Wallace - Essay
Wallace - Essay
Wallace - Essay
Journalism Education
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essays
Volume 5 number 1
Nearly 100 years ago, when Walter Lippmann published his accounts of the
immense difficulties of reconciling the world outside and the pictures in our
heads, most news came from a distance via newspapers and magazines.
And yet, even with this limited range and number of news purveyors, in Liberty and the
News and, later, the highly influential Public Opinion, Lippmann describes inconceivable confusion among the busy and tired people who had to make sense of it. Lippmanns
earlier career included a stint as a propagandist (and a very successful one) for the Creel
Committee during the First World War, so he knew something about the construction
of messages and the many forces along the path from sender to receiver that could shape
their meaning, rendering the world outside opaque and unknowable. How was democracy going to work, Lippmann wondered, if people were incapable of being adequately informed about important issues? Indeed, Lippmanns view seemed so dire that John Dewey
called Public Opinion perhaps the most effective indictment of democracy as currently
conceived ever penned.2
Everythingand nothinghas changed since then. Certainly the world must have
seemed a complicated, confusing place in the newly industrialised, post-war era in which
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Public Opinion appeared. Our present time is no less complicated, in either perception or
reality. Whats a bit startling, however, is how momentous change in one areanamely,
the revolutionary expansion of mass communication capabilitiesseems to have altered
the experience of those busy and tired people so little. Yes, people can contribute to and
engage with the news stream in ways that were impossible before. But that doesnt change
the fact that for issues and events happening outside their direct experience, people still
must take what is given to them by the news media and try to make sense of it. That task
is arguably more, not less, difficult with the proliferation of sources and platforms.
Comparing Lippmanns words with todays realities isnt just a way of noting the old saying about how the more things change the more they stay the same (though it certainly
does that too). Rather, I want to think more about how Lippmanns views might be useful
as we consider where news literacy has been and is, or ought to be, going.
My research collaborators, Seth Ashley and Adam Maksl, and I began our work in news
literacy with what we thought would be an answerable question: What is it? If we could
define it, then maybe we could measure it. And if we could measure it, then we would have
done something useful for researchers interested in investigating relationships between
news literacy and other civically important things, such as political participation, as well
as for educators who were developing curricula and programs and wanted to evaluate their
effectiveness. It all seemed pretty straightforward.
Our initial theorizing regarding the what is news literacy question focused more on
the literacy part than the news part. If literacy encompasses the ability to analyse and
interpret news messages, then what might someone need to know about news to analyse
and interpret it? This is a somewhat odd way to think about news, which is generally
considered successful to the extent it doesnt require much analysing. It is designed to be
taken at face value. Many people, especially those coming from the world of professional
journalism, often define news literacy in terms that reflect this face value notion. In this
view, news literacy is the ability to distinguish real news from the burgeoning numbers
of imitators that might look like works of journalism on the surface, but are not the products of journalistic practices involving verification and so on. This definition influenced
our thinking, and we began to consider news literacy in the context ofand as a product
ofprofessional journalism. What does one need to know about the system that produces
news to be able to interpret that news? In addition, we were thinking about journalism in
terms of the roles it plays and the consequent responsibilities it has in a democracy. Those
were, after all, the things that made news literacy important in the first place, it seemed to
us.
All of this led us, early on, to spin our wheels a bit. We were looking at what people knew
about what journalism should do. (It turns out that the college students who were the participants in that early research knew, or could at least guess, the correct answers about
that.) While thats good to know, it wasnt really helping us figure out if they knew enough
about how professional journalism actually works to be able to analyse the news messages
it produces. Our next steps, then, focused more on identifying the tools someone might
bring to the task of analysing news messages, and less on whether and how someone appreciates those messages. We adapted a model of media literacy that had never been operationalised before to create the News Media Literacy scale, which combines items measuring knowledge about the news media system (among other things) with items addressing
psychological traits and motivations relevant to interpreting the news.
Doing this was not without controversy. The rich, if somewhat conceptually scattered,
media literacy literature informing our work has been dismissed by some journalists as
too ideological, too critical of journalism. For example, the idea that knowing about the
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terpreting news rankled some of those closely aligned with the journalism industry. In addition, including psychological measures seemed too far afield. In some ways, this reflects
a desire to focus on NEWS literacy more than news LITERACY. Which brings us back to
Lippmann.
We are told about the world before we see it. We imagine most things before we
experience them. And those preconceptions, unless education has made us acutely
aware, govern deeply the whole process of perception.3
Lippmann, applying insights from the then-relatively new field of social psychology, described how stereotypes and blind spots work to filter and skew our interpretation of mass
media messages. Remember, this is at a time when there were fewer news sources and it
was far easier to make some sort of determination about any sources credibility than it
is today. So the problem Lippmann is identifying has almost nothing to do with message
sources and everything to do with limits on our interpretive abilities. To me, that suggests
that the focus of news literacy ought to be less on distinguishing among news sources and
more on how the ways we get newsmediated by technologies, a host of institutional and
organisational forces and our own psychological toolsshapes our understanding. And if
we adjust our focus in that way, news literacy research and practice also need to make sure
the scope is broader than professional journalism and the definitions of news more inclusive. In the end, that might mean news literacy is perhaps less distinct from media literacy
than some might desire. But I think it could be better positioned to help citizens handle the
challenges to democratic decision-making Lippmann identified all those years ago.
References
1
Lippmann, W. (1920). Liberty and the News. New York: The Free Press, p. 5.
2
Dewey, J. (1922). Public Opinion, The New Republic 30 (May 3), p. 286.
3
Lippmann, W. (1922/1965). Public Opinion. New York: The Free Press, p. 59.
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