then to strengthen his
position in the interior of his kingdom, Tikka appointed the
Kayastha Gangaya Sahini, a relation of one of Ganapatideva's
vassals, as the governor of upper-Pakanadu
Tikka, who kept on friendly relations with the Chalukya-

Chola emperors, aided by Ganapatideva, marched to the south
at the head of a large army and killed Karnata (Hoyasala) Nara-
simha II in battle at Jambai in 1239 A.D., defeated in the follow-
ing year Narasimha's son Somesvara, who had attacked him
to avenge his father's death, and assumed his (somesvara's)
title 'Chola Sthapanacharya'.
Subsequent to his victory over Prithisvara, Ganapatideva

wanted to bring the latter's possessions in Kalinga under his
rule. In this Kalinga expedition, Bhima. the Telugu Chola chief
of Eruva. and Rajanayaka, the commander of the Recherlas.
also participated and conquered several places in Vengi. Orissa
and Bastar state. Though this expedition of Gaoapatideva was
a brilliant demonstration of his military strength, it did not
produce any tangible results from the view point of territorial
gains. For no trace of the Kakatiya rule has so far been dis-
covered to the-north of Draksharama in the East Godavari
district (Rajanayaka's Draksharama inscription dated 1212
A.D.), The eastern Ganga king Ananga Bhima IIl and his sub-
ordinates like Godhumarati and Padiyaraya soon asserted
their authority
Ganapatideva reduced the Telugu Cholas of Konidena

(Narasaraopet Taluk, Guntur district) and the Chakranarayana
princes of Addanki to obedience by 1217-18 A,D. When,
espousing the cause of the Velanati chiefs, the Kalinga ruler
Ananga Bhima III led his march against Vengi, Ganapatideva
sent Induluri Soma Pradhani along with Eruva Bhima, Kalapa
Nayaka and Malyala Hemadri Reddi to expel the Kalingas from
Vengi and bring that country under his control. In the course
of this campaign, Kolanu or Sasasipuri was conquered in 1231
A.D. The Velanati descendants of Prithvisvara took to flight.
Subsequent aggressive activities of Kalinga Bhima's son and
successor Narasimha I were also effectively tackled by Gana-
patideva's men and the Kakatiya power in the Godavari vailey
remained undisturbed until the end of Ganapatideva's reign.
When Tikka died in 1248 A.D., the Nellore kingdom was

plunged into lawlessness. One Vijaya-Gandagopala seized
Chingleput and North Arcot districts leaving only Nellore and
Cuddapah districts to Tikka's son and successor Manuma-
siddhi II. He allied himself with the Chalukya-Chola heir
apparent Rajendra III and the Karnataka ruler Vira Somesvara.
At the same juncture, the agnates Tikkarra and Bayyana drove
away Manumasiddhi II from his capital Nellore. Rakkasa
Ganga, a scion of the Vaidumba family, ousted Manuma's
general Gangaya Sahini from his governorship and occupied
the Cuddapah region. Under these circumstances, Manuma
sought, through his loyal minister and the famous Telugu poet
Tikkana, the help of Ganapatrdeva. The Nayanipalli record
(Guntur district) refers to the march of a powerful Kakatiya
army under its general Samanta Bhoja to the south. Nellore
was reduced to ashes. Tikkana and Bayyana were killed. The
combined forces of the kings of Dravida and Karnataka and
The Kakatiyas 141
of Vijaya-Gandagopala were defeated at Prayeru (Palaiyaru in

the Tanjore district) and Kanchi was captured in 1250 A.D.
Soon with the support of Ganapatideva, Manuma and Gangaya
reconquered the territory seized by the Vaidumba chief, Rakkasa
Ganga. With the consent of Manumasiddhi II, Ganapatideva
conferred the reconquered territory on Kayastha Gangaya Sahini
es a family estate.
Ganapatideva appears to have maintained on the whole

cordial relations with his western neighbours the Seunas
(Yadavas). Both the powers in fact joined hands and tried
to check the expansion of the Pandyan power in the early
years of the reign of Jatavarma Sundara Pandya I (of Madura)
who aggressively subjugated between 1251 A.D. and 1257 A.D.
the whole of Southern India and established the Pandyan
hegemony over it. As a political successor to the Cholas,
Jatavarma forced Vijaya Gandagopala of Kanch; and his ally
the Kadava chief Kopperunjinga to submit to the authority of
the Pandyas. He next turned his attention to Nellore. Manu-
masiddhi II of Nellore appealed to the Kakatiya, the Seuna and
the Bana rulers for help. To divert the attention of the foes,
Jatavarrna divided his army into two sections, despatched one
section under his new vassals Rajendra Chola III, Kupperunjnga
and Vijaya-Gandagopala into the Kakatiya kingdom and him-
self leading the main army advanced along the coast towards
Nellore. The advance guard led by Kopperunjinga penetrated
as far as Draksharama in the East Godavari district. The Kadava
chief suffered reverses at the hands of Ganapatideva and was
forced to acknowledge his suzerainty. Rajendra Chola lII and
Vijaya-Gandagopala were forced to retreat by the Kayastha
chiefs. Jatavarma, who marched on Nellore with the mam
army, swept all opposition and reached Muttukur. a village near
Nellore. In the fierce battle here, in 1263 A.D. Manumasiddhi II
was killed and his allies the Kakatiya and Seuna forces suffered
terribly. The Nellore kingdom was annexed to the Pandyan
empire. Jatavarma celebrated Virabhisheka both at Nellore and
Kanchi. This was a terrible blow for the ascendency of
Kakatiyas.
Ganapatideva was undoubtedly the greatest ruler of his

dynasty. He succeeded to a large extent in restoring the politi-
cal unity of the Telugu country. His rule was helpful to the
prosperity of his realm, Warangal was further fortified and
made capital. Ganapatideva provided irrigation tanks to the
peasantry. He pursued an enlightened commercial policy. His
Motupalli pillar inscription dated 1245 A.D. records an as-
surance of protection to merchants engaged in foreign trade.
He was staunch saivite He built temples and patronised
teaming. The famous Ramappa temple near Palampeta in the
Warangal district is of his period.
Though Ganapathideva was alive until 1269 A.D., he handed

over the threads of administration to his daughter Rudramadevi
in 1262 A.D. itself and retired from active politics.
4. RUDRAMADEVI (1259-1289 A.D.)
Ganapatideva had no male issue. But he had two daughters.

Rudramadevi and Genapamadevi. Rudramadevi or Rudramba
was given in marriage to a prince of the Eastern Chalukyan
lineage (of Nidadavolu) called Virabhadra. The second daughter
was given in marriage to Beta of the Kota family. Rudramadevi
was nominated as heir apparent and she began to rule the
kingdom conjointly with her father as his co-regent from 1259-60
A.D. onwards, under the name of Rudradeva Maharaja. In
the first two or three years of her conjoint rule with her father,
the kingdom was thrown into confusion and disorder due to
Jatavarma Sundara Pandya I's invasion and the disastrous
defeat of the Kakatiyas along with their allies on the battle
field of Muttukur near Nellore Though Ganapati was ultimately
successful in turning back the tide of invasion, yet he suffered
loss of territory end prestige and his hold over his feudatories
and nobles was shaken. Under these circumstances, he retired
from active politics.
Though Rudramadevi assumed full sovereignty in 1262-63

AD, she was not the crowned queen till the year 1269 A.D..
me date of Kayastha Jannigadeva's Duggi (Palnad Taluk) record
The Kakatiyas 143
which speaks of Rudrama as Pattodhriti (queen-designate) of

Ganapatideva Maharaja. It was only after the death of her
father about the year 1269 A.D., she celebrated her coronation.
Rudramadevi's nomination and succession to the throne

was not generally approved. Some of the nobles, who were
unwilling to submit to a woman's authority took up arms against
her Ekamranatha s 'Pratapachantra' refers to her step-brothers
Hariharadeva and Murarideva ousting Rudrama, and capturing
Warangal, and Rudrama effectively tackling them with the help
of the citizens and some of her powerful supporters. However
no other evidence is available to prove the existence of her
step-brothers. Even if it is believed that some intransigent
nobles and near relations rebelled against Rudrama's authority,
the Kayastha chiefs Jannigedeva and his younger brothers
Tripurari and Ambadeva, Recherla Prasaditya and the Reddi
chiefs like Gona Gannaya and a host of others who remained
firmly loyal to the queen, espoused her cause and helped her
to defeat the rebels.
With regard to the external dangers, the Kalinga King

Narasimha I who suffered a defeat previously at the hands of
Ganapatideva, taking advantage of the distracted condition in
the Kakatiya dominions, marched with his forces into the
Godavari delta to recover his lost possessons. His short and
incomplete inscription at Draksharama dated 1262 A.D. attests
the same. The minor Chalukyen families and the Haihaya chiefs,
who were ruling in the erstwhile Vengi territories during this
period, did not recognise any overlord. Whether they were
actually independent or nominally autonomous princes (because
of Veerabhadra's relationship), it is not certain. But the
position is that no trace of the Kakatiya rule is to be found
either in the Godavari valley or in Vengi until 1278-79 A.D. In
the later part of the reign of Rudramadevi, the above provinces
came back under her sway. Her commanders Poti Nayaka and
Proli Nayaka fought against Kalinga Vira Bhanudeva I. son and
successor of Narasimha I and his accomplices Arjunadeva, the
Matsya chief of Oddadi and others and inflicted a crushing
defeat on them. They even assumed the title 'Gajapatimattama-
tangasimha' (lion to the rutting elephant, viz. the Gajapati), and

'Oddiyarayamanamardana' (the destroyer of the pride of Oddiya-
raya). The Kakatiya power was thus re-established in the
coastal Andhra country.
In the south, after the victory of Muttukur, a targe part of

the Kakatiya territory was under the sway of the Pandyas.
As a subordinate of the Pandyan monarch, the last Chalukya-
Chola ruler Rajendra III ruled Nellore and its dependencies.
Even the eastern part of the Cuddapah district and Chittore
district were under the Pandyan sway. The Kalukada chiefs
Kesavadeva and his brother Somideva, encouraged by the
Pandyas. proclaimed their independence and even made, suc-
cessful inroads (1267-69 A.D.) into the Kayastha territory
which remained under the formers at least for sometime.
Rudramadevi faced the most serious danger from the

west. It threatened to overthrow the Kakatiya monarch. The
Sauna ruler Mahadeva, who succeeded to the throne of Deva-
gin in 1260 A.D., invaded the Kakatiya kingdom in the early
years of his rule. The Yadava records credit him with victory
against the Kakatiyas According to Hemadri's 'Vrata-Khanda ,
he left her free 'because of his reluctance to kill a woman'. His
title Telungarayasirahkamalamulotpatana' suggests that he 'up-
rooted the stalk of the lotus of the head of Telungaraya'. All
these accounts are one-sided. The fact is that Mahadeva never
killed any ruler of the Telugu country. It was only a heriditary
title. One of the predecessors of Mahadeva, Jaitugi I killed
Kakati Rudra in 1195/96 A.D. However, it may be said that
though his attack was successful initially, it ended in dismal
failure. 'Pratapachantram' mentions that Rudramadevi fought
valiantly, put Mahadeva to flight, pursued the Seuna forces
upto Davagin and forced him to conclude a treaty with her
and pay a crore of gold coins as war indemnity. The epigraphic
evidence from Panugal (Nalgonda district) and Hire-Kogilun
bears testimony to this. A hoard of Seuna coins discovered
at Rachapatnam (Kaikalur Taluk of the Krishna district) pro-
bably 'represents a part of the money which Rudramba, accord-
ing to Pratapachartram, received from Mahadeva as war indem-
nity and distributed among the officers of her army'
The Kakatiyas 145
In the south, the situation became still worse. As already

seen, after the Muttukur conflict, the Nellore kingdom came
under the sway of the Pandyas and was placed under their
vassals. As the Pandyan inscriptions at Nandalur and Tirupati
indicate, even the Vallum Kayasthakingdom came into the
possession of the Pandyas (their subordinates the Kalukada
Vaidumba chiefs were in charge). Though the Kakatiya vassal
Mahamandalesvara Nagadeva Maharaja conquered Nellore and
the surrounding territory, it was a temporary phenomenon
which lasted just for five years (1271-75 A.D.). The area was
reoccupied by the Telugu Cholas who paid allegiance to the
Pandyas.
The Kayastha chief Jannigadeva re-occupied the territories
of the Valluru kingdom and freed thus from the Pandyan sway.
He and his brother Tripurarideva I (1270-72 A.D.) continued
to rule the Valluru kingdom as the vassals of Rudramadevi.
However with the succession of their younger brother AMBA-
DEVA to the throne in 1272 A.D., the situation underwent a
change. Ambadeva was ambitious and powerful. From the
beginning, he resolved to resuscitate the fortunes of his family
and carve out an independent kingdom for himself. To pursue
these objects, he was in constant wars with his neighbours
during his long reign of thirty-two years.
Ambadeva stopped paying allegiance to the Kakatiya queen
almost from the very beginning of his rule. His Tripurantakam
inscription dated 1290 A.D. records his achievements. It seems
that he befriended himself with the Pandyas and the Saunas
and with their military assistance proclaimed his independence.
He is said to have successfully fought with the seventyfive
kings. These kings might be the Kakatiya Nayankaras. Ambaya
defeated the Gurindala (Gunjala in the Palnad Taluk of the
Guntur district) chief 'Rayasahasramalla Sripati Ganapati. He
also subjugated the Kalukada Vaidumba chiefs Kesavadeva and
Somideva and their ally Allu Gangu of Gutti (Anantapur dis-
trict). He killed Eruva Mallideva Choda in battle and occupied
Eruvanadu Pendekallu also came into his possession Kop-
perunjinga was put to death and thereby Ambadeva assumed
the title 'Kadavarayi Vidhvamsaka' With these conquests.
Gandtkota, Mulikinadu, Renadu. Sakilinadu, Eruva and Pottapi-
10)
nadu were added to the Kayastha kingdom. He restored Manu-

magandagopala on the throne of Nellore and made him his
vassal. The Pandyas, who attempted to restore their sway
here, were defeated and driven away. As a result of this,
the Pandyan suzerainty in Andhradesa came to an end. But
the establishment of a strong, extensive and independent
Kayastha kingdom in the southern parts, gave a jolt to the
imperial authority of the Kakatiyas.
Rudramadevi could not tolerate the headstrong and dis-
loyal Ambadeva. She sent an army under her general Malli-
karjuna against the rebel chief. However, as the recently
discovered Chandupatla (Nalgonda district) grant dated 1283
A.D. indicates, Ambadeva seems to have killed Rudrama along
with Mallikarjuna Nayaka in battle in that year. It was
Prataparudra II, successor of Rudrama that succeeded in sup-
ressing the Kayastha revolt later.
Rudramadevi was undoubtedly one of the greatest rulers
of Andhradesa. Her sex did not come on her way in dis-
charging the duties of her exalted office. She took an active
part in governing the country and strove hard to promote
the best interests of the state. In spite of the wars which
frequently disturbed the country, her people remained con-
tented and happy under her rule. Rudrama strengthened the
Warangal fort still further. She had also a deep moat dug
around it Marcopolo. the Venetian traveller who paid a visit
to the kingdom probably a little later, speaks highly of her
administrative qualities, benign rule and greatness.
Rudramadevi had no male issue out only two daughters
Mummadamma and Ruyyamma. On the advice of her father,
she adopted Mummadamma's son Prataparudra (II) as her son
and as heir to the throne. On her demise, Prataparudra II
ascended the throne of Warangal
5 PRATAPARUDRA II (1289/90-1323 A.D.)
Dr. P V. Parabhrahma Sastri contended, on the basis of
the Chandupatla (near Nakarikallu. Nalgonda district) inscrip-
ron, that Rudramadevi died in the month of November, 1289
A D . fghting battle against the rebal Kayestha chief Ambadeva.
On the death of Rudrama, her grandson Prataparudra, who
The Kakatiyas 147
was adopted by her as son and as heir apparent on the advice

of her father Ganapatideva, ascended the throne at the begin-
ning of the year 1280 A.D. At the time of his accession, he
was about thirty five years old. Before his grandmother's
death, he had been associated with her for several years in
the administration of the kingdom with the names Kakati
Rudrakumara and Kumara Rudradeva. If the contention of
Dr. Parabrahma Sastri that Rudrama was killed at the hands
of the rebel Ambadeva in battle, is accepted, then it must be
agreed that even after his accession to the throne of Warangal
in 1289/90 A.D., Prataparudra was referred as Kumara Rudra-
deva. In the Nataka Prakarana of 'Prataparudra Yasobhushanam',
the author Vidyanatha refers that when the prince was bom
because it looked as if the Sun-rise took place, so he was
named Prataparudra.
As Dr. M. Ramarao pointed out. his (Prataparudra's) is

'an eventful reign Like the reign of Aurangzeb, it shows high
watermark of the Kakatiya glory and also witnesses inevitable
but pitiable reaction in the opposite direction'. Prataparudra
had to fight battles throughout his reign against either the
internal rebels or the external foes. The caste-ridden factional
rivalries among the Kayastha, the Velama and the Reddi com-
munities might have incited the internal revolts. As a result
of these constant internal troubles and the external dangers,
especially the invasions of the aliens, the Kakatiya empire
ultimately collapsed.
Eversince Prataparudra assumed the reigns of government.

he made the rehabilitation of the kingdom his sole aim. To
strengthen the defences of the kingdom, he set about re-
organizing the administrative system. Tradition, based on
authentic facts, points out that he recruited exclusively from
the Velama community seventy five or seventy seven nayaks,
assigned them territories and entrusted to each of them the
defence of one of the seventy-seven bastions of the (on of his
capital Warangal. He must have found the Velama (Padma
Nayaka) chieftains eminently fitted to the duty. This well-
meant reform and the special favour shown to the Velama
community, of course, excited the jealousy of the Reddi chief-

tains who grew sullen and discontented. Prataparudra even
centralised power as far as possible.
'Prataparudra put his new-modelled army to test by pitting

against the rebel Kayastha chief Ambadeva. He proved more
than a match to Ambaya. He knew fully well that an attack
on Ambaya would also involve him in a war with his allies,
the Seunas and the Pandyas. So he wanted to isolate Amba-
deva from those allies and deal with each of them separately,
For this, he launched a three-pronged attack on Ambadeva's
territories and at the same time to dispatch separate expedi-
tions against his a/lies, who sent fierce elephants and fleet-
footed horses as auxiliary forces to the assistance of the
Kayasthas. In 1291 A.D., a large army under Gannaya, son
of Kolani Sornamantri and his cousin Annayadeva, son of
Induluri Peda Gannayamantri, defeated Ambadeva and forced
him to retreat southwards into Mulikinadu. As a result of
this victory, Tripurantakam and the surrounding territory passed
into the hands or the Kakatiya monarch. In the course of the
same campaign, the Cheraku chief, Rajanarendra who was
probably a vassal and ally of Ambadeva, was put to death.
The inscriptions testify to the fact that subsequently
the Cherakus continued to rule the Nandikotkur Taluk of the
Kurnool district as vassals of the Kakatiya monarch.
While the encounter with Ambadeva and the Cherukus
was in progress in the west, another section of the Kakatiya
army under the command of Adidam Mallu marched along the
coast towards Nellore to prevent its chief Manuma-Gandagopala
from joining forces with his patron Ambadeva or sending him
military assistance. Mallu killed Manuma in the encounter and
placed Raja-Gandagopala on the throne of Nellore in 1290 A.D.
But this Raja-Gandagopala soon turned against his benefactor
and joined hands with the Pandyas. A second expedition was
sent against Nellore by Prataparudra. Raja-Gandagopala and
his Pandyan allies were defeated.
Another expedition, under Gona Vitthala from his head-
quarters Vardhamanapura (Vaddamanu in the Mahaboobnagar
The Kakatiyas 149
district), was sent against the Seuna territory on the western

frontier. Vitthala must have wrested the Krishna-Tungabhadra
doab from the Seunas of Devagiri and fortified Raichur so that
the entire region could effectively be controlled from that fort.
Ambadeva, who was compelled to retire by the Kakatiya

army from Tripurantakam and its surrounding territories, con-
tinued to rule over his native Mulikinadu until 1304 A.D. He
and his successors stayed independent. It was in the year
1309 A.D. that Prataparudra sent an army against them under
his general Maharaya-pattasahini Somaya Nayaka, Induluri Annaya
and others. The Kayasthas were everthrown and their terri-
tories were annexed to the Kakatiya kingdom, Somaya Nayaka
was entrusted with the government of these territories.
Meanwhile the Kakatiya kingdom had to face the Turushka

inroads (1303-10 A.D.) as a result of which the country was
thrown into calamity and chaos, The failure of Protaparudra
to ward off the Muslim invasion in 1309 A.D. under the com-
mand of Malik Naib Kafur, let loose the forces of disintegration
in his empire. Taking advantage of this distracted condition,
the Vadumba chief Mallideva of Gandikota and the Telugu Chola
ruler Ranganatha of Nellore rebelled against the central autho-
rity. After the retirement of the Muslim invaders from
Telangana, Prataparudra sent an army under Juttayalenka
Gonkaya Reddi against Mallideva. Mallideva was defeated and
killed. Prataparudra made Gonkaya the governor of Mulikinadu
and the surrounding territories with Gandikota as headquarters.
In the meantime, civil war began in the Pandyan kingdom
between Kulasekhara Pandya's two sons, Vira Pandya and
Sundara Pandya for the throne of Madura. As a mediator,
Malik Kafur entered Madurai kingdom, plundered and desecrated
the temples at Kanchi, Madurai, Chidambaram, Srirangam and
other places and carried away much loot, shattering the
economy of the Tamil country. This Mabar expedition of the
Muslims proved to be a purely military raid. The aftermath
confusion in the Pandyan kingdom provided an opportunity for
the Kerala and the Karnataka rulers to intervene in its affairs.
Ravivarman Kulasekhara of Quilon defied the Pandyan autho-
rity. At the same time, the Hoyasala Ballala III invaded and
occupied a large part of Tondaimandalam, including perhaps
Kanchi, and forced some of the local chieftains, such as the
Sambuvaraya of Padaividu and the Yadavaraya of Chandragiri
to pay their allegiance. According to N.V. Ramanayya, at the
instance of Ala-ud-Din Khilji, Prataparudra along with the
generals, the Padma Nayak chief Erra Dacha Nayaka along with
Induluri Rudra, Muppidi Nayaka and Devari Nayaka, marched
on the Pandyan territory. Ranganatha was driven away and
Nellore became part and parcel of the Kakatiya empire. Devari
Nayaka occupied Kanchi from the Hoyasala forces, defeated
both Ravivarma and Vira Pandya and anointed Sundara Pandya
at Viradhavaia. The Kakatiya authority was thus established
in the south upto Trichinopoly in the south.
On the banks of the river Tungabhadra one Singaya Nayaka,

a vassal of the Yadavas, established an independent Kampili
kingdom, at Anegondi. His son Kampilideva, who was ambi-
tious and aggressive, desirous of extending his kingdom, came
into conflict with the Hoyasala ruler Ballala IIl. In this endeavour,
he even sought the help of Prataparudra. When he failed to
secure the assistance of the Kakatiya monarch, he got angry
with him and in order to humiliate him assumed his titles
'Mururayaraganda' and 'Virarudrnaganda'. Prataparudra be-
came furious at this and sent Bendapudi Annayamatya and
Recherla Singama Nayaka against Kampili. The Kakatiya
generals humbled the pride of Kampilideva.
To augment the financial resources and replenish the trea-
sury, which became empty due to many a war waged against
the internal rebels and the external foes and the frequent in-
roads of the Muslims and also due to the continual payment
of tribute to Delhi, Prataparudra tried his best. In the Cud-
dapah, Kurnool and Palnad areas, trees were cut down, forests
were cleared and new lands were brought under cultivation.
Tanks and wells were dug to provide irrigational facilities. New
settlements came into existence.
Prataparudra was a man of cultural tastes and pursuits.
He patronised men of letters both in Sanskrit and Telugu. His
The Kakatiyas 151
court poet Vidyanatha wrote 'Prataparudra Yasobhushanam'

on poetics in Sanskrit. Agastya and Viswanatha had also their
contribution in Sanskrt. Prataparudra's ministers and generals
also patronised poets and scholars.
6. PRATAPARUDRA AND THE MUSLIM INVASIONS

(The Muslim Invasions on Andhra)
The glory of the Kakatiya realm which was at its zenith

during the reign of Prataparudra, exited the jealousy of his
neighbours, especially the Yadavas of Devagiri and tire Oriya
rulers of Cuttack and led them even to make common cause
with any power that sought to humble the pride of the Kaka-
tiyas. 'Unfortunately for the Andhras such a mighty power
came forth in the dynasty of the Imperial rulers (The Khaljis
and then the Tughlaks) of Delhi.' Ala-ud-din Khalji was the
first Sultan of Delhi to undertake expedition against Andhra.
It is to be viewed as part of his grand scheme of invasions of
the Deccan and South India. S.K. Aiyangar rightly observes
in his work 'South India and Her Muhammadan Invaders' about
the motives of Ala-ud-din in undertaking these expeditions
thus: 'Al-ud-din's object in these various invasions of the
Deccan and the farther south appears to have gone on farther
than making them the mileh-co for the gold that he was often
much in need for the efficient maintenance of his army to keep
Hindustan free from internal disturbances and invasion by the
Mughals (Mongols) from outside'.
Ala-ud-din was by all counts, the first Muslim general who

crossed the Vindhyas and invaded the Hindu States of South
India. Being the nephew of Jalal-ud-din Khalji, the founder
of the Khalji rule in Delhi, he (Ali Gurshasp Malik was his real
name) rendered his services to his uncle and father-in-law
in crushing the revolt (Aug-Sept. 1290 A.D.) of the disaffected
Turkish amirs led by Malik Chhajju-Kishlu Khan, governor of
Kara. This young man, calculating, unscrupulous and aggres-
sive', was eventually appointed governor of Kara. His domestic
misery (due to haughty and arrogant wife) increased his thirst
for avenging himself on the family and his unsympathetic

critics by deeds that would free him from the bitter family
tutelage and ensure him an independent and glorious existence.
He realized that money was the first requisite and raid

on the neighbouring Hindu states and beyond the Vindhyas
appeared to assue a working capital for the furtherance of
his ultimate objective of capturing the throne of Delhi. In this
process, he first captured Bhilsa (Vidisha) near Bhopal, plun-
dered and destroyed the richly endowed temples and collected
enoromous booty. Here he 'assiduously gathered knowledge
of the fabled wealth of southern Hindu kingdoms'. On the
pretext of invading Chanderi, Ala-ud-din, as a fugitive prince,
marched in the winter of 1295 A.D. to Ellichpur and then passed
through Lasaura with his eight thousand picked cavalry. He
had his assault on the capital Devagiri of the Yadava kingdom,
when its main army had gone southwards under heir apparent
Singhana Deva. The ruler Ramachandra sued for peace. Even
Singhana who arrived from the south was also defeated.
Enormous booty and huge war indemnity were extracted.
Devagiri was reduced to a vassal state. This invasion 'not
only provided Ala-ud-din with the money, he needed so badly
to further his ambitious plans to succeed to throne of Delhi
but also opened the way to South India to the Mahammadans,
none of whom had dared to cross the Vindhyas so far'.
Ala-ud-din then hatched a plot, assassinated Jalal-ud-din,

won the nobles over to his side with the Deccan money and
usurped the Delhi throne in 1296 A.D. He was obliged to
keep a large and effective army in order to keep the nobles
under check, maintain law and order, subjugate and conquer
the independent and semi-independent states, and to check
the Mongol menace. His revenue reforms were due to his
desire to increase state resources. The execution of his policy
of conquest of north India drained mostly these resources. He
soon felt the need to look for money outside his territory.
His assiduously gathered earlier knowledge of the fabled
wealth of southern Hindu kingdoms beyond Devagiri came to
his help. Instead of conquering and annexing these kingdoms.
The Kakatiyas 153
he shrewdly opted for squeezing them of their immense

treasures and making them pay tributes regularly to augment
the imperial treasury. The political situation in the south at
that time was also encouraging to him. The rulers of the
Hoyasala, Pandya, Yadava and Kakatiya kingdoms, which rose
on the ruins of the Chalukyu and Chola empires, were engaged
in war with each other. So Ala-ud-din turned his attention
beyond Devagiri on the Telugu country first.
According to contemporary Hindu sources like 'Pratapa-

charitra', Vilasa and Kaluvacheru copper plate grants, there
were no less than eight Muslim expeditions against the Andhra
country alone during the reign of Prataparudra, The Muslim
accounts, however, refer to only five expeditions, of which
three were victorious and two disastrous.
The earliest expedition of Ala-ud-din against the Kakatiya

kingdom took place in 1303 A.D. While he himself was en-
gaged in sieging the fort of Chitor in Rajasthan, he sent Malik
Fakhr-ud-din Juna and Jhaju of Kara with troops by way of
Bengal to Telangana. The army, which already suffered dis-
aster in the course of the march owing to floods, was worsted
at Upparapalli (Karimnagar district) by Recherfa Venna and
Potuganti Maili and was compelled to retreat in confusion.
After settling satisfactorily the affairs of Hindustan and

Western India and having brought effectively Maharashtra
(Devagiri kingdom) under control, Ala-ud-din devoted his at-
tention to the conquest of the Southern Hindu States. Amir
Khusrau and Barani gave a graphic account of these expedi-
tions commencing from 1309 A.D. The Sultan dispatched a
large army under Malik Naib Kafur and Khwaja Haji to conquer
Telangana to wipe off his earlier disgrace and also to chastise
Prataparudra for giving asylum to the Hindu ruler of Gujarat.
In tune with his policy towards the Southern rulers, he ordered
Malik Naib to leave Prataparudra in possession of his dominions,
if he should submit to him and agree to pay tribute. The
Delhi army passed through Devagiri and seized the hill of
Anmakonda on 20 January, 1310 A.D. After twenty-five days
fighting, the outer mud fort of Warangal was taken by storm.

While laying sieze of the inner stone fort, the Muslim army
devastated the country side, terrifying the inhabitants. Thus
Prataparudra was forced to submit. Peace was restored.
'War and peace with Sultan Ala-ud-din made little difference,
the former involved death and the latter the loss of everything
that one possessed'. Malik Naib left Warangal with a high
booty 'a thousand camels groaned, under the weight of the
treasure'. Prataparudra remained a vassal of Delhi, paying
the stipulated amount of tribute every year thereafter.
Following Ala-ud-din's death in 1316 A.D., the revolution

broke out in Delhi, which finally led to the accession of Qutb-
ud-din Mubarak to the throne. Taking advantage of this situa-
tion, Prataparudra stopped paying tribute to Delhi. The new
Sultan sent his favourite slave Khusrau Khan to Warangal at
the head of a powerful army to collect the arrears of tribute
due to Delhi. With regard to this Khusrau Khan's expedition
to Warangal, Amir Khusrau and Isami gave conflicting accounts,
While an overdrawn picture of the achievements of the Muslim
general in Telangana was given by the former, the latter simply
states that 'Khusrau collected all the tribute due to his master
without having recourse to force'. However both the accounts
clearly point out that Prataparudra paid the arrears of tribute
and the Delhi authority was restored in Telangana
Again when a series of events shook the Delhi empire

to its foundations in 1320 A.D., Prataparudra, according to
Firishta, did not pay tribute. After Ghiyas-ud-din Tughlak
established the rule of his family in Delhi, reversing the policy
of his predecessors towards the southern kingdoms (squeez-
ing as much money as possible), the Sultan wanted to bring
the whole of Deccan peninsula under his direct control. In
pursuit of this policy, he sent his son prince Juna Khan, who
bore the title 'Ulugh Khan' (later Muhammad bin Tughlak),
to the south. Ulugh Khan marched to Warangal in 1321-22
A.D. This was the fourth expedition against Warangal. Ulugh
Khan marched to Warangal by way of Devagiri. Barani gives
us details of this expedition. Warangal was invested. A pro-
The Kakatiyas 155
tracted and fierce struggle followed. Kotagiri and other places

were also besiezed. When the Muslim armis were about to
capture Warangal, rumours spread, might be at trie instance of
the astrologer Ubaid, to the effect that Ghiyas-ud-din died and
the Delhi throne was captured by a usurper. Consternation and
confusion followed in the Muslim camp. Some of the generals
fled along with their armies. Uplugh had no alternative except
to raise the siege and retreat towards Devagiri. Subsequently
deterrent punishments were meted out to the detractors.
Ghiyas-ud-din did not get discouraged. He sent reinforce-

ments to Devagiri with clear instructions to his son to proceed
against Telangarva and subjugate the country. Ulugh Khan,
now with the fully equipped reinforcements, marched towards
Telangana, captured on the way several forts, siezed the stra-
tegic Bodhan and finally attacked the citadel of Warangal in
1323 A.D. The reappearance of Ulugh at Warangal within
four months of the retreat caught the Kakatiya army unawares.
The stock of provisions was meagre. The jealousy and rivalry
of the Reddi chiefs with the Velamas played havoc. Still the
sieze lasted for five months. The hardy and well-built Turkish
soldiers with its swift moving cavalry caused havoc among
the enemy ranks and ultimately Prataparudra had to yield. He
was taken to Delhi along with all the members of his family.
The Vilasa grant of Musunuri Prolaya states that Prataparudra.
while being carried away as a captive to Delhi, died on the
banks of the river Narmada. He might have either committed
suicide or was slain by one of his followers at his own instance.
With the defeat and death of Prataparudra ended the rule of
Kakatiya line of kings; and the country passed into the hands
of rulers belonging to an alien race and religion.
7. GENERAL CONDITIONS OF THE KAKATIYA PERIOD

The Kakatiyas with their conquering zeal and spirit of
nationalism and patriotism united the while of Andhradesa—
coastal Andhra, Telangana and Rayalaseema—all the Telugu-
speaking parts of the Deccan under their paramount power.
It was for the first and the last time also (before the formation
of Andhra Pradesh State) that the Telugu-speaking people were
united under one government. Their spirit of nationalism and
patriotism stood them in good stead in their offering gallant
resistance to the Islamic invaders. This radition and legacy
of the Warangal kingdom was however continued by the
Vijayanagara rulers.
ADMINISTRATION AND THE TERRITORIAL ORGANISATION

The Kakatiyas followed the traditional hereditory monar-
chical system. The practice of the ruling monarch taking heir
into partnership in the administration of the kingdom was visible
The Kakatiyas 157
at least from the time of Ganapatideva. A female succession

to the throne, eventhough it was prejudiced by some, was the
unique feature of the Kakatiya dynasty in the history of
Andhradesa. Though the monarch was all powerful, his autho-
rity was subjected to the limitations imposed by vama-dharma
and the customs of the land. The works on rajaniti prescribed
high qualifications of head and heart for the king. The king's
frequent audiences to his subjects at fixed times was made
essential for fostering harmony between the ruler and the ruled.
A large number of ministers used to assist the monarch in the
administration of the kingdom. Merit was probably the criterion
to make appointments to public service. The contemporary
literary work 'Sakalanitisammatamu' lists 18 Thirthas (mini-
sters). Officials of all classes in the court were divided into
'niyogas' (categories). They were seventy two in number and
collectively referred as 'bahattara', placed under the supervision
of the 'bahattara-niyogadhipati'.
With regard to the territorial organization of the Kakatiya

kingdom, the primary basis was the village. Besides the
village, the bigger administrative divisions like 'sthalas' and
'nadus' were known from inscriptions. The villages were under
the rule of a body of village officials called collectively the
'ayagars' (generally 12 in number and include karanam, peda-
kapu, talari etc.). Little is known about the local organization
of the stalas and nadus.
MILITARY ORGANIZATION AND THE ARMY
In the military organization of the Kakatiya kingdom, fores

played a dominant role in the defence of the realm. It is the
network of forts which enables a kingdom to last long. The
'Nitisara' of Prataparudra refers to four kinds of forts-sthala.
Jala, vana and giri durgas. The inscriptions of the period refer
to the giri-durgas like Anumakonda, Rachur and Gandikota, the
vana-durgas like Kandur and Narayanavanam, the jala-durgas
like Divi and Kolanu and the sthala-durgas like Warangal and
Dharnikota, These forts were the most famous strong-holds
in the Kakatiya period.
The administration of the kingdom was done on military

basis. The kings shared their territories out among a number
of military chiefs called 'Nayakas'. This was the 'nayakara'
system which became popular as a prominent feature of admini-
stration later under the Vijayanagara emperors. The 'Nitisara'
states that the king should assign only small villages to the
samantas, reserving the big ones for maintaining the four-fold
army and for the replenishment of the treasury. The 'Pratapa-
charitra' informs us about Prataparudra II entrusting the defence
of the 77 bastions of Warangal to 77 Nayakas of the Velama
community, allotting to them a fourth of his kingdom as estates
to enable them to discharge efficiently their duties (to maintain
a prescribed body of troops for the service of the king and to
pay annual tribute).
The elephants, cavalry and infantry constituted the Kaka-
tiya army. The contemporary accounts refer to the strength
of the army under Prataparudra II which consisted of 100 ele-
phants, 20.000 horses and 9,00,000 archers. The military service
was not restricted to any particular community. The Gaja-
sahini and Asva-sahini used to train the elephants and horses
for the purposes of war. Maharaya-pattasahini was an officer
attached to the royal establishment.
The army was divided into two sections, the royal forces
and the nayaka levies. Being the commander-in-chief of the
army, the king used to take the field in person very often.
The 'angarakshas' used to guard the kings' person and palace.
The 'lenkas' (companions-at-arms) with an ideal conduct used
to serve and if required they were even ready to sacrifice
their lives for the sake of the king. No correct information
is available regarding the organization of military heirarchy.
'Distinguished service in the army was frequently rewarded
by the grant of landed estates and the conferment of titles
and badges of honour by the king The Gandapendera or
anklet of the heroes was a common decoration bestowed on
distinguished men for meritorious service'.
ECONOMIC CONDITIONS
Agriculture was the main source of the prosperity of the
Kakatiya period. No reference is given to any public works
The Kakatiyas 159
department or the state undertaking either direct or indirect

responsibility for the construction and maintenance of irriga-
tion works. However the kings and their nobles, merchants
and wealthy men and even the religious leaders took active
interest in the construction and maintenance of irrigation works,
especially tanks or reservoirs in which rain water was stored.
It was because of their sentimental belief, that the construction
of a tank was an act of charity which would acquire great
religious merit, starting from Beta II, the rulers and their chief-
tains (especially the Malyala and Recheria chieftains) encou-
raged raising wet crops on a large scale in Telangana by pro-
viding large tanks or dams.
Besides provision of irrigation facilities to improve

agriculture, attempts were made to increase the extent of
cultivable land by cutting down forests particularly in the
Rayalasima area during the reign of Prataparudra II. New
settlements were encouraged in the forest clearings. The
tax on agriculture and the charges levied on industry and trade
were collected by regular officials. The land was, for purposes
of assessment, divided into dry, wet and garden varieties.
Tax was payable either in kind or in cash. Little is known
about the incidence of taxation. Salt was a monopoly of the
state. Apart from agriculture, industry and commerce were
also promoted. Marco Polo, Amir Khusrau and Wassaf paid
glowing tributes to the prosperous condition of Andhradesa
during this period.
RELIGIOUS CONDITIONS
The Kakatiya monarchs were well known for their policy
of religious toleration. Among the reformist faiths. Buddhism
was a thoroughly spent-up force by the eleventh century A.D.
Due to the patronage of the early Kakatiya rulers, Jainism
lingered on here and there, maintaining its individual character,
in 'Panditaradhyacharitra' and 'Basava Purana', references were
made to the persecution of Jains.
Among the Bhakti cults which replaced Buddhism and
Jainism, though Vaishnavism also flourished, it was the hey
160 HISTORYOFTHEANDHRAS
day for Saivism. The Kahamukha doctrine was predominant

at the beginning, the Pasupata sect gained upper hand later.
The first independent monarchs of the Kakatiya dynasty,
Rudradeva and his brother Mahadeva were 'Parama-mahesvaras'.
The reign of Ganapatideva was remarkable in the history of
the Saiva religion during the Kakatiya period. The Pasupata
Saivas belonging to the Golaki-Matha gained popularity among
the people as well as with the royal house. The teachers of
this Matha, like Visvesvara Siva (the royal preceptor of Gana-
patideva) exerted greater influence on the Chedi Katechuris,
Kakatiyas and on the Kings of Malwa and Chola countries.
In Andhradesa, many branches of this Golaki-Matha were set
up at Bhattiprolu, Tripurantakam, Sriparvata and Pushpagiri.
This Pasupata sect of Saivism of Golaki-Matha continued to
flourish almost upto the end of the reign of Prataparudra II.
It is strange to find that after the fall of Warangal in 1323 A.D.,
no Saivacharya of Golaki-Matha was heard of.
The famous Pandita-traya, Mallikarjuna Pandita, Sripati

Pandita and Manchana Pandita, belonging to Aradhya Saivism
had also some following in the southern parts of the Telugu
country during the Kakatiya period. The Vira-Saiva school of
Basava. which was at its zenith in the Kanarase country during
this period, did not attract many people in the Andhra country.
The Saiva-Mathas, which were supported by liberal grants

from the kings and nobles, imparted religious teaching to their
disciples. Satras (free feeding houses) were attached to the
Saiv monasteries. 'Village and family deities, such as Ekavira,
Mahuramma, Kakatamma and Kameswari, were very popular
and their worship was general throughout this period'. Per-
formance of vratas and often undertaking pilgrimages also at-
tained much importance during these times.
DEVELOPMENT OF ART AND ARCHITECTURE
The Kakatiyas were men of cultural tastes. They patronised

men of arts and letters. They were fond of architecture. As
they had sprung from the Chalukyas and were also allied by
The Kakatiyas 161
marriage with the Cholas of South India, it is natural that their

temples should show a happy blending of these two styles
of temple architecture. With regard to secular architecture,
since the forts began to play a dominant part in the defence
of the realm, they were built at Warangal, Raichur, Golkonda,
Rachakonda, Devarakonda and other places revealing the archi-
tectural skills of the times. The entrances of the mud-wall
and the stone citadel at Warangal are magnificent examples
of mediaeval defence arrangements.
Since the early Kakatiya monarchs were Jains by faith,

some temples of Jain variety must have been erected at places
like Kolanupaka (Warangal district) and Jogipeta (Medak)
district) but later they vanished possibly due to Saiva malice
and fury. However the Padmakshi temple near Anmakonda
on a hill top, built during the reign of Prola II, still stands as a
solitary example of the Jain architecture of the Kakatiya period.
With modest size and simple design, it does not exhibit any
architectural excellence.
The excellence of the Kakatiya architecture and sculpture

is revealed in the constructions of a later age. They include
the famous temples at Anmakonda, Warangal, Pillalamarri and
Palampeta. The thousandpillar temple known as the Rudresvara
temple at Hanumakonda constructed by Rudradeva in 1162 A.D.
stands as a testimony for the great architectural triumph of
the age of the Kakatiyas. The ceilings, the portals, the inner
walls and pillars of this temple and the collossal image of
Nandi-all built of granite and black stone were finely chistelled,
elaborately decorated with intricate designs and perfectly pro-
portioned with amazing skill and mastery, depicting the figures
of animals, deities and scences from the epics.
The great Ramappa temple at Palampeta is said to have

been built in 1213 A.D. by Recherla Rudra, one the generals
of Ganapatideva. At the eastern entrance of this temple raised
on a high platform stands the beautifully symmetrical and life-
like image of the monolithic Nandi with marvellous smoothness
and polish, displaying extraordinary skill in carving the nume-
11)
rous details of its ornamental hangings. The outside of the

temple is decorated by a variety of figures including deities,
warriors, musicians and dancers. The twelve figure brackets,
springing from the shoulders of the outer pillars and nominally
supporting the protruding caves of the roof of the temple,
represent the dancing artists in different postures. The other
temples at Katakshpur, Nagnur, Nagulapadu, Panagal, Attirala,
Manthani, and Bejjanki and the Toranas (gateways) at Warangal
and Veerakals (hero-stones) at different pieces also exhibit the
same artistic merit of the Kakatiya times. The fine arts of
music and dance also received patronage at the Warangal court.
DEVELOPMENT OF LITERATURE
The Kakatiyas paid much attention on the spread of educa-

tion and bestowed bounteous patronage on men of letters.
Sanskrit continued to occupy the first place in the educational
system of this period. The contemporary inscriptions bear
sufficient evidence to this. This study of the Vedas, the other
Vedic literary works and the various branches of classical
Sanskrit literature was encouraged- The liberal patronage
rendered by the rulers and their dependents gave an impetus
to literary activity on large scale.
Among the epigraphical poets who composed prasastis

(their inscriptions are regarded as kavyas in miniature), the
names of Achintendra, Nandi, Anantasuri and Isvarasuri figure.
Besides, important works in different branches of learning were
produced. Among the Kavya writers, Agastya (Balabharatam
and Nalakirtikaumudi), Sakalya Mallu-bhatta (Niroshthya
Ramayana etc.) and Appayarya (Jinendrakalyanabhyudaya)
deserve special mention. The dramatists in Sanskrit include
Gangadhara, Visvanatha, Narasimha and Ravipati Tripurantaka.
The poet laureate of Prataparudra II, Vidyanatha produced his
famous treatise on poetics, 'Prataparudra-Yasobhushanam'. The
authorship of the famous treatise on rajaniti, 'Nitisara' was
ascribed to Prataparudra. On music and dance, Jayapa, the
Gaja-sahini of Ganapatideva, wrote Gitaratnavali and Nritta-
ratnavati. Apart from these various poetical compositions.
The Kakatiyas 163
some Kavyas in Sanskrit prose and commentaries on philo-

sophical and theological works were also produced during this
period.
The Kakatiya period constitutes an important chapter in;

the history of Telugu literature. It was under the patronage
of the Kakatiya generals and feudatories, much religious and
secular literature was produced in Telugu. The Bhakti cults
largely contributed to the Telugu literature. In fact, after
Nannayabhatta, the Telugu literature suffered an eclipse for
nearly a century. But from the later half of the 13th century
A.D., a continuous stream of literary output can be seen.
Undoubtedly the period is described as the age of Tikkana,
Tikkana Somayaji, who was in the service of the Telugu Choda
princes of Nellore, visited the court of the Kakatiyas, sought
and got the help of Ganapatideva for his master who was in
distress. This great poet had for his credit two important
works in Telugu. The first one is 'Nirvachanottara Ramayanamu'.
Though a highly Sanskritised style was employed, it is chara-
cterised by excellent literary qualities and abounding elements
of pathos and heroism. However it is the 'Andhra Mahabharata'
which brought for Tikkana undying fame and made him one
of the immortals. Though it is a translation of the last fifteen
parvas of the Mahabharata, left out by his predecessor Nannaya,
yet Tikkana put life and blood into it with an avowed objective
of making ft a kavya. His delineation of character, dramatic
dialogue and lucid and at the same time suggestive exposition
of facts are masterly in nature. His broad spiritual outlook,
lofty idealism, high imagination and splendid diction made him
'Kavi Brahma' (The Supreme Creator among poets). Ketana
who translated Dandin's 'Dasakumara Charitra' into Telugu, and
Marana who wrote 'Markandeya Puranamu' were his contem-
poraries and admirers.
Palkuriki Somanatha, who was an inhabitant of the

Telangana region in the time of Prataparudra, was an erudite
scholar and a linguist. In his later life, he espoused Vira-
Saivism. His greatest Telugu poetical works include 'Basava
Purana'. 'Panditaradhya Charitra' and 'Vrishadhipa Satakamu'.
164 HISTORY OF THEANDHRAS
Somanatha was the first poet who attempted to write in 'Desi'

(Janu Tenugu). His 'Basava Purana' is in popular Dwipada
metre. Gona Buddharaja's 'Ranganatha Ramayanamu' in the
same two-footed verse, 'Bhaskara Ramayanamu' ascribed to
Bhaskara, Mallikarjunabhatta and others and the works of
Nanne Choda, Manchana, Malliya Rechana, Baddena, Siva-
devayya, Madiki Singana and Yathavakkula Annamayya enriched
the Telugu literature during the age of the Kakatiyas New
styles of Telugu poetry, like Prabhandha and Staka, made their
appearance.
CHAPTER 7
The Age of the Musunuri Chiefs and the

Reddis
1. The Musunuri Chiefs

EXPANSION OF THE MUSLIM AUTHORITY IN THE TELUGU
COUNTRY
With the defeat and capture of Prataparudra II in 1323 A.D.,

Warangal and Telangana lay at the feet of the conqueror Ulugh
Khan of the Tughlak dynasty. Warangal was renamed as
Sultanpur. The invader carried on campaigns for some more
time for the thorough subjugation of the Telugu country. Within
six months after the fall of Warangal, Kondapalli fort was taken.
Then one after the other the strong holds on the east coast
Rajahmundry, Nidadavolu, Kolanuvidu and Nellore were occupied
by the Muslims. The Persian inscription dated in 1324 A.D.
of Ghiyasuddin Tughlak inscribed on the main gateway of the
big mosque at Rajahmundry, some coins of the same Sultan
found in a village near Eluru and other evidences attest this
annexation of the region from Nellore to Rajahmundry by
1324 A.D. The Muslim chronicler Isami referred to Ulugh
Khan's conquest of Gutti and Kunti. Thus the entire Telugu
country came under the Muslim rule almost by 1324 A.O.
Apart from the Telugu country, according to Wassaf, the
Mabar region extending from Nilawar (Nellore) in the east to
Kulam (Quilion) in the west was also conquered by the
Muslims during the same time.
166 HISTORYOF THE ANDHRAS
THE EFFECTS OF THE MUSLIM RULE
This conquest of the Telugu country end the farther south

and the subsequent destruction of Kampili and the subjugation
of the Hoyasalarajya by Ulugh Khan (later Mohammad Bin
Tughlak) had far-reaching consequences. When Ala-ud-din
Khilji conquered the southern states, he was wise enough not
to follow the policy of direct annexation. After conquering
these territories, he left them all independent and accepted
tributes from the defeated states. As long as these states
regularly paid their tributes end acknowledged the supremacy
of Delhi, they were let alone. However the Tughlak Sultans
failed to appreciate and accept the wisdom of this policy. With
the result, they followed the policy of annexation. Every at-
tempt was made to create the defeated states as provinces
of the Delhi empire.
With the advent of the Muslim rule in the Telugu country

and other parts of the south, conditions underwent a drastic
change. During the stay of Ulugh Khan in Telangana, he tried
to consolidate his conquests and organise the administration.
He appointed Malik, Amirs and other officers of state and
placed garrisons in strategic centres. The overall supervision
was entrusted to the Daulatabad governor. The Muslim rule
was tyrannical and oppressive and the people began to groan
under hardships. The plight of Andhradesa under the Muslim
rule is graphically described in the contemporary Vilasa copper
plate grant of Musunuri Prolaya Nayaka, The record says, "In
a hundred sinful ways, the rich were tortured for the sake of
money. Merely on beholding the Parasikars (Muslims) some
abandoned their lives. Brahmins were disallowed to perform
their religious rites and rituals. Temples were destroyed and
idols were desecrated and broken. All the agraharas, which
had long been in the enjoyment of the most learned, were taken
away. Forcibly deprived of the fruits of their cultivation, the
husbandmen, both the rich and poor, got ruined. In that great
calamity, people could not regard their money, wives and other
earthly belongings as their own. The wretched Yavanas
(Muslims) revelled always in drinking wine, eating cow's flesh.
The Age of the Musunuri Chiefs and the Reddis 167
sporting in amour and killing the Brahmins. When such is the

case, how could the world of living beings exist? Situated
as the country was without the possibility of a saviour being
conceived even in imagination, the land of Telinga, tormented
in this way by those Yavana warriors who were exactly like
Rakshasas, was in flames like a forest surrounded by wild fire".
Gangamba in her 'Madhura Vijaya' enumerates similar facts,

describing the condition of the south under the Muslim rule
characterised by oppressive nature, religious fanaticism and
intolerance. The iconoclastic zeal spurred them to destruction
of the Hindu temples. On those ruins, with the same materials,
mosques were built. Alexander Rae referred to the big mosque
at Rajahmundry as a good example of a Hindu temple (the
temple of Venugopalaswami of the Eastern Chalukyan times),
retaining its original features but converted into a Mohammadan
mosque. Similarly at Eluru and Kondapalli also the Hindu
structures were dismantled and mosques were constructed.
Apart from this, there was a violent shake up of the entire
social fabric. The traditional institutions of the land were
overthrown and the age-long practices were upset. Under these
circumstances, there was an outburst of national indignation
and patriotic enthusiasm for driving out the aliens.
THE MOVEMENT OF LIBERATION
The widespread discontent among the people towards the

Tughlak regime was exploited by the dislodged and disgruntled
princes, both Hindu and Muslim of the south. The unrest was
spearheaded into a general movement of resistance against
the Delhi imperialism. Especially in the Telugu country, the
movement of liberation got its fillip from the erstwhile generals
of Prataparudra II, namely Ariyeti (Bendapudi) Annamantri and
Kolani Rudradeva. These veteran generals and administrators
did not aspire for leadership. They were anxious to liberate the
country from the Muslim yoke. They could enthuse and rouse
the younger nobles and chieftains to champion the cause.
Anitalli's Kaluvacheru grant speaks of the descendants of
ancient Mahasamantas and Mandalikas among whom • were
Musunuri Prolaya Nayaka, Koppula Prolaya Nayaka, Prolaya

Vema Reddi, Recharla Singama Nayaka and Manchikonda Gana-
patinayaka, being brought together by Kolani Rudra with Anna-
mantri with the avowed purpose of rescuing the country from
the Muslim domination and reestablish Hindu Dharma and
guard it. Musunuri Protaya Nayaka was the chosen leader,
of this confederacy of the nobles.
The Musunuri family probably hailed from the village

Musunuru in the Krishna district. They belonged to the fourth
caste (Kamma). Prolaya Nayaka of this family was a valiant
soldier. How he could rise to a position of eminence, how he
could win the confidence of the people to become the leader
of the confederacy of the nobles to put an end to the Muslim
rule in the Telugu country, how he and the other leaders of
the movement gathered armies, what tactics they employed
and where they opposed and vanquished the Muslim armies,
are not definitely known. However it is certain that Prolaya
received conspicuous support from his cousin and also the right
hand man Kapaya Nayaka and Vema Reddi and other leaders
in his endeavour to liberate the coastal Andhra and parts of
Telangana from the aliens.
Taking advantage of the death of the Delhi Sultan Ghiya-

suddin and the preoccupation with affairs nearer home of his
son and the new Sultan Muhammad Bin Tughlak in the year
1325 A.D., Musunuri Prolaya Nayaka with the help of the
confederate forces detached the Muslim armies in important
centres, inflicted a series of defeats on them and established
himself in the Godavari region with Rekapalle in the Bhadra-
crtalam taluk. In appreciation of the services rendered by
Annamantri in this war, the village Aredu in the West Godavari
district was granted to him. Prolaya Vema Reddi assumed
the epithet 'Mlechchhabdi Kumbhodbhava' (Agastya to the
Oceon, i.e. the Mlechchhas), indicating his active participation
in the same war of liberation.
Musunuri Prolaya Nayakas reign (1325 A.D. -1333 A.D.)

was very short. He passed away about the year 1333 A.D.
without achieving completely his cherished ambition of freeing

the entire Andhradesa from the Muslim rule. About the achieve-
ments during his short rule, the Vilasa grant says that he
destroyed the Yavana power by irresistiable strength of arms and
revived the rule of the Dharma. It records that he restored to
the worthy Brahmins all the land grants made to them by the
former rulers but unrighteously taken away by the alien con-
querors; the farmers gave him with pleasure the share of their
produce declared as due to the king by law, just as ascetics
gave one sixth (1/6) of the share of the fruits of their penance.
It is during this period that many learned and pious Brahmins
of the Telangana region (families like Mallampalli, Aripirala and
Devulapalli) immigrated to the coastal districts. Prolaya re-
christened the village in the Godavari delta region after himself
and granted it to a learned and worthy Brahmin called Vennaya
on a Lunar eclipse day. Vennaya gave away many agrahara
lands to other Brahmins well-read in the Vedas and Sastras
and settled them in that village.
As Prolaya had no children, he was succeeded by his

cousin Kapaya Nayaka (1333 A.D.-1368 A.D.), who had his
training in statesmanship, warfare and administration under the
former. Kapaya had now before him the task of liberating the
Andhra country lying to the west of the Eastern Ghats (Telan-
gana). His Polavaram, Pillalamarri and Ganapesvaram inscrip-
tions, Anitalli's Kaluvacheru grant and the literary accounts like
Velugotivari. Vamsavali and Ferishta's and Barani's accounts
help us to reconstruct the history of his career and also of the
times. Kapaya is referred as Kanya Nayak or Krishna Naig
in the Muslim accounts.
The situation at the time of Kapaya's accession, was tense-

In pursuit of the rebel governor of Sagar, Bahauddin Gurshasp,
Muhammad Bin Tughlak's forces attacked and destroyed
Kampili in 1327 A.D, The Sultan stayed in the south (at
Devagiri) for two years. His return to Delhi marked the out-
break of disorders here. All the land had risen against the
Muslim governor and every one was lord of what he pleased.
With amazing rapidity, Araviti Somadeva captured all the
fortresses in the Krishna-Tungabhadra doab and emancipated

thus the Rayalasima region from the Muslim rule. Kapaya
and Prolaya Vema Reddi might have rendered some valuable
assistance to him in this regard. The Hoyasalas stopped pay-
ing tribute to Delhi and asserted their independence. The two
Sangama brothers Harihara and Bukka, who were sent to
Kampili to restore the Delhi Sultans' authority, shook off their
allegiance to Delhi. Emboldened at these happenings in Andhra
and Karnataka, Jalaluddin Hasan, the governor of Mabar raised
the standard of revolt and proclaimed his independence at
Madurai in 1334-35 A.D. With a fit of violent rage at these
successive revolts in the south, Muhammad Bin Tughlak led
his armies to Daulatabad and then proceeded to Warangai.
But due to spread of plague in epidemic form in his camp,
he had his hasty retreat to Daultabad. Before his hurried
departure, he made fresh arrangements for effective administra-
tion of the region. He divided Telangana region into the eastern
and western parts. Malik Maqbul was incharge of the eastern
Telangana with Warangal as headquarters and the Western
Telangana was under another governor with Bidar as head-
quarters. Both these governors were placed under the control
of the new Wazir of Daultabad, Qawamuddin.
After the departure of the Sultan from the south, Kapaya

Nayaka plunged himself into action. He reinforced his army.
According to Ferishta, Kapaya received help from even Hoyasala
Ballala III. With the allied forces, he drove away Malik Maqbul
and occupied Warangal in 1336 A.D. He assumed the titles
like 'Andhra Suratrana' and 'Andhradesadhisvara,'
To consolidate his position in Telangana and coastal

Andhra to the north of the river Krishna, he conferred high
positions upon his close associates and relatives. He even
had matrimonial alliances with some of them. He appointed
his cousin Anapota Nayaka as the governor of the coastal area
at first with Toyyeru and later Rajamahendravsram as head-
quarters. Another associate Muppa was to rule over the
north-western region of the kingdom with Ramagiri in the
Adilabad district as headquarters. This Muppa was the patron
of the Telugu poet Madiki Singana. Another chieftain Manchi-

konda Kunaya Nayaka (Kuna Reddi) built the fort at Korukonda
at the instance of Kapaya to guard it against the periodic in-
roads of the semibarbarious forest folk of mountainous tracts
in the plains and render military assistance to the governor
of the coastal region. Kapaya even married his niece to Kunaya's
son. The loyal Koppula chieftains were at Pithapuram. The
Ganapesvaram record indicates Kapaya's authority over the
Padmanayaka of Anumanagallu and Pillalamarri. To guard
against the future Muslim invasions, Kapaya repaired and forti-
fied old forts and occupied stategic positions in Telangana and
had his reinforcements.
In order to fortify his position, Kapaya Nayaka left no stone

unturned. He went to the extent of rendering help to the
foreign nobles at Daulatabad who revolted against the Sultan
of Delhi. In 1347 A.D. Jaffar Khan, the leader of these rebels
received some contingents from Warangal. He assumed the
title of Alauddin Bahman Shah and founded the Bahamani king-
dom with Gulbarga as headquarters. Kapaya thought that his
joining the centurions would obviate the chances of attack on
Warangal by Muhammad Bin Tughlak. However he soon
realised that the assistance he had rendered to Jaffar was
suicidal. Alauddin Baharnan Shah, in his policy of expansionism
did not show any consideration of gratitude to Kapaya. Ac-
cording to Ferishta, he wrested the fortress of Kaulas with its
dependencies from Warangal sometime about 1350 A.D.
Kapaya Nayaka faced Bahamani's attack again in 1356 A.D.

Alauddin terrified the people of Telangana. Kapaya conceded
the Bhuvanagiri fortress and agreed to pay tribute to the
Bahamani Sultan. Alauddin's son and successor, Muhammad
Shah I continued the same policy of antagonism towards
Warangal. Kapaya joined hands with Bukkaraya I of Vijaya-
nagara with the hope of retrieving much of the lost ground.
However, this alliance also was proved of no use. In the war
that ensued, Kapaya's son Vinayakadeva was taken captive
and put to death in a cruel manner by Muhammad Shah 1 in
1362 A.D.
Much aggrieved Kapaya along with Buktareya I sent an

appeal to Firoz Shah Tughlak seeking military assistance against
the Bahamani Sultan. This was of no use. Muhammad Shan
got enraged at this and struck a crushing blow on Warangal.
Kapaya could not receive any help from Vijayanagara. A peace
treaty was concluded in 1364-65 A.D., according to the terms
of which he had to pay huge war indemnity and cede the
Golconda hill fort. Golconda was fixed as the boundary between
the Gulbarga and the Warangal kingdoms.
The successive defeats of Kapaya in the hands of the
Bahamanis resulted in the weakening of his prestige and power.
The Kopula chieftains asserted independence in Pithapuram
area. The Manchikonda chieftains made Rajamahendravaram
part of their territory after the death of Kapaya's cousin Anavota
Nayaka. However the march of the Gangas of Kalinga upto
the banks of the river Krishna put a check to the aggressiveness
of both the Kopula and the Manchikonda leaders. Subsequently
the Reddis of Kondavidu extended their sway over these areas.
Kapaya tost his authority on the east coast. The Recharla
Velama chieftains asserted their position in Telangana with
Amanugallu as headquarters. When the Recharla chief Singama
Nayaka was assassinated by the Jallipalli rulers, Singama's
son Anavota Nayak suspected the hand of Kapaya in it and
marched on Warangal in fury. The battle between the two
was fought at Bhimavaram near Warangal in 1368 A.D. Kapaya
suffered a reverse and lost his life. The Vetamas became the
masters of Telangana with Rajukonda as headquarters. The
rule of the Musunuri family came to an end. Warangal lost
its political prominence. The Velamas, however reaped the
fruits of their unwise policy of animosity with Kapaya. For,
they had to struggle for their bare existence with the Bahamani
Sultans till the annexation of Telangana to the Bahamani
kingdom.
2. The Reddis of Kondavidu and Rajahmnndry

The fall of Warangal in 1323 A.D. led to the occupation
of whole of Andhradesa by the Tughlaks (Tughluqs). The
latter administered the country through their own officers. The

establishment of Muslim rule was followed by religious per-
secution, temple destruction and oppressive taxation. This
tyrannic rule led to the formation of a confederacy of Hindu
chiefs to free their land from the alien rulers who were bent
upon destroying their ancient culture and traditions. Soon a
movement of liberation was organised. The Musunuri, the Velama
and the Reddi chiefs were able to restore their rule in coastal
areas and parts of Telangana. Araviti Somadeva was success-
ful in the western Andhra country. Subsequently, with the
exception of Devagiri, entire south freed herself from Muhammad
Bin Tughlak's yoke. Out of this wide-spread movement, sprang
up the Reddi Kingdoms of Andhradesa.
The Reddis, who played a conspicous part in the post

Kakatiya history of Andhradesa, belonged to the Panta Kapu
community. Panta was the name of a territorial division (in the
modern district of Nellore). Desati was the family name of
these Reddis. Errana and Srinadha referred to these aspects.
Inscriptions and local records also made reference to these
things. PROLAYA VEMA REDDI was the founder of the Reddi
Kingdom with Addanki as headquarters. The establishment of
his rule appears to have taken place by 1325 A.D. The Kaiu-
vacheru grant of Anitalli, the Reddi queen of Rajahmundry dated
Saka 1345 (1423 A.D.) states that Prolaya Vema Reddi was
originally one of the 75 Nayaks of Kapaya Nayaka and he began
to rule trie region between Penna, Krishna and Ahobalam in-
dependently only after the death of his overlord Kapaya Nayaka.
However, Prolaya Vema issued grants in his own independent
capacity from 1325 A.D. to 1353 A.D., the dates of his Malla-
varam and Manikesvaram inscriptions respectively. It may
reasonably be concluded that Prolaya Vema, though worked
in close collaboration with the Musunuri chiefs in liberating
the Telugu country from the Muslim yoke, asserted his in-
dependence and became sovereign in the Nellore-Guntur tract
including the Srisailam area.
Prolaya Vema, as his Manikesvaram record indicates, ruled

upto 1353 A.D. Detailed accounts about the political events
of his reign period are not available. Ever since the establish-
ment of the two kingdoms of the Rayas of Vijayanagara and
the Reddis of Addanki, they were locked up in a territorial strug-
gle for supremacy in the coastal region. An inscription of
Kampana, younger brother of Harihara I dated 1346 A.D., indi-
cates that the Vijayanagar generals wrested from the Reddis
the region north of Pennar, that is to the south-west of Kanigiri
and Kandukur. Similarly hostility existed between the Reddis
and the Rajukonda Velamas (the Recherla chiefs).
In order to strengthen the defences of the realm, Prolaya

Vema built several forts at places like Dharanrkota, Chandavolu,
Vinukonda, Kondavidu and Bellamkonda and stationed strong
garrisons there. He gave one of his daughters in marriage to
Eruva Choda Bhima, son of Bhaktiraja. Being a pious Hindu,
he gave protection to the pious Brahmin and the sacred cow.
He built temples and tanks and gave liberal grants to Brahmins.
Public welfare activities were undertaken. Prolaya Vema was
also a patron of learning. The famous Erra Pragada was his
court-poet.
Prolaya Vema was succeeded by his son ANAVOTA

(1353 A.D. - 1364 A.D.). Anavota, throughout his reign, was
engaged in wars with the Bahamanis, the Recherlas and the
Vijayanagar kings who made encroachments in his territories.
Probably owing to the pressure of Vijayanagara after its con-
quest of Vinukonda, he changed the capital to more impregnable
Kondavidu. With the assistance of his friend and ally Choda
Bhaktiraja, he advanced with his troops into the heart of Kalinga
relentlessly carrying fire and sword. This aggression might
be a counterblast to the earlier one of Kalinga Ganga Narasimha-
deva IV on the former Vengi kingdom. As a result of this
campaign, the Haihayas of Kona country, Mummadi Nayaka
of Korukonda and Rajamahendravaram and Koppulas of Pitha-
puram were made aware of the powers of the Reddis. However,
his success was short-lived. He was soon obliged to surrender
to Choda Bhaktiraja all his territorial gains to the north of the
river Krishna. He successfully resisted the Bahamanis and the
Recherlas. Taking advantage of his preoccupations with the
Bahamanis and the Recherlas, the Vijayanagara ruler Bukkaraya I

occupied Srisailam end Markapuram areas.
Inspite of the problems of security beset to his kingdom,

Anavota paid much attention to the prosperity of his realm.
He renewed in 1358 A.D. the charter of security (abhayasasana)
granted earlier by Kakati Ganapatideva. As a result, the traders
of Motupalli got absolute safety and security. All vexatious
exactions were abolished. Only reasonable taxes and tithes
were collected from the merchants. Like his father, Anavota
too fostered the Hindu way of life.
Anavota was followed by his younger brother ANAVEMA

(1364 A.D. - 1386A.D.) as his son Kumaragiri was quite young
at the time of his father's death. Anavema was the greatest
ruler of the Kondavidu line. His attention was first drawn
towards the Vengi affairs. In order to help his brother-in-law
Choda Bhima who was driven away from Vengi fay his brother
Choda Annadeva, he crossed the river Krishna and captured
the fortress of Divi. Then he marched on Niravadyapura
(Nidadavolu) and defeated Annadeva and handed over the
kingdom to Choda Bhima. He occupied the Godavari delta
(Panara and Kona Kingdoms). Rajamahendravaram also came
into his possession. His Simhachalam record informs us about
further successful campaigns under his Brahmin general
Chennama Nayaka against the local chieftains like the Manchi-
konda, the Koppula, the Chalukya and the Matsya families. The
Reddi armies were led as far north as Simhachalam.
Anavema also defeated his traditional rivals the Recherlas

in a pitched battle and conquered some parts of their territory.
Probably as part his campaign against the Recherlas, he re-
covered Srisailam and the neighbouring areas lost to Vijaya-
nagara during the reigns of his predecessors. He was also a
great giver of gifts and patron of men of letters and other
Cultural pursuits.
Anavema was succeeded by his nephew KUMARAGIRI

(1386 A.D. -1402 A.D.). The latter's succession to the throne
176 HISTORY OF 1 HE ANDHRAS
was not undisputed. His right to the throne was challanged

by his cousins Vema and Macha, sons of Pedakometi Reddi,
The kingdom was plunged into a civil war. Kumaragiri emerged
victorious thanks to the active support given by his brother-
in-law Kataya Vema Reddi. The civil war came to an end only
when Pedakomati Vema was promised that he would be
Kumaragiri's successor at Kondavidu.
Kumaragiri was an easy-going prince, who took delight

in a life of comfort and luxury. He led a care-free lite. So
the responsibility of the governance of his realm was now
shouldered by his trusted generalissimo and brother-in-law
KATAYA VEMA. Kataya at the head of large army proceeded
to deal with the inroads of Harihara II of Vijayanagara upto
Tripurantakam and Vinukonda. In the battle that ensued, the
Vijayanagara troops suffered a severe defeat. However the
war was not pursued to its logical conclusion. The conflict
was brought to a close by an agreement to the effect that
Harihara II should give up Tripurantakam and Vinukonda, while
retaining Srisailam region for himself. This was further
cemented by a marriage alliance. Harihara II gave his daughter
in marriage to Kataya Vema's son Kataya.
After his success against the Padma Nayaka chieftains of

Telangana, Kataya Vema had his extensive eastern campaign.
Ably assisted by Dodda Reddi and Vema Reddi, the princes
of the Rajahmundry kingdom, he overran all the territory in
the trans-Godavari region right upto Simhachalam and annexed
it permanently to the Reddi kingdom and thereafter constituted
into a separate province called the Eastern Kingdom (Raja-
mahendravara Rajya), a province of the kingdom of Kondavidu.
After the premature death of his son who was the viceroy of
this area, Kumaragiri conferred it on his brother-in-law Kataya
Vema in appreciation of his great and numerous services to
the state. His Gopavaram grant states that the province was
given to Kataya Vema with full rights but only as a military
chief.
This division of the kingdom end the subsequent oppressive

rule of Kumaragiri resulted in the widespread discontent. Peda-
komati Vema took advantage of the situation and challenged
the authority of Kumaragiri, Once again the Kondavidu kingdom
was thrown into the throes of civil war In spite of Kataya
Vema's best efforts, Kumaragiri could not withstand the might
of Pedakomati Vema and he retired to Rajamahendravaram in
1402 A.D. where he died subsequently.
PEDAKOMATI VEMA (1402 A.D. -1420 A.D.) was a dis-
tinguished warrior. His deposition of Kumaragiri was resented
by Kataya Vema, who defied the authority of the central govern-
ment and asserted his independence. Pedakomati Vema tried
in vain to bring back Rajahmundry into his fold. With the
internecine war between two divisions of the Reddi kingdom,
it became an easy prey to its neighbours. With the support
of the Velamas of Devarakonda and Pedakomati Vema, Choda
Annadeva succeeded in recovering his principality in the West
Godavari district by 1408 A.D. The forces of Devaraya I of
Vijayanagar and the Bahamani troops of Firoz Shah also moved
into the Telugu country to participate in the internecine war.
Pedakomati Vema fought the last of his battles with Kataya
Vema and slew him in 1414 A.D. Subsequently he faced a
humiliating defeat in the hands of Allada Reddi, the chief of
Rajahmundry. Devaraya I sent his forces into the coastal area
and occupied Motupalli, the famous sea port. Komati Vema
appears to have lost his life in a battle in 1420 A.D. with
Lingama Nayaka, the Velama prince of Devarakonda.
His son and successor Racha Vema (1420 A.D. -1424 A.D.)
was cruel and oppressive towards his subjects. He was mur-
dered by one of his own subjects. 'With him ended the Reddi
kingdom of Kondavidu which subsequently became the theatre
of war and conquest among the three leading powers of the
south, the Narapatis of Vijayanagara, the Asvapatis of Gulbarga
and the Gajapatis of Orissa'.
THE REDDIS OF THE RAJAHMUNDRY KINGDOM

The Reddi dynasty of the Rajahmundry principality was
one major subsidiary dynasty that branched off from the main
12)
stem of the Kondavidu family. The Ganapavaram inscription

indicates that this line was founded by Kataya Vema by about
1395 A.D. When Pedakomati Vema usurped the Kondavidu
throne in 1402 A.D., Kataya Vema of Rajahmundry defied his
authority and asserted indepndence. The internecine war bet-
ween the two factions weakened the Reddi power considerably.
The Vijayanagara and the Bahamani powers were also involved
in this conflict. In one of these fratricidal battles, Kataya Vema
was slain by Pedakomati Vema in 1414 A.D.
Inspite of certain mistakes which Kataya Vema might have

committed as a soldier and statesman, he was taken to be
one of the finest specimens of the Reddi aristocracy of that age.
He remained loyal and grateful to his benefactor Kumaragiri.
He was also a man of great erudition and wrote a commentary
on the dramas of Kalidasa.
Though Kataya Vema died, the Rajahmundry kingdom was

well defended from Pedakomati Vema by Allada Reddi, who
became the regent during the minority of Kataya Vema's son
Kumaragiri (II), Allada Reddi successfully waged wars with
Komati Vema and others and after the death of Kumaragiri II,
entrusted the governance of the Rajahmundry principality to
Kataya Vema's daughter Anitalli who was the wife of his
second son, Veerabhadra Reddi. He died in 1420 A.D. and
was followed by his sons Allaya Vema and Veerabhadra
(1423 A.D. -1448 A.D.) who followed their father's general
policy of aggrandizment at the expense of Kalinga. Howaver
during this 25 years rule of Veerabhadra, nominal suzerainty of
the Kalinga rulers was to be recognised. It was during this
period, the celbrated Telugu poet Srinadha was patronised at
Rajahmundry. About 1448 A.D. the Gajapatis conquered and
annexed the Rajahmundry Reddi kingdom.
IMPORTANCE OF THE REDDI PERIOD
The Reddis played a prominent part for a century in the

Post-Kakatiya Andhradesa. Having established the kingdom
as a bulwark of Hinduism against Islam, they promoted and
patronised Hindu institutions and art and culture. An attempt

was made to present a united front to the invaders by consoli-
dating the Hindu social order. 'The religious observance which
were hitherto the exclusive privilege of the Brahmins were
thrown open to all the three castes. Emphasis was laid on
observance of rituals by individuals and charity'. The Vedic
studies were encouraged and the Hindu pilgrim centres like
Srisailam and Ahobalam were provided with more facilities.
A number of festivals like Vasantotsava (spring festival) were
celebrated with great solemnity.
The Reddi rulers along with the aristocracy and the mer-
chant princes enthusiastically extended their patronage to
Sanskrit, the sacred language of Hindu religion and culture.
One unique feature of these kings is that almost all were great
scholars and distinguished authors themselves. Kumaragiri,
Kataya Vema and Pedakomati Vema were the most outstanding
among them. Kumaragiri was the author of Vasantarajiyam,
a famous treatise on the art of dancing. Komati Vema wrote
Sahitya Chintamani, Sangita Chintamani and Sringaradipika.
His court poet Vamanabhattabana wrote Vira Narayana Charita
in Sanskrit prose.
As a result of the royal patronage, Telugu literature made

abundant progress during the age of the Reddis. Telugu began
to replace Sanskrit at the court. Saiva and Vaishnava works
in Telugu appeared profusely. Errapragada, Srinadha and Potana
were the most remarkable poets that flourished during this
period. Errapragada was the last of the Kavitraya. He com-
pleted the Telugu translation of the Mahabharata (third Canto).
With his deep erudition and high literary skill, he successfully
completed the third book (Aranya Kanda) of the Andhra Maha-
bharata in a manner worthy of his two great predecessors,
Nannaya and Tikkana. Errana's two other independent and
complete works are Hari Vamsa and Narasimha Purana. Among
these, the Narasimha Purana is an epic with Prabandha treat-
ment. Potana through his Mahabhagavata preached Bhakti
cult.
SR1NAOHA was by far the most distinguished writer of

the Reddi period. 'His life is a saga of the triumphant march
of scholarship and poetical genius, a long period of kingly
and princely patronage and adoration, which helped him to
produce a series of brilliant works '. His master-piece is
the 'Naishadha Kgvya.' Though it is a translation of Sriharsha's
Sanskrit work, the Telugu version is superior in some respects.
Srinadha produced this piece while he was in the service of
Pedakomati Vema as officer in charge of Public Learning. His
'Palnadu Viracharitra' deals with the Reddi dynasty and is
known as the 'Reddi Bharata'. His other works include 'Pandita-
radhya Charita', 'Sivaratrimahatmya,' 'Haravilasa', 'Bhimakhanda'
and 'Kasikhanda'. His visit of Vijayanagara court, Arunagin-
nadha's (Gauda Dindima Bhatta) admission of Srinadha's pre-
eminence in scholarship and Devaraya rendering great honour
to him—all are well known historical facts. It is aptly remarked
that in Srinadha's hands Telugu poetry attained a majesty and
dignity unapproached ever since."
3. The Relations Between the Reddis and the Rayas of

Vijayanagara
During the days of freedom-struggle waged by the con-
federacy of Hindu chiefs against the Delhi Sultan Muhammad
Bin Tughlak, the Reddi kingdom with Addanki as headquarters
was founded. Prolaya Vema Reddi was the founder of this
new kingdom. Though the Kaluvacheru grant of Anitalli states
that he was originally one of the seventy-five chiefs of Kapaya
Nayaka and began to rule the territory under him independently
only after the death of his overlord, he issued grants in his own
independent capacity between 1325 A.D. and 1353 A.D. Since
no overlord was referred in these records, it can be said that
Protaya Vema Reddy ruled the kingdom independently .during
this period.
Ever since the establishment of the Vijayanagara Kingdom

in 1336 A.D., its rulers aimed at the extension of their sway
towards the east coast. So their coming into clash with the
Reddis on the southern coast of Andhra was inevitable. The
The Age of the Musanuri Chiefs and the Reddis 181
Udayagiri fortress which was already in their possession became

a standing menace to the Reddi kingdom ever threatening its
existence. The two rising kingdoms were thus locked up in
a territorial struggle for supremacy in the coastal region and
this conflict fasted for over a century.
The relationship between the Rayas of Vijayanagara and

the Reddis of Kondavidu was one of characteristic dynastic
struggle where the former tried to benefit itself at the cost of
the latter. This was more so when the two kingdoms were
in their infancy. One noteworthy feature of the conflict was
that while the Vijayanagara power which was aggressive and
ambitious was on the offensive side throughout, the Reddis
remained on the defensive side. The Kondavidu kingdom had
to face the feelings of jealousy and hostility not only from
the Rayas of Vijayanagara but also from the Padmanayaks
(Velamas) of Telangana and the Bahamani rulers.
The struggle between the Rayas of Vijayanagara and the
Reddis of Addenki (later Kondavidu became the headquarters)
which lasted for over a century and which was terminated by
the absorption of the territories of the latter by the former,
seems to have commenced at the infant stage of the two king-
doms. Sometime before 1343 A.D. the Vijayanagara generals
must have wrested from Prolaya Vema Reddi the lower Pennar
valley which was the ancestral home of the Reddis. An in-
scription of Karnpanna, younger brother of Harihara I dated
1346 A.D., shows this extension of the Vijayanagara authority
to the region to the south-west of Kanigiri and Kandukur
In the reign of Prolaya Vemas' son and successor Anavota

(1353 A.D.-1364 A.D.), he joined hands with the Jallipalli
Kshatriyas when the latter assassinated the Recherla chief
Singama Nayaka. To take revenge on the Reddis, Singana's
sons Anavota Nayaka and Mada Nayaka attacked the Reddi
kingdom. Mada Nayaka is said to have defeated Anavota Reddi
in the battle of Dharanikota. Thus began a feud between the
Velamas and the Reddis which raged with the unabated fury
till the middle of the fifteenth century. As a result of this
battle, the Reddis lost the Srisailam area in the west. Round
about the same period (1361 A.D.), the Bahamanis attacked

from the west. However this attack was repulsed by Mallaya
Vema, the minister of Anavota Reddi.
These entanglements of Anavota Reddi with the Recherla

chiefs and the Bahamani Sultans made his position some what
weaker than before. Taking advantage of this, Bukka Raya I
of Vijayanagara led expedition into the eastern country to the
south of the river Krishna in 1363-64 A.D. In the course of
this campaign, the Vijayanagara forces dislodged the Velamas
and occupied the Srisailam region from them. They continued
their march and seized some outlying provinces of the Reddi
territory (Ahobalam and Vinukonda with their dependent terri-
tory). Probably owing to this pressure of Vijayanagara, the
Reddis were made to shift their capital to a more secure place
Kondavidu. The Manyamapuram record of Anavema, brother
of Anavota dated 1364 A.D., mentions the same.
Anavema (1364 A.D. -1386 A.D.) succeeded his brother

on the throne of Kondavidu. He had his triumphal tour to the
east upto Simhachalam. This was followed by his successful
campaigns in the west to wipe off the disgrace inflicted on his
family by the Velamas of Rajukonda. Next Anavema turned
his attention towards the Vijayanagara rulers who caused
greatest damage to his house in the past. The details of the
war are not available. However Anavema's Srisailam record
of 1377 A.D. by its very existence, points to the limit of his
victory. The territory upto Srisailam was regained.
Taking advantage of the civil war between Kumaragiri,

nephew of Anavema and his cousin Pedakomati Vema during
the years 1386 - 90 A.D. for the throne of Kondavidu, Harihara II
of Vijayanagara recovered the Srisailam region which remained
thereafter under the rule of Vijayanagara. The fortress of
Vinukonda also passed under his control. However after the
conclusion of the civil war, the ruler of Kondavidu Kumaragiri
sent his generalissimo Katayavema with a large army against
Vijayanagara. In the battle that followed, the Vijayanagara
forces suffered a severe defeat. Both the parties did not pursue
the war to its logical conclusion since they were badly in need
of friends against their arch rivals the Bahamani sultans and
the Velamas of Rajukonda who formed a mutual alliance. Hence
an agreement was reached according to which Harihara II had
to give up Tripurantakam and Vinukonda and Katayavema had
to agree to give away a major portion of Srisailam region to
Harihara II. This alliance was further cemented by a matri-
monial alliance. Harihara II gave 'his daughter in marriage to
Katayavema's son Kataya.
Katayavema, strengthened by the alliance with Vijaya-

nagara, subsequently ted an extensive and victorious eastern
campaign as far north as take Chilaka. Kumaragiri constituted
these northern conquests of Katayavema into the Eastern king-
dom or Rajamahendravara Rajya and later bestowed it upon
its conqueror. This unpopular division of the kingdom was
resented by Pedakomatj Vema who removed Kumaragiri and
usurped the throne in 1402 A.D. Kumaragiri retired to Raja-
mahendravaram where he died subsequently. At these develop-
ments, Harihara II got enraged against Pedakomati Vema and
marched his armies again into the kingdom of Kondavidu. The
Enamadala record of Harihara II and the Murukondapadu and
Paruchuru grants of his son Devaraya I all dated in 1400 A.D.
attest the same. The Vijayanagara forces under the command
of Chaundapa penetrated as for as the capital Kondavidu. How-
ever Chaundapa was put to flight and the kingdom of Kondavidu
was saved for the time being by Gajaravu Tippa, one of the
(ova! generals of Pedakomati Vema.
Katayavema did not recognise Pedakomati Vema as his

overlord. He defied the authority of the central government
and asserted his independence. The internecine war bet-
ween the two Reddi kingdoms was exploited by Annadeva
Choda who was defeated and driven away on a previous
occasion by the Reddi forces. With the support of the Velama
king Pedavedagiri, son of Mada Nayaka I of Devarakonda and
also probably of Peda Komati Vema, Annadeva Choda suc-
ceeded in recovering his Vengi principality by 1408 A.D. from
Katayavema.
Shortly before this, Pedakomati Vema, who resented the

family and political alliance into which the Vijayanegara rulers
entered with his rival Katayavema, utilising the opportunity of
the war of succession among the sons of Harihara II and sup-
ported by a strong contingent from the Bahamani sultan Firoz
Shah, attacked the eastern provinces of the Vijayanagara empire.
Devaraya I who finally became king in the month of November
in 1406 A.D. had to pay his attention on the Doab. So the
eastern provinces ware weakly defended. With the result,
Pedakomari Vema's forces occupied Pottapinadu and Pulugu-
nadu in the south-east of Cuddapah district which continued
to be under the Reddis of Kondavidu for seven years until
their final expulsion by Devaraya I in 1413-14A.D.
Meanwhile Katayavema of the Rajahmundry kingdom,

unable to defend himself against the combined strength of
Pedakomati Vema and Annadeva Choda, sought the help of
Devaraya I. Annadeva invited the Bahamani sultan to invade
the Rajahmundry territories. In order to divert the attention
of his foes and get himself relieved of the pressure in the north
and in the east, Devaraya I moved some of his troops into the
heart of the Kondavidu kingdom by 1411 A.D. (dale of his
inscription at Inkollu in the Guntur district). The alliance of
Annadeva, Firoz Shah and Pedakomativema brought in dividends
to the partners. Firoz occupied some portions of the Rajah-
mundry kingdom (inscription of Vedadri in the Nandigama taluk-
of Krishna district). The allied forces won victory in the Attili
and Kakaraparru (both in the Tanuku taluk of West Godavari
district) battles against the Vijayanagara and Rajahmundry
troops. Devaraya I's intervention did not contribute to the
success of Katayavenna. In one of the subsequent encounters
in 1414 A.D., Pedakomati Vema slew Katayavema.
After the death of Katayavema his near relative Allada

Reddi placed Kumaragiri Il, the minor son of Katayavema, on
the throne of Rajahmundry and himself acting as the regent,
effectively organised the defences of the realm. He put up a
heroic fight against the enemies and appears to have killed
Annadeva about the year 1415 A.D. Pedakomati Vema had
no other 90 except to depend upon Firoz Shah. However

Allada, defeated and drove out the enemies from Rajah-
mahendravara Rajya. In the meantime, to help the Rajah-
mundry power, Devaraya I sent some of his divisions end
captured Motupalli the famous seaport of the kingdom of
Kondavidu. Panugal in the Nalgonda district was the base of
his operations against the Bahamani sultan. Some of his forces
marched into the Bahamani territory. Firoz Shah retreated
from the coastal districts and hastened to attack Panugal, Now
free from the Muslim pressure, Allada turned his attention
solely to destroy Pedakomati Vema's power. The latter was
decisively defeated on the field of Rameswaram (Razole taluk
of the East Godavari district) and was forced to retire to
his own territory.
While Firoz Shah was laying siege to Panugal which lasted

for two years, Devaraya I negotiated with the Velama chiefs
the subordinates of the Sultan, who were totally opposed to
Pedakomati Vema—Firoz Shah alliance. The Velamas accepted
the hand of friendship extended to them by Devaraya I. The
strategy yielded fruitful results. The Muslim forces were
virtually routed. Pedakomati Vema's brother Macha Reddi, who
came along with troops to assist the sultan in the siege of
Panugal, was slain by the Recherla chief Kumara Vedagiri, en
ally of Devaraya I. As a result of this, a great feud raged,
between Pedakomati Vema and the Recherla Velama chiefs.
According to Velugotivari Vamsavali, Komati Vema killed
Kumara Vedagiri in battle. In one of the subsequent encounters
with the Recherla chiefs, Pedakomati Vema lost his life about
the year 1420 A.D. By the time of the reign of Racha Vema,
son and successor of Pedakomati Vema, the country in the
neighbourhood of Kondavidu was fully subjugated by the
forces of Devaraya I. About the year 1424 A.D. the unpopular
Racha Vema was murdered by one of his own subjects. 'With
him ended the Reddi kingdom of Kondavidu which subsequently
became the theatre of war and conquest among the three leading
powers of the south, the Narapati of Vijayanagara, the Asvapatis
of Gulbarga and the Gajapatis of Orissa.'
During the year 1422-23 A.D., Bhanudeva IV king of Orissa

carried a raid and subjugated the Rajahmundry kingdom which
was under the rule of Kataya Vema's son-in-law Veerabhadra
Reddi. The Velamas of Devarakonda might have joined hands
with Orissa. After Rachavema's assassination, Kondavidu was
left without a ruler. Though some of the Vijayanagara officers
and nobles seized large parts of the country, the Raya was
not yet able to enforce his authority effectively owing to the
invasion of the Bahamani sultan. Bhanudeva therefore crossed
the Krishna and with the help of Linga of Devarakonda over-
powered the Vijayanagarg officers and made himself master
of the territories of the erstwhile Kondavidu kingdom.
As soon as Devaraya II freed his kingdom from the Muslim

invaders, he launched an attack on the Kalingas and the
Velamas. Old Kondavidu territories were reconquered and
incorporated into the Vijayanagara empire. The power of
Veerabhadra Reddi, the king of Rajahmundry (in abeyance
during 1423-27 A.D.) was completely restored in 1428 A.D.
Devaraya II of Vijayanagara was called upon to intervene

once again in the affairs of Rajahmundry about the year 1443
A.D. The Reddi rulers Allaya Vema (defacto) and Veerabhadra
Reddi (de jure) made constant enchroachments on the terri-
tories of Orissa. Kapilesvara Gajapati, who usurped the throne
of Orissa in 1435 A.D., was ambitious and powerful. With a
firm determination to put an end to the Reddi aggression, he
formed an alliance with the Velamas, the inveterate foes of the
Reddis. Then taking advantage of the preoccupation of
Devaraya II with the invasion of the Bahamani sultan, he
launched an attack on the Reddis. But Devaraya II, who was
the real protector of the Rajahmundry kingdom, sent a strong
contingent under his general Maliappa Udaiyar to drive away
the Gajapatis and reestablish the Reddis firmly in the Godavari
delta. The Draksharama inscription of Vijayanagara general
dated 1444 A.D. and Gangadhara's Gangadasapratapavilasam
indicate that Kapilesvara was defeated and the Vijayanagara
general stayed for sometime at Rajahmundry to restore the
Reddi power.
The Age at the Musunuri Chiefs and the Reddis 187
Devaraya II died in 1446 A.D. since his son and successor

Mallikarjunaraya was beset with many difficulties at home, the
Vijayanagara forces were recalled from Rajahmundry. Some-
time about 1448 A.D. Virabhadra Reddi died. Kapilesvara must
have been overjoyed at these developments. He sent promptly
his forces under the leadership of his sort Hamvira into the
Rajahmundry kingdom. The Reddi power fell. The Gajapati
rule was established over these territories. Thus the Reddi
kingdom of Rajahmundry was liquidated. With this, the Vajaya-
nagara hegemony over the coast of Andhra especially to the
north of Krishna received a set back. The Gajapatis began to
dominate the scene in Coastal Andhra.
CHAPTER 8
The Vijayanagara Empire
The Vijayanagara empire may be said to represent the

era of civilization when the destiny idea, characteristic of the
Indian soul had worked out its potentialities and the spring
and summer of Indian culture had been succeeded by the phase
of civilization characterised by the rise of a new industrial
system, an imperialism and a city state with a megalo-
politan culture.' It marks the period of conservation and pre-
servation, standing as a splendid rampart safeguarding and
fostering the Indian and Hindu way of life against the onslaughts
of the outlandish and Muslim way of life. It is considered
the last, the greatest and the most glorious Hindu empire of the
South. The empire has left an ever-lasting mark of its
existence in the fields of religion, literature, art and polity.
The Vijayanagara state was tri-lingual, with a greater lean-

ing towards Kannada than Telugu and Tamil. It is true that
its rulers could not achieve the political unification of all the
Telugu-speaking areas. Their rule was mostly confined to
the south of the river Krishna. With the fall of the Musunuri
and then the Padma Nayaka kingdoms, Telangana went into
the possession of the Bahamanis. After the fall of the Reddi-
kingdoms, the coastal Andhra to the north of the river Krishna
became a battlefield between the Gajapatis and the Bahamanis
and witnessed unprecedented difficulties.
The Vijayanagara Empire 189
1. The Origin of the Vijayanagara Empire

The early history of Vijayanagara is wrapped up in obscurity
and the origin or the national affiliations of the founders of the
Vijayanagara empire is still a matter of controversy. Literary
traditions and historical inscriptions prove the fact that the
empire was founded by Harihara and Bukka, the two Sangama
brothers, in .1336 A.D. But how these brothers founded the
Kingdom and what political circumstances ted them to the
founding of the city were subjects of keen controversy and
several theories had been built up on these issues.
From the confusing mass of source material, Robert Sewell,

who was the pioneer on Vijayanagara history, could trace seven
traditions about the origin of the city and the empire:
1. According to the first tradition, the two brothers Harihara

and Bukka, who were in the service of the king of Warangal
at the time of destruction of that kingdom by the Muslims in
1323 A.D., escaped with some cavalry men to Anegondi area.
They were being accompanied by Brahmin Madhavacharya
Vidyaranya and by some means not stated became lords of
that tract and afterwards founded the city of Vijayanagara.
2. The second tradition asserts that the two brothers were

in the service of the Mahammadan governor of Warangal, sub-
sequent to its first capture in 1309 A.D. They were despatched
against the Hoyasala Ballala under the leadership of Malik Kafur
in 1310 A.D., which resulted in the capture of the Hindu capital
Dwarasamudra; but a portion of the force, to which these
brothers belonged, suffered defeat and the brothers fled to the
mountainous tract near Anegondi. Here they met holy Madhava
and with his help, they established the kingdom and the capital
city.
3. According to the third tradition, the two brothers, for some

reason, fled direct from Warangal to Anegondi. This account
contributes more to their honour as the Hindus. Though
compelled first to accept service under their conquerors, their
patriotism triumphed in the end and they threw in their lot

with their co-religionists to protect South India from the Muslim
penetration.
4. The fourth tradition refers to the hermit Madhava himself

founding the city after the discovery of a hidden treasure,
ruling over it himself and leaving it after his death to a Kuruba
family member who established the first regular dynasty (i.e.,
Sangama).
5. The fifth one, referred by Couto, a Portuguese historian,

states that while Madhava was living in the forest leading his
ascetic life, he was fed by a poor shepherd called Bukka.
Madhava foretold that Bukka one day would become a king.
In accordance with this prediction, Bukka became king of all
land and called himself Bukkarao.
6. Another version is that Harihara and Bukka may have been
feudatories of the Hoyasala Ballalas.
7. Nikrtin, a Russian traveller who was in Inlia in 1474 A.D.,
seems to favour the view that the founders belonged to the
old royal house of the Kadambas of Banavasi, since he speaks
of '...the Hindoo Sultan Kadam who resided at Bichenegher.'
Robert Sewell observes, 'Perhaps the most reasonable

account would be culled from the general drift of the Hindu
legends combined with certainities of historical facts.'
Regarding the national affiliations of Harihara and Bukka,

the founders of the Vijayanagara empire, there are two groups
of scholars sharply opposed to each other. Some opine that
the two brothers were refugees from Telangana; they fled from
the court of their sovereign Prataparudra when the latter was
taken prisoner by the armies of the Sultan of Delhi. They
established themselves at Anegondi on the banks of the
Tungabhadra and with Vidyaranya's help founded a new city
Vijayanagara or Vidyanagara on the opposite bank of the river.
This approach is based on tradition derived from the Kannada
sources.
The other group of scholars rejects this tradition completely

and hold the view that the founders were Karnatakas, sub-
ordinates of the Hoyasala king Ballala III. They were posted
to the northern frontiers of the Hoyasala kingdom to defend
against the Muslim attacks. They discharged this task
satisfactorily. After the death of Ballala III and his Son Baltate IV,
they quietly ascended the throne and ruled the erstwhile
Hoyasala territories without opposition. This view seems to
be based on gratuitous assumptions and false identifications.
THE THEORY OF KARNATAKA ORIGIN
Rev. Fr. Heras, S.K. Aiyangar, B.A. Saletore, P.B. Desai,

G.S. Gai and a host of others have asserted the Hoyasala origin
of Vijayanagara, Fr. Heras affirmed, "The foundation of the
city of Anegondi which formed the cradle of Vijayanagara
empire was laid by the Hoyasala king Ballala III, and Harihara,
a near relative of the Hoyasala ruler was a frontier officer with
his headquarters there". The exponents of this theory argue
that the city of Vijayanagara itself was established by Ballala III
after the destruction of Dwarasamudra in 1327-28 A.D. by
Muhammad Bin Tughlak. This view is based upon the state-
ment of Ferishta that Ballaladeva built a great fort in 1344 A.D.
in the hilly tract of his own northern frontier and named it after
his own son Bijan Rai. Basing on this Muslim chronicler, the
scholars assert that the five sons of Sangama were in the
service of Ballala III and when the latter established the new
city after the name of his son to protect the northern frontier
of his kingdom, he appointed the Sangama brothers Harihara
and Bukka as his generals there and himself made Tiruvanna-
malai as his capital, S.K. Aiyangar argued that the brothers
worked in cooperation, if not in subordination to Ballala III. The
foundation of the Vijayanagara as such is the outcome of that
policy of the last Hoyasala who dislodged the garrisons of
Muhammad Bin Tughlak and getting south India free from the
Muslims. When the Hoyasala king passed away, it is these
brothers who would stand out as having rendered yeomen
service to the empire.
1*2 HISTORY OF THE ANDHRAS
B.A. Saletore expressed the view that the sons of Sangama,

whom the feudatories and generals of the Hoyasalas readily
acknowledged as the rightful successors of the Hoyasalas,
should have been intimately associated with the Karnataka
country. 'It was only their profound sense of responsibility
as successors to the rich heritage of the Hoyasalas that made
the founders themselves give extraordinary prominence to
the royal city of their great predecessors—Dorasamudra.' The
exponents of the Kannadiga origin of the founders of Vijaya-
nagara further point out that the historic city of Vijayanagara
itself is now a part of the Karnataka State and the area, though,
is bilingual, inclines more towards Kannada than Telugu. Even
the Telugu poets like Srinatha describe the Vijayanagara kingdom
as 'Kannada Rajya Lakshmi' and Devaraya II as 'Karnata Kshiti-
pala'. The Sangama kings assumed Kannada titles and patro-
nised the Kannada language and out of the total about 5000
Vijayanagara inscriptions almost half the number are in
Kannada. Hence, it is concluded that the Sangama founders
of the Vijayanagara empire were only Kannadigas.
However, the very basis for the Karnataka origin of the

founders of the Vijayanagara empire is defective. The same
Ferishta, who stated that Ballala IIl built in 1344 A.D. the
Vijayanagara fort after the name of his son in the northern
frontier of his kingdom, also said that the city was founded
by a Hindu prince who had been taken captive and set free by
the Muslims. With regard to Ferishta's date 1344 A.D. for
the foundation of the Vijayanagara city, it is against all the
known chronological facts. Ballala III died in 1342 A.D. itself.
Further the Delhi Sultan was having his dominion exercised from
1328 A.D. to almost upto 1336 A.D. over the Anegondi region
and subsequently Harihara I held his sway over the same area.
Hence, for any sound historical argument, such ill-informed and
self contradictory statements of Ferishta cannot be taken as
the basis.
Further, there is no concrete proof to show that the Sultan

of Delhi destroyed Dwarasamudra in 1327-28 A.D. On the
other hand, the Muslim chronicles affirm that Ballala III handed
over the rebel Bahauddin to the Sultan and made peace with
him. This fact clearly indicates that there was no necessity
for the Sultan to destroy Dwarasamudra, There is also no
evidence to prove that Harihara and his brother were ever in
the service of Ballala III. Contrary to this, there is epigraphical
and literary evidence to show that Harihara and Ballala fought
with one another. Another thing is that simply because the
area, over which the Sangama brothers established their autho-
rity, relates to Karnataka, and the language which was patro-
nised by them and in which half the inscriptions were issued
happened to be Kannada, and the titles borne by them happened
to be Kannada, one should not jump to the conclusion that
the founders of the empire were Kannadigas. It is but natural
for the rulers of any dynasty to develop and promote, to issue
their records in and to assume their titles in the local language
especially in the land of their adoption. Further, though some-
what late in composition and legendary in nature, the very
Kannada chronicles like 'Keladi Nripavijayam', 'Rajakalanirnaya',
and 'Siva tatva Ratnakara' assert the tradition that the founders
of the Vijayanagara empire were officers in the court of pratapa-
rudra. Thus the theory of the Karnataka origin of the Vijaya-
nagara appears to be untenable.
THE THEORY OF KAMPILI ORIGIN
Numerous traditions like 'Kumararamana Kathe', 'KampdJ-

Yuddha' etc. in Kannada refer to Kampilidevaraya who ruled
Kampili in the early decades of the 14th century. A.D., success-
fully resisting the Yadavas of Devagiri, the Kakatiyas of
Warangal and the Hoyasates. His son Kumara Rama was a
great hero. His brother-in-law was Sangama, the father of
Harihara and others. Kampili gave shelter to Bahauddin, the
rebel nephew of Muhammad Bin Tughlak. Ibn Batuta, the
celebrated contemporary Moorish traveller and a friend of the
Sultan, states that Kempili was sieged by the Sultan and
Kampilidevaraya and Kumara Rama perished in the battle. The
town was taken "and eleven sons of the Rai were made
prisoners and carried to the Sultan, who made them all Musal-
mans." Two of them, Harihara and Bukka, became favourites
13)
of the Sultan and were set free for their upright conduct in
prison. When the people of Kampili revolted in 1334-35 A.D.
against the Muslim governor, the two brothers were sent back
to quell the revolt and administer the region as governors. But
they established their independent government with the help
of a sage at Anegondi,
Some scholars take this account as historical and con-

sistent. According to them, Ibn Batuta was an eye-witness.
With the exception of some discrepancies, Ziauddin Barani,
who held an important post in the revenue department in the
court of Muhammad Bin Tughlak, narrates more or less the
same theme. Further, from the very beginning, the Vijayanagara
rulers never described themselves as subordinates of either
the Hoyasalas or the Kakatiyas. The Hoyasala epigraphs are
totally silent about their relationship with Vijayanagara. The
final conclusion of the supporters of this theory is that the
founders of the Vijayanagara empire were of Kannada stock,
but the empire was neither a fulfilment nor a continuation of
the Hoyasala kingdom.
However the narration of Ibn Batuta mingles historical

facts with hearsay accounts. As far as the close association
of the two Sangama brothers with the realm of Kampili is
concerned, one may not find objection. But the two brothers
being spoken of as the sons of Kampili Rai is not acceptable
since no corroborative or confirmative evidence is available.
Further in the traditional Hindu account given by Nuniz, it is
stated none of the royal princes escaped from death in the
hands of the Muslim invaders. Ibn Batuta states about the
survival of the eleven sons. Even with regard to the reason
for the Sultan's attack on Kampili, white the Muslim accounts
say it was a campaign against the rebel nephew, according to
the traditional Hindu account it was a war undertaken from
pure greed of conquest. In view of such discrepancies and
lack of confirmative evidence, the theory of Kampili origin also
cannot be taken as valid and final.
THE THEORY OF ANDHRA ORIGIN
Rabert Sewell, who performed the miracle of 'making the

dry bones live' through, his pioneering work 'A Forgotten Empire'
on the history of Vijayanagara asserted that the two brothers
Harihara and Bukka of the Kuruba caste (shepherd community)
were men of strong religious fervour. They were the treasury
officers in Warangal under Prataparudra II. After the Muslim's
sacked Warangal in 1323 A.D., they fled and joined the court
of Anegondi or Kampili. In the subsequent developments,
Kampili was sacked by Muhammad Bin Tughlak; the two
brothers were taken captives to Delhi and were forced to
embrace Islam. When the people revolted in Kampili against
the Muslim governor, the Sultan sent Harihara and Bukka to
restore order in Kampili and rule the country. Soon after their
arrival, they renounced Islam and embraced the old faith. After-
wards they founded the city of Vijayanagara.
Of late, N. Venkataramanayya, more or less on the tines

of Sewell, developed and postulated the Andhra origin of the
founders of Vijayanagara. Taking into consideration the
evidence of tradition furnished by works like Vidyaranya
Kalajnana, Vidyaranya Vrittanta, Rajakalanirnaya, Piramaha-
samhiti and Sivatatva Ratnakara, the evidence of the Muslim
historians like Ziauddin Barani, Isarni and Ferishta, the evidence
of the foreign visitors like Ibn Batuta and Nuniz and the
evidence of inscriptions like Gozalavidu record, Venkataramanay-
ayya states that "the founders of Vijayanagara were at first in
the service of Prataparudra of Warangal, and that when that
monarch was defeated by Muhammad Bin Tughlak and taken
prisoner, they fled to Kampili and took refuge in the court of
Kampilideva. They were, however, captured by the Sultan
after the sack of Kampili in A.D. 1326 and were carried away
to Delhi where they were forcibly converted to Islam. On the
outbreak of a rebellion in Kampili and the collapse of the
provincial government, they were released by the Sultan from
prison and sent with an army to Kampili to reconquer it from
the rebels and rule the province as his deputies. This they
successfully accomplished; but they did not long remain loyal
to the Sultan. They came under the influence of Vidyaranya

who persuaded them to renounce Islam, and threw in their
lot with the Andhra nationalists who had just then succeeded,
under the leadership of Kapaya, in expelling the Musulmans
and reestablish their national independence. Harihara and
Bukka then reverted to their ancient faith and, having declared
their independence, assumed the leadership of the Hindus of
Kampili in their fight against the Musulmans."
THE ORIGIN OF THE CITY OF VIJAYANAGARA
Tradition attributes the foundation of the city to Vidyaranya,

and Vidyanagara, the alternative name by which the capita!
city was known lends colour to the tradition. But the inscrip-
tions of Harihara I and his successors refer either to Harihara I
or Bukka I as the builder of the city of victory. The conflicting
evidence gave rise to several speculative theories to explain
the circumstances under which the city was founded. However
it is certain that Vijayanagara was functioning as the capital
of the new kingdom from at least 1344 A.D., the same time
from which at least Bukka I was associated with his brother
in the administration of the kingdom as his co-regent. According
to one of the Kalajnanas, it took full seven years to complete
the construction of the city. From this it is logical to conclude
that the foundations of the future imperial city were laid in
1336 A.D. itself when Harihara I declared his independence at
Anegondi.
Harihara I after declaring his independence in the Kampili

region, wanted to consolidate his position and organise his
kingdom for effective defence. In the medieval times, the
security of a kingdom depended on the strength of its forts.
The capital Anegondi, on the northern bank of the river Tunga-
bhadra was not impregnable. Especially in those troublous
times, it was not a safe place as the capital of a Hindu kingdom
newly established against the interests of the Muslims. It fell
into enemy's hands twice within a decade. So Harihara I wanted
to shift the capital to a place inaccessible to the enemy. He
selected the site on the opposite bank of the Tungabhadra in
the neighbourhood of the Virupaksha temple, around the Hema-

kuta hill for the new capital. His brother and right hand-man
Bukka I shouldered the task, carried it into execution and
completed it by 1343 A.D.
VIDYARANYA
While the tradition stresses the significant role played by

the sage Vidyaranya in the founding of the Vijayanagara empire
and the imperial city, epigraphic evidence is not available on
this subject. In the local records, his original name was given
as Madhava Bhatta. He was a Smarta Brahmin of Karnataka
born poor in a town on the banks of the Krishna in the last
quarter of the 13th century A.D, He went to Kanchi along
with his brothers Sayana and Bhoganatha for study at a very
early age. After return from Kanchi, he settled down as a
married man. At that time south India witnessed the onslaughts
of the Muslims from the North. Vidyaranya developed religious
spirit and did even penance for more than five years in the
surroundings of Hampi. Subsequently his coming into contact
with the Sangama brothers, their reconversion into the Hindu
faith, founding of Vijayanagara empire and the city—all these
were recorded in the local accounts. Nuniz also refers to the
significant role of Vidyaranya.
However there are certain inaccuracies in the local records.

At the time of founding Vijayanagara, Vidyaranya was men-
tioned as the head priest of the Sringeri Pith. But the epigraphic
evidence asserts that at last upto 1376 A.D. Bharati Tirtha was
the chief pontiff of the Advaita-Matha at Sringeri. In an in-
scription of Bukka I dated 1356 A.D. Bukka is mentioned as
making a request to Bharati Tirthg to see that Vidyaranya would
come to south from Varanasi. Gangamba's 'Mathura Vijaya'
makes reference to Vijayanagara city twice but does not refer
to Vidyaranya. The account mentions Kalamukha Kriyasakti
as the Kulaguru. Even the inscriptions of Harihara II issued
in the years 1380 A.D., 1384 A.D., and 1386 A.D. elegising
Vidyaranya, make no reference to his role in the founding of
Vijayanagara. No doubt, some inscriptions refer to Vidyaranya
and Vidyanagara, but the genuineness of these records is

questioned by Fleet, Rice, Fr. Heras, Narasimhachari and Gopi-
natnarao. According to these scholars, taking advantage of
the weakness of the last Sangama rulers, the pontiffs of the
Sringeri Matha fabricated and propagated these stories and
even the inscriptions were deliberately forged by these gurus
to highlight the Hindu religious fervour in the founding of the
empire and the city. Hence these scholars treat Vidyaranya
as a person of no consequence as far as the origin of the empire
and the city is concerned.
2. Circumstances Under which the Vijayanagara

Empire was Established
PENETRATION OF THE TURKS IN THE SOUTH
Ala-ud-din was by all counts, the first Muslim genera!

who crossed the Vindhyas and invaded the Hindu States of
South India. Being the nephew of Jalal-ud-din Khalji, the
founder of the Khalji rule in Delhi, he (Ali Gurshasp Malik was
his real name) rendered his services to his uncle and falrver-in-
law in crushing the revolt (Aug-Sept. 1290 A.D.) of the dis-
affected Turkish amirs Jed by Malik Chajju-Kishlu Khan, gover-
nor of Kara. This young man, 'calculating, unscrupulous and
aggressive', was eventually appointed governor of Kara. His
domestic misery (due to haughty and arrogant wife) increased
his thirst for avenging himself on the family and his unsympa-
thetic critics by deeds that would free him from the bitter
family tutelage and ensure him an independent and glorious
existence.
He realized that money was the first requisite and raid

on the neighbouring Hindu states and beyond the Vindhyas
appeared to assure a working capital for the furtherance of his
ultimate objective of capturing the throne of Delhi. In this
process, he first captured Bhilsa (Vidisha) near Bhopal, plun-
dered and destroyed the richly endowed temples and collected
enormous booty. Here he 'assiduously gathered knowledge
of the fabled wealth of southern Hindu kingdoms'. On the

pretext of invading Chartderi, Ala-ud-din, pretending as a fugitive
prince, marched in the winter of 1295 A.D. to Ellichpur and
then passed through Lasaura with his eight thousand picked
cavalry. He had his assault on the capital Devagiri of the
Yadava kingdom, when its main army had gone southwards
under heir apparent Singhana Deva. The ruler Ramachandra
or Ramadeva sued for peace. Even Singhana who arrived from
the south was also defeated- Enormous booty and huge war
indemnity were extracted. Devagiri was reduced to a vassal
state. This invasion 'not only provided Ala-ud-din with the
money he needed so badly to further his ambitious plans to
succeed to throne of Delhi but also opened the way to south
India to the Muhammadans, none of whom had dared to cross
the Vindhyas so far.'
Ala-ud'din then hatched a plot, assassinated Jalal-ud-din,
won the nobles over to his side with the Deccan money and
usurped the Delhi throne in 1296 A.D. He was obliged to keep
a large and effective army in order to keep the nobles, under
check, maintain law and order, subjugate and conquer the
independent and semi-independent states, and to check the
Mongol menace. His revenue reforms were due to his desire
to increase state resources. The execution of his policy of
conquest of north India drained mostly these resources. He
soon felt the need to look for money outside his territory. His
assiduously gathered earlier knowledge of the fabled wealth
of southern Hindu kingdoms beyond Devagiri came to his help,
instead of conquering and annexing these kingdoms, he
shrewdly apted for squeezing them of their immense treasures
and making them pay tributes regularly to augment the imperial
treasury. S.K. Aiyangar rightly observes in his work 'South
India and Her Muhammadan Invaders' about the motives of
Ala-ud-din in undertaking the southern expeditions thus : "Ala-
ud-din's object in these various invasions of the Dekkan and
the farther south appears to have gone no farther than making
them the milch-cow for the gold that he was often much in
need for the efficient maintenance of his army "
THE POLITICAL SITUATION IN THE SOUTH at that time was

also encouraging to the Khalji Sultan. The Yadavas of Deva-
giri, who were already reduced to a state of vassalage by
Ala-ud-din, were masters of the entire western deccan from
the Tapti to the Krishna. The Kakatiyas of Warangal were
the rulers of the eastern Deccan excluding the entire Rayalasima
and almost touching Kanchi in the south. The Hoyasalas of
Dwarasamudra and the Pandyas of Madura divided between
themselves the rest of the peninsula'. Besides these four
great Hindu kingdoms, there was a petty but valourous Kampili
state in the Raichur Doab.
Financially, all these states were well off. The Kings

possessed immense riches. They considered it religiously
meritorious to build temples and endow them richly. Famous
shrines came up. Their accumulated wealth was the pride
of south India, There was complete religious freedom. 'But.
unfortunately, the clash of interests of rival dynasties rendered
harmonious progress of the country impossible. The Yadavas
against the Kakatiyas, the Kakatiyas against the Pandyas, the
Pandyas against the Hoyasalas and the Hoyasalas against the
Yadavas carried on generations of warfare with a zeal worthy
of a better cause Their mutual animosities had taken such
deep roots that even in the face of foreign invasions they
could not eschew their quarrels and present a united front
against their common foe'.
Ala-ud-din turned his attention beyond Devagiri on the

Kakatiya country. While he himself was engaged in sieging
the fort of Chitor in Rajasthan, he sent a huge army via Bengal
to invade Warangal. This expedition was a failure and the
Muslim armies were defeated by the Kakatiya ruler Pratapa-
rudra II in 1303 A.D. The effect of this defeat was that the
king of Devagiri who had been paying tribute to the Sultan
stopped paying that. He even gave refuge to the ruler of
Gujarat and his daughter who fled their kingdom to save them-
selves from the Sultan. As soon as Ala-ud-din was free from
the problems in the north, he sent his redoubtable general
Malik Kafur, to realize the arrears of tribute from Devagiri.
Kafur's forces defeated the Yadava king in 1307 A.D. and

established the supremacy of Delhi over Devagiri. Malik Kafur
even made captive the family of the ruler Ramadeva. Ramadeva
was,however, well-treated at Delhi and sent back to south
with heavy presents. He felt obliged to Ala-ud-din and remained
loyal to him. This was a diplomatic move by the Sultan and
it paid dividends and Ala-ud-din was thus able to get a loyal
ally in the south who proved to be of great help in his later
campaigns.
To wipe out the disgrace of defeat which the Delhi army

faced in the hands of Prataparudra II, Malik Kafur, assisted by
Ramadeva, entered Telangana, defeated Prataparudra in January,
1310 A.D., seized all his accumulated wealth and forced him
to pay annual tribute to the Sultan. He then spent the sub-
sequent two years in subjugating the Hoyasala and the Pandyan
kingdoms. Among other things even temples were not spared
from loot in these victorious expeditions. Malik Kafur once
again marched on Devagiri in 1312 A.D. when Ramadeva's son
and successor raised the standard of revolt. Devagiri was
conquered.
Following the death of Ala-ud-din in 1316 A.D., there was

anarchy in the country due to war of succession and palace
intrigues. Taking advantage of this, Devagiri declared itself
independent. Soon after restoring order in the north, Ate-ud-
din's successor Qutb-ud-din Mubarak personally took the field
against Devagiri. The Yadava kingdom came into the posses-
sion of the Sultan. Mubarak's general Khusrau Khan collected
the arrears of tribute from Prataparudra; Gulbarga, Dwara-
samudra and Madura were once again reduced to submission.
Again in 1320 A.D. when Khusrau Khan killed Mubarak

Khalji and made himself Sultan, the country was plunged into
disordar. The peninsula threw off the Muslim yoke. The
Hindu princes in the south reasserted their independence. As
soon as Ghiyas-ud-din Tughlak established himself on the
Delhi throne in September, 132O A.D., he wanted to bring the
whole of Deccan peninsula under his direct control. Previously
the Khalji Sultans satisfied themselves simply with the esta-

blishment of their supremacy over the southern states. But
with the accession of Ghiyas-ud-din to the Delhi throne, there
was a change in the policy of the rulers of Delhi towards the
southern states. All attempts were made to create the defeated
states as province of the Delhi empire.
Ghiyas-ud-din sent his eldest son Jauna, entitled Ulugh

Khan (later Muhammad Bin Tughlak), to reconquer the Hindu
states of the South. Ulugh Khan failed in .his first attempt
in his mission against Warangal in 1321 A.D. In 1323 A.D.,
he was sent again to Warangal. This time the Kakatiya king-
dom was overthrown and Prataparudra committed suicide in
captivity. Then followed the defeat and humiliation of Mabar.
'By 1325 A.D. the Yadava, the Kakatiya and a major part of
the Pandyan dominions were incorporated into the Delhi
Sultanat and Devagiri, Warangal and Madura became the seats
of Muslim provincial governors.' However the Hoyasala king-
dom somehow survived the Muslim occupation. The overthrow
of the Yadavas provided a sigh of relief for Kampilidevaraya,
the ruler of Kampili. He and his brave son Kumara Rama could
withstand the three successive attacks of the Hoyasala Ballala III
on their territory in the Raichur Doab between 1320 A.D. and
1325 A.D.
In 1325 A.D. Jauna became the Sultan with the name
of Muhammad Bin Tughlak. In pursuit of his cousin and the
rebel governor of Sagar, Bahauddin Gurshasp, the imperial forces
marched on Kampili, the chief of which gave him shelter.
Kampili was attacked and destroyed in 1327 A.D. Kampili-
devaraya and his son perished in the battle. The female
members of the royal harem already threw themselves into
the pyre to save their honour. The other members were taken
captives to Delhi, They included Harihar and Bukka, the two
Sangama brothers who, after the destruction of Warangal in
1323 A.D. migrated to Kampili, entered into matrimonial alliance
with its king and became his treasurers.
After subjugating Kummata and capturing Hosdurg, the
imperial forces turned towards the Hoyasala kingdom, where
Bahauddin had taken shelter. The Hoyasala ruler Ballala Ill was
not prepared to risk his kingdom for the sake of a refugee. He
made peace with the Sultan by handing over Bahauddin and
accepting the sovereignty of Delhi. Thus the entire peninsula
from Tapti to Cape Camorin with the exception of Jajnagar
or Orissa, was included in the Delhi Sultanat. The Sultan
stayed in Deccan for two years and made arraignments for
the administration of the newly acquired territories.
THE EFFECTS OF THE MUSLIM RULE
With the advent of the Muslim rule in the south, conditions

underwent a drastic change. The administration under the
Maliks, Amirs and other officers was tyrannical and oppressive
and the people began to groan under hardships, if the new
masters had remained content with the acquisition of more
political power, the Hindus would have passively accepted
them. But the soldiers of the Turkish conquerors behaved as
plunderers. The plight of Andhradesa under the Turkish is
graphically described in the contemporary Vilasa copper plate
grant of Musunuri Prolaya Nayaka. The record says "In a
hundred sinful ways, the rich were tortured for the sake of
money. Merely on beholding the Parasikars (Muslims) some
abandoned their lives. Brahmins were disallowed to perform
their religious rites and rituals. Temples were destroyed and
idols were desecrated and broken. All the agraharas, which
had long been in the enjoyment of the most learned, were
taken away. Forcibly deprived of the fruits, of their cultivation,
the husbandmen, both the rich and poor, got ruined. In that
great calamity, people could not regard their money, wives
and others earthly belongings as their own. The wretched
Yavanas (Muslims) revelled always in drinking wine. Bating
cow's flesh, sporting in amour and killing the Brahmins. When
such is the case, how could the world of living beings exist?
Situated as the country was without the possibility of a saviour
being concieved even in imagination, the land of Telinga, tor-
mented in this way by those Yavana warriors who were exactly
like Rakshasas, was in flames like a forest surrounded by
wild fire".
Gangamba, in her 'Madhura Vijaya', enumerates similar

things, describing the condition of the south under the Muslim
rule characterised by oppressive nature, religious fanaticism
and intolerance. The iconoclastic zeal spurred them to des-
truction of the Hindu temples. On those ruins, with the same
materials, mosques were built. Alexander Rae referred to the
big mosque' at Rajahmundry as a good example of a Hindu
temple (the temple of Venugopalaswami of the Eastern
Chalukyan times), retaining its original features but converted
into a Mohammadan mosque. Similarly, at Eluru and Konda-
palli also the Hindu structures were dismantled and mosques
were built. Apart from this, there was a violent shake up of
the entire social fabric. The traditional institutions of the land
were overthrown and the age-long practices were upset. The
people could not reconcile themselves to the new dispensation.
There was an outburst of national indignation and patriotic
enthusiasm for driving out the aliens.
THE MOVEMENT OF LIBERATION AND THE ESTABLISHMENT

OF THE VIJAYANAGARA EMPIRE
The widespread discontent among the people towards

the Tughlak regime was exploited by the dislodged and dis-
gruntled princes, both Hindu and Muslim of the South. The
unrest was spearheaded into a general movement of resistance
against the Delhi imperialism. Especially after the Sultan left
for the North due to Kishlu Khan's rebellion, the movement
picked up momentum. The Musunuri chiefs, the Padma Nayaks
and the Reddis took the lead in Telangana and coastal Andhra
and established independent kingdoms. In the ceded districts,
Araviti Somadeva drove away Malik Naib from Anegondi and
freed Kampili from the Muslim rule. Ballala IIl also repudiated
his allegiance to the Sultan and began to attack Kampili. In
1334 A.D. the Nawab of Madura declared independence.
Barani, Isami and Nuniz and the local records recorded

the events that led to establishment of the Vjayanagara empire.
It is recorded that when the revolt broke out in Kampili and
the position of Malik Naib, the deputy of the Sultan was made
extremely precarious, the Malik informed his master about his

pitiable plight and appealed for immediate action. Then the
Sultan's choice fell on Harihara and Bukka. The two Sangama
brothers, who were related to and officers under Kampilideva-
raya, were previously taken captives to Delhi and forced to
embrace Islam. The Sultan, impressed by their upright conduct,
set them at liberty and sent with an army to Kampili to re-
conquer it from the rebels and rule the province as his deputies.
The two Sangama brothers thus returned to Kampili but they
initially faced many difficulties. The locals could not immedi-
ately trust them by reason of their conversion into Islam.
Therefore they established themselves at Gutti and probably
securing the blessings of the 'celebrated Vidyatirtha, the pontiff
of the Sringeri Matha, and through the instrumentality of the
latter, apostatized and soon endeared themselves to the people.
Then they occupied Anegondi: As Barani mentions, when
Musunuri Kapaya Nayaka captured Waragal from Malik Maqbul.
Harihara proclaimed independence in Kampili and thus in 1335
A.D. established his independent kingdom at Anegondi.
Since Anegondi on the northern bank the river Tunga-

bhadra was as a capital not impregnable to the enemies,
Harihara I thought of a new well-fortified and safe capital. On
religious and strategical considerations, the foundations were
laid down in the same year for the new city of Vijayanagara
where the ruins of Vijayanagara now exist opposite to Anegondi,
on the southern bank of the river Tungabhadra. The task of
completing the construction of the city was entrusted to
Bukka I.
3. The Sangamas (1336 1485 A.D )
HARIHARA I (1336-56 A.D.)
The Vijayanagara kingdom, thus founded by Harihara,

expanded into a mighty empire under his successors. The
dynasty to which the founder-brothers belonged came to be
known as the Sangama dynasty after the name of their father,
Sangama. Harihara had four brothers namely Kampanna, Bukka I,
Marappa and Muddappa, All the brothers had undivided in-

terest and so actively assisted Harihara I in all his endevours
to consolidate and expand the newly established kingdom.
Harihara's first task was to consolidate his position and

organize his kingdom for effective defence. Apart from entrust-
ing the task of building the new Vijayanagara fort to his brothar
Bukka, he strengthened the fortifications of Badami, Udayagiri,
Gooty and Anegondi for the security of his realm. Bukka I
completed the construction of Vijayanagar in seven years and
by 1344 A.D. the capital was shifted from Anegondi to Vijaya-
nagara. To increase the economic resources of his dominions,
Harihara encouraged the farmers to cut down forest and bring
fresh land under cultivation by leasing it to them on easy terms.
He created a heirarchy of officials to collect revenue and carry
on local administration.
Then a great era of conquest and territorial expansion

began. Sometime after 1340 A.D., Bukka wrested Penugonda
fortress from the Hoyasalas and made it his provincial head-
quarters. After the treacherous murder of Ballala III in 1342
A.D. by the Sultan of Madura, his successor could not with-
stand the aggressiveness of the Sangama brothers and so
sought safety in flight. By 1346 A.D. the loyal chieftains of
the Hoyasalas were subdued and all the erstwhile Hoyasala
territories were annexed to the Vijayanagara kingdom. This
was the most notable achievement in tire reign of Harihara I.
There was a commemorative victory jubilation grand festival
at Sringeri in that year at which all the brothers and the nobles
of the realm attended.
In 1347 A.D., Marappa defeated the Kadambas and an-

nexed their territories. Bukka I marched on the Tamil country
and conquered Mabar. But this conquest proved to be a short-
lived one. After the withdrawal of the Vijayanagara troops,
Sultan Adil Shah asserted himself at Madura in 1356 A.D.
However the northern most part of Tamil land, the region
around Tirupati must have formed part of the Vijayanagara
territory.
In the south-east, the Reddis were driven out from their

anccstoral house, the lower Pennar valley. Meanwhile in tire
north of the Krishna, the Deccan amirs revolted against Delhi
and founded the Bahmani kingdom in 1347 A.D. under A!a-ud-
din Bahman Shah. Ferishta and TabaTaba mention that Ala-ud-
din waged war against Harihara I and defeated him. But there
are no evidences to prove this war between Vijayanagara and
Bahmani kingdoms at this stage.
Thus Harihara I laid the foundation of the empire on sound

basis. As Sewell observes "We see the first chief of Vijaya-
nagar quietly and perhaps peacefully acquiring great influence
and extensive possessions".
BUKKARAYA I (1356-77 A.D.)
Bukka, the younger brother of Harihara, did yeomen service

to his brother in founding the empire and the city, in consoiid-
ing and expanding the Vijayanagara power. Before accession
to the throne, he acted as Yuvaraja and was placed in charge
of the Western districts of the Telugu country. However he
did not confine his activities to the administration of the terri-
tory directly under his charge. He took active interest in the
affairs of the kingdom as a whole. When Harihara I died with-
out issue, being an affectionate brother a trustworthy general
and a capable administrator, Bukkaraya I succeeded him as the
sole sovereign of the kingdom.
After his assumption of power, to check the power of

his nephews, to unify the kingdom and strengthen his position,
Bukka appointed his own sons as governors of some of the
outlying provinces and made them responsible for maintenance
of the royal authority. Then he sent an expedition under the
leadership of his son Kumara Kampana against Rajanarayana
Sambuvaraya, who asserted his independence in the Raja-
gambirarajya. Sambuvaraya died in the early stages of the
war and his son was also ultimately killed in 1360 A.D. With
this Vijayanagara became the mistress of the Tamil province.
Rajagambirarajya consisting of the Chenglaput, North Arcot

and South Arcot districts.
The fierce and protracted Bahmani-Vijayanagara conflict

commenced in the reign of Bukka. Whether the religious anta-
gonism played its own part in the struggle between the two
powers or not, the strategically important Krishna-Tungabhadra
doab, with its impregnable forts of Raichur and Mudgal and
places like Bankapur, the control of which would give the one
an advantageous position over the other for the ultimate over-
lordship of the whole peninsula, became a bone of contention.
The greed of the Sultans at the wealth and prosperity of the
Vijayanagara empire also dragged the two states into a long-
drawn war.
In 1358 A.D., Bukka, after entering into an alliance with

the Musunuri chief Kapaya Mayaka of Warangal, invaded the
Raichur doab. The allied forces were totally defeated by the
Bahmani Sultan Muhammad Shah I. Finally Kapaya Nayaka
capitulated and gave an immense treasure as indemnity and
a magnificent throne set with precious stones. To punish
Bukka, the ally of Kapaya, the Sultan ordered him to pay the
musicians who had given the entertainment in his Gulbarga
court. But the proud Bukka insulted the messenger of the
Sultan, invaded the dcab, captured Mudgal and ravaged the
territory (1366 A.D.). The infuriated Sultan crossed the Krishna
and recaptured Mudgal. Bukka fled to Adoni and later retreated
to Vijayanagara. The Sultan ordered a general massacre of
the Hindus around the city and this made Bukka sue for peace.
A treaty was concluded (1368 A.D.) and both the parties agreed
to the river Krishna to be the boundary between the two
kingdoms and in future wars, the non-combatants should not
be molested.
War again broke out in 1377 A.D. between the new

Bahmani Sultan, Mujahid Shah and Bukka over the question
of the Raichur doab Mujahid marched on Adoni and later
the city of Vijayanagara. He could not succeed in seizing
either one. Meanwhile he was murdered by his hostile uncle
Daud Khan.
In 1364-65 A.D., shortly after the first phase of his war

with the Bahmani Sultan came to an end, Bukka was engaged
in a war with the Reddis of Kondavidu. Little is known about
the causes and events of this war. The Reddi ruler was
defeated. Ahobalam and Vinukonda with their depndent terri-
tories were annexed to the Vijayanagara kingdom.
KUMARA KAMPANA'S SOUTH INDIAN CONQUEST (1368-71

A.D.)
After his conclusion of peace treaty with Muhammad

Shah I in 1368 A.D., Bukkaraya turned his attention to the
south. The overthrow of the Sambuvarayas and the annexa-
tion of Tondaimandafam brought Vijayanagara directly into
conflict with the Sultanate of Madurai. Bukka could not re-
main indifferent at the miserable plight of the Hindu population
in the Mabar country. He sent his valiant son Kumara
Kampana at the head of an expedition. The expedition which
was undertaken between 1368 A.D. and 1371 A.D. was vividly
described by Kampana's wife Gangadevi in her 'Madhuravijayam'.
Kumara Kampana was accompanied by great generals like
Gopanna Dannayak and Saluva Mangu. He set out from Gingee
and inflicted a crushing defeat on the Madura forces at Samaya-
varam near Srirangam, next captured Kannanur-Koppam, re-
stored the gods Sriranganatha and Hoyasaleswara to their res-
pective shrines and finally defeated and killed Fakhruddin
Mubarak Shah, the Sultan of Madurai, in 1371 A.D. Thus the
whole of the Tamil country was annexted to the Vijayanagara
kingdom. This conquest was regarded as one of the greatest
achievements in the history of Vijayanagara. It soon raised
a small principality to the dignity of an empire. It was after
these conquests Bukka, assumed the imperial titles like 'Maha-
rajadhiraja', 'Rajaparameswara', 'Lord of the three seas' etc.
'Side by side with these political events, the empire was

pulsating with great religious and literary activities'. Scholars
were invited from far and near and royal patronage was rendered
to them to work on a variety of subjects. Bukka's title 'Veda-
margapratisthapaka' indicates his interest and endeavour to
14)
restore the Hindu dharma. Madhavacharya and his brother

Sayana wrote their commentaries in Sanskrit on Vedic works.
Nachanasonra, the Telugu post received Bukka's patronage.
The embassy which the ruler sent to China in 1374 A.D. shows
his interest in foreign affairs. By all counts, Bukkaraya 1 was
considered the real architect of the Vijayanagara empire.
HARIHARA II (1377-1404 A.D.)
Bukkaraya's son Harihara II ruled for 27 years and con-

solidated the supremacy of Vijayanagara all over southern
India. Soon after his accession to the throne, he replaced his
cousins by his own sons as governors of provinces and made
an attempt thus to forestall the tendencies to disruption due
to the ambitions of his more distant relatives. He succeeded
in putting down rebellions and enforcing his authority. His
son Virupanna played an important role in bringing back the
Tamil country to subjection. The final extinction of the Madurai
Sultanate took place in 1378 A.D. After the subjugation of the
Tamil country, Virupanna led an expedition to the island of
Ceylon and exacted tribute from its ruler,
Harihara II, through his son Devaraya I, who was the

governor of Udayagiri, deprived the Kondavidu Reddis of their
possessions in Kurnool, Nellore and even parts of Guntur during
the period 1382-85 A.D. When the alliance between the
Velamas of Rajakonda in Telangana and the Bahmanis spelt
danger to both Kondavidu and Vijayanagara, Harihara II allied
himself with the Reddis through a matrimonial! alliance. He
gave his daughter to a son of the valiant Reddi general Kataya-
vema. Two expeditions were sent into Telangana before the
end of 1390 A.D. Finally it was in the year 1397 A.D. Panugal
was taken.
Sometime before 1380 A.D. the Vijayanagara forces under

Madhava Mantrin captured the Goa port and its neighbouring
areas, Saptakonkans and important ports of Chaul and Dabhoi.
With this, Harihara II became the master of the entire west
coast of Deccan. According to Ferishta, Firoz Shah, who
ascended the Bahmani throne in 1397 A.D., defeated Harihara II

and the latter paid an indemnity. It might be a reference to
some initial victories of the Sultan against the Vijayanagara
forces.
Harihara II was a worshiper of Virupaksha (Siva) but he

patronised the Saivas, Vaishnavas and Jains alike. Irugappa,
a Jain scholar, was his general.
After the death of Harihara II in 1404 A.D., the war of

succession broke out among his surviving three sons and it
lasted for about two years. At first, Virupaksha succeeded
in securing the throne, but was soon removed by Bukka II.
who ruled for two years. Finally, Devaraja I became the king
and celebrated his coronation on 5th November 1406 A.D.
DEVARAYA I (1406-22 A.D.)
Nuniz, the Portuguese chronicler, refers that Bukka I and

Devaraya I extended the city of Vijayanagara by raising new
walls and towers and by strengthening the fortifications. But
the great achievement of these two brothers was the con-
struction of a dam across the Tungabhadra, diverting the waters
of the river into the city. Tor several miles a channel was
cut out of solid rocks from the base of hills and it may be
regarded as one of the most remarkable irrigation works in
South India.'
Early in his reign Devaraya I had to face the invasion of

the Bahmani Sultan, Firoz Shah. Ferishta says that it was
the result of Devaraya's infatuation for a beautiful goldsmith
girl who lived in Mudgai. But other accounts attribute it to
the Sultan's determination to wage a Jihad (holy war) against
the Vijayanagara king. Sayyad Ali states that Firoz returned
with a huge amount of money collected from the Raya. This
discomfiture of Devaraya I was taken advantage of by the
Reddis of Kondavidu. Peda Komati Vema Reddi occupied the
rich territories of Udayagiri. He was in league with Firoz and
the Velama ruler Anadeva. To counteract this tripple alliance.
Devaraya I and Kataya Vema Reddi of Rajahmundry joined

hands together. In the subsequent war, Kataya Vema was
defeated and killed. Soon the war became a war between
the Raya and the Sultan. The Bahmani forces attempted for
two years to capture the fort of Panugal. At this juncture.
by a diplomatic revolution, Devaraya I broke the traditional
friendship of the Velamas of Rajakonda with the Bahmanis.
Plague and famine prevailed. Finally Devaraya I defeated the
Bahmani forces. The territories of Kondavidu were partitioned
between Devaraya I and his new ally, the Velamas of
Rajakonda.
NICOLO DE CONTI, an Italian traveller, visited Vijayanagara

in 1420 or 1421 A.D. and described the court, its festivals, its
currency and other matters. He called Vijayanagar 'Bisnegalia'.
He described, "the city of Bisnegalia is situated near very steep
mountains The circumference of the city is sixty miles; its
walls are carried upto the mountains and enclose the valleys
at their foot. In this city there are estimated to be ninety
thousand men fit to bear arms."
"The inhabitants of this region marry as many wives as

they please, who are burnt with their dead husbands. Their
king is more powerful than all other kings of India. He takes
to himself 12000 wives, of whom 4000 follow him on foot
wherever he may go and are employed solely in the service of
the kitchen, A like number, more handsomely equipped ride
on horse back. The rest are carried by men in litters, of whom
2000 or 3000 are selected as his wives on condition that at
his death they should voluntarily burn themselves with him
which is considered to be a great honour for them".
The death of Devaraya I was followed by the reigns of

his sons Ramachandra and Vijayaraya I. Vijayaraya ruled for
about five years and as Nuniz says, he 'did nothing worth
recording'. He was assisted by his son Devaraya II in the
administration almost from the beginning.
DEVARAYA II (1422-46 A.D.)
Devaraya II was associated with his father in the admini-

stration of the empire since 1422 A.D. His coronation might
have taken place sometime later. He assumed the title 'gaja-
betekara' (Hunter of elephants). This has been explained in
two ways—as a metaphor referring to his victories over enemy
kings who were as strong as elephants, and more literally as
indicating the king's interest to the sport of hunting elephants.
Devaraya II was by far the greatest ruler of the Sangama

dynasty. He was involved in a series of wars with the Bahmani
rulers. Ahmad Shah (1422-36 A.D.), the brother and successor
of Firoz Shah, soon after his accession to the throne, desirous
of avenging the humiliating defeat at Panugal, invaded the
Vijayanagar empire. Devaraya II, with his new ally Anavota II
of Warangal, penetrated as far as Etgir in the Gulbarga district.
While he was successfully attacking the enemy on his own
soil, the king of Warangal deserted on the battlefield. The
Vijayanagara army suffered defeat. Moreover, Bhanudeva IV,
the king of Orissa, invaded the coastal Andhra country. Ahmad
Shah took the offensive and laid waste the Vijayanagara terri-
tories. According Ferishta, the Raya sued for peace. It must
be noted in this context that the Sultan shifted his capital
from Gulbarga, near the Vijayanagara frontier, to Bidar, situated
in the hilly tract farther north in the interior of his dominions.
This transfer of the capital was not without significance. The
incessant wars with Vijayanagara and some sudden attack
on Gulbarga probably compelled the Sultan to transfer it.
An epigraph from South Kanara district dated 1429-30

A.D., refers to two victories of Devaraya II against the rulers
of Andhra and Orissa. The Velamas, who deserted Devaraya,
joined the Orissa ruler Bhanudeva, invaded the coastal Andhra
country and established themselves there. First the Rajah-
mundry Reddi chiefs had to acknowledge the sovereignty of
the Orissa king. Then the Orissa and the Velama forces crossed
the Krishna and occupied the territories of the erstwhile king-
dom of Kondavidu from the Vijayanagara officers.
Soon after the Muslim menace was over, Devaraya II

launched an attack on Bhanudeva IV and the Valamas. The
territories of the old Reddi kingdom of Kondavidu were re-
conquered and incorporated with the empire of Vijayanagara
and the power of the Reddis {Virabhadra Reddi) of Rajah-
mundry, which was in abeyance between 1424 A.D. and 1427
A.D. was completely restored.' This task was completed by
Devaraya II by 1428 A.D.
K.A.N. Sastri mentions that during the reign of Devaraya II,

the Vijayanagara dominion spread to the extreme south of
India into Kerala and the ruler of Quilon was subjugated. The
Zamorin of Calicut, however, seems to have retained his in-
dependence. Abdur Razzak, the Persian envoy, who visited
South India in 1443 A.D., states that the Zamorin lived in
great fear of Devaraya II and when he received a letter from
the latter to tire effect that the envoy should be sent
to Vijayanagara court without delay, he instantly carried out
the order. The same envoy states that Devaraya was supreme
over the whole of South India and his dominions extended
from Ceylon to Gulbarga and from Bengal (Orissa) to Malabar.
Nuniz asserts that the rulers of Quilon, Ceylon, Pulicat, Pegu
and Tennaserim paid tribute to Devaraya II. According to
these accounts, the Ceylonese expedition was led by his minister
Lakkana Dandanayaka who occupied Jafna.
Devaraya's relations continued to be hostile with the

Bahmani power. With the death of Ahmad Shah and the
accession to the throne of his son Ala-ud-din II in 1435-36 A.D.,
tranquility was broken. The Muslim chroniclers recorded two
wars, one in 1435-36 A.D. and another in 1443-44 A.D. In the
first war Ala-ud-din attempted to recover the arrears of tribute.
There was no decisive outcome. But this Bahmani raid led to
the reorganisation of the Vijayanagara army in 1442 A.D. The
causes for the repeated reverses of the Vijayanagara army were
analysed in a council and steps were taken introducing reforms
to remedy the deficiencies in the Vijayanagara military set up.
The Muslims were recruited into service. Complete religious
freedom was given to them. Jagirs were allotted to them. A
mosque was built for their use in Vijayanagara. A copy of

trie Koran was placed before the throne so that they might
perform their obeisance to the ruler without sinning against
the Muslim law. The Hindu archers also received better train-
ing than before. Attempts were also made to improve the
quality of horses.
Abdur Razzak relates an attempt on the life of Devaraya II

in 1443 A.D. This attempt was made by a scion of the ruler
in a banquet probably at the instigation of the Bahmani Sultan.
The conspiracy was a failure and many of the nobles involved
were kilted. While the Vijayanagara was plunged in this con-
fusion, the Sultan Ala-ud-din II demanded the usual payment
of tribute money then amounting to 7 lakhs of Varahes. Deva-
raya returned a defiant answer and his commander Lakkanna
invaded the doab, captured Mudgal, plundered the Sultan's
territories as far as Sagar and Bijapur and returned with a large
number of prisoners. But Ferishta gives a different account
of the war, and claims victory for the Sultan. Devaraya retained
Mudgal finally.
ABDUR RAZZAK'S VISIT to Vijayanagara in 1443 A.D. was

an important event of the reign of Devaraya II. The Persian
ambassador in his 'History of Persia' gives an account of
Vijayanagara relating to topography, administration and social
life. He refers to the limits of the empire, the attempt on the
life of the emperor and other details. He observes : "The city
of Bijanagar is such that eye had not seen, nor ear heard of
any place resembling it upon the whole earth." He mentions
king's absolute powers and his high admiration and esteem for
the Brahmins, the defence of the city, the splendour of the
houses, the physique and personal accomplishments of the
king. Above all, Razzak gives an admirable account of the
brilliance of Mahanavami festival in which he was a spectator
As already referred, Devaraya II, though had leanings to-

wards Vira Saivism, was tolerant in religious matters, He gave
freedom of worship to the Muslims. He also caused a Jain
temple to be erected in the capital in 'Pan Supari Bazzar'. His
name is associated with beneficial reforms like the discontinua-

tion of Varasulka and the enforcement of Kanyadana (free gift
of the bride).
Himself a scholar and an author, Devaraya II was a great

patron of men of letters in Sanskrit and vernacular languages.
He was delighted in holding literary debates. On one such
occasion, the Telugu poet Srinatha defeated Dindima. Devaraya II
honoured him with Kanakabhisheka and the title of 'Kavisarva-
bhauma'. The authorship of 'Mahanatakasudhanidhi' and a
'Vritti' on Badarayana's Brahmasutras, both in Sanskrit, was
attributed to the ruler. Of the Kannada poets, Kumara Vyasa,
the author of Kannada 'Bharata' and Chamarasa, the author
of 'Prabhu Lingalila', were famous in his court. Thus the reign
of Devaraya II marks the golden age of the Sangama dynasty.
FALL OF THE SANGAMAS
The glorious reign of Devaraya II came to an end with his

death in 1446 A.D. The immediate political situation at Vijaya-
nagara is not definitely known. The general assumption is
that he was succeeded by his son Mallikarjuna. But literary
and epigraphic evidence shows that Devaraya's brother Vijaya-
raya II ruled for a short time in 1466-67 A.D. The dessensions
in the royal family and the patricidal wars from 1446 A.D.
onwards proved disastrous to the Sangama dynasty, which was
finally replaced by the Saluvas.
The reign of Mallikarjuna (1447-65 A.D.) 'marks the begin-

ning of a long period of decline of the royal power which only
terminated with the disappearance of his dynasty about 1485
A.D.' The weak and incompetent rule gave the enemies of
Vijayanagara a golden opportunity to regain their lost hold.
The refractory nobles began to assert independence. The
Velamas made a new home for themselves in Velugodu (Kurnool
district) when their capital Rajakonda was seized by the
Bahmanis.
Kapilesvara, the Gajapati ruler of Orissa, made a common

cause with the Bahmani Sultan and invaded the kingdom. Both
laid seize to Vijayanagar but the city defied all their efforts
to capture it. The invading armies had to retire without ac-
complishing much, Kapilesvara, however, reduced the Reddi
kingdom of Rajahmundry and took Kondavidu before 1454 A.D.
The Kshatriya and Velama chieftains of Telangana helped him
in his enterprise. Subsequently, Kapilesvara extended his con-
quests upto Srisailam and included a large part of the Kurnool
district. His son Hamvira proceeded against Mahmud Gawan,
defeated the Bahmani forces, captured Warangal and later, on
Humayun's death in 1461 A.D, Bidar also. He then conquered
Udayagiri in the Nellore district and Kanchipuram and Trichinc-
poly in the southern provinces of the Vijayanagar empire (1463
A.D.). The Telugu districts became part of the empire of
Orissa for some years, But the sovereignty of Vijayanagara
in the southern lands was upheld by its powerful nobles such
as Tirumalaideva Maharaja and Saluva Narasimha. Tirumalai-
deva held Trichinopoly, Tanjore and Pudukkottai and Narasimha.
the governor of Chandragiri, was prominent in the centre and
in the eastern parts of the empire. These nobles rose into
prominence and resisted the Bahmani and Gajapati aggressions.
Mallikarjuna was murdered and the throne was usurped

in 1465 A.D. by his own cousin Virupaksha II ('Prapannam-
ritam'). Nuniz describes Virupaksha as a weak and unworthy
sovereign. He was sensous 'caring for nothing but women
and to fuddle himself with drink'. During his days large tracts
of land were lost to the Muslims, including Goa. Chaul and
Dabhol. On the east coast also, the Bahmani Sultan Muhammad
Shah III successfully led his daring adventure to the south
as far as Kanchi. One important event of Virupaksha's reign
was the recapturing of Udayagiri from the Gajapati forces with
the help of Saluva Narasimha,
Disgusted with the misrule of Virupaksha II, his eldest

son murdered him. The patricide placed his younger brother
Padearo on the throne. The first act of this new ruler was
to get his benefactor assassinated. Then Padearao plunged
into debauchery, neglected the affairs of the state and repeated
the crimes and follies of his father. 'The succession of weak
SANGAMA DYNASTY
SALUVA DYNASTY
and unworthy niters after Devaraya II impaired the sound

internal administration that prevailed in the kingdom. The autho-
rity of the central government, continued to decline, was head-
ing towards disruption. The total disruption was however
averted by Saluva Narasima'. To save Vijayanagara from extinc-
tion, Narasimha with the support of the nobles and leading
members of the realm drove away Padearao and usurped the
throne and with this, the rule of the Sangama dynasty came
to an end in 1485 A.D.
4. The Saluvas (1485—1505 A.D.)

The Telugu and Kannada lexicographers give the meaning
of the term 'Saluva' as a hawk used in hunting. The literary
works tike Jaimini Bharatamu. Saluvabhyudayam, Ramabhy-
udayam and the copper plate grants of Immadi Narasimha
clearly state that 'Saluva' was a title conferred for the first time
on Mangldeva, the great-grandfather of Saluva Narasimha who
was the founder of the Saluva dynasty of Vijayanagana. Mangi-
deva is said to have made the world of enemy-birds know
that he was a Saluva. He played an important role in Kumara
Kampana's conquest of Madurai during the reign of Bukkaraya I.
After Mangideva, the title was adopted by his descendants.
Tradition points to Kalyani in northern Karnataka as the

original home of the Saluvas. The Gorantla inscription, the
earliest of the Saluvas, traces their origin from the Chalukyas
and the Kalachuris who ruled over Karnataka with Kalyani as
their headquarters. These references connect the Saluvas of
the east coast to Kalyani, implying their migration from northern
Karnataka to Andhra. But none of the records mention this
migration.
The Saluvas make their first appearance in Andhra in the

first half of the 14th century A.D. simultaneously with Harihara
and Bukka, the founders of Vijayanagara. As noted above.
Mangidejva of the family took a leading role in the Madurai
campaign of Kumara Kampana and thereby got the title 'Saluva'.
From then onwards, his descendants came to be known as
the Saluvas. They were of Atreya gotra and disciples of the

Vaishnava teacher Tatacharya. They claimed themselves to
be Kshatriyas.
The Sangamas and the Saluvas were drawn closer to each

other by matrimonial alliances which paved the way for closer
collaboration in the maintenance and preservation of Vijaya-
nagara empire'. Nuniz states that Narasimha, captain of Padea-
rao (the last Sangama) was in some manner related to him.
Confirmative evidence for this relationship comes from literature
and inscriptions. Harihara II seems to have married the
daughter of his general Saluva Ramadeva. Later, Harima, sister
of Devaraya II was married to Saluva Tippa, an uncle of Saluva
Narasimha. It is but natural that as a result of these relations,
the Sangamas gave a favoured treatment to the Saluvas. Saluva
Narasimha seems to have no such special relationship with his
Tuluva generals Isvara Nayaka and Narasa Nayaka.
SALUVA NARASIMHA (1485-91 A.D.)
Prior to the Usurpation of the throne of Vijayanagara, Saluva

Narasimha, son of Gunda, was the ruler of Chandragiri rajya.
Nuniz states that Narasimha reigned forty four years, probably
taking into consideration his years of rule over Chandragirirajya
and the consequent five years of rule as the emperor. Hence
it may be said that he succeeded his father to the hereditary
estate in about the year 1448 A.D. He was related to the
Sangama rulers through his uncle Saluva Tippa. Tippa, who
had a distinguished record of service to the empire, was
offered in marriage Harima, the elder sister of Devaraya lI.
Apart from the family estate Chandragiri (Chittoor district),

Saluva Narasimha acquired the estate of Nagar (South Arcot
district) as well. His inscriptions started appearing from the
year 1452 A.D. Soon after, anarchy and confusion prevailed
in the south-eastern parts of the Vijayanagara empire due to
the repeated attacks of the Gajapatis of Orissa. Due to the
disturbed conditions in Vijayanagara under the weak and in-
competent ruler Mallikarjuna, Kapilesvara Gajapati ventured to
invade the coastal Andhra. Before 1448 A.D, he occupied the

entire Rajahmundry kingdom. Sometime between 1454 A.D.
and 1455 A.D. Kondavidu, Addanki and Vinukonda which formed
part of the Vijayanagara empire, were also occupied. Later,
the Bahmanis also suffered territorial loss. Then Kapilesvara
commissioned his son Hamvira to lead the grand army to the
south. Udayagiri Kanchi, Padaividu, Veludilampatti—Savidi,
Tiruvaruru and Tiruchirapalli, one after the other fell into the
hands of the Gajapatis. Chandragiri thus passed into the
hands of the Gajapatis before 1464 A.D. The 'Oddiyan Galabhai'
for a time shook the very foundations of the Vijayanagara
empire.
But soon Saluva Narasimha, the general and viceroy of

Mallikarjuna, asserted himself and revived the Vijayanagara
authority in the southern lands. He inflicted a crushing defeat
on the Gajapati army and recovered Chandragiri also before
1467 A.D. Meanwhile, Virupaksha II seized the Vijayanagara
throne from his cousin Mallikarjuna. He was weak, sensuous
and unworthy sovereign. So the task of completing the libera-
tion of the country from the foreign yoke was now on the
shoulders of Narasimha himself. His general Isvara Neyaka
defeated the Gajapati army under the command of Hamvira
and captured Udayagiri in 1469 A.D. and the followed up war
of succession among the Gajapati's sons provided this excel-
lent opportunity for Saluva Narasimha to win back the lost
dominion.
Then it seems that Narasimha led his southern campaigns
probably to quell a revolt by the Bana chief Bhuvanaika Vira
Samara Kolahalan bearing the Chola titles in the Pudukkottai
region. He marched on to Tiruvannamalai, Kumbakonam, Sri-
rangam, Madura and Ramesvaram, receiving tributes from the
chiefs of the region all along the way. The Bana chief fled
before him. All these series of victories led Saluva Narasimha
emerge as the saviour of the empire end the officers and nobles
began to recognise him as the defacto sovereign in the south.
'The civil war in Orissa and the Bahmani intervention in
that war enabled Narasimha to extend his authority in the
north-east. While the Bahmani army was busy conquering

Rajahmundry and Kondapalli, Narasimha established his autho-
rity over all the region extending from Udayagiri to Musulipatam
in the north-east' before 1475 A.D. Then probably at the
request of Purushottama Gajapati, Narasimha, accompanied by
Araviti Bukka marched into Telangana and made the Bahmanis
and their ally Hamvira helpless. Taking advantage of this
situation, Purushottama deposed his brother Hamvira and
recovered his throne by 1476 A.D. Having achieved the object,
Narasimha's forces withdrew from Telangana into the Godavari
region. But his secret understanding with Purushottamadeve
to destroy the Muslim authority along the east coast by means
of a simultaneous attack from the south and north could not
be realised due to the swift and unexpected arrival of large
Muslim army in the neighbourhood of Rajahmundry. Sub-
sequently, the Sultan Muhammad Shah III undertook the Kanchi
raid in 1480-81 A.D. Narasimha's general Isvara Nayaka
defeated the Muslim troops at Kandukuru. Again at Penugonda
also the Sultan's forces were totally crushed.
The Oddian Kalabhai, the Bana occupation of Kanchi, the

loss of Goa and the Bahmani raid on Kanchi discredited the
authority of the ruling dynasty (Sangama) throughly.' The
drunken revelries and senseless hatreds among the members
of the royal family undermined the prestige and security of
the realm. The integrity and the very existence of the Vijaya-
nagara empire was threatened during the reigns of Mallikarjune
and Virupaksha II. Especially the reign of weak, cruel, sensuous
and unworthy Virupaksha II witnessed the shaking of the very
foundations of the empire. The whole country was roused to
indignation and rebellion. The situation was further accentuated
when Virupaksha was murdered by his eldest son. The patri-
cide had his younger brother Padearao (Praudha Devaraya)
crowned king. The most infamous deed of this new sovereign
was to slay his very benefactor. His preference to stay at
the capital most of the time, drowning himself in an ocean of
pleasure and repeating the crimes and follies of his father,
further worsened the situation.
In the circumstances Saluva Narasimha could not remain

Indifferent and resolved to save the empire from further de-
generation and disintegration. The only way for this was to
put an end to the old dynasty and assume the royal title him-
self. Having assured himself of the support of all the nobles
in the empire, Narasimha sent his trusted general Tuluve Narasa
Nayaka to Vijayanagara to take possession of the city and
the throne. The 'craven' king Padearao fled and the city and
the treasures passed into the hands of Narasa Nayaka.
Dr. N. Venkataramanayya aptly remarks, "That Narasimha
usurped the throne cannot be gainsaid; but if usurpation was
ever justified by the conditions that necessitated it, it was
in this case". On some day in the month of August, 1485 A.D.
this Saluva usurpation took place and Narasimha ascended the
throne.
After succeeding to the throne, Saluva Narasimha's imme-
diate task was to recover the lands alienated during the lawless
regime of former times. 'The support of the captains and the
chiefs of the kingdoms which enabled him to oust the old
dynasty did not outlast the act of usurpation'. To enforce
his authority he was obliged to fight against his erstwhile
supporters and friends. The Samabeta chiefs of Peranipadu
in the Gandikota Sima, the Saluva chiefs of Bommavaram and
the Palaigars of Ummattur and Talakadu deserve special men-
tion among them. Narasimha had to spend time end energy
in fighting and subduing these chieftains. These internal trou-
bles, which he certainly overcame, greatly weakened his capa-
city to check external enemies.
Taking advantage of the weakness that crept into the
Bahmani kingdom after the death of the Sultan Muhammad
Shah III in 1482 A.D., Purushottama, the Gajapati king of Orissa
invaded the eastern coastal country, caputred Kondavidu,
advanced upto the Gundlakamma and laid siege to Udayagiri.
His minister Ganganamantri succeeded in getting Saluva
Narasimha trapped through his wiles and acquired Udayagiri
during the year 1490-91 A.D. This fort continued to remain
under the authority of the Gajapatis until 1514 A.D. when
Krishnadevaraya captured it back.
Saluva Narasimha undertook the reorganisation of the

defence-mechanism, The loss of the Western ports like Goa
during the reign of Virupaksha II was compensated when he
conquered the Tulu country. He revived the horse trade of
the Arabs by building up the ports of Honavar, Bhatkal, Kakanur
and Mangalore. "He caused horses to be brought from Ormuz
and Aden into his kingdom, and thereby gave profit to the
merchants, paying them for the horses just as they had asked."
Further, he took measures to strengthen the efficiency and
the martial spirit of his forces. Narasimha died sometime in
1491 A.D.
Saluva Narasimha evinced keen interest in cultural pur-
suits also. He was a scholar in Sanskrit and a devotee of
the Madhava saint Sripadaraya. Under his patronage Raja-
natha Dindima wrote 'Saluvabhyudayam' in Sanskrit. Narasimha
also extended his loving care and patronage to the development
of Telugu literature Pillalairrarri Pinavirabhadra wrote 'Sringara
Sakuntalamu' and 'Jarmini Bharatamu' in Telugu. Thus by
his timely saving of the empire from total disintegration, by
his reorganisation of the defence mechanism, by keeping up
the cultural traditions and building up the peace and prosperity,
Saluva Narasimha carved out his own niche in the history of
the Vijayanagara empire.
THE REGENCY OF TULUVA NARASA NAYAKA (1491 A.D. -

1503 A.D.)
Saluva Narasimha, at the time of his death, entrusted the

care of the empire and of his two young sons to his loyal
general end minister Tuluva Narasa Nayaka. On his death,
Narasa Nayaka raised his elder son Timmabhupa to the throne
and himself began to act as the Rakshakarta (protector). This
elder prince was murdered by an enemy of Narasa Nayaka in
order to foist the crime on the head of the Regent. But the
younger prince was crowned and he came to be called Immadi
Narasimha But Narasa Nayaka remained the Regent and
retained all the powers in his hands in the best interests of
the realm and even 'assumed the royal style along with his
Saluva titles'.
When his bonafides were suspected by Immadi Narasimha.

the Regent and the ruler fell apart. Narasa Nayaka retired to
Penugonda. In order to rescue his reputation, he planned the
seizure of Vijayanagara, marched with his troops and seized
Vijayanagara. Immadi Narasimha was ill-prepared for measuring
swords with his Regent and agreed to the terms of the latter.
Narasa Nayaka, to insure against any future risks from the
king, removed him to Penugonda and kept him there under
close watch. Some scholars depict this as the second usurpa-
tion. But S.K. Aiyangar opines that Narasa Nayaka appears
to have carried out his trust loyally in accordance with the
wishes of his master, not withstanding attempts to damage
him both physically and morally.
The records of Narasa Nayaka's descendants enumerate

his numerous military campaigns, by dint of which he restored
the integrity of the empire, and the enemies, whom he con-.
quered during the thirteen years of his regency. About the
time when Saluva Narasimhe died, the authority of the Bahmani
Sultan completely collapsed. Qasim Band, the Prime Minister
of the Sultan, made his master a mere tool in his hands. To
curb the growing power of Adil Khan of Bijapur, he, in alliance
with Konkan and Vijayanagara attacked Bijapur. Narasa Nayaka
captured the forts of Raichur and Mudgal. Adil Khan was forced
to buy peace by ceding these two forts. Subsequently, he
tried to recover them and sustained a severe defeat and was
forced to seek shelter in the Manava fortress. Pretending
submission, he invited Narasa and others for a peace conference
and treacherously attacked them. Narasa managed to escape
and the doab once again passed into the hands of the Muslims.
Ail the Tuluva records credit Narasa Nayaka with victory

over the Gajapati. Probably when the Gajapati king Pratapa-
rudra led an expedition against Vijayanagara and advanced upto
the Pennar, Narasa Nayaka defeated and drove him back.
In order to assert the effective central authority in the

south, Narasa Nayaka undertook an expedition against the chiefs
and nobles in the south. He defeated the tyrannical and oppres-
15)
sive governor of Trichi and Tanjore, Koneriraja. He also com-

pelled the Chola, Chera and Manabhusha Pandya to acknowledge
the suzerainty of Vijayanagara. He next proceeded against
the rebellious Palaigars of Ummattur and their allies. The
island fort of Srirangapatnam was captured and the leader of
the rebels was taken prisoner. Thus the Vijayanagara authority
was firmly established in the Tamil country and Karnataka.
An important event of historical significance that took

place during the period of regency of Narasa Nayaka was the
arrival of the Portuguese on West-coast of India. Not realising
the significance of this event, Narasa did not extend any pro-
tection to his Bhatkal chief and left him to his fate whan,
in 1502 A.D. Vasco-da-Gama imposed commercial restrictions
on the chief. Narasa Nayaka died in the month of November,
1503 A.D.
Narasa Nayaka was a patron of letters and several eminent

poets flourished at his court. The Telugu literature received
a fresh impetus from the Regent. Thus Narasa Nayaka who
found the empire In a convalescent condition, 'imparted fresh
strength to it and left it fully vigorous pulsating with new life.'
5. Tuluva Dynasty (1505-76 A.D.)

VIRA NARAS1MHA (1503-05-09 A.D.)
After the death of Narasa Nayaka, his eldest son Vira
Narasimha succeeded him as the Regent of the empire. By
this time, the king Immadi Narasimha was grown up and
capable to manage his own affairs. But Vira Narasimha main-
tained status quo for sometime and served the interests of
his master loyally. By 1505 A.D., 'Power without privilege
must have galled him greatly, and he conspired to get rid of
his master'. Accordingly, he got his master in Penukonda
assassinated and declared himself king in 1505 A.D. This was
described as the second usurpation in the history of Vijaya-
nagara empire. With this came to an end the brief rule of
the Saluva monarchs at Vijayanagara, yielding place to a new
line of kings called the Tuluva dynasty,
Vira Narasimha ruled as king for five years. His usurpation

of the throne evoked much opposition. Nuniz states that the
whole land revolted under its captains. His years of rule were
almost entirely spent in fighting. Yusuf Adil Khan of Bijapur,
who sought to extend his dominion beyond the Tungabhadra,
allied himself with Kassapa Udaiyar, the Vijayanagara governor
of Adoni, marched on the Vijayanagara territory and laid seize
to the fort of Kandanavolu (Kurnool). However the Aravidu
chief Ramaraja and his son Timma, the able generals of Vira
Narasimha defeated him and expelled him from the Vijayanagara
territory.
Vira Narasimha next turned towards the rebels in the

Karnataka and Tulu districts. His attempts to put down the
revolts of the Palaigars of Ummattur and Talakadu ended In
failure. However, he succeeded in dealing with the rebels on
the west coast. He conquered the whole of Tulunadu and
took possession of all its ports. Varthema, an Italian traveller
of Bologna records the Vijayanagara attempt (1506 A.D.) to
recover Goa from the Muslims. The attempt might be a futile
one. Even before the erring chieftains of Ummattur and other
places could be taught a lesson, Vira Narasimha died in 1509
A.D.
Vira Narasimha, inspite of his continuous engagement in

warfare throughout his reign period, improved the efficiency
of his army by introducing changes in the methods of recruit-
ment and training of his forces. He offered attractive prices
to the horse dealers to get good horses for his cavalry. He
maintained friendly relations with the Portuguese. He encour-
aged all kinds of military exercises including duel-fights. He
took steps to promote the welfare of the people. He abolished
the marriage-tax on an experimental basis. He made magnificent
gifts to all the important temples of south India.
LUDOVICO Dl VARTHEMA, an Italian traveller of Bologna

travelled in India between 1502 A.D. and 1508 A.D. He visited
Vijayanagara in 1506 A.D. He describes Vijayanagara as a great
city, "very large and strongly walled It is situated on the
side of a mountain, and is seven miles in circumference. It was

wealthy and well supplied, situated on a beautiful site and
enjoying an excellent climate. The king keeps up constantly
40,000 horsemen and 400 elephants. The elephants each carry
six men and have long swords fastened to their trunks in
battle. The common people go quite naked with the exception
of a piece of cloth about their middle. The king wears a cap
of gold brocade two spans long His horse is worth more
than some of our cities on account of the ornaments which
it wears,"
Nuniz records that while Vira Narasimha was on his death-

bed, he sent for his minister Saluva Timma and ordered him
to put out the eyes of his half-brother Krishnadevaraya so that
his own eight year-old son might succeed him to the throne
and that the minister satisfied the dying king by producing
before him the eyes of a she-goat. But there is no evidence
to prove this. On the other hand, local traditions maintain
that Vira Narasimha himself chose his brother as his successor.
KRISHNADEVARAYA (1509-29 A.D.)
Robert Sewell says, "From the accession of Krishnadeva-

raya to the throne of Vijayanagar in 1509 A.D. we once more
enter into a period when the history of the country becomes
less confused and we are able to trace the sequence of
events without serious difficulty. This was the period of
Vijayanagar's greatest success when its army everywhere was
victorious and the city was most prosperous." Krishnadevaraya's
reign marks, 'the grand climax in the development of the
empire, and the successful achievement of the objects for
which it was actually founded.'
According to Prof. O. Ramachandraiya, Krishnadevaraye

was born on 16th February 1487 A.D. As already noted, Nuniz
mentions the circumstances under which Krishnadeva was
raised to the throne of Vijayanagara. Paes, the Portuguese
chronicler who was in Vijayanagara about the year 1520 A.D.,
also remarks that Saluva Timma brought up Krishnadevaraya
and made him king. About the personality and character of

the king, he described glowingly—"The king is of medium
height and of fair complexion and good figure, rather fat than
thin; he was on his face signs of small-pox. He is the most
feared and perfect king that could possibly be, cheerful of
disposition and very merry; he is one that seeks to honour
foreigners and receives them kindly, asking about all their
affairs whatever their condition may be. He is a great ruler
and a man of much justice, but subject to 'sudden fits of rage;
and this is his title—Krishnarao, the great, king of kings, lord
of the greater lords of India, lord of the three seas and land".
Sewell also narrates, "Krishnadevaraya was not only monarch
de jure but was in very practical fact an absolute monarch of
extensive power and strong personal influence. He was the
real ruler. He was physically strong in his best days and
kept his strength upto the highest pitch by hard bodily exercise.
He rose early and developed all his muscles by the use of
Indian clubs and the use of sword. He was fine rider and
was blessed with the noblest presence of which favourably
impressed all who came in contact with him. He commanded
his immense armies in person, was able, brave and statesman-
like; and was withal, a man of much gentleness and generosity
of character. He was beloved by all and respected by all."
Krishnadevaraya's coronation was celebrated, in all pro-

bability, on the birthday of Srikrishna of Saka 1432, corres-
ponding to August 8, 1509 A.D. His first act on coming to
the throne was to send his nephew, son of Vira Narasimha,
and his own two brothers. Achuta and Ranga to the Chandragiri
fort to secure his own position free from all plots and intrigues
of the rival claimants. Before he set on his expeditions, he
remained at the capital for a year and a half teaming the affairs
of his kingdom.
Krishnadeva did not succeed to a peaceful kingdom.

Troubles from within and attacks from without haunted the
Vijayanagara ruler. Some of the Polaigars were stilt at targe
contesting the overlordship of the best part of Mysore region
The Gajapatis of Orissa were stilt in possession of the eastern
districts of the empire and Prataparudra was openly hostile

and aggressive. In the north, though the Bahmani kingdom
virtually ceased to exist, still the Muslim pressure, especially
from Bijapur, continued unabated in its strength. The newiy-
risen power of the Portuguese was rapidly establishing control
over the routes and the maritime trade of the west coast and
seeking profitable contacts with the 'country powers'. But
Krishnadevaraya rose to the occasion and with the help of his
mentor and minister Saluv Timmarasa, handled the situation
with great tact and foresight.
At the outset of his reign, Krishnadeva had to fight with

the Muslim forces which declared a jihad on the infields of
Vijayanagara and invaded his territory. The Bahmani Sultan
was joined by all the chiefs and nobles who nominally acknow-
ledged his sovereignty. Krishna was equal to the task. His
forces checked the progress of the Muslims on the frontier,
defeated them at Dony and inflicted another crushing defeat
on the retreating army at Kovilkonda. Yusuf Adil Shah of
Bijapur lost his life with the result Bijapur was thrown into
confusion and disorder.
Taking advantage of the anarchic conditions prevailing in

Bijapur, Krishna invaded the doab and captured Raichur. He
then advanced on Gulbarga and captured the fort. He pursued
Barid, the minister and jailor of the Sultan, defeated him and
captured the fort of Bidar. He restored the Sultan Mahmud
Shah to power and to commemorate this act of resuscitation
of the Bahmani monarchy, assumed the title of 'Yavanarajya-
stapanacharya'. This restoration he did to weaken his Muslim
neighbours by throwing an apple of discord in their midst since
he knew that so long as the shadow of the Bahmani monarchy
persisted, there would be no peace among the Muslim rulers
of the Deccan.
Krishna then set out on an expedition against the rebels.

He marched against the Kadava chieftains of the Kanchi region.
After reducing them, he advanced against Gangaraja of Umma-
ttur who had been in revolt since the last years of Vira Nara-
simha's reign. He first attacked Penukonda which had passed

into the hands of the rebel. The capture of this fort was followed
by Ummattur and Sivasamudram. When Gangaraja fled and
was drowned in the Kaveri, Krishna made the conquered terri-
tory into a province with Srirangapatna as its capital and
appointed Saluva Govindaraja as Governor with three local
chieftains to assist him.
The eastern campaign of Krishnadevaraya against the

Gajapati power of Orissa was a seven years' affair (1512-19
A.D.). Krishna's aim was to recover the two provinces of
Vijayanagara, namely, Udayagiri and Kondavidu, which his
predecessors failed to recover from Orissa. It is curious to
note that while the Vijayanagara sources describe the defeats
and losses suffered by Prataparudra Gajapati at the hands of
Krishna, almost all the sources from Orissa are silent about
this. Krishna's Kalinga expedition falls into five definite stages.
a) The expedition began with an attack on the impregnable
fort of Udayagiri in the month of January 1513 A.D. Accord-
ing to Nuniz, Krishna laid siege to this fort 'for a year and a
half. The fort was under the command of Tirumala Rautaraya,
a paternal uncle of the Gajapati king. Stubburn resistance was
offered to the assaults of the Raya's forces. The Raya's
generals, even after great exertion, failed to achieve anything
Then Krishna took up the lead in person. He widened the
narrow path and erected a wall of circumvallation around it
He defeated Prataparudra who came to defend the fort and
pursued his army as far as Kondavidu. He captured the Udaya-
giri fortress finally on 9th June, 1514 A.D. Rautaraya was
taken captive. The event was celebrated on a grand scale
and Krishnadevaraya visited Tirumala and paid homage to
Lord Venkatesvara visited Trrumala and paid homage to Lord
Lord Venkatesvara. After the fall of Udayagiri, he reduced
Kandukuru also and appointed Rayasam Kondamarusayya as his
regent at Udayagiri. At the capital he built a new shrine and
installed the Balakrishna image brought from Udayagiri.
b) With the object of reducing the Kondavidu fortress, the
headquarters of the southern viceroyalty under the Gajapatis.
Krishnadevaraya once again marched against the king of Orissa.

On the way to Kondavidu, he reduced some of the forts includ-
ing Addanki, Vinukonda, Bellamkonda, Nagarjunakonda, Tangeda
and Ketavaram sometime between February and June 1515 A,D.
Simultaneously, Kondavidu was laid siege, The Gajapati ruler
was obliged to divide his forces and send them to defend the
different forts and with the remaining forces when he attacked
the Raya in open battle, he was defeated.
Krishna then blockaded the Kondavidu fort which was

defended by a powerful garrison under prince Virabhadra, son
of Prataparudra Gajapati. According to an inscription at Aho-
balam, "he surrounded the fort with his army, having erected
movable wooden platforms (nadachapparams) to enable his
soldiers to stand on a level with the defenders and demolish
the walls; he scaled them on all sides and captured the fort".
Prince Virabhadra was taken prisoner along with many others.
The fort fell on 23rd June, 1515 A.D. Krishna entrusted its
administration to Saluva Timmarasa. He then conquered the
coastal region upto the river Krishna. He offered worship at
Amaravati.
c) The third satge in Krishna's Kalinga campaign began with

the siege of Bezwada. After capturing it, the Raya made it an
advance base for further operations. Then he proceeded to
Kondapalli, a strong and well-defended fort with very nigh
walls, situated a few miles away to the north-east of Bezwada.
He besieged the fort and the army sent to relieve it by Pratapa-
rudra was thoroughly defeated. After a siege of two months,
Kondapalli was taken and the Gajapati commander Praharesvara
Patra and other chieftains were made prisoners and sent to
the imperial capital. According to Nuniz, a wife of the King of
Oriya was also included among the prisoners.
d) "Till he conquered Kondavidu, Krishnaraya was bent upon

driving the Gajapati from the region to the south of the Krishna.
Subsequent to the fall of this fort, there appears a change in
the policy adopted by the Vijayanagara monarch towards the
Gajapati. It was not the greed for territory that was behind
Krishnadevaraya's campaigns in the distant regions of Potnuru

Simhadri and further north but his determination to weaken
the Gajapati so that there might not be any more danger to
Vijayanagara Kingdom from that quarter".
With this objective Krishnadevaraya crossed the Krishna

and after capturing Bezwada and Kondapalli proceeded to con-
quer Telangana and Vengi both of which formed part of the
Gajapati kingdom. He took in a 'single assault' Anantagiri,
Undrakonda, Urlagonda, Aruvapalli, Jallipalli, Kandikonda, Kap-
palavayi, Nalagonda. Kambhammettu, Kanakagiri, Sankaragin
and other fortresses. He reduced Rajahmundry and finally
arrived at Potnuru Simhadri. With the help of his minister
Timmarasa, who by adopting 'bheda' brought about a split
between the Gajapati king and his subordinate Patras and
made the enemy flee from the field, Krishna won victory. He
set up a pillar of victory and made rich presents in company
of his wives to God Simhadrinatha on 29th March, 1516 A.D.
Then he returned to Vijayanagar leaving his army behind.
While at Vijayanagara, the Raya who had love for martial

exercises including duel-fencings, arranged for the sword-
fencing. According to Nuniz prince Virabhadra Gajapati, who
was taken captive at Kondavidu, was invited to fence since he
was famous as a dexterous swordsman. But Virabhadra, with
the misunderstanding that his opponent was not of royal blood
but a man of humble birth, felt offended and put an end to
himself.
e) The Gajapati ruler, burning with rage and sorrow for the
death of his son at the Vijayanagara court, continued hostilities
with Vijayanagara. Since he did not come to terms with
Krishna, the latter resolved on the Cuttack expedition. The
inscriptions and the contemporary Telugu literary works like
'Manucharitra' and 'Amuktamatyada' refer to the invasion of
the Raya and the devastation of the country of the Matsya
chiefs of Oddadi and the burning of the capital town Kataka
(Cuttack) thus sufficiently humiliating the Gajapati to sue for
peace.
The Vijayanagare Empire 235
"Successive disasters in all battles against the Raya, the

death of his son, the captivity of his wife and the burning of
his capital, all these must have compelled Prataparudra to sue
for peace and save the country from further devastation".
Since Krishnadevaraya's object was to secure permanent peace
in the eastern frontier, in the peace treaty that was concluded
in August, 1519 A.D., he gave back all the territories to the
north of Krishna to the Gajapati ruler. The latter gave his
daughter Bhadra (or Tukka) in marriage to the former. Thus
ended one of the most brilliant episodes in the military history
of India, in the 16th century.'
After subduing Orissa, Krishnadevaraya had to fight with

the Sultans of Golkonda and Bijapur. Quli Qutb Shah of
Golkonda was ambitious and wanted to make himself the
master of the Telugu country. Taking advantage of the defeat
and discomfiture of the Gajapati king, he occupied the Telangana
districts and the coastal areas between the mouths of the
Krishna and the Godavari. Then he crossed the Krishna and
beseized Kondavidu. Strong contingents of Vijayanagara under
Timmarasa marched against the enemy and successfully repulsed
the Golkonda forces.
While Krishnadevaraya was busy with his Orissa war,
Ismail Adil Shah of Bijapur recaptured Raichur. The Raya,
therefore, made a campaign in 1520 A.D. for the recovery of
Raichur. Nuniz gives an elaborate account of this war With
a large army the Raya marched into the Doab. The decisive
battle was fought on 19th May, 1520 A.D. and Ismail's camp
was seized and he himself barely escaped with his life. The
fort of Raichur was taken. Afterwards the Raya conducted a
raid into Bijapur and his troops occupied the city for sometime.
Then he marched on to Gulbarga and razed its fortress to the
ground. Here he liberated the sons of Mahmud Shah Bahmani
and made the eldest of them the Sultan. But this attempt
of the Raya to revive the Bahmani Sultanate only served to
irritate the five Deccan Sultans
Thus with all these series of victories, Krishnadevaraya
humbled the pride of his foes and extended the limits of his
empire. The Vijayanagara empire under him was in shape a

triangle with its appex at Cape Comorin comprising the whole
territory south of the river Krishna, Travancore and Malabar
besides other regions being subordinate states.
As regards Krishnadevaraya's relations with the Portuguese,

he tried to maintain friendly relations with them. But he never
lent support to their political designs. By the time Krishna
ascended the throne, they already established their supremacy
over the Indian Ocean. With their command of the sea, the
monopoly of the west-coast trade, especially in horses, passed
into their hands from the Arab merchants and Muslim traders
They used the supply of horses as a powerful weapon in their
diplomatic dealings with the native powers. The Raya was
also anxious to secure horses. Albuquerque, the Portuguese
governor, in 1510 A.D. offered help to Krishnadevaraya at the
start of his war with the Muslims and requested, in return,
the Raya's help against his enemy, the Zamorin of Calicut. He
further promised to supply the Arab and Persian horses to
Vijayanagara only, and not send them to Bijapur. The Raya
agreed to the Portuguese request only when it was made at
a second time and only after the Portuguese captured Goa
from Bijapur at the end of 1510 A.D. The Raya also agreed
to the Portuguese request to erect a fort at Bhatkal. In his
capture of Raichur in 1520 A.D. from the Bijapur Sultan, the
Raya received valuable assistance from the Portuguese mus-
keteers. In the engineering field also, he sought the ser-
vices of the Portuguese. It was during the reign of Krishna-
devaraya, there was large inflow of the Portuguese travellers,
merchants and adventurers, flocking to the city of Vijayanagara.
Nuniz says that Krishna made his six-year old son Tirumaia-
raya as the king (Yuvaraja) in 1524 A.D. At the end of the
coronation festivities, the son took ill and died under suspicious
conditions. Saluva Timmarasa and his sons were suspected
of poisoning the prince and were thrown into prison. Three
years later, a son of Timmarasa escaped from the prison and
raised the standard of revolt. He was captured with great
difficulty and the eyes of the rebel, his brother and their father
Timmarasa were put out. The Raya, then, nominated his half-
brother Achyutaraya to be his successor.
In the meantime, in 1526 A.D. when Nagama Nayaka, a

trusted lieutenent of the Raya, who went to south to put down
the aggression of a vassal, occupied Madurai and became in-
subordinate to the Raya, However, he was brought to his
senses by his own son Visvanatha Nayaka. Thereby Visvanatha
was appointed viceroy of the south.
During the last days of Krishnadevaraya, Ismail Adil Shah

of Bijapur again made a futile attempt to recover Raichur. The
Raya wanted to teach him a lesson. But while he was preparing
for an attack on Belgaum, he fell seriously ill and died in
1529 A.D.
'Pre-eminent as a warrior, Krishnadevaraya was equally

great as statesman.' His uniform success against all his
enemies was largely due to his capacity for his organisation
and skilful generalship. 'He showed amazing resourcefulness
in overcoming obstacles besetting his path.' His equanimity
of mind and extra-ordinary courage even in the face gravest
danger is praiseworthy. N. Venkataramanayya writes, "But
even more than his personal bravery, or his skilled manage-
ment of troops, what enabled him to overthrow hostile forces
was his devotion and attachment of his soldiers to his person.
Krishnadevaraya was accustomed, after the conclusion of
every battle, to go to the battlefield, looking for the wounded;
he would pick them up and make arrangements for their medical
help and other conveniences needed for their recovery-
Those that specially distinguished themselves in the fight were
placed directly under his supervision so that he might bestow
particular attention on them and help them regain their health
as quickly as possible. The care with which Krishnadevaraya
nourished the wounded soldiers and warriors did not go un-
rewarded. It won him the affection of the rank and file of the
army. The soldiers as well as officers were prepared to throw
themselves into the jaws of death in executing his commands."
The Raya, as a practical politician and administrator,

brought in changes in Vijayanagara polity. His ideas are
contained in his own composition 'Amuktamalyada' in Telugu.
The work contains every aspect of royal duties, the mode of
appointing ministers, controlling the frontier tribes, conducting
an assembly, treatment of the vanquished ruler, administra-
tion of justice and foreign policy. The Raya paid greater at-
tention to the civil administration of his empire. He checked
the mal-administration of the provincial governors and the in-
efficiency and negligence of the other officials as well. He
redressed the grievances of ryots and punished the evil-doers.
He used to conduct tours of inspection in various parts of
his empire. He improved the facilities of communication.
Krishnadevaraya 'could set himself to investigate the rates

and taxes which proved oppressive, and abolished some of
them which were regarded as such'. He took keen interest
in constructing irrigation tanks and in digging canals to provide
water for agricultural operations. With the help of a Portuguese
engineer, he constructed in 1522 A.D. the great dam and channel
at Korragal and the Basavanna channel, both of which are still
in use. He dammed up the lake at the capital and used it for
the supply of water to the new township 'Nagalapura'.
With regard to his religious policy, though he was a staunch

Vaishnavite, he was devoted to Siva and patronised the Saivites,
Madhvas and Jains. Among the 'Diggajas' whom he patronised
in his court, three were Saivites and Peddana was an Advaitin.
Virupaksha was still regarded as the god of the city and the
empire. The Vittobha cult of the southern Maratha country
also gained some prominence in Vijayanagara, According to
Peddana, the Raya's favourite deity was Lord Venkatesvara of
Tirupati. He seems to have visited Tirupati as many as seven
times and endowed the shrine richly. His grand religious trip
to the shrines of the south, remittance of taxes, construction
of many Rayagopurams and thousand pillared halls at different
places highly speak of his religious devotion and patronage of
art.
The Raya was a munificent patron of arts and letters. As

a great patron of men of letters, he was known as the 'Andhra-
Bhoja'. His extension of patronage to the writers in all langu-
ages—Sanskrit as well as the South Indian vernaculars—was
well known. He was himself a scholar both in Sanskrit and
Telugu. 'Jambavati Kalyanam' and 'Ushaparinayam', the two
Sanskrit dramas are the only extant works of the emperor in
Sanskrit. Laksnmidhara, Lakshminarayana and Nadendla Gopa
produced their works in Sanskrit. Vyasaraya, the preceptor
of the king, wrote his works on dvaita philosophy and logic
in Sanskrit. The Kannada poet Timmana completed the Kannada
Mahabharata of Kumara Vyasa. The Tamil poets Haridasa,
Kumara Saraswati and Jnanaprasa also flourished during this
period.
The Raya had his contribution much to the development

of Telugu literature. His own work 'Amuktamalyada' easily
ranks with the greatest of the Telugu Prabandhas. His court
'Bhuvanavijayam' was adorned with the eminent Telugu poets
called 'the Ashtadiggajas' (the elephants supporting the eight
cardinal points of the Telugu literary world). Allasani Peddana
was the poet-laureate. Apart from Peddana, Dhurjati, Mallana.
Surana, Timmana and others produced their outstanding works
in the Vijayanagara court.
Krishnadevara's constructions of new townships (Nagala-

pura etc.), shrines (Krishnaswami, Hazararama and Vitthala
temples at Hampi), Rayagopurams and thousand pillared halls,
enormous statues of Ganapathi and Ugra-Narasimha and the
various structures in the Palace-complex stand as a testimony
to his keen interest in art, architecture, music, dance and other
cultural pursuits.
ACHYUTARAYA (1529-42 A.D.)
Inspite of nomination of Achyutadevaraya to the throne

by Krishnadevaraya, after the latter's death, the nomination
was challenged by Ramaraya, who sponsored the claim of his
infant brother-in-law, ostensibly with the idea of seizing power
in the name of the infant. But Achyuta's brothers-in-law, the

Salakaraju brothers helped by Satuva Vira Narasimha foiled his
designs and kept the throne vacant till Achyuta could come
up from Chandragiri after his relase. Finally Achyuta made
up his dispute with Ramaraya by giving him a share in the
government and ascended the throne.
Prataparudra Gajapati and Ismail Adil Shah of Bijapur

renewed their attacks on Vijayanagara in the hope of recovering
what they had lost during the previous reign at Vijayanagara.
This happened early in the reign of Achyutaraya. The Gajapati
ruler was defeated and driven back. But Ismail invaded and
conquered the Raichur doab. Achyuta had to leave the Adil
Shah alone for the time being as he was confronted with the
formidable rebellion led by his minister, Sellappa alias Saluva
Vira Narasimha Nayaka, who had the support of the chieftains
of Ummattur and Tiruvadirajya (Travancore).
Achyutaraya marched against the rebels, resolved to stay

at Srirangam and entrusted the campaign to his brother-in-law
Salakaraju China Tirumala. The Vijayanagara forces had a
victorious march upto the banks of the Tambraparani river.
There they set up a pillar of victory. The Pandhyan ruler of
Tenkasi was restored to his kingdom. The Travancore ruler
was forced to pay tribute and Sellappa was pardoned. By
1532 A.D. the entire south was brought back to allegiance.
In 1534 A.D. the dispute between Mallu and Ibrahim for

the throne of Bijapur following the death of their father Ismail
Adil Shah, encouraged Achyuta to make an attempt for the
recovery of the Raichur doab. According to 'Achyutaray-
abhyudayam' and the accounts of Barros and Nuniz, Achyuta
reestablished his hold over Raichur and Mudgal. An inscription
dated 1534-1535 A.D. also confirms this.
During the later half of his reign, Achyuta was domineered

over by his brothers-in-law. Ramaraya led the opposition to
the de facto rule of the tyrannical Salakaraju brothers. He and
his brothers advanced the claims of Sadasiva (who was the
son of Achyuta's brother Ranga) as the infant son of Krishna-

devaraya died about 1533 A.D. Taking advantage of this con-
fused political condition at Vijayanagara, Ibrahim I of Bijapur
marched upon Vijayanagara end razed Nagalpura, a suburb of the
city, to the ground. On the advice of his brotrrers-in-law,
Achyuta refrained from offering resistance to the invader. Ibrahim
got Raichur and large sums of money.
Ramaraya's opposition to the de facto regime of the

Salakaraju brothers did not produce any immediate result. The
moral tone of the administration deteriorated further. An atmo-
sphere of selfishness and brutality prevailed. The imperial hold
over the southern provinces became lax and Madura, Tanjore
and other places began to dominate politics in the south. About
the same period the Portuguese established them-
selves on the coast in and around Tuticorin. It was feared
that the empire would crumble at any moment. Achyuta died
in 1542 A.D. amidst those precarious conditions.
Achyuta was an ardent Vaishnavite and made donations

very generously to the temples and Brahmins. He was also
a liberal patron of art and letters. His court poet Rajanatha
Dindima wrote 'Achyutarayabhyudayam' in Sanskrit, Achyuta's
queen, Tirumalamba wrote 'Varadubika-parinaya' on the king's
marriage with queen Varadamba. The famous Purandhara Dasa
visited Vijayanagara in the reign of Achyuta. The famous
Lepakshi temple, containing some specimens of late Vijaya-
nagara paintings, was a construction of this period.
It was during the reign of Achyutaraya that Fernao Nuniz,

a Portuguese horse trader and chronicler, visited Vijayanagara.
He stayed in the city during 1534-37 A.D. He was the first
among the travellers to evince keen interest in the
early history of Vijayanagara and he recorded the history on
the basis of the traditions current at that time. Of the 23
chapters of his chronicle, the last five chapters deal with the
contemporary social condition of Vijayanagara and the rule of
Achyutaraya.
16)
Nuniz gives a low estimate of Achyutaraya. He says,

"After ascending the throne, he gave himself over to vice and
tyranny". "He is a man of very little honesty...." "....he has
never done anything that is not desired by his two brothers-in-
law". Nuniz also describes Achyuta's tyrannical activities and
he concludes his account by declaring that Achyutaraya was
very negligent of the things which most concerned the welfare
of his kingdom and state. As K.A.N. Sastri observes this harsh
judgement on Achyuta by the traveller might be due to the
Raya's blunder in relaxing his personal hold on the administra-
tion which fell under the control of his two brothers-in-law.
THE ASCENDANCY OF RAMARAYA (1543-65 A.D.)
Achyutaraya was succeeded by his infant son Venkata I.

The infant Raya's maternal uncle, the younger Salakaraju be-
came regent in spite of the opposition of Ramaraya and his
brothers. The queen-mother, Varadambika suspected her
brother's intentions and to free her son from the clutches of
her unscrupulous brother, she sought the help of the Sultan
of Bijapur. But the regent bribed the Sultan when he was
marching to Vijayanagara, As a counter move, Ramaraya freed
Sadasiva, the nephew of Achyuta, from the Gutti prison, pro-
claimed him emperor and sought the Bijapur Sultan's help
against Salakaraju Tirumala. At this juncture, Tirumala assassi-
nated Venkata I and other members of the royal family and
declared himself ruler. From then onwards Salakaraju Tirumala's
tyranny became unbearable. He indulged in the most atrocious
cruelties. He invited Ibrahim Ad/I Shah I of Bijapur to his
rescue against the machinations of Ramaraya. He even seated
the Sultan on the throne of Vijayanagara.
The patriots could not bear this humiliation and many of

them now rallied round Ramaraya to retrieve the honour of
their land. They played a trick on Salakaraju Tirumala, promis-
ing submission and loyalty for ever provided the Sultan was
sent away. The plighted word was believed by Tirumala and
he sent away the Sultan after paying him huge compensation.
Soon after the Sultan's departure from Vijayanagara, Ramaraya
and his supporters marched on Vijayanagara, defeated and

caught the usurper and beheaded him on the spot. Ramaraya,
with the consent of all parties, raised Sedasiva to the throne
of Vijayanagara and himself became the Regent in 1543 A.D.
Ramaraya was the great-grandson of Araviti Bukka, an

officer of Saluva Narasimha. Since these people originally
hailed from Aravidu in the Kurnool district, the family came
to be known as the Aravidu family. Ramaraya's two surviving
brothers were Tirumala and Venkatadri. According to an
anonymous chronicler of Golkonda. it was in the kingdom of
Golkonda in the service of Quil Qutb Shah, Ramaraya rose to
importance for sometime. The Sultan rewarded him suitably
for conquering some of the outlying provinces of the Vijaya-
nagara empire. He gave him Jagir of Mast-Sonti and placed
him in charge of the conquered areas. Three years later, when
Ramaraya was defeated in one of the Bijapur-Golkonda wars,
he was dismissed from service. During this short period of
service at Golkonda, he gained first hand knowledge about
the politics of Golkonda and acquired many Muslim and Hindu
friends.
Later, Ramaraya entered the service of Krishnadevaraya.

pleased him by his talents and married his daughter. His
brother Tirumalaraya married another daughter of Krishnadeva-
raya. The Portuguese writer Couto says that Ramaraya was
a great general in Krishnadeva's army and was the governor
in Badaghas and Teligas. According to 'Ramarajiyamu', he
had also been 'Kalyanapuravaradhisvara' (Kalyandurg in Anan-
tapur district). After Sadasiva's enthronement, he became "the
Agent for Affairs". His brothers Tirumala and Venkatadri
became minister and general respectively.
Inscriptions of the period show that Sadasiva was re-

cognised by everyone as the real sovereign, but was only
nominally. The whole power was in the hands of Ramaraya
and his brothers. Being the son-in-law of the great king
Krishnadevaraya, he was popular as 'Aliya' (son-in-law) Rama-
raya. He was also called 'Kodanda Rama'. One notices three
definite stages in his ascendency. In the first stage from 1543

A.D. to 1549-50 A.D., he was nothing but the Regent on
behalf of the king. He showed respect to the king, who mostly
resided at the capital, and carried on administration as 'the
Agent for Affairs' of Sadasiva's empire. In the second stage,
in 1550 A.D. he imprisoned Sadasiva in a strongly fortified
tower with iron doors surrounded by sentries; but treated him
as King, showing to the public only once a year. During this
stage, which lasted almost upto 1563 A.D. inscriptions put the
power of Ramaraya on equality with that of Sadasiva. It was
during this period, Ramaraya strengthened his position by eleva-
ting his relatives to high offices. In the third stage, from
sometime in 1563 A.D. he stopped the annual ceremony of
exhibiting the emperor to his subjects. He assumed imperial
titles and issued pagodas (gold coins) in his name. But there
is no evidence of his coronation as emperor. Cauto writes
that the Aravidu brothers used to go once a year to Sadasiva's
prison like palace in order to do homage to him as their
sovereign.
Ramaraya's enemies in the land to the south of Chandragiri

could not bear his ascendency and made attempts to defy his
authority. Ramaraya had to send expeditions to Travancore
and the Fishery Coast in the south between the years 1543 A.D.
and 1558 A.D. to subdue the defiant and aggressive activities
of those rebels. He put down all the centrifugal forces with
a stern hand and his cousin, Vitthala restored the central autho-
rity over Travancore and the Fishery coast. Visvanatha Nayaka
and his son Krishnappa I of Madura tent support to Vitthala
in his endevour.
"With the Portuguese Ramaraya's relations were by no

means always friendly." After the advent of Martin Alfonso
de Sousa as Governor of Goa in 1542 A.D., the Portuguese
attitude towards Vijayanagara changed to the worse. He at-
tacked and plundered the port of Bhatkal. He organised a
plundering raid on Kanchi. In 1544 A.D., Martin made a plan
to rob the temple of Tirupati. It was not executed due to the
vigilance of the imperial authority. But in 1547 A.D,. the
friendship between The Portuguese and the Vijayanagara was

renewed by a treaty, especially when Castro succeeded Martin
as governor. By this treaty, Vijayanagara secured the mono-
poly of the horse trade with the Portuguese. But in 1558 A.D.,
the Regent marched to the Portuguese settlement at St. Thome
(Mylapore) to plunder it as he got complaints of the destruc-
tion of several temples on the coast down to Nagapattinam
by the Christian Portuguese missionaries. This expedition did
not effect the relations of Vijayanagara with the Portuguese
Viceroy. But it is not clear that what steps were taken by
Vijayanagara to afford protection to its vassals end subjects
from their forcible conversions into Christianity carried on by
the Portuguese missionaries.
RAMARAYA'S FOREIGN POLICY

(Relations with the Deccan Sultans) AND
THE BATTLE OF KRISHIMABANNIHATTI (1565 A.D.)
Ramaraya was an ambitious master politician, well versed
in power politics. It appears that he subscribed to the view
that 'the end justifies means'. This was the principle that
governed his foreign policy. His clever, cunning and diplomatic
foreign policy was aimed at making Vijayanagara supreme,
safeguarding the interests of the empire at any cost and placing
himself at the helm of affairs. Ramaraya was determined to re-
store the power of the Vijayanagara empire to what it was
during the days of Krishnadevaraya. This led him to interfere
in the inter-state politics of the neighbouring Deccan Sultanates.
Mutual jealousy, rivalry and old family feuds that appeared
among the Deccan Sultans were exploited by Ramaraya to the
advantage of Vijayanagara, The Deccan States "among them-
selves cherished the ambitions of their own,—and these showed
themselves in various degrees of activity according to the
circumstances of the moment. They often fought with each
other for aggrandisement and sought the assistance of the
neighbouring Hindu ruler". Ramaraya availed himself of this
advantage and supported one party or the other according
to the exigencies of the time. He was not desirous of terri-
torial expansion in the northern or the eastern direction of his
empire. His objective was to maintain balance of power in

Deccan. This was evident from the fact that he was every day
to go to the help of the victim of aggression. He firmly believed
that the safety and security of Vijayanagar lay in the rivalries
of the Deccan Sultanates. This was nothing but a shrewd
diplomacy of the modern type. As a part of this, he always
tried to keep his opponents divided so as to weaken their
power. This policy of 'divide and rule' and himself diplomatically
assuming the role of an arbitrator paid rich dividends. His
insight into the Muslim politics while in service under the
Sultan of Golkonda came to his help. For twenty-three years,
he successively made war against the Deccan Sultans and in
all but the test, he was victorious.
In 1543 A.D., Burhan Nizam Shah of Ahmadnagar, in alliance

with Ramaraya and Qutb Shah of Golkonda, attacked Bijapur.
Ramaraya's brother Venkatadri proceeded to reduce the Raichur
doab. Ibrahim Adil Shah of Bijapur was able to detach Vijaya-
nagara and Ahmadnagar from the alliance through his general
Asad Khan's well-tried elderly statesmanship. Then Asad
marched on Golkonda, defeated the Qutb Shah and wounded
him.
In the following year, at the instigation of Ramaraya, Burhan

again attacked Bijapur, but was completely defeated. Four
years later, Burhan, with the assistance of Ramaraya, captured
the fort Kalyani from Bidar and the fort remained in Burhan's
possession till his death in 1553 A.D.
In 1549 A.D., when an alliance was formed between the

Sultans of Bijapur and Bidar, Burhan sought the alliance of
Ramaraya. In the war that ensued, the Vijayanagara forces
captured the Raichur doab once again.
In 1557 A.D., Hussain Nizam Shah, the son and successor

of Burhan of Ahmadnagar, in alliance with Ibrahim Qutb Shah
of Golkonda, attacked Bijapur and laid siege to Gulbarga.
Ibrahim Adil Shah of Bijapur sought the help of Vijayanagara.
Ramaraya marched in person at the head of a big army. But
he felt anxious to avoid bloodshed. He brought about a meeting

of all the parties and this resulted in the treaty of 'collective
Security' by which if any one of the contending parties became
a victim of an unjust attack, the others were to join him
against the aggressor. Thus Ramaraya played the part of an
'honest broker.'
When Ibrahim Adil Shah of Bijapur died, his young son

All Adil Shah renewed his father's alliance with Ramaraya by
entering into a new treaty. In 1560 A.D., when Hussain Nizam
Shah of Ahmadnagar broke the four kings' peace of 1557 A.D-
and attacked Bijapur, Ramaraya took an active part in the league
organised by Ali Adil Shah I against Ahmadnagar The allied
army captured Kalyani and later on defeated the Nizam Shah
in the battle of Jamkhed. Finally Hussain concluded peace
by ceding Kalyani to Ali Adil Shah. According to Ferishta, in
this invasion, the Hindu soldiers committed horrible attrocities
in Ahmadnagar. The country was laid waste. The honour of
Muslim women was insulted. Mosques were destroyed and
even the sacred Koran was not respected. The victorious army
invaded and devastated Bidar as well.
Immediately after the allies left, Hussain allied himself

with Ibrahim Qutb Shah of Golkonda and laid siege to Kalyani.
But Ramaraya and Ali Adil Shah forced him to retreat from
Kalyani. While the Bijapur army chased the Golkonda troops,
Ramaraya pursued the Nizam Shah. Ahmadnagar was besieged
a second time, but owing to floods in the adjacent river, could
not succeed. In this second invasion of Admadnagar, Fensta
states, "The Hindus of Vijayanagar committed the most out-
rageous devastations, burning and razing the buildings, putting
up their horses in mosques and performing their idolatrous
worship in holy places". Ibrahim Qutb Shah of Golkonda, who
was beaten back from Kalyani, attacked Kondavidu to divert
Ramaraya's attention from Golkonda, but with no success. He
surrendered Kovilkonda, Ganpura and Panugal forts in 1563 A.O.
Ferishta observes, "Ramaraya also, at the conclusion of
this expedition, looking on the Islam Sultans as of little con-
sequence, refused proper honours to their ambassadors. Then
he did not offer them seates and treated them with most con-
temptuous reserve and hautiness. He made in public in his
train on foot not allowing them to mount till he gave orders.
On return from the test expedition the officers and soldiers of
his army in general treated the Muslims with insolance, scoffing
and contemptuous language."
Endorsing these observations of Ferishta, most of the

scholars opine that the series of the military and diplomatic
victories of Ramaraya over the Deccan Sultans made him arro-
gant and that it was his insolent behaviour that brought the
Deccan Sultans together against Vijayanagara. They hold
Ramaraya solely responsible for the battle of Rakkasa-Tangadi
(1565 A.D.). He is considered the villain of the tragic drama.
Robert Sewell goes a step forward and observes that the

character of Krishnadevaraya after his victory in the battle of
Raichur (1520 A.D.) led to the confederacy of the Muslim
Sultans to crush the Vijayanagara empire. After the Sultan
of Bijapur was worsted in that battle and sued for peace, the
Raya demanded that the Sultan should visit him and kiss his
foot. This hardened the attitude of the Sultans towards Vijaya-
nagara. Sewell writes, "The Hindu victory so weakened the
power and prestige of Adil Shah that he ceased altogether to
dream of any present conquest in the south, and turn his
attention to cementing alliances with the Muhammadan sove-
reigns, his neighbours. The victory also caused all the other
Muhammadan powers in the Deccan seriously to consider the
political condition of the country; and this eventually Jed to a
combination without which nothing was possible, but by the
aid of which the Vijayanagara Empire was finally overthrown
and the way to the south opened. It further more greatly
effected the Hindus by raising in them a spirit of pride and
arrogance, which added fuel to the fire, caused them to become
positively intolerable to their neighbours, and accelerated their
own downfall."
However this charge cannot be taken as serious because

it was the confirmed policy of the Bahmani Sultans to humiliate
the Vijayanagara rulers by waging constant wars and taking

them as Jihads. Wether it was Krishnadevaraya or Ramaraya,
they had done only that which the Bahmani Sultans and their
successors had followed. The victor becoming somewhat
haughty and arrogant towards the vanquished, and the victorious
army, whether it was Hindu or Muslim, ransacking and plunder-
ing and devastating the enemy's country and committing
excesses were nothing but common during those days.
However, the point that Ramaraya insulted Islam cannot

be accepted. It was the legacy and heritage of the Vijaya-
nagara's past from the days of the Sangamas which Ramaraya
inherited and followed. Large number of Muslims were recruited
into the Vijayanagara army. They were given complete religi-
ous freedom. Ramaraya built a mosque for them, treated them
generously and even assigned a special quarter of the city,
Turkavada, for them. As a matter of fact, both Ramaraya and
his wife treated Ali Adil Shah of Bijapur as their adopted son
Hence there is no substance in the argument that he showed
disrespect to Islam.
Then what were the factors that prompted the formation

of the confederacy by the Deccan Sultans against Vijayanagara?
The existence of the Vijayanagara kingdom was found to be
irksome from the beginning to the Muslims. As long as there
was one Bahmani kingdom, the power of Vijayanagara was
contained within certain limits and there was no fear of its
expansion at the cost of the Muslims. But when the kingdom
itself broke into five independent Sultanates, the Muslim power
weakened much, thus making united resistance to Vijayanagara
a difficult task. It was this element that was exploited by
Krishnadevaraya and for the first time be humbled the pride
of the Muslims. Ramaraya went a step ahead. He established
his mastery over them and even made them prostrate before
him. in the course of the inter-state struggle, the Deccan
Sultanates grew weaker and weaker and their counterpart
Vijayanagara grew stronger. By the close of 1564 A.D. The
Deccan Sultans realised that they were fighting among them-
selves to the advantage of Vijayanagara. They formed a strong
confederacy.
As the authors of the 'Further sources of Vijayanagara

History' observes, "the real cause (for the formation of the
confederacy) was the fear engenendered in the mind of the
Deccan Sultans by the rapid growth of Ramaraya's power.
Taking advantage of the frequent quarrels which engrossed
their attention, he not only recovered the territory which they
had seized during his struggle with Achyuta and Tirumala
(Salakaraju), but succeeded in establishing his hegemony over
them. Ramaraya's supremacy was most galling to the Muslim
rulers. His great power coupled with their individual helpless-
ness against him had driven them to resort to combined action.
This was the real cause for the confederacy which brought
about Ramaraya's downfall".
In the strong league that was organised for the overthrow

of Vijayanagara, Berar was not a partner. According to
Basatin-us-Salatin, it was because of her deep-rooted hatred
towards Ahmadnagar, Berar did not join the coalition. the
contemporary chroniclers say that Hussain Nizam Shah of
Ahmadnagar and Ibrahim Qutb Shah of Golkonda took the
leading part in the formation of the confederacy, because they
alone had suffered most. In order to cement their political
alliance, Ali Adil Shah married Chand Bibi, the daughter of
Hussain Nizam Shah, Hussain's eldest son married one of the
sisters of AM Adil Shah. There was probably a third marriage
alliance between Ahmadnagar and Golkonda. Sholapur which
was the bone of contention between Ahmadnagar and Bijapur
was ceded to Hussain by Ali. Complete war preparations
were made. An easy excuse for the war was found when
Ramaraya refused to return the Raichur doab. Consequently,
the confederate forces reached and encamped at Tallikota about
30 Kilometres north of the Krishna and after negotiations for
33 days the rival forces began the battle on the banks of the
river Krishna.
The controversial name of the battle itself calls for dis-

cussion. It is a misnomer to call it 'the battle of Tallikota'.
Tallikota was the place where the Muslim forces numbering
50,000 cavalry, 3,00,000 infantry along with 6,000 Maratha
horsemen besides some elephants and a few hundreds of

canons encamped and where the allies were entertained by
All Adil Shah with great splendour. It is on account of this,
though the battle was not fought at that place, the name of
Tallikota assumed much importance. The Hindu accounts
unanimously refer to the battle as 'the battle of Rakshasi-
Tangadi' since it was on the plains between these two villages
to the south of the river Krishna, the battle was fought. But
this name also is a misnomer. The Vijayanagara forces, num-
bering 70,000 cavalry and 90,000 infantry besides elephants
and artillery (the actual number swelled into lakhs with the
reinforcements coming from the south at the time of actual
batting), encamped near these two villages. The actual battle
was fought on the open grounds of Bannihatti village on the
sangam of Maski and Hukeri on the southern bank of the
river Krishna. Hence it would be appropriate if the battle is
called 'the battle of Krishna-Bannihatti.'
Even with regard to the duration of the war, the Muslim

accounts say that it was a very short affair, that the fierce
engagement took place on 23rd January, 1565 A.D. and that
the battle lasted for a few hours, Jess than four hours. Taking
into consideration the extent, resources, man-power and past
military record, it is inconievable to conclude that the fate of
Vijayanagara was decided in the four hours' engagement. How
could the Deccan Sultans, who severally and conjointly suffered
repeated reverses on previous occasions, overthrow the indo-
mitable Ramaraya in less than four hours fight? The Hindu
accounts seem to be right since they say that the war lasted
for more than six months and one battle with intense fury
was fought for twentyseven days continuously.
Anyway Ramaraya, even at a ripe old age (according to

Ferishta, he was seventy years old, and according to the
Portuguese writers Couto and Fairy Sousa, he was ninety-six
years old), along with his brothers faced the situation with
great confidence. In one of the engagements, they practically
defeated the confederates and compelled them to beat a
retreat. To dupe the Hindu army, the allies had a cunning
stratagem. They gave out the impression that they would like
to come to terms with Ramaraya and seemed to start nego-
tiations. In the meantime, they recouped their strength. More
important than this is that they opened secret communication
with the Muslim officers in the army of Ramaraya and a secret
understanding was arrived at with them.
In the end the allies made a treacherous night attack upon

the Vijayanagara camp. In spite of this and irrespective of
his age, Ramaraya directed the operations in person. But at
the crucial moment, the two Muslim commanders of the Vijaya-
nagara army, each in charge of a large contingent, deserted to
the enemy side. Neither Ferishia nor Ali Ibn Aziz referred to
this treason. However Ceaser Frederick, who visited Vijaya-
nagara shortly after the war, and later Perron also referred to
this fact of treason by the two Muslim generals of the Vijaya-
nagara army. Frederick says, "when the armies were joined,
the battle lasted but a while, not the space of four hours,
because the traitorous captains, in the thick of the battle,
turned their face against their king and made such a disorder
in his army that they were bewildered." The artillery of the
allies under Chalabi Rumikhan of Asia Minor also played havoc.
Ramaraya was captured in the midst of confusion and Hussain,
with great vengeance, put him to death instantaneously, in
that panic and confusion, the Vijayanagara army took to flight.
'So great was the confusion that there was no attempt to give
battle'. Venkatadri died. Tirumala who lost an eye in the
contest hastily withdrew to Vijayanagara and left it with the
king and others, carrying away as much treasure as possible
first for Penugonda and then to Tirupati. The camp of the
Vijayanagara army was plundered. As Ferishta observes, "The
plunder was so great that every private man with in the allied
army became rich in gold, jewels, effects, tents, arms, horses
and slaves, as the Sultans left every person in possession of
what he had acquired, only taking elephants for their own use."
The left-outs in the defenceless Vijayanagara city became

a prey to the robber and jungle tribes of the neighbourhood.
Then the victorious Muslims entered the city. The armies
of the Sultans stayed in Vijayanagara for about five months

footing and plundering everything that they came across. Sewell
writes, "They slaughtered the people without mercy, broke down
the temples and palaces; and wreaked such savage vengeance
on the abode of kings, that, with the exception of a few great
stone-built temples and walls nothing now remains...They de-
molished the statues...Nothing seemed to escape them...with
fire and sword, with crowbars and axes, they carried on day
after day their work of destruction. Never perhaps in the
history of the world has such havoc bean wrought, and wrought,
so suddenly, on so splendid a city; teeming with a wealthy
and industrious population in the full of plentitude, of prosperity
one day, and on the next seized, pillaged, and reduced to
ruins, amidst scenes of savage massacre and horrors begging
description."
Dr. N. Venkataramanayya remarks, "The battle of Rakshasi-

Tangadi was the Waterloo of the Vijayanagara history. Though
Vijayanagara empire flourished for nearly another century with
the fall of Ramaraya on the field of Rakshasi-Tangadr in 1565,
its glory began to wane and it ceased to be the dominant
power in the deccan and the Rayas never attempted once again
to recover their lost ground."
However these observations of the scholars, especially of

Sewell have been questioned by Fr. Heras and Sathianatttaiar.
According Fr. Heras, Sewell completely misdescribed the con-
dition of Vijayanagara as caused by the Muslims during their
stay there after the battle, completely basing on the Muslim
chronicles particularly that of the biased Ferishta. Ferishta's
saying that the chief buildings were razed to the ground in an
exaggeration, for the simple reason that the chief buildings
of the capital like the huge imposing basements both in the
royal enclosure and in the zenana, the partly destroyed gopu-
rams of the Vitthala, Krishna, Achyuta temples, the beautiful
well-kept tower of the Virupaksha temple and even the two
small shrines of Ganesa may be partly seen even now. "His
religious prejudice against the idols and the temples of the
unbelievers made him suppose things done in the imperial city
of which its invaders were never guilty.' it is true that almost

all the idols of worship were broken and several structures
of the city were destroyed by the invaders, partly while search-
ing for treasures and partly by order of Hussain Nizam Shah
who set on fire a number of houses. Besides, one should not
forget that more than four centuries have elapsed since those
memorable days and time is as sure a destroyer as man. It
was the desertion of the city by the Rayas that gradually
ruined the city.
Fr. Heras opines that the Deccan Sultans did not intend
to destroy Vijayanagara. This was evident from two aspects—
their about five months' long stay within the walls of Vijaya-
nagara, indicating their intention of retaining the city for them-
selves, and secondly their construction of new structures there
like the queen's bath, elephants' stable, the lotus mahal etc.
with mortar, marvellously combining both Hindu and Muslim
styles. Yet six months after their triumphal arrival, the Sultans
left Vijayanagara. "They departed to their own kingdom,"
Frederick relates, "because they were not able to maintain
such a kingdom as that was so far distant from their own
country."
Undoubtedly, the battle of Krishna-Bannihatti (1565 A.D.)
"did vital damage to the empire, but the empire was still intact
and could go on for another century almost with a compara-
tively brilliant epoch of a generation before it got weakened
by the constant invasions from the north, and dismembered
by the dissatisfaction and rebellion of the viceroys within. This
is the sad tale of the end of Vijayanagara; the actual ending
of which is marked by the beginning of the Maratha power
in the south". The battle of Bannihatti was no doubt the
climacteric, but not the grand climacteric of the Vijayanagara
empire. It necessitated the desertion of the imperial capital
and resulted in the loss of the Raichur derail. Peace was
concluded- Tirumala returned to the capital after the Sultans'
departure and tried to repopulate it. His efforts could not
succeed. Hence he shifted to Penukonda and ruled as the
regent of Sadasiva. It is said that Sadasiva continued to live
in the deserted Vijayanagara where he died in 1576 A.D.
The battle of 1565 A.D. had its own direct or indirect

impact on the Deccan Sultanates. Since the danger from
Vijayanagara was minimised after the battle, the unity forged
among the Sultans disappeared and they weakened themselves
in their mutual wars and with the result ultimately fell an easy
prey to the Mughal aggression from the north-
It is also said that the ruin of the city of Vijayanagara and

the shrinkage in the power and prestige of the empire adversely
affected the Portuguese trade. Sewell observes, "Goa rose
and fell simultaneously with the rise and fall of the Tuluva
dynasty." Partly, it may be true. However the Portuguese
monopoly of the Indian Ocean remained unbroken till 1595,
fifteen years after the fatal union of Portugal and Spain. Sub-
sequently, Philip II of Spain neglected the Portuguese dominions
in India and involved Portugal in costly and disastrous European
wars. By 1602, the Dutch deprived Portugal of their hold over
Spice islands etc.
TULUVA DYNASTY
6. Vijayanagara after the Battle of Bannihatti

(1665 A.D.)
(Araridu Dynasty)
The defeat of Vijayanagara in the battle of Bannihatti
(1565 A.D.) simply reduced the empire's military prestige.
economic prosperity and the extent of its territorial jurisdiction.
The empire itself did not perish. It continued to linger on for
nearly a century more with ever diminishing territories and

languishing revenues. Ramaraya's brother Tirumala carried
away much of the wealth to Penugonda before the entry of
the victorious Muslim army into the imperial capital.
After the departure of the Muslims from Vijayanagara,

Tirumala returned to the city along with the king Sadasiva.
His attempts repopulate the city and restore it to its former
glory did not yield any fruitful result. Keeping in view the
ambitions of the intriguing sons of Ramaraya and the constant
threat of further Muslim aggression, he moved back to Penu-
gonda, leaving behind the king, and began to govern the state
in the name of Sadasiva, who was a nominal sovereign till
1568-69. There upon he started his independent rule, crowning
himself at Penugonda.
In order to strengthen his hold on the southern portions,

Tirumalaraya divided the empire into three divisions on iin-
guistc basis and appointed his sons as viceroys over them,
As a part of his attempts to revive the glorious traditions
of Vijayanagara, he maintained a splendid court at Penugonda
which was adorned by the Telugu poet Bhattumurti (Rama-
rajabhushana), the author of 'Vasucharitra'.
The Vijayanagara empire began to shrink during the reign

of his son Sri Ranga I (1572-85). The Sultans of Bijapur and
Golkonda made further inroads into the Vijayanagara territory.
However in the reign of Sri Range's brother Venkatapati II
(1585-1614), the original boundaries of the empire and its
prosperity and grandeur, were restored. He was the most
powerful ruler of the Aravidu dynasty and his reign may be
considered the last flicker of the Vijayanagara empire. He com-
pelled the Sultan of Golkonda to recognise the Krishna as the
boundary between the two states. The Bijapur Sultan Ibrahim
Adil Shah's two invasions were repulsed. Venkatapati II waged
incessant struggle against the internal rebels of the empire
almost from the beginning of his rule. By force of arms, he
brought back to allegiance the Nayaks of Madura, Gingee and
Vellore. Probably to exercise a greater control over the vassals
of the south, he transferred his capital to Chandragiri by 1602

A.D. Later, for all practical purposes, Vellore became the
capital.
in the later part of his reign, Venkatapatiraya faced two

problems arising from the Mughal emperor Akbar's imperialism
and the advent of the Dutch traders in the eastern waters. He
was prepared to measure swords with the Mughals. When
the Mughals crossed the Vindhyas, there was considerable
diplomatic stir in the south. But with Akbar's death in 1605,
there was a sigh of relief. Venkatapatiraya displayed great
tact and firmness towards the European traders. He was
frendiiest with the Portuguese, exchanged embassies with them,
gave protection to the Jesuit mission in his empire and even
supported them against the Dutch. Yet when required, he
did not hesitate to put down the unruly behaviour of the
Portuguese at St. Thome. Later he supported the Dutch
against the Portuguese to establish settlements at Pulicat-
Venkatapati made sustained efforts to reorganise the

Government and increase its economic prosperity. He main-
tained a brilliant court and rendered patronage to men of arts
and tetters. Eminent scholars and poets like Tatacharya, Matla
Ananta and Tarigoppula Mallana flourished in his court.
Venkatapati's death was a signal for the civil war. His

brother's son was to succeed to the throne. But his queen
Bayamma. with the support of her brother Jaggaraya of the
Gobburi family, put forward the claims of her putative son.
In the civil war that ensued, Sriranga's son supported by
Velugoti Yachama Nayaka, was successful in getting the throne.
But he was soon murdered and his successor Ramadeva could
not keep his vassals under check. Exploiting the situation,
the Bijapur Sultan made repeated inroads, and subsequently
collected tributes from the chieftains of Keladi and Bangalore
The last ruler of the Aravidu family. Sriranga III lost even the
capital Vellore and thus was reduced to the position of
emperor without empire' He was forced to retire to Balur.
With his death in or about 1678. the end of the empire came.
17)
However the Marathas under Shivaji continued the Vijayanagara

traditions.
7. General Features of the Vijayanagara Empire

ADMINISTRATION
A tiny state of Vijayanagara which was founded in 1336
A.D. had grown in course of time into a mighty empire. With
this expansion, its rulers at the same time recognised the fact
that its strength and stability depended to a large extent on
sound administration. So they organised an efficient system
of administration, introducing changes from time to time
depending upon the exigencies of the period. The government
is characterised by a strong centre with a scheme of decen-
tralisation.
CENTRAL GOVERNMENT
Commenting on the administrative set up of the Vijaya-

nagara empire, T.V. Mahalingam says, "It is generally said that
in medieval Europe, feudalism was a necessity of the times.
Similarly, the particular form of government that obtained in
Vijayanagara was a necessity of the period. The very fact
that, in the Vijayanagara empire there existed side by side
with one another various heterogenous elements, diverse in-
terests and communities necessitated a strong monarchial form
of government." It was a hereditary monarchy. But, when
times arose, the able and ambitious ministers and generals did
not hesitate to remove the incompetent kings, whose policies
undermined the stability of the kingdom, and to usurp the
throne. Coronation was an important ceremony since it pro-
vided legal sanction.
'Amuktamalyada' says that the King was the pivot of the

entire administrative mechinery and was the most important
limb of the body politic. He was the supreme authority in civil,
military and judicial affairs. The people of Vijayanagara showed
their respect to the kings for their personal bravery, character
and integrity. They did not, at the same time, lag behind to
exhibit their dislike towards the weak, cruel and sensuous
usurpers and patricides.
The kings had an enlightened conception of their duties

and responsibilities as the head of the government. Krishna-
devaraya in his 'Amuktamalyada' says, "A crowned king should
always rule with an eye towards Dharma, the lives of gods like
Indra, Varuna. Vaisravana, Vayu and Agni are the results of
their actions. The various worlds as Bhuh, Bhuvah and Suvah
owe their positions to Dharma". He writes "he should trans-
form the Kali age to Krita age". Protecting the people and
redressing their grievances were the primary duties of the
king. That is to say dushtanigraha and sishtaparipalana was
his most important duty. He was permitted to use danda
(force) to discharge properly this function. He must see that
the people would adhere to the rules of Vama and Asrama.
He considered that to look to the economic prosperity of the
people was also his duty. For this, measures were taken to
extend agriculture by clearing forests and provide irrigational
facilities. Protection and encouragement to foreign merchants
were given. Industries like mining were undertaken by the
state.
Though the king possessed absolute powers, he was not

a tyrant. He was not a law-maker. He had to follow the
customs, traditions and public opinion. He had a paternal
conception of his duties. Allasani Peddana mentions, "He
(Krishnadevaraya) ruled over his subjects with kindness as
if they were his own children".
There was a ministerial council headed by Mahapradham

to assist the king in his task of administration. Mahapradhani,
Dandanayaka and Samantadhikari were some of the members
of this council. It seems that gradation was also there among
the ministers. Mahapradhanis like Saluva Timmarasa exercised
complete control over the administrates and commanded even
the household. The ministers maintained an organised bureau-
cracy to carry on the day to day work of the government.
Krishnaraya opines, "When the work of a single officer is

entrusted to a number of men and when is of them is assisted
by a number of friends, the business of the state may be easily
accomplished. The satisfaction (with the rulers) increases
or decreases with the increase or decrease of their number.
Nothing can be achieved without the willing cooperation of
several officers; to keep them docile and obedient, truthfulness
and absence of niggardliness and cruelty are helpful." 'Amukta-
maiyada' refers to officials like Rayasams (secretaries writing
down the orders of the king), Sasanacharyas (officers drafting
the orders), Sampraties (secretaries of Heads of Departments)
etc. The kings maintained magnificent courts attended by
nobles, learned priests, astrologers and musicians.
REVENUE ADMINISTRATION
Inscriptions and accounts of the foreign travellers throw

light on the revenue and financial administration of Vijayanagara.
References were made to assignment of land, remission of the
revenues, income from Sand, levy of fresh taxes and renewal
obsolete ones. Land revenue was the major source of income.
Depending upon the nature of the soil and the kind of crop
grown, taxes were levied. Taxation was not uniform through-
out the empire. One-sixth of the produce was generally paid
as the state's share. It was one-twentieth and one-thirtieth
in the case of lands held by Brahmins and temples respectively.
Besides the land-tax the ryots paid grazing tax, marriage tax
etc. The other sources of revenue for the state
were customs duties, tolls on roads, revenue from gardening
plantations, taxes on property, professional taxes, tax on in-
dustries, military contributions, judicial income and fines and
other customary payments. Taxes were generally paid both
in cash and kind. On the whole it may be said that the in-
cidence of taxation was hevy. The provincial governors and
revenue officials often practised oppression on the people
However, at times, as part of redressal of grievances of the
people, remissions were made. A separate department called
'Athavane' efficiently looked into the land revenue administration.
JUDICIAL ADMINISTRATION
K.A.N. Sastri writes, "Justice was administered by a
heirarchy of courts, the emperor's sabha being the highest
appellate authority." No doubt, the king was the chief judge.
But. generally on his behalf, the Pradhani dispensed justice.
In provinces, the Governors discharged the function as part of
their duty. Courts of different grades at different levels func-
tioned. Appeals lay from the lower to the higher courts.
Trial by ordeal was in vogue. Treason was considered

a heinous offence. Punishments were very severe. Nuniz
states, "For a thief whatever theft he commits, howsoever
little it be, they forthwith cut off a foot and a hand...If man
outrages a respectable woman or a virgin he has the same
punishment...Nobles who became traitors are sent to be impaled
alive on a wooden stake thrust through belly." Abdur Razzak
writes, "sometimes they order the criminals to be cast down
before the feet of an elephant that they may be killed by its
knees, trunks and tusks." But equality before law was not
enforced. Brahmins were exempted from capital punishment.
Consideration was shown for criminals ordered to be executed.
Krishnadevaraya writes, "In the matter of people sentenced
to death, give them the chance to appeal trice (for mercy).
But in the case of those people whose escape might bring on
a calamity to yourself, immediate execution is advisable."
Though the Vijayanagara rulers did not maintain a state
department of police, each district had its own arrangements.
Preservation of peace and order and detection of crime were
the main duties of the police men. Talari, Kavaligar and Desa-
kavaligar were some of the police officers referred in the con-
temporary Vijayanagara records. Abdur Razzak greatly com-
mended the police system in the capital Regular street-petroll-
ing at nights was referred. Espionage system was regular and
efficient
MILITARY ORGANISATION
For a state like Vijayanagara, which had to fight constantly
with the Muslims of the Deccan its very existence and stability
depended on its military strength. So its rulers had to maintain

a huge standing army, which was not of course uniform alt
through. In times of need, the standing army was reinforced
by auxiliary forces of the feudatories and nobles. They organized
a military department called 'Kandachara' under the control of
the Dandanayaka (Dannayaka) who was assisted by a staff
of minor officials. The king's guards were called the gentleman
troopers. In the warfare of the Vijayanagara period, infantry
including even Muslims, cavalry strengthened by good Ormuz
horse supplies through the Portuguese, elephants "lofty as hills
and gigantic as demons" and strong forts coupled with artillery
played an important role. Review of the forces used to take
place every year at the close of the Mahanavami festival.
Krishnadevaraya exhibited sentiment and personal touch, when,
after the battle was over, he used to go to the scene of war
and arrange for giving aid to the wounded. He even rewarded
the gallantry.
PROVINCIAL ADMINISTRATION
The Vijayanagara empire consisted of vassal states and

imperial provinces. The provinces that were directly admini-
stered by the emperor through his representatives were
generally known as Rajyas or Mandalas or sometimes even
as Chavidis. The vassal states were administered through
the Nayakas (or Samantas).
For the imperial provinces, the distinguished members of

the royal family were appointed as governors (ex: Kumara
Kampana, Devaraya etc.) At times when suitable members
were not found in the royal family or when a capable and
trustworthy officer of the centra) government was required to
administer a troubled area, such a person was appointed as
governor (ex: Lakkanna Dannayaka and Saluva Tirnmarasa).
Generally the king used to appoint governors after consulting
his ministers.
The governors enjoyed greater amount of autonomy within

their jurisdiction. 'They held their own courts, had their own
officers, maintained their territories without interference from

central authority. They enjoyed the right to issue coins and
maintain law and order in their respective province. However
they were required to submit regular accounts of the income'
and expenditure of their charges to the central government and
render military aid in times of necessity. They maintained an
agent at the imperial capital to keep themselves informed of
the happenings at the court. In case of oppressive and tyran-
nical governors, the central government used to interfere
Depending upon the requirement, the governors were
even transferred from one place to another. The autonomy
enjoyed by these governors later led to the disruption of the
empire under incompetent rulers.
NAYAKARA SYSTEM
In the second type of provinces, the administration was

done by the feudal vassals, variously called Samanta, Nayaka
etc. The system of administration of the kingdom through these
feudal vassals (Nayakas) is known as the Nayankara system
in the Vijayanagara times. This is an important feature of the
Vijayanagara provincial organisation. This system resembles
somewhat the feudal system of medieval Europe. 'The king
being the owner of the soil granted lands to some persons
as a reward. They were called nayakas and ruler over the
territory under their charge with great freedom. In return
they had to pay a fixed amount as tribute to the king besides
maintaining a prescribed number of troops for the service of
the sovereign during war.' On ceremonial occasions, these
Nayakas offered the king great presents of money and costly
gifts or presentations. Failure to conform to these obligations
was liable for punishment.
(The term 'Nayankara' is an abbreviation of 'Amaranayen-
kara', composed of three syllables, Amara Nayaka and Kara.
Amara literally stands for a command of a thousand foot
soldiers. Nayaka stands for the military chief who held land
from the king. Kara probably means an office. Thus the term
Amaranayakara' may be taken to refer to a military chief who
was granted land, yielding a fixed revenue for the sovereign.)
The Nayakas enjoyed semi-independent status and the

degree of autonomy enjoyed by them varied from one chief
to another chief. With regard to the fixed amount of tribute
which the Nayakas had to pay, according to Nuniz, it was
usually one-half of their revenue. Regarding the number of
troops they were required to supply to the king and to lead
them in war, Domingo paes informs that it was the soversign-
that fixed the number in proportion to the revenue they derived.
The position of Nayaka was quite different from that of

the Governor. He was merely a military vassal who had been
assigned a district in lieu of certain military and financial
obligations. He was not transferable and his office was
personal but later on became hereditary, when the kings at the
centre became weak. The Nayaks on their part gave their
lands to other tenants on the same terms on which they had
received them from the king.' The Nayakas maintained two
agents, one military and the other civil, representing their
masters' interests at the imperial city.
The Nayankara system had its own merits and demerits.

It was because of this system of administration, new settle-
ments were formed, irrigation facilities were extended, new
hands were brought under cultivation and Hindu culture and
civilization was fostered and developed. However the amount
of autonomy which the Nayakas enjoyed gave them sufficient
opportunity to engage themselves in local wars and mutual
feuds. They even defied at times the Central authority. 'In
spite of its inherent weaknesses, it served its purpose tolerably
well.'
LOCAL ADMINISTRATION
For administrative purposes and for promoting efficiency,

the provinces were further subdivided. The names of the
sub-divisions and their officers differed with the locality. They
were 'Kottams' or 'Venthe' (districts), 'Nadus' or 'Simas'
(Taluks) and 'Sthalas' (groups of villages). In parts of Kar-
nataka, the sthalas were further divide into 'Nadukas' and
'Vatitas'. Village was the last unit of administration. Each

village was a self-sufficient unit. The ancient institution, of
popular village assemblies or sabhas continued during the Vijaya-
nagara period. The village assembly conducted the administra-
tion of the area under its charge (executive, judicial and police)
through its hereditary officers like Gowda, Karanika, Kavalu
etc. In big villages there was the representative of the king
known as 'Adhikeri'. Besides, the Ayagar system came into
prominence during this period, The Ayagars were a body
of village functionaries (about 12 officials), who were in charge
of the administration of rural areas. One of them the Talaiyari
was the watchman of the village and of the crops.' Then
there were associations of a corporate character (guilds) referred
in 'Amuktamalyada', enjoying some concurrent powers with
the sabha and cooperating with it in the transaction of its
business.
SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC LIFE
The social life of Vijayanagara is of great interest. The re-

anination of Hindu life, resulting in the revival of the ancient
Dharma modified to some extent by the experience of the age,
was seen during this period. The kings endevoured to protect
the Varnasrama Dharma arid maintain the social solidarity. The
prevalence of filial love' was instrumental in bringing together
into closer relationship the various conflicting elements in the
social life of the people.'
The caste system of the Hindu society had already lost

its regid nature. The Brahmins were still the most respected
members of the society. They were found in almost every
walk of life, enjoying even high offices as ministers and generals
in the state. It is curious to note that the name Kshatriya did
not figure during this period. The commercial and agricultural
classes might have made up the vitality. As T.V. Mahalingam
says, the rise of a social consciousness among the different
communities was the significant feature of the social history
of the later Vijayanagara period. At the lower levels, communi-
ties like the Kambalattars (originally shepherds) followed the
system of polyandry and post-puberty marriages. Their women

were noted for loose moralaity. Prostitution was widely
prevalent. Devadasi, Sati and slavery systems existed. The
writings of poets and scholars like Sarvajna and Vemana reveal
the new spirit of reform against social evils like caste restrc-
tions and untouchability.
The rulers as well the ruled bestowed attention on agri-

culture. The state provided irrigational facilities. Industres
like, diamond-mining were fully developed. The foreign visitors
like Razzak and Paes were profoundly impressed by the fully
vigorous economic life with huge population, rich bazars,
number of skilled craftsmen and dealers in precious stones
and other articles in the imperial capital. Razzak observes the
importance of roses in the daily life of the citizen. Temples, as
landlords and bankers, because of large endowments made
to them, played an important part in the public economy of
the period. Foreign trade carried on through important ports
like Honnavar, Bhatkal, Nagapatnam, Pulicat and others by
merchants and traders by forming into organisations, brought
in prosperity adding to the luxury and magnificence of court
life. However as Sathianathaier remarks, "The luxuries of the
king and his officers contributed to the splendour of the imperial
city, but the hard condition of the peasants, characteristic of
even the best period of Vijayanagara, should not be forgotten
in estimating the glories of the Hindu empire."
RELIGION
Though primarily Vijayanagara fostered and developed the

Hindu culture, it had the tradition of great tolerance towards
all religions so that bigotry was completely unknown. Inscrip
tions attest to the fact that religious persecution was never
tolerated. Reconciliation between different religious sects and
equal protection to all were referred in the records. Though
the Vijayanagara kings fought constantly against the Muslims,
no disrespect was shown to Islam at any stage. On the other
hand, they gave complete religious freedom to the Muslim
soldiers in their service. Devaraya II built a mosque for their
use in the capital. Ramaraya greatly developed Turkavada in

his time. Barboasa. the Portuguese navigator, testifies to the
spirit of tolerance of Krishnadevaraya in the following words :
"The King allows such freedom that every man may come and
go and live according to his own creed without suffering any
annoyance and without enquiry, whether he is a Christian, Jew,
Moor or Heathen—great equity and justice is observed by all."
Jainism, which did not recognise the authority of the Vedas,

received patronage and protection from the rulers. Bukka I
gave protection to the Jains of Penugonda, Hospet and others
from the Vaishnavites of Srirangam. Irugappa, a staunch Jaine
and who was the Dandanayaka of Harihara II built Jain temples
at Hampi, Kanchi and other sacred places. Devaraya II per-
mitted the Jains to build a temple at the capital in the Pan-
supari bazar.
With the coming of the Portuguese to India, Christianity
began to spread in the south in the sixteenth century. The
Jesuit priests propagated their faith. The Portuguese governors
and the Jesuit missionaries, with their combined efforts, con-
verted the Paravas, the Fisher folk on the fishery coast of
Tamilnadu during the reign of Achyutaraya. But their policy
of turning religious propaganda to political purposes roused
the resentment of the tolerant Vijayanagara kings. Ramaraya
promptly sent an expedition to fieshery coast.
Hinduism got a great impetus and protection during the

Vijayanagara period. The threat of Islam on one hand and
the influence of the Sringeri gurus like Bharati Tirtha and
Vidyaranya reduced the sectarian fanaticism. The Smartha,
Saiva and Vaishnava sects flourished freely in the empire. The
Sangamas were Saivites and their family deity was Virupaksha.
Scholars like Chamarasa made their contributions to Saivite
literature. Srivaishnavism became popular during the period
of the Saluvas and the Tuluvas. Tirupati, Ahobalam and Sn-
nangam were greatly developed. The cult of lord Venkatesa
had its ascendency in the time of Krishnadevaraya. Many
Muths of Srivaishnavas flourished at Ahobalam, Parakala and
other places. The family of Tatacharyas became prominent

in the time of Krishna and Achyuta. With the preachings of
Narahari Tirtha. Akshobhya, Jaya Tirtha and Vyasaraya, Vaish-
navism or Dvaita philosophy also made considerable progress.
LITERATURE
Dr. T.V. Mahalingam says, "The foundation of Vijayanagara

empire coincided in point of time with the outburst of a
momentous literary movement in South India." Under the
patronage of the rulers of the empire, many eminent poets,
philosophers and religious teachers produced their works of
tasting importance in Sanskrit and in the regional languages
Telugu, Kannada and Tamil. Some of the rulers like Devaraya II
and Krishnadevaraya were themselves profound scholars and
powerful writers They gathered around themselves poets and
scholars.
SANSKRIT LITERATURE
Vast literature was produced under the influence of the

remarkable religious stir and spiritual ferment of the age. Vidya-
sankara, Vidyaranya, Sayana and his son Madhava and Madhava
Mantri composed their commentaries on the Vedic literature,
the Parasarasmriti and Manusmriti etc. They produced hundreds
of works on all aspects of Indian culture including astronomy
grammer, medicine, poetics and music. Sayana's 'Vedartha
prakasha', a commentary on the Vedas was undoubtedly the
greatest work of the period, Vidyaranya's works include 'Pan-
sara Madhaviya', 'Sankara Vijaya' and 'Rajakatenirnaya'. Isvai
Dikshita wrote two commentaries on Ramrayana in the reign
of Krishnadevaraya, Vedantadesika, Srikantha Pandita and
Jaya Tirtha added to the Vaishnava, Saiva and Madhava lite-
ratures respectively.
Gangamba and Tirumalamba produced their historical

poems 'Madhuravijayam' and 'Varadambikaparinayam' respec-
tively. A family of hereditary poets called Dindimas flourished
from the time of Harihara I down to Achyutadevaraya. Among
them, Dindima Rajanatha II wrote 'Saluvabhyudayam' and

Rajanatha III wrote 'Achyutarayabhyudayam'. Among the royal
authors, Devaraya II was credited with the authorship of
'Mahanataka Sudhanidhi.' Knshnadevaraya, besides being a
patron of scholars, was himself a gifted scholar both in Telugu
and Sanskrit. His Sanskrit works include 'Madalasa Charita,'
'Rasamanjari' and 'Jambavati Kalyanam'. Among the works
on music, erotics, medicine etc., mention may be made of
Vidyaranya's 'Sangitasara' on music. Devaraya II's 'Ratiratna
Pnadipika' on erotics, Sayana's 'Ayurveda Sudhanidhi' and
Lakshmana Pandita's 'Vaidyarajavallabham' on medicine and
Sayana's 'Dhatuvrdhi' on grammer.
TELUGU LITERATURE
'The bulk of the best part of the Telugu literature, which
affords the greatest delight in the minds of the Andhras, is
the product of direct patronage of Vijayanagara emperors and
their Viceroys. It is equally a striking phenomenon, that the
above literature has grown both in volume and variety under
Vijayanagara dynasty.' From the time of the Kanakabhisheka
of Srinatha by Devaraya II, Telugu began to dominate the
Vijayanagara court. It was in the time of Knshnadevaraya
that Telugu literature made its greatest advance. 'Under his
lead, the practice of translating from Sanskrit originals was
generally given up and independent prabandhas which handled
a Puranic story or some invented theme after the manner of
Mahakavya in Sanskrit came more into vogue'. Krishnadevaraya.
an accomplished poet in Telugu also, wrote 'Amuktamalyada'
in a very abtruse and complicated style, showing the depth
of his learning.
Tradition associates Krishna's name with the 'Ashiadigga-
jas', the eight elephants who supported the world of Telugu
literature. Allasani Peddana stands out foremost among them.
He dedicated his work 'Manucharitra' to his patron-king. Nandi
Timmana, Dhurjati. Madayyagari Mallana and other poets also
received the patronage of Krishnaraya, Bhattumurti, Pingali
Surana and Tenali Ramakrishna, who belonged to post-Krvshna-
raya's period, became immortal with their contributions
270 HISTORY OF THE ANDHRAKANNADA LITERATURE
As in Sanskrit and Telugu, in Kannada also a large number

of literary works, centring round the three principal religions
Jainism, Virasaivism and Brahmanism, appeared during this
period. Among the Jaina works, Madhura's 'Dharmanatha
Purana', Uritta Vilasa's "Dharmapariksha Sastrasara', Salva's
Jaina version of Bharata, may be mentioned. In the time of
Devaraya II, the Virasaivites rivalled the Jains in developing
the Kannada language and literature. They preferred prose
medium. Chamarasa, the author of Prabhulingalila', Bommarasa,
Kallarasa. Tontada and Siddhesvara were some of the scholars
renown. Among the Brahmanical poets, Kumar a Vyasa,
Timmana, and Lakshmisha were popular. Then a vast body of
literature was composed by Vaishnava singers like Sripadaraya,
Purandharadasa and Kanakadasa.
TAMIL LITERATURE
The feudatories of Vijayanagara like the Nayaks of Madurai

and even the Pandyan chiefs bestowed attention on the deve-
lopment of Tamil literature. Krishnaraya also patronised Tamil
scholars. Kumara Saraswati, Jnanaprakasha, Tatvaprakasha
and Harihara received his patronage. On Dravida Saivism,
commentaries were produced.
K.A.N. Sastri observes, "Under Vijayanagara, South Indian

art attained a certain fullness and freedom of rich expression
in keeping with the consciousness of the great task of the
empire, namely the preservation and development of all that
remained of Hinduism against the onslaughts of Islam. In this
period temples became very elaborate both in structure and
organisation. Even old temples were amplified by the addition
of pillared hails, pavilions and other subordnate structures."
In conformity with the majestic resources of the Vijaya-
nagara empire, there was an elaboration of ceremonial observa-
tions during this period. These observations were also reflected
in the enlargement of temple structures. Separate shrines

celebrating various festivals were erected. The notable con-
tributions of the Vijayanagera craftsmen were a shrine to
godess, pillared halls and pavilions like Kalyanamandapa and
the lofty gopuras
T.V. Mahalingam opines, "In the Vijayanagara period two

different schools of architecture were flouring side by side—
the Dravidian and the Indo-Saracenic—and the style of some
of the Hindu monuments was influenced by the Indo-Saracenic
style". Most of the architectural structures built during the
Vijayanagara period were confined to their capital city at Hampi.
The gigantic boulders that surrounded Hampi supplied ample
material for construction of the structure. Stone of two
varieties, one granite and the other green-coloured chlorite was
used for the buildings and the idols.
Much of the beauty of the Vijayarragara temples is pro-

duced by their pillars. Pointing out, the same. Percy Brown
writes, "Much of the intricacy and rich beauty of Vijayanagara
type of temple was produced by the number and prominence
of its pillars and piers and the manner in which they are sculp
tured into the most complicated compositions, strange and
manifold, so that each becomes a figurative drama in stone."
Four types of pillars are discernible from among the temples
such as Vitthala, Hazara Rama and others. In the first type,
the shaft becomes merely the central core for the attachment
of an involved group of statues of heroic size chiselled entirely
in the round. In the second variety, circling round the centra)
column, a cluster of slender, miniature pillars often referred
as musical pillars on account of the sounds they produce when
they ere hit by a stone or a coil are seen. The third type con-
sists of the shaft composed of a series of small scale shrines.
The fourth variety relates to the type where the shaft has
sixteen or eighteen-sided surface. In response to the demand
for more richness of detail, the corbel of the pillar is elaborated
into a valute terminating in en inverted lotus bud.
The Vijayanagara kings were the force behind the artistic
activity of the period. The finest flowering of this movement
is seen in the magnificent examples at Vjayanagara, once noted

for gaity and colour, now deserted and known popularly as
Hampi. Though the city became a victim of destruction and
plunder, it retains its charm even in the ruins'. Expressing his
admiration for the ruins at Hampi, Percy Brown records, "No
remains of this city recall more vividly the story of the forgotten
empire of Vijayanagara than these massive terraces, still im-
pressive examples of. architecture in spite of their mutilated
superstructures.''
Among the temples at Hampi, the most sacred Virupaksha
temple is said to have been built prior to the foundation of the
city, but many additions were made to it by Harihara I and
Krishnadevaraya. The temple of Vitthala is a fine example
of the Vijayanagara style. It 'shows the extreme limit in florid
magnicence to which the style advanced'. Its construction
began in the reign of Devaraya II and was continued even
upto 1565 A.D. The temple lies in a rectangular courtyard of
538 ft. by 310 ft. This courtyard is in fact cloistered with
entrances on three sides having three gopuras. The central
structure dedicated to Vishnu in the form of Vithoba is a long
and low structure 220 ft. in length and 20 ft. in width aligned
from east to west. The super structure of the central shrine
has since fallen.
The other structures consist of a closed mandapa, and a
mahamandapa and slightly to the side of it lies the Kaiyana-
mandapa. Separated from these structures lies the stone
chariot in front of the mahamandapa. The mahamandapa, noted
for its supremely rich appearance, is a columned pavilion built
on a richly moulded and sculptured plinth 5 ft. high. The grace
of the 56 pillars inside, each 12 ft. high hewn out of solid
blocks of granite to form intricate compositions of sculptures,
is unparalleled. The Kalyanamandapa on the other hand, in
addition to the pillars, is significant for its beautiful flexion of
the cornice. An exquisite specimen of Vijayanagara crafts-
manship is the stone chariot. 'It has realistically revolving stone
wheels and to a fairly ample scale of a temple car, with every
feature imitated in granite, even to the elephant forms which
guard the steps'.
The Hazara Rama temple, with an enormous walled en-

closure (24ft. high), served as a place of worship for the
members of the royal family. It was built by Krishnadevaraya
during the period between 1513 A.D. and 1520 A.D. ft con-
sists of a central shrine, an Amman shrine. Kalyafiamandapa-
and other mandapas. The main Vimana is partly stone-built
and partly brick-built. ThB temple is famous for its relief
sculptures on inner walls depicting the Ramayana scenes. The
other temples like Achyutaraya, Krishna, Pattabhirama and
Maiyavanta at Hampi exhibit the same characteristics of the
Vijayanagara style. ,
The Vijayanagara rulers restored many shrines throughout

south India and lavished wealth upon them. Krishnaraya pro-
vided the huge towers, called rayaguras after him and pillared
halls to the temples at Tirupati, Srirangam, Kanchi, Tadipatri,
Vellore and other places.
The story of the forgotten empire is recalled by other

structures like the kings Audiance Hall, Throne platform. Lotus
Mahal, Queen's bath, the remnants of the fort watch tower.
elephant and horse stables, the main market area. Royat balance
and the TankasaJa and the colossa) monolithic images of
Narasimha and Ganesa and also the palaces of Penugonda
and Chandragiri,
The religious impulse of the Vijayanagara period inspired

the people to have beautiful paintings in their temples. The
ceilings of the Virupaksha and Vitthala temples were finely
painted. The best specimens Vijayanagar paintings are con-
tained in temples at Somapatem, Tripurantakam and Lepakshi.
The Lepakshi Virabhadresvara temple near Hindupur in the
Anantapur district was constructed by Penugonda Virupanna,
the treasury officer of Achyutaraya. It is famous for its natya-
mandapa with delicately carved life-size musicians and dancers,
the huge monolithic Nandi and the mandapa ceilings with richly
painted scenes from the Puranas and the Epics.
18)
APPENDIX
A Note on The Raya-Bahmant Rotations
Two important historical events, that had taken place by

the middle of the 14th century A.D. instantaneously changed
the political scene in South India. They were the emergence
of the two independent kingdoms, one the Vijayanagara (1336
A.D.) and the other Bahmani (1347 A.D.). Both the kingdoms
arose out of many revolts that convulsed the empire of
Muhammad Bin Tughlak. If Vijayanagara rose, as most of the
scholars view it, as the embodiment of Hindu resistance to
the Islamic expansion, the Bahmani kingdom came into existence
out of the suspicion and fear, which was entertained in the
minds of some of the hundred foreign amirs, known as the
Centurions, about the Sultan's impending merciless killing of
them. One curious aspect is that Hasan Gangu (Ala-ud-din
Bahman Shah I), the leader of the Centurions, in founding the
independent Muslim kingdom in Deccan, even took the help
of local rulers including Kapaya Nayaka of Warangal and pro-
bably Harihara I of Vijayanagara. But this help which the
Bahmanis received from the local Hindu rulers in founding
their kingdom did not prevent them from resolving, as true
Muslim rulers, to destroy the very Hindu kingdoms and bring
the south under the domination of Islam. Contrary to this,
the Vijayanagara rulers waged relentless wars with the Bahmani
Sultans for the preservation of their independence in the South
and for making or transforming Vijayanagara as the resort of
Hindu genius from ail over India and thereby providing hope
and inspiration for a moral and spiritual regeneration of Hinduism
throughout.
No doubt, the history of the foreign policy of the Vijaya-

nagara rulers was principally a story of their incessant warfare
with the Bahmani Sultans to their north. There was hardly
any decade that passed without a clash of arms between the
two kingdoms. Since the contemporary Muslim chroniclers
painted these dynastic conflicts as 'Jihads' (holy wars) his-
torrans generally regard these wars as due to religious differences
of the two states. But in any of the peace settlements arrived
at the end of the wars, the imposition of one's religion upon
275
the other even when the Bahmanis were the victors, could
not be seen. Further, the rulers of Vijayanagara especially
Devaraya I, Devaraya II and Ramaraya employed Muslim horse-
men and archers and gave them complete freedom of worship
and other religious rites. Hence, if any body assumes religion
as the root cause of the wars between the two kingdoms, then
it is quite wrong.
As Prof. G.V. Rao sees it, the conflict between the two
states was the legacy of the past. The land between the
Krishna and the Tungabhadra, on account of its great economic
wealth had been a bone of contention and the rulers of Deccan
and South India always clashed over the possession of the
Doab had its own political overtones. The control of the
strategically important Krishna-Tungabhadra Doab with its
impregnable forts of Raichur and Mudgal and places Ike Banka-
pur would, give the one an advantageous position over the
other for the ultimate overlordship of the entire peninsula. It
was the real cause of the clashes between the Western
Chalukyas and the Cholas as well as the Yadavas and the
Hoyasalas. On the ruins of the Yadava and Hoyasala dominions
rose the Bahmani and Vijayanagara kingdoms respectively.
These new states inherited the same legacy and the contest
between these two was nothing but a revival of the earlier
economic struggle between the Deccan and South India. The
so called undercurrent of their religious differences might have
served, on the part the Muslims, to brutalise the conflict. The
greed of the Sultans whose kingdom embraced the poorest
portion of the Deccan plateau, was naturally excited by the
wealth and prosperity of the Vijayanagara empire. Thus all
these factors dragged the two states into a prolonged and
fierce conflict which ultimately ruined both the powers.
The fierce and protracted Raya-Bahmani conflict commenced

in the reign of Bukkaraya I and continued till the end of the
Aravidu dynasty. After the dismemberment of the Batamni
kingdom, its successive states took up the cause and continued
the conflict. Trivial things and events used to serve as pre-
text for wars. (For the details of wars, refer to the accounts
on individual monarchs starting from Bukkaraya I — Page 208)
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History of the Andhras

College Book Centre

Don Bosco Technical School Press,

I have made an earnest attempt, in this book, to present

I express my deep sense of gratitude to all those writers

CHAPTER II—THE SATAVAHANAS

CHAPTER III —SUCCESSORS OF THE SATAVAHANAS

CHAPTER IV—THE EASTERN CHALUKYAS

CHAPTER V —THE AGE OF THE CHALUKYA-CHOLAS

CHAPTER VI —THE KAKATIYAS

CHAPTER VIII —THE VIJAYANAGARA EMPIRE

1st Cover Page: Sculpture from Nagarjunakonda 3rd Century

1. Sources of History of Andhras till 1565 A.D.

Just like ancient Indian history, the history of the Andhras

The source material for the writing of ancient and medieval

Among the available archaeological source materials, epi-

Among the post-Satavahana dynasties of Andhradesa, the

period of Andhra history, one can conveniently depend upon

authentic description in his 'Fatuh-us-salatin' in verse, of the

2. Aryanization of the Andhra Country and its Condi-

settlements. The Mahabharata regards them as created by

part of the Nanda empire. Commercially also the South began

1. Identity of the Satavahanas

Asoka's death their descendants might have struck a blow

J. Burgess, V.A. Smith, E.J. Rapson, L.D. Barnett and

However V.S. Suktankar, K.P. Jayaswal, H.C Roychaudhuri

However the above arguments may be refuted on the

Pradesh, Northern Kamataka, some parts of Maharashtra and

2. !t is true that inscriptions and coins do not refer to the

3. No doubt, Telugu is the language of the Andhras and it

4. It is true the Puranas refer to them either as Andhras or

centre of political gravity shifted from Magadha, the Puranas

5. There is evidence to show that the Satavahanas conquered

Further, if the Satavahanas and Andhras are not identified

2. Home Land of the Satavabanas

the Satavahanas. Andhradesa existed where it is today even

BELLARY OR CANARESE ORIGIN

Dr. Suktankar viewed that the Satavahanas did not belong

However V.S. Bakhle did not accept Suktankar's identifica-

Vasudeva Vishnu Mirashi postulated the theory that

was on the strength of two other inscriptions. One is the

However the river Krishnaveni and the city of Dhanyakataka

There is a strong belief among some scholars that Maha-

Andhra in Pune district of Maharashtra. These Andhras ted

The protagonists of the theory of the Maharashtra origin

However the above arguments may ably be controverted.

scholars like E.J. Rapson, V.A. Smith, R.G. Bhandarkar,

These arguments are the result of inadequate appreciation

Moreover the earliest coins known hitherto were those

hundred early coins near the village Kotitingala on the eastern

With regard to the capitals of the Satavahana kings, un-

3. Chronology of the Satavahanas

The foundation of the dynasty, which is known by its

Puranas misspelt the name Simuka as Sisuka (Matsya)

Regarding the Andhra dynastic list, the Matsya mentioned

which is untenable due to the claims of other dynasties which

R.G. Bhandarkar accepted the first tradition, i.e., Simuka

Dr. Smith accepted the general statement of the Puranas

Prof. G.V. Rao, and Dr. O. Ramachandraiya while rejecting

On the assumption that the 15th king of the Matsya