Who Is Eleggua-Uva
Who Is Eleggua-Uva
Who Is Eleggua-Uva
WHO IS HE?
WHAT MUSIC IS PLAYED TO HONOUR HIM?
Jeanne Schmartz
Universiteit van Amsterdam
Musicology
2008
Coached by
Table of contents
TABLE OF CONTENTS 2
TABLES 4
FIGURES 5
INTRODUCTION 6
2 THE ORISHAS 12
2
Table of contents
5 ELEGGUA 29
6 TOQUES Y CANTOS 39
CONCLUSION 79
GLOSSARY 82
BIBLIOGRAPHY 86
3
Tables
Tables
4
Figures
Figures
Figure 5: Eleggua 30
Introduction
Because there is little literature about this topic, I decided to go to New York, to
make research, and to get to listen to Bata drumming. I got in touch which really
fascinating people, who inspired me a lot. But again I learned one more time, that
many people don’t want to share their knowledge of this mystic music.
The music is played in a religious context, and so many people think that you
should be initiated into Santeria in order to learn the drumming, which is
understandable in one way. One more problem I encountered was, that in
Santeria women are not allowed to play the Bata drums. Because of this fact
some people in New York were also not willing to teach me.
But nevertheless I found musicians like John Amira, who shared his enormous
knowledge with me, and Pedrito Martinez, who really inspired me a lot with his
playing and his open mind.
In my work you will find background information on the Cuban religion and its
Gods and on the drums used in religious ceremonies, called Bata drums.
Introduction
The last, and biggest chapter of my thesis is dedicated to Eleggua, the first
Orisha in the Yoruban Pantheon. I made research on the main characteristics of
Eleggua, and also made a link to Legba, the corresponding God in the Vodou
traditian of Haiti. I did not only compare the Gods, but also the music of both
religions, which have some parts in common, but also know a lot of differences.
This work will not teach you how to play the Bata drums, and will also not reveal
all the secrets of Santeria. In my thesis I will give an overview over what this
religion and music is all about, and over the main percussive grooves, and songs
played for Eleggua.
7
Short history of Santeria
In the chapter below you will find information about how and where Santeria
developed. As my thesis will not be a theological research, I concentrated on the
musical side of Santeria. To explain how this religion works would go behind the
scope of this work.
Several versions of the Yoruba myth of origin exist, of which the most popular
revolve around a figure named Oduduwa. As recorded by one of the earliest
Yoruba historians, Reverend Samuel Johnson, Oduduwa was the head of an
invading army from the East (a place often identified with Mecca, the Sudan, or
northeastern Nigeria) who established the constitutional monarchic system of
government amongst the indigenous population he found.
Other versions of the myth posit that Oduduwa was sent down by Olodumare,
the Creator, to fashion the first human beings out of the clay soil of Ile-Ife.
(http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Yorubaland)
8
Short history of Santeria
9
Short history of Santeria
My focus lies in the history of Yoruba in Cuba. For those who are more interested
in the history of Yorubaland, I can recommend you an article on
http://www.yorubanation.org/Yoruba.htm.
The sugar mill owners needed a huge number of labours to work on the
plantations. Because of this, they started to bring an enormous number of African
slaves to Cuba. Slavery trade began in Cuba already around 1515 but found its
highest point in the first half of the 19th century, even if the Englishmen prohibited
slavery trade in 1820. In Cuba, it took until 1886 for slavery to finally be
abolished.
A group of slaves working and living together on the plantations never consisted
of slaves from one single ethnic group. Slaves originating from the Bakongo
region, the kingdom of Dahomey, Angola and from Yorubaland were mixed. The
different cultures and languages were meant to keep them apart. But
nevertheless it was impossible to separate them completely, and that is how
slaves started to reconstruct their ancestral cultures and religions, in which dance
and music played an important role. This reconstruction happened in their
plantation barracks (Rodriguez, 1995:2-3).
10
Short history of Santeria
way they were used back in Yorubaland. The most Africanized religious festivity
was the day of Epiphany, or dia de reyes. It became their special day because of
the black king Melchior coming from Africa to adore Jesus on his birth. They saw
the African presence in the Catholic religion and this made this feast day the
most important for the Lukumi (Murphy, 1988:30).
11
The Orishas
2 The Orishas
What is an Orisha? What is his role, and what are his main characteristics?
I made a research about the familial relations between the different Orishas, and
put them together in a family tree.
Yoruba believe that nature, or God, is the Supreme Being, called OLUDUMARE
(Edwards & Mason, 1985:1).
Oludumare had no time to involve himself in the affairs of men and that’s why he
divided his power amongst his messengers, called ORISHAS. They are
considered deities in the Yoruba pantheon. They are superior to men but inferior
to God. Yoruba people use them as messengers and pray to them instead of
directly to Oludumare.
The Orishas are parts of God, and every one of them rules upon one part of the
Universe (Edwards & Mason, 1985:1). They personify the different forces of
nature, like for example the wind, the ocean or thunder.
An Orisha is not considered to be perfect. He has human characteristics, which
are both, good and bad. These aspects are called CAMINOS, meaning roads.
As already mentioned in the chapter about Santeria, each Orisha is linked to a
Catholic Saint. This is due to the fact that during slavery time the Spaniards
wanted to Christianize the slaves. Those hided their Orishas behind the faces of
the Catholic Saints and kept on praying to them.
Furthermore every Orisha has his own rhythms, his specific objects, and
favourite food and drinks as well as a special day, number and colour.
There is a huge number of Orishas in Yorubaland. It is often said that there are
401 of them in Yorubaland, which is a mystic number symbolizing a multitude (de
la Torre, 2004:45). In Cuba however, there are only around twenty-four Orishas
left (Sobisch, 2004:187).
12
The Orishas
In this section I put some of the characteristics of the Orishas in one table.
Unfortunately there are some aspects missing. I could nowhere find information
on those attributes.
13
The Orishas
hunter
14
The Orishas
15
The Orishas
Unfortunately it was impossible to find all the information I needed for this table.
That is why some colours are missing. Most of the books only tread the most
important Orishas, and don’t write about minor ones like for example Obaloke.
16
The Orishas
It is important to notice that the Orishas are all related one to another I tried to
make a small “family tree”.
OCHUN
DADA CHANGO OR
Older brother or sister OYA
IBEDYI
There are more familial relations between some of the Orishas. Sobisch
(2004:189) writes that Chango and Ogun are brothers, and that Ochun and
Yemaya are sisters.
According to Cabrera (2001:14), Obaloke is the brother of Ochosi, who is at the
same time the brother of Ogun.
17
The Orishas
I will discuss the family of Eleggua in detail in the chapter called ELEGGUA.
I got all those information by reading different PATAKIS (Amira & Cornelius,
1992; Cabrera & Tarafa, 2001). A Pataki is a legend about the relationship
between different Orishas, or between Orishas and humans. Some have their
origins in Africa and others originate in Cuba. They are mostly transmitted orally,
which is the reason why you always find different versions of one particular
legend. For believers, it is not important if those stories really happened. They
should also never been taken literally. The purpose of these stories is to provide
guidance and practical help for believers in the here and now (de la Torre,
2004:57).
18
The different parts of a ceremony
Amira writes in his book “The Music of Santeria” (1992:21), that GUEMILERE, or
TOQUE DE SANTO are held for different reasons:
The ceremony has different sections. Mostly four parts can be differed: ORU
SECO, ORU CANTADO, IBAN BALO and CIERRE. Below you find a description
of every part.
The ORU SECO is the first section in a tambor or güemilere, and its real name is
ORU DEL IGBODU. In the ancient land of the Yoruba Igbodu was the place
where priests received the oracle. In Cuba it is the area or room in the house set
aside as the shrine for the Orisha and used during a ceremony (Pryor, 1997:15).
In the Oru seco there is no singing (seco means dry in Spanish). Some people
say that the Bata drums themselves are speaking (Amira & Cornelius, 1992:22).
This part of the ceremony is not accessible for everybody.
There are 24 salutes to the Orishas. The order in which the salutes are played
does not differ a lot from one tambor to the other. The Orisha for whom the toque
is held is taken out of the normal order and saluted last (Mason, 1992:20).
19
The different parts of a ceremony
Eleggua, Ogun, Ochosi, Obaloke, Inle, Babalu Aye, Osain, Osun, Obatala, Dada,
Oggue, Agayu, Orunla, Oricha Oko, Ibedyi, Chango, Yegua, Oya, Ochun,
Yemaya, Obba, Oddudua (Amira & Cornelius, 1992:23).
John Mason and Fernando Ortiz list Ibedyi before Oricha Oko.
Because the salutes are played directly to the Orishas some drummers consider
it to be the most important part of a music ceremony. (Amira & Cornelius,
1992:21)
The Oru Seco is followed by the second part, called ORU DEL EYA ARANLA,
which means “ceremony in the main room” (Amira & Cornelius, 1992:21). In this
part eveybody can join. The lead singer, called the AKPWON, leads this section
of the ceremony. All the participants together build the chorus, or ANKORI. This
musical form, where lead singer and chorus take turns, is called “antiphonal”.
The Akpwon starts with a prayer that is immediately followed by a call of the Iya
player. Then the Itotele and Okonkolo enter.
Like in the Oru seco every Orisha is saluted in a more or less fixed order.
The rhythms, which are played in the Oru Cantado, are sometimes the same as
in the Oru Seco.
In one of his articles Thomas Altmann (2005:4) gives the following order:
Eleggua, Ogun, Ochosi, Oricha Oko, Inle, Babalu Aye, Osain, Obatala, Oddudua,
Dada, Obaloke, Aggayu, Ibedyi, Chango, Obba, Yegua, Oya, Yemaya, Ochun,
Orunla.
20
The different parts of a ceremony
Here, the Orisha for whom the party is held is not saluted in the normal order but
again put last (Altmann, 2005:5).
Once again, this order is not always respected, but there are only few changes.
This section is the longest and a relatively free part of the toque de santo. It is
sometimes referred to as a FIESTA, meaning party in Spanish. If people get
possessed by Orishas, it happens during this part of the ceremony. It is the lead
singer who is leading the Iban Balo by choosing the right songs in order to
provoke the appearance of the Orishas.
This part is really open, so it is impossible to write some kind of an order down.
3.4 Cierre
The last part of a religious ceremony is again more structured. Cierre means
ending of the ceremony. It starts again with a seco part, where he ancestors, or
EGGUN, and Orishas connected to the death are saluted. After this, several
toques for their corresponding Orishas are played.
During the toque played for Yemaya, a person initiated to Yemaya flings a bucket
of water to clean the room spiritually. After this the bucket is carried to the street,
where it is expelled of its contents, presumably including the spiritual energies
from the evening’s events. The toque ends when the bucket is placed up side
down in front of the drummers. With this sign, the seco part of the Cierre is
finished.
The first part of the Cierre is followed by songs for Eleggua. The Bata drums first
play LA TOPA. Then they play SALIDA, meaning exit, where some other songs
21
The different parts of a ceremony
for Eleggua, but also for Olokun are sung (personal communication, Pedrito
Martinez, April 2006).
Eleggua is honored at the beginning and end of all ceremonies. This ensures his
blessings upon the event and guarantees that normal order is restored, allowing
the participants to safely return to their homes at the evening’s conclusion.
This sequence of events ensures that the Orishas end their possessions
(Schweitzer, 2003:33).
The very last moment of a ceremony is a short sign, FINAL, played by the Bata
drums, marking the end of the ceremony.
22
The Bata drums
The Bata drums came with the slaves from Yorubaland, which today is
Southwest Nigeria. (www.batadrums.com).
They developed about 500 to 800 years ago. They were the official drums of
CHANGO, who was both a real king in Yoruba history and the deity, or Orisha.
They announced his arrival, accompanied his dance and military campaigns
(www.batadrums.com).
It is unclear where and when they were first introduced. There are different
stories, but analysing all of them would really go beyond the scope of this work.
For detailed information you can read the article on
www.batadrums.com/background/yoruba.htm
Bata drums are always played in a set of three drums. The biggest drum with the
lowest sound is called IYA, which means mother in Yoruba.
The middle drum is the ITOTELE. This word is build out of different syllables:
• I = stands for action
• Toto = completely
• Tele = to follow, respond
(Pryor, 1997:11)
The second drum in some Yoruba drum ensembles (although strangely not
bata) is referred to as atele, meaning "the one that follows" or "the
23
The Bata drums
successor". The second drum in the Nigerian bata ensemble is called omele
abo (female accompanying drum). When I say the word itotele to refer to the
Cuban drum, my Nigerian research participants have said this comes from
atele, so it is not my own ethic analysis (Amanda Vincent, personal note on
February 11th 2006).
The smallest drum with the highest sound is the OKONKOLO. The author of the
CD-booklet of I am Time says that this name comes from “Konkoto”, which
means the god, or toy, of children (1997:11). During my research nobody could
confirm me this. So I would not call is an official translation.
The Bata drums stand in familial relation to each other. Iya is, as noted before,
the mother. The Okonkolo is the son of the Iya. Concerning the Itotele, people
gave me two different answers. Some call this drum the father, and some the
second son (Martinez and Amira, personal communication, April 2006).
Each of the drums plays a special role in the music of Santeria. The master
drummer plays the Iya, because this instrument leads the rest of the ensemble
and has the longest and most complex rhythms. The master drummer has the
most freedom to play variations and it is him who makes all the calls (llamadas)
to the Itotele (Amira & Cornelius, 1992:15). The Itotele must make the difference
between simple variations of the Iya, where it does not need respond, and calls
that need to be answered. So the Itotele player really has to know the language
of the Iya to be able to hear the calls. The Okonkolo is the timekeeper. Its
rhythmical patterns, emphasize the main metric pulse, are the least complex of
the ensemble. The Okonkolo player is hardly free to do any variations (Amira &
Cornelius, 1992:15).
24
The Bata drums
4.3 Construction
The Bata drums are double-headed and have an hourglass form that is carved
out of solid wood. In Cuba they use cedar or sometimes mahogany wood. The
drums are played with two hands at the same time.
Because of the fact that the Bata drum is a symbol of unity, the shell should
ideally be constructed by hollowing out a single piece of wood (Amira &
Cornelius, 1992:15).
Further, Amira (1992) writes that the Bata drums belong to Chango, the God of
thunder. Their shape is said to represent Chango’s thunder axe (Amira &
Cornelius, 1992:15).
The three drums differ in sizes and pitches. Also the two skins of a drum are,
because of the shape of the drum, different in sizes.
The larger drumhead from each Bata is called ENU or BOCA (mouth) and the
smaller one CHACHA (butt). The skins are of male goat or deer leather and are
nowadays almost always fixed and tuned with the tuning system we know from
the Congas. Before the introduction of this system and for the construction of the
sacred Bata drums, ropes are used to fix the skins.
A wax-like substance is put on the Enus of the Iya and the Itotele to give it a
deeper and duller sound. This substance is called IDA or FADELA. It is
traditionally made out of herbs and blood (Pryor, 1997:11).
What makes the Iya special are the two belts with bells attached near the heads.
Those bells are called CHAWORO. They ring whenever a tone is produced on
the drum. Occasionally the Iya player also shakes the drum lo let them ring.
Sometimes, Chaworo are linked to Ochun, goddess of the rivers and one of
Chango’s many wives (Amira & Cornelius, 1992:16).
25
The Bata drums
Bata set with Chaworo and Traditional set of Bata from Havana
the modern tuning system
There are two different drum sets: the baptized drums, that have fundamento de
s a n t o , or a ñ a , called also ILU ANA, and the unbaptized drums called
ABERIKULA (not initiated). The big difference probably is that aberikula drums
cannot be used in religious ceremonies. There, only initiated Bata can be played.
During their construction they have had a religious surrounding. Sacred drums,
for example, must be made out of material that was once living, like wood, skin
and rope. Therefore the skins are tuned with ropes and not with the modern
tuning system out of metal. According to Amira some people say that there is a
second reason why ropes are used to tune. Ogun, the God of metal, is an enemy
of Chango. That is why his drums shouldn’t be constructed out of metal. However
this theory is not universally accepted (Amira & Cornelius, 1992:16).
The only metal used on sacred Bata drums is a ring on the cha-cha side of each
Bata. It is used to hang the drums when they are not played. Bata drums should
26
The Bata drums
never be dropped on the floor, and one should not sit on or walk over them
(Mason, 1992:11).
Not everybody is allowed to touch or play them because Batas having the
fundamento, are treated as living creatures. During their baptism, a mystery,
called ANA or AYAN was put inside the drums. Aña comes, according to Thomas
Altmann (2003:2), from the African name of the tree Ayan. In Nigeria the Batas
are built out of this wood. This tree is holy and dedicated to Chango, who is said
to have hanged himself on that tree (Altmann, 2003:3). Aña, which is considered
an Orisha, prefers the Iya to live in (Rodriguez, 1995:5).
People can be initiated into Aña and receive the spiritual power that allows them
to be able to play the sacred drums during religious ceremonies (Corrales, 2000).
These drummers are then called OMO-ANA, son of Aña. Women and
homosexuals are however never allowed to play the sacred drums.
The three Bata “hablan lengua” (speak tongue), using the tonal values
characteristic of the languages spoken in the African towns from which the slaves
were brought to Cuba. The Bata express themselves in Lucumi language, and
their notes, like syllables, taken from the vibrating skins of the drums, come out,
in order like sounds in a series, to form the words.
27
The Bata drums
There are rhythms, or toques, where the Bata “say” exactly the same as the
songs. Some examples:
Abukenke for Eleggua,
Oyokota for Babalu Aye
Cheke Cheke for Oshun
Iye Iyekua for Oya
(listen to examples on CD)
Here, as an example, the lyrics for Oyokota played for Babalu Aye. You can
clearly here the lyrics, even if there is only drumming on the recording.
Oyo kota
Oyo kota
Oyo kota
O wanile
O wanile
The six skins of the drums can perfectly imitate the tonal Yoruba language.
Yoruba speakers have three basic pitches and glide between them. Depending
on the pitch, one word can have many different meanings. This is also the way
the Bata talk.
In the majority of the cases, low linguistic tones are played by the large
membrane of one or two (Iya and Itotele) drums, mid tones by a combination of
large and small membranes of both drums (tones and slaps), and high tones by
one or both small membranes.
Muffled tones are used to imitate the slide. They are half a tone higher than the
open sound. The conversation seems to be mostly between the enus of Iya and
Itotele (www.batadrums.com).
28
Eleggua
5 Eleggua
This is the chapter focusing on Eleggua, the Orisha of the crossroads. You will
get information on the myth around him, as well as on his main characteristics.
Later I make a comparison between him and Legba of the Vodou tradition.
29
Eleggua
Figure 5: Eleggua
5.2 Origin
In Nigeria every City belongs to one single Orisha. The origin of Eleggua lies in
the Yoruba city of Ketu (de la Torre, 2004:59).
5.3 Parentage
There are different stories concerning the parents of Eleggua. Miguel de la Torre
mentions three possibilities in his book Santeria (2004). It could be that Oya is
his mother. In this case it is not clear who the father is, because Oya was married
to Ogun, but she also was the mistress of Chango (de la Torre, 2004:59). Gary
Edwards and John Mason, too, wrote (1985:12) about Oya being the mother of
Eleggua. Another myth says that Eleggua is the son of Obatala and Yemmu and
the brother of Ogun and Orunla (de la Torre, 2004:59).
The third story says that Eleggua was the first Orisha created by Olofi (de la
Torre, 2004:59).
Sure is that he is the only male Orisha not linked sexually to any female. He also
has no children.
30
Eleggua
5.4 Myths
Even if Eleggua is the youngest of the Orishas, he is, after Obatala, the most
powerful. In every ceremony he must be worshipped and fed first.
This can be explained by the following mtyh:
Oludumare was sick and in bed. All the Orishas were gathered around, and one
by one they attempted to cure him. But they all failed. Suddenly Eleggua
appeared and offered to try to bring around a healing. The other Orishas were
perturbed that one of the smallest and youngest among them would have the gall
to try what they had failed to do. Yet Eleggua succeeded. To thank him,
Olodumare made him the first Orisha to be honoured in every ceremony, (…)
(de la Torre, Santeria, 2004:61).
Yoruba believe that, if he is not appeased first, he will confuse the ceremony and
prevent the offering from reaching the Orishas.
He is the divine trickster and does what he wants without restriction. He asked
this privilege to Olodumare after having eaten the mice that threatened him (de la
Torre, Santeria, 2004:60).
There is one famous story about Eleggua as a trickster (Iles, 2000):
Eleggua was walking between two old friends, wearing a tall hat, which was
white on one side and red on the other. Later the friends talked about that
mysterious man with the hat, and a fight about the colour of the hat began. At
that point Eleggua appeared and showed them his two-coloured hat. He was
delighted to see that two best friends could fight about something as ridiculous as
the colour of a hat and ruining their friendship like that.
31
Eleggua
5.5 Appearance
Eleggua is an old man and a child at the same time. He is an endless wanderer
who is often disguised as a beggar or a crazy person. Eleggua lives in the streets
and eats rats.
Because he is always carrying a club he is called the club bearer. The club is a
symbol for Eleggua being a man and for being the warrior with the strongest
power. He has long painted hair, which is a sign of strength. In traditional
sculptures it has sometimes the shape of a penis (Edwards & Mason, 1985:11-
12).
In Yoruba his name literally means “messenger of the gods” (de la Torre,
2004:59). This is also his role in the Pantheon. He is the messenger between
God, the Orishas and men. He wears a magic wand, which allows him to travel
the roads of God (Edwards & Mason, 1985:9).
.
He is also the divine trickster (…) [who] allows man to have many options,
deceives him into making unfortunate mistakes, (…) and then sits back as an
unofficial observer as man stumbles onto the right or wrong path (Edwards &
Mason, 1985:9).
32
Eleggua
5.7 Caminos
Eleggua is linked to the Catholic Saint named St. Anthony of Padua, who was
born in the 13th century in Lisbon, and died in Padua, Italy. He is one of the most
beloved Saints in Catholic Church. On pictures you always see him carrying the
Child Jesus and holding a lily. People make the connection between him and
Eleggua because Eleggua often acts and looks like a child (de la Torre,
2004:62).
5.9 Legba
33
Eleggua
Before I can start writing about Legba in Vodou, it is important to know some
basic characteristics about the Haitian religion. VODOU evolved from the word
VODU, which means God or spirit, originally used by the Fon-speaking people of
Benin (Armstrong & Knepper, 2002:18).
The main difference between Vodou and Santeria is the fact that not only one
single ethnic group has influenced Vodou. It has influences of Nigerian, Congo
and the Dahomey regions as well as a part developed in Haiti.
It is important to understand the meaning of the word NANCHON. A Nanchon is
a group of Vodou deities, called LWAS. These families are linked to the group of
slaves coming from a particular region of Africa. There are two main Nanchons:
the RADA derived from the word Arada, the name of a kingdom of Dahomey, and
PETRO. The Petro Nanchon has his roots in Haiti. It got its name from a
mythological character, Dom Pedro, a maroon rebellion leader (Desmangles,
1992). Some people name a third Nanchon, which they call CONGO, obviously
brought to Haiti by slaves coming from the Bakongo region in West Africa
(Desmangles, 1992:94-95).
Each Nanchon has its own musical characteristics and instruments.
Many of the RADA lwas have Petro (…) counterparts. (…) The personalities of
these RADA lwas become inverted in the PETRO Nanchon (Desmangles,
1992:95).
In general you can say that the lwas of the Rada Nanchon are more calm and
controlled than the ones of the Petro. The Petro section is a really heavy part,
which you could compare to the Cuban Palo (Amira, private lesson, April 3rd
2006).
I will show these differences later while talking extensionally about LEGBA.
34
Eleggua
A Vodou ceremony is, because of the different traditions, also divided in different
parts. Before the actual beginning, the members of the society, or LA FAMILLE,
are called together.
The first prayers are mostly in French, Latin or Creole. In those prayers, people
talk to the lwas by calling them by the names of their corresponding Saints. After
each Saint has been saluted, the same sequence of prayers is repeated, but this
time, they call the lwas by their African or Creole names. The drums do a roll for
every new law. Now the actual ceremony can start.
As already noted before, the ceremony has several parts. In each part, every lwa
will be saluted. The order of the salutes stays the same through the whole
ceremony.
The first section is the Rada part. It has three main rhythms: YANVALOU, MAHI
and ZEPOL. For each lwa one cycle is played, which mainly consists of two
Yanvalous followed by either one Zepol or one Mahi.
Before the Petro section, which is the second main part of the ceremony, the
lwas of the NAGO, IBO AND CONGO Nanchons are shortly saluted (Amira,
private lesson, April 3rd 2006).
To get more details about the Vodou religion, I can recommend you the book The
Faces of the Gods by Leslie G. Desmangles. I will not go into more detail,
because this work has a musical focus, and not a religious one.
35
Eleggua
The most obvious differenence between Vodou and Santeria is the lack of the
Bata drums. Haitian uses different ensembles of drums, called Batteries, the
French word for drums. There are differences between the Rada and Petro
batteries. In the Rada section you have three drums, in Petro you only find two
(Armstrong & Knepper, 2002:24).
The Rada ensemble resembles a bit the Bata drums. There is the small drum,
called BOULA, which is played with two sticks, and which keeps a main, simple
pattern. This can be compared to the role of the OKONKOLO.
The SECONDE is the middle pitched drum. It is more flexible in its playing, and
needs to respond to calls of the lead drum. This drum is played with two hands,
two sticks or with only one curved stick, which is called ADJIDA. Again you can
see the parallels with the ITOTELE.
The lead drum is called MAMAN, which is French and means mother. You play it
with one stick having the form of a hammer, called BAGET, which means stick in
French. Just as the IYA player, the MAMAN player gives the calls to change from
one rhythm to another and is communicating with the dancers (Armstrong &
Knepper, 2002:24).
A second main difference between Vodou and Santeria is that there are only very
few rhythms that belong to a specific lwa. There is no part like the Oru del Igbodu
in the Vodou ceremony, where all the deities are saluted with their own toques.
Ogou, Guede and Cousin belong to the few lwas that have their own toques. For
LEGBA in Rada, you can play all of the three main rhythms. Which one you
chose depends on the songs (Amira, private lesson, april 3rd 2006).
A last characteristic that you find in a Vodou ceremony is the CASSÉ, or break in
English. This musical figure is played to change from one rhythm to another. You
play it between two different Yanvalous. If you change from Yanvalou to Zepol or
Mahi, you use the call for that particular rhythm instead of the break. The break
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Eleggua
changes the energy of the rhythm very suddenly and therefore causes a fast
possession of a member of the society.
Just as in Vodou, they have in Santeria a key that leads to possession, called the
Puyas. This is a song where an Orisha is attacked and provoked to come down.
But the reason for the possession lies in the lyrics where as in Vodou the key is a
rhythmical phrase (Amira, private lesson, april 3rd 2006).
The people having Fon roots identify the light of the sun with the creative power
of Legba. That is why in Haitian ceremonies fire is often lit for Legba.
In prayers addressed to him you find words like Cleronde, circle of brightness, or
Kataroulo, meaning the four wheels of the sun’s chariot. In Vodou the light of the
sun is a regenerative life force.
Legba is the patron of the universe, the link between God and the universe, the
chord that connects the universe to its origin. Bondye (God almighty in Vodou)
fashioned the universe; Legba has nurtured it, has fostered its growth, and has
sustained it (Desmangles, 1992:108).
As Eleggua in Santeria, Legba is the lwa of the crossroads, known then as Gran
Chemin, which is derived from French for big road (Desmangles, 1992:109). Met
Kafou is his reflection in the Petro Nanchon. While Legba in Rada is the source
of life, Met Kafou is a trickster and destroyer of life (Desmangles, 1992:110). In
Rada, he is an old and serious man, smoking a pipe and carrying a sack. In
Petro you can see his childish side.
Furthermore he is, like Eleggua, the messenger between the different lwas, as
well as between lwas and humans.
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Eleggua
As Yoruba and Fon, Vodousiants know Legba as the cosmic phallus. He is asked
in matters of sex. The cane he is leaning on while walking, called baton Legba,
represents his phallus, the source of life (Desmangles, 1992:108-109).
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Toques y Cantos
6 Toques y Cantos
In this chapter I am focussing on the different grooves and songs that are played for
Eleggua. First you will find general information on different kinds of grooves and
songs. After this come transcriptions and explanations of songs and grooves that
can be played for Eleggua.
There are rhythms that can only be played for one particular Orisha. Those rhythms
belong to them. But furthermore, you have many toques that can be played for a
large number of Orishas, or even for all of them.
The Bata drums have to follow the songs chosen by the akpwon and play the rhythm
that fits.
• The toques that belong to the Orishas are mainly played in the Oru del
Igbodu. They represent the Orishas. Ex. La Topa for Eleggua.
• Generic toques are the grooves that are played to accompany the songs in
the Oru Cantado
• The toques especiales, the special rhythms, are only played in combination
with special songs. They are an exact copy of them. Ex. Iye iyekua for Oya,
Cheke cheke for Oshun.
• Rumbitas are also often called party toques. These are two bar dance
rhythms that are played for the enjoyment of the Orishas. They can be played
for every Orisha. Nowadays many of these rhythms are used in jazz, fusion or
salsa music. Ex. Ñongo, Chachalokafu.
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Toques y Cantos
There exist several types of songs in the Santeria. There are more than thousand
different cantos, which are all sung in Yoruba, mixed with some Spanish words.
There are three kinds of cantos:
Cantos are organised in a kind of medleys, which are called secuencias, the
Spanish word for sequences. These are more or less traditionally fixed, but there are
always some minor changes.
Sequences that are meant to lead to trance are called tratados. Here the musical
intensity is increasing from the beginning to the end and the songs are getting
shorter and shorter (Altmann, 2003:5).
Together with the dance, toques and cantos build a unity. Only when these three
elements are given, the circle is closed.
In this last section of my thesis I made a short analysis of some secuencias from
artists that, for me, are especially meaningful. You will not find all the songs that can
be sung for Eleggua. There exist just too many and what I wanted to show are some
different orders of songs that all match with the same grooves.
Some songs are used in more than one secuencia, but are for example followed by
different songs.
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In the Toque section you will find the main grooves played for Eleggua. I only wrote
down the most basic form, because that is the first to be learnt. Only if you can play
the basics you will be able to understand and play variations and conversations.
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6.3.1 La Topa
This groove is belonging to Eleggua, and is played as well in the Oru Seco, the Oru
Cantado and in the Cierre. La Topa has four different parts. Some people consider
the part that I call the second conversation as a part on its own. In the Cierre only
the first part is played.
La Topa is, like Eleggua, very tricky. Often musicians can get very stressed with this
toque, which leads them sometimes even to stop learning the Bata. The most
difficult part of this toque is the entrance. Once everybody enters in the correct way,
La Topa is not the most difficult toque. Very often the call of the Iya i s
misunderstood. The most common mistake is to hear the first slap of the Iya as first
beat.
Mainly, when played, the first part of La Topa is the longest. It has the most songs
that match this groove. Furthermore there are two traditional conversations in this
part, and none in the other three parts of La Topa.
Sometimes the first transition I transcribed is left out, and the Iya player switches to
the second part only by playing a loud slap on the second beat of the second bar of
his pattern (second bar is played then like bar 13 of the transcription).
The parts two and four are toques especiales and are always played with the same
songs, called Ago Eleggua abukenke and Abukenke. You will find them transcribed
in the cantos section (cantos para eleggua 1: 4&5).
In the oru cantado the third part, which is the only one in a 4/4 bar, is left out.
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In this part the Okonkolo has to switch from its most common pattern, referred to as
ki-la, to a pattern that clearly marks the 4/4 time signature. In the last part it changes
again back to ki-la.
In all of the four sections you can observe the interplay between the Cha Cha of the
Iya, and the Enu of the Itotele. You can find this normally in every groove. This is
also the reason why the Itotele player is always sit on the left side of the Iya. Like
this, the Cha Cha of the Iya, and the Enu of the Itotele are side by side.
What is also important to notice is the left hand of the Itotele. Playing slaps that are
situated on the second and fifth eight notes is a common pattern for the Itotele, and
works, like the ki-la of the Okonkolo as a timekeeper.
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6.3.2 La Lubanche
La Lubanche is another groove that can only be played for Eleggua. It is played and
sung in the Oru Cantado. There it is played right before La Topa. In fact it is the first
groove played in the second part of the ceremony.
The songs that are sung with this groove are prayers, called rezos. Mostly only Bara
suayo is sung. You can find it transcribed in cantos para eleggua 3: 1, as well as
Ago a chureo (cantos para eleggua 3: 2) which is another rezo.
The Okonkolo is sticking, like in La Topa, to the ki-la pattern. It has a very clear 6/8
feel. As always it enters with the open sound in the right hand. In Cuba, the Bata
drummers always enter their pattern with the right hand and never with the slap of
the left hand, even if it marks the beat.
The Itotele plays a really straight groove that has in fact a 3/4 feel and marking every
beat, and not like usual the offbeat. Itotele together with Okonkolo produce this very
typical mixture of time signature.
The basic pattern of the Iya drum is really open. It leaves a lot of space for individual
embellishment. This pattern has in fact also more a 3/4 than a 6/8 feel.
This toque also shows very clearly the connection between the drums and the
dance. The steps of the dancer fall exactly with the accents played by the Iya.
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6.3.3 Ñongo
Ñongo belongs to the group of the Rumbitas, and can accompany hundreds of
songs. It is a two-bar groove, which is not as simple as it may appear.
As for all the other grooves, I only transcribed the basic groove. For Ñongo, as for all
the Rumbitas, there are a lot of variations. Especially with these grooves people use
to create their own conversations, and so it is impossible to get to know all of them.
In Ñongo you find again the same timekeeping pattern of the Okonkolo and the Cha
Cha of the Itotele like in La Topa.
The Enus of Itotele and Iya represent the melody of the groove. This melody has a
part that produces tension (Iya) and one, who is resolving this tension (Itotele).
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Toques y Cantos
6.3.4 Chachalokafu
This groove that is belonging to the group of the Rumbitas is probably one of the
best-known Bata groove. It can be played for every Orisha, and just like Ñongo,
there are a huge number of songs that go with it. You find Chachalokafu also in
many Latin Jazz tunes.
This groove is played very fast, even sometimes too fast.
Just as Ñongo, people invent their own conversations and variations for this two-bar
groove. It exist some traditional conversations, but the number of conversations that
are new inventions is huge.
Furthermore the feel of Chachalokafu can change a lot from one group to another.
Mostly it is played in a binary feel. But you can also find groups that interpret it in a
ternary feel.
Again, I only wrote down the basic form. For the Okonkolo this straight pattern is the
basic. Chachalokafu is however one of the few grooves where the Okonkolo player
can play variations. In those variations, he is not playing anymore on, but around the
beat.
The basic pattern of the Iya is very open. The player has a lot of freedom do to
variations.
Chachalokafu and Ñongo are mostly on the end of one tratado. Once you arrived
there, there is no way to go back. They built in combination with very short songs the
climax of a tratado.
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Toques y Cantos
6.3.5 Teremina
Teremina is a two-bar groove in 6/8. This groove is in fact played for Ochosi in the
Oru Cantado. In this context it is often called Rumba Ochosi.
When played for Eleggua, it always goes together with the song Teremina, and that
is the reason why, for Eleggua, people call it Teremina. You will find the song
Teremina in cantos para eleggua 3: 12.
As you see, the Itotele is not playing the offbeat slaps, but accentuating the beat.
The Okonkolo is also not playing ki-la like in the other 6/8 grooves, but changed to a
pattern that gives a bit of a double tempo feel.
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Toques y Cantos
Analysing the slaps of the Iya and the open sounds of the Itotele, you can see, that,
except for the first beat of the second bar, the two sounds of the two drums fall
together.
6.3.6 Salida
Salida is a groove that is played in the Cierre after the seco part, and after La Topa.
Songs for both, Eleggua and Olokun, are sung while the Bata drums play this
groove. These songs are transcribed in cantos cierre, starting in the coro of number
4 and continuing until the end.
The Okonkolo part is the same as the Itotele pattern for Yegua. Also it is almost the
same as the Okonkolo pattern for Ochosi. The only difference is, that there, the
pattern starts on the second part of the pattern.
The whole groove is very straight and in a strong 4/4 feel.
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Toques y Cantos
The conversation, which I also wrote down, is fitting, like all the other traditional
conversations, perfectly with the songs.
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6.4 Cantos
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Conclusion
Conclusion
Santeria is the most spread religion in Cuba. What is special about this religion,
which came to Cuba with the African slaves, is that you have elements of both,
African and Christian religion that fused into one. Often, the Cubans call their
Gods, or Orishas, by the name of their Christian Saints. One should not be
surprised by seeing pictures of Santa Barbara or of Our Lady of Mercy on a
Santeria altar. They linked both religions perfectly. This is called syncretism.
It was however really difficult to find all the links between the Orishas and the
corresponding Saints. The reason why some information is missing is because
sometimes the link is really superficial, or people just simply don’t know them. I
also could not find all the information in books, because they mostly treat only the
most important Orishas, belonging to the Siete Potencias.
I found out that there are many differences in spelling the names of the Orishas,
but also for all the other Yoruban words. Some use the names from the Gods
how they are spelt in Nigeria, and some spell it with a big American influence. I
just chose for one way of writing and kept it the same in my whole thesis.
Next follows a chapter that treats the Bata drums. I was always amazed by the
way of communication through the Bata. But through this thesis I learned even
more about the whole language the drums use. I decided to add a CD to my
thesis, to illustrate those stories, told by the Bata. In my opinion you cannot only
read about music; you have to listen to it and to feel it. The best way to really get
into the world of Bata drumming is to go to a live performance, because there,
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Conclusion
the whole concept of the language of the drums becomes very clear. Soon, I
realized that those are hard to find anywhere in Europe. This was one of the
reasons why I decided to go to New York, in order to stretch out my research
about this subject and to get as much information as possible.
But also in New York, people sometimes give you different answers on one
question. Nobody really speaks or understands the Yoruban language anymore,
which is the reason why almost nobody could help me finding a translation for the
names of the drums. I also found out two different familial relationships between
the drums. Some people say that the Itotele is the father, but others say that he
is the second son of the Iya.
The main chapter of this work is dedicated to Eleggua, the Orisha of the
crossroads. Here a short summary of those facts that I believe to be most
important.
Who is he?
He is sometimes a child, but can also be an old man leaning on a club.
Eleggua is a trickster, but not devil. He should always be honoured first to make
sure that a ceremony turns out well. Because if Eleggua is not happy, this can
have serious consequences for humans. This makes him to one of the most
important Orishas. But a ceremony does not only start with Eleggua but also
ends with him. So Eleggua is the beginning and the end.
In New York I met John Amira, expert in both Santeria and Vodou. With him I
discussed the similarities between Eleggua and Legba. But he also showed me
the music of Vodou, which of course interested me even more. What I found out
is, that the drum ensemble of the Rada section is working quite the same than
the Bata drums. The musical role of the drums is exactly the same. The big
drums of the two music styles, which are both called “mother”, are leading the
drum ensemble, and the two small drums are working as timekeeper.
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Conclusion
But there are also many differences between those two music styles, like for
example the fact that there are almost no rhythms in Vodou that belong to the
Gods.
In Santeria however you have grooves like La Topa, La Lubanche and Salida
which are belonging to Eleggua and which can also only be played for him. In the
last section of my work I transcribed and analyzed those rhythms, and some
other major grooves where you find songs for Eleggua.
I really believe however, that you can never learn how to play the Bata drums
with a book. If you want to play those drums, you should get a teacher, and listen
a lot to this music. This music is a living language, and the feeling of it cannot be
written down. I put these grooves to make my work complete. I think that the
transcriptions should be understood more like a part of the research and not as a
manual on how to play the Bata drums.
I hope that, by reading my thesis, you got to know the world of the music of
Santeria a bit better. If you really want to know more about the religion or the
Bata drumming, I believe that you should forget the books and go to Cuba or
New York and get in touch with this mystic world.
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Glossary
Glossary
BAGET: the stick, which looks like a hammer and with whom
you play on the Maman
BASS: the sound that you produce when you hit the drum
with the palm of the hand
BATTERIE: the name for the Vodou drum ensemble
BOCA: the big skin of a Bata drum, different word for enu
BONDYE: god almighty in Vodou
BOULA: the highest drum in the Rada tradition
DIA DE REYES: January 6th, most important feast day for Lukumi
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85
Bibliography
Bibliography
Altmann, T.
1998 CANTOS LUCUMI A LOS ORISHAS. Hamburg: Oché TA0001
www.ochemusic.de (last viewed on September 1st 2006).
Amira, J.
2006 Private classes. New York.
Corrales, M.
2000 BATA DRUMS. CLAVE Vol.1, No.3 Aug/Sep 2000
http://www.lafi.org/magazine/articles/batadrums.html (last
viewed on July 25th 2008).
De la Torre, M. A.
2004 SANTERIA – the beliefs and rituals of a growing religion in
America.Cambridge: William B. Eerdmans Publishing Company.
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Desmangles, L. G.
1992 THE FACES OF THE GODS. Chapel Hill: The University of
North Carolina Press.
Iles, S.
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Martinez, P.
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Mason, J.
1992 ORIN ORISA – songs for selected heads. New York: Yoruba
Theological Archministry
Murphy, J. M.
1988 SANTERIA – AN AFRICAN RELIGION IN AMERICA. Boston:
Beacon Press.
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Rodriguez, O. A.
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Schweitzer, G.K.
2003 AFRO CUBAN BATA DRUM AESTHETICS: DEVELOPING
INDIVIDUAL AND GROUP TECHNIQUE, SOUND AND
IDENTITY. Doctor Dissertation, University of Maryland.
http://schweitzer.washcoll.edu/ethno/Schweitzer_Dissertation(C
hapter1).pdf (last viewed on July 25th 2008).
Sobisch, J.
2004 KULTUR SCHOCK CUBA. Bielefeld: Reise Know-how Verlag
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Vincent, A.
2006 BATA CONVERSATIONS: guardianship and entitlement
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dissertation, School of Oriental and African Studies, London.
Volkenandt, K.
DIE SANTERIA CUBANA – EIN ESSAY UEBER DIE
ENTSTEHUNG UND ENTWICKLUNG EINER AFRO-
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soft.de/zprivdat/kerstin (last viewed on July 25th 2008).
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Pictures:
Music:
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Bibliography
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I would like to thank:
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