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First, researchers have faced great difficulties specifying Chomsky's universal grammar theory due to the lack of a complete description of these abstract grammatical structures and agreement on how many exist. Critics also doubt one set of rules can account for variation among languages. Additionally, it is unclear how children link rules to the strings of words they hear. Second, Chomsky's assumption that grammatical knowledge is innate does not fit with observations of language development, as children gradually refine and generalize forms through learning and errors. For example, a 3-year-old was inconsistent in using prepositions. This suggests more experimentation and learning are involved than Chomsky assumed.
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0% found this document useful (0 votes)
41 views2 pages

PBK Translate 1

First, researchers have faced great difficulties specifying Chomsky's universal grammar theory due to the lack of a complete description of these abstract grammatical structures and agreement on how many exist. Critics also doubt one set of rules can account for variation among languages. Additionally, it is unclear how children link rules to the strings of words they hear. Second, Chomsky's assumption that grammatical knowledge is innate does not fit with observations of language development, as children gradually refine and generalize forms through learning and errors. For example, a 3-year-old was inconsistent in using prepositions. This suggests more experimentation and learning are involved than Chomsky assumed.
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1 Syaza Yasmin binti Ismail PISMP 2C

ISL - PERKEMBANGAN BAHASA KANAK-KANAK


23 JUN 2008
PENTERJEMAHAN PETIKAN
TUGASAN: NOMBOR 12
Petikan:
First, researchers have had great difficulty specifying Chomsky’s universal
grammar. A major problem is the absence of a complete description of these abstract
grammatical structures or even an agreed-on list of how many exist or the best
examples of them (Maratsos, 1998; Tomasello, 2003). Critics of Chomsky’s theory doubt
that one set of rules can account for the extraordinary variation in grammatical forms
among the world’s languages (Maratsos, 1998; Tomasello, 2003). How children manage
to link such rules with the strings of words they hear is also unclear.
Second, Chomsky’s assumption that grammatical knowledge is innately
determined does not fit with certain observations of language development. Once
children begin to use an innate grammatical structure, we would expect them to apply it
to all relevant instances in their language. But children refine and generalize many
grammatical forms gradually, engaging in much piecemeal learning and making errors
along the way. For example, one 3-year-old, is grappling with prepositions, initially
added with to the verb open (“You open with scissors”) but not to the word hit (“He hit
me stick”)(Tomasello, 2000, 2003, 2006). As we will see in Chapter 12, complete
mastery of some grammatical forms, such as the passive voice, is not achieved until
well into middle childhood (Tager-Flusberg, 2005). This suggests that more
experimentation and learning are involved than Chomsky assumed.

Penterjamahan:
Pertama, para penyelidik menghadapi kesukaran yang besar dalam menentukan
tatabahasa sejagat Chomsky. Masalah utamanya ialah ketiadaan gambaran lengkap
tentang struktur tatabahasa yang abstrak ini atau persetujuan atas senarai berapa
2 Syaza Yasmin binti Ismail PISMP 2C

banyak yang terdapat atau contoh yang terbaik untuk mereka (Maratsos, 1998;
Tomasello, 2003). Kritikan kepada teori Chomsky yang meragukan itu adalah satu set
peraturan yang boleh melaporkan kelainan yang luar biasa dalam bentuk tatabahasa di
antara bahasa-bahasa antarabangsa (Maratsos, 1998; Tomasello, 2003). Bagaimana
kanak-kanak menguruskan untuk berhubung seperti peraturan-peraturan dengan
rangkaian ayat yang mereka dengar juga tidak jelas.
Kedua, anggapan Chomsky yang pengetahuan tatabahasa adalah
semulajadinya kerap dilakukan tidak sesuai dengan pemerhatian tertentu tentang
perkembangan bahasa. Sekali kanak-kanak mula menggunakan struktur tatabahasa
semulajadi kita akan menjangka mereka mengaplikasinya kepada semua contoh
berkaitan dalam bahasa mereka. Tetapi kanak-kanak memperhalusi dan membuat
banyak bentuk tatabahasa secara beransur-ansur, masuk ke dalam pembelajaran
sedikit demi sedikit dan membuat kesalahan sepanjang proses pembelajaran. Sebagai
contoh, seorang kanak-kanak berumur 3 tahun bergelut dengan kata sendi nama, pada
mulanya tambahan ‘with’ kepada kata kerja ‘open’ (“You open with scissors”) tetapi
bukan kepada perkataan ‘hit’ (“He hit me stick”)(Tomasello, 2000, 2003, 2006). Seperti
kita lihat dalam Bab 12, penguasaan lengkap tentang kebanyakan bentuk tatabahasa,
seperti suara pasif yang tidak mencapai sehingga keadaan baik kepada pertengahan
zaman kanak-kanak (Tager-Flusberg, 2005). Cadangan ini yang banyak pengujikajian
dan pembelajaran yang terlibat daripada anggapan Chomsky.

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