THE TRANSMISSION OF KNOWLEDGE AMONG ESTONIAN WITCH

DOCTORS
Mare Kiva
According to a recently developed legend, it so happened that seven of the most famous
Estonian witches came together. They discussed various things, spoke about their
experiences and finally started to argue who was the most powerful among them. They
decided to find it out. A disciple was sent out to fetch anybody from the street. The
disciple came back with a woman. According to the agreement, everybody was to try his
or her best to say something about the woman. They all watched the woman, but nobody
saw anything. They could hardly see the woman. Suddenly one of the witches shouted: "I
know who is the most powerful among us! I saw him sending a white cloud between us
and the woman!"

This incident (in terms of folklore studies, a legend) is said to have happened a few years
ago. There are several variants of the legend at the Estonian Folklore Archives. The
reports about some of these seven witches are used in the present paper; however, I have
mostly relied on materials recorded in the Vnnu parish and those registered in the files
of magic formulas. I would like to emphasize that the article speaks about real people
who act as healers or witch doctors.

On the whole, the witch doctors under discussion can be divided in two groups:
representatives of traditional rural culture and urban doctors. This is a very obscure
division. Here I am relying chiefly on the opinion that the so-called urban doctors are
using methods from the alternative medicine of many different nations, their connection
with ethno-medicine and traditional culture is relatively weaker, while they can be more
closely associated with some definite schools or with the New Age movement. In most
cases they are also living in towns or cities, rarely in remote places in the countryside.
However, today even the doctors using traditional folk medicine are not untouched by
different influences, many of them work hand in hand with an official physician and use
different possibilities of formal medicine.

The first part of this article is an attempt to define, who are chosen by the traditional
witch doctors and who by modern healers to inherit their knowledge. In the following
paragraphs we shall see when and under which circumstances the transmission takes
place. Traditional knowledge is inseparable from certain canons of the tradition, from the
prescriptions that are to be observed, to ensure success of the process. Often the healing
rites are connected with temporal and spatial parameters that are to be taken into account,

although in some cases there can be some concessions. The article refers to the cases
where the healer reckons with traditional canons, and still has a certain degree of freedom
to shape the rite according to his or her own will.

1. Persons to Whom Traditional Healers Transmit Their Knowledge

Vnnu is a parish in the Tartu district, relatively big according to Estonian standards,
covered with marshes and forests, where around 700 folk healers have worked during the
past hundred years. About 350 of them were women and the rest were men. Traditional
medicine ceased to be used in the 60s and 70s of this century, but some representatives of
the former witch dynasties applied their knowledge for healing as late as in 1986 when
field work was undertaken there. Already in the early 1960s the then young folklore
collector Mall Hiieme came across two aged local witch doctors, and the material from
the 80s offers interesting information about the further fate of the esoteric tradition of
these families. I shall call one of these families (Ida Poska's) witch A, and the other
(Emilie Vuks's) witch B. The other witches living in the same or neighbouring villages
shall be witches C, D, E, F, G, H.

According to beliefs, a witch doctor could transmit his/her knowledge only once,
according to some reports only three times, otherwise he/she was said to lose the power
of healing. Actually, the knowledge was transmitted on several occasions. The belief that
knowledge cannot be transmitted more than once, otherwise the healer loses his/her
power, is very wide-spread, and here I shall quote only a few sources (Mansikka 1927;
Pcs 1985; Hoffmann-Krayer & Bchtold-Stubli 1930/1:1893 -1894, Peskov 1980:251).
Quite the opposite is the case when spells are transmitted to the patient, which happens
fairly easily, and the holder of the spell has no fear of losing his/her power. Thus have
proceeded several Estonian witch doctors, as well as some healers in the Estonian
settlements in Siberia (Korb & Peebo 1995:21). The so-called protection and heavenly
letters that contain, among other things, several protective and healing spells as well as
letter formulas, include also an explicit command to copy the text and distribute it among
fellow sufferers. The situation where simple healing spells and charms of promoting
household are known to nearly every adult inhabitant in the village was referred to in my
research into spells (Kiva 1990:146). Similar free distribution and wide circulation of
esoteric verbal magic has been brought up by other researchers (Smirnov 1988:53).
Identical ideas are represented even in remote cultures. D. R. Price-Williams writes, that
`in practice anybody can set himself up as such a practitioner and rationalize the position'
(Price-Williams 1973:364). There have just been very few of those who have deeper
knowledge of diseases and their cure, and who thus can heal many of them.

In Estonia the position of folk healers was not considered to be of any merit even in the
present century. Folklorists preferred to collect their spells, i.e. concrete texts. These texts
of magical spells are without any comments and out of context; often there is no
specification of the situation when they were presented. Occasional descriptions of
transmission, belonging to the general background or context, were overlooked in such
text-oriented collection. The institution of folk healers, their life, philosophy, and world
outlook were never subjects of inquiry or recording. The attitude towards them was often
that of fear and prejudice, they were regarded as almost half-mythical beings. Folklore
narratives about healers were identified with their actual personal features. They were
regarded with mistrust. Moreover, even the witch doctors themselves could be haughty or
cross, deny their practice and refuse to discuss it. This has been reflected in several
fieldwork diaries in the Estonian Folklore Archives. Partly, people have tried to avoid
groundless curiosity, but there have been several reasons to their disobliging.

In the mid-1980s when a specified inquiry was carried out, traditional folk medicine was
already in decline. Often, informants were grandchildren of the former witch doctors. In
most cases, they had declined to accept the heritage, they had never taken interest in their
parents' knowledge or taken pains to memorize their healing methods. There were also
distant relatives and other informants who had come in touch with healers, had been their
patients or lived in their neighbourhood; some just remembered what their parents had
told about their experience with witch knowledge and their contacts with such people.
Even the latest and scantiest information has shown that knowledge was transmitted by
very different channels.

Witch A (Ida, a well-known midwife and rose-healer) began to heal people as a young
woman. Her husband could also cure diseases (snake-bite, etc.). They also exchanged
their knowledge. According to folk belief, Ida and her husband knew snake spells, too.
Ida received spells and healing instruction from a local elderly male witch doctor, whose
name and family are obscure. The only established fact is that he lived in a neighbouring
large village. Ida had a family: two sons and a daughter, of whom two have taken up
healing after her. In 1986 the children were elderly people. Witch A transmitted her
knowledge to her two sons, a daughter, a passer-by, and to the Folklore Archives. Two of
her successors act as witch doctors, the daughter is well known in the neighbouring
villages and people seek her help when humans or animals fall ill.

Witch A was considered to

be a good midwife, and
people have come from
faraway places with horses
to fetch her. Part of her
knowledge she gained from
her husband: `Ida's
husband&ldots; when he
whistled, snakes would
come to his house as if it
were raining of them. He
also knew the charm and
the whistle, the way he
Figure No 1. A box is drawn around witches and
whistled, and the snakes
their successors who have acted as doctors.
went there. /---/' (RKM II
395, 360 (4) < Vnnu
parish, Savime village - Mall Hiieme < Milda Anijrv, 63 a. (1986)).

One of Ida's sons became a local folk healer specializing in ring-bone and other not so
serious diseases. Her other son claims that he was considered without talent by the
family, he was the youngest child and therefore he was not taken into account. Though he
has noted several things during the healing procedures. He himself does not heal people.

The best known of the children is the daughter Linda, known as Linda of Poska. Local
people know her also by the name of her first husband as Prunni Linda, or by the family
name of her last husband, Kmbre Linda. She is presently residing in the neighbouring
parish. Her daughter, also known as a witch, continues to use her father's knowledge,
which she however did not learn directly from her father, but from her mother. The
daughter uses incantations for healing. Methods of healing erysipelas (rose), ear-ache,
and other diseases are typical to traditional medicine: fat with incantations, notebook
cover rubbed with pencil graphite. She also heals other diseases with which people come
to her, including external tumours (`Made several circles around it with a knife. With a
table-knife - and afterwards gently with her own finger, too') and different skin diseases
or the so-called diseases from the earth. She is also known for curing ring-bone on horses
and people, so that some are said to call her a ring-bone-healer. These diseases she also
treats with methods that belong to the classics of folk medicine, such as restricting the
foci with things made of iron; she prefers, however, to use washing the disease off with
moonlight.

In her lifetime Ida was displeased with her daughter's success and often reproached her
for being preferred by patients (RKM II 395, 361 (6) < Vnnu parish - Mall Hiieme <
Milda Anijrv, 63 a. (1986)). Her relations with other witch doctors in the neighbourhood
were said to be good. However, there is no evidence about any exchange of spells or
knowledge between them. It is possible that they merely communicated with each other
on an everyday level, but, even more likely, the archive records (including the
supplementary questionnaire) are not so thorough as to give any substantial proof to the
spread of such secret tradition.

Belief accounts assure that she was considered a healer, a good person. Despite that she
was still thought to possess a book of black magic with which you can intentionally cause
evil to people. The last opinion indicates that even the most good-hearted healers are still
suspected of an ability to cause evil. The belief that witches can cause chaos and diseases
is widespread, and the opinion that witches are a destructive and anti-social power has
been upheld by the church (Alver & Selberg 1987: 26).

Witch B (Emilie) transmitted her knowledge to

her daughters, to a granddaughter and to the
Folklore Archives. In this family there are no
acting witch doctors, although one of them,
who inherited the written magic formulas and
the complete knowledge, is considered to
possess an evil eye. The same was said about
her mother. As village people say, she could
communicate with birds and animals, but
regardless of her high ethical principles she
was regarded as a dangerous person in the
village.

In 1965, Mall Hiieme (to whom the old witch

doctor recited the healing spells) wrote in her
fieldwork diary that the elder daughter had no
faith in her mother's spells. After twenty years,
the daughter could still repeat the spell against
Figure No 2. A box is drawn around witches and
erysipelas that had been written down on a
their successors who have acted as doctors.
piece of paper, as well as other spells, and she
remembered her mother's healing methods and the ointments she used to prepare. She

even remembered the ceremonial action that accompanied the recitation: `(---) The curing
was like that: you had to say it in one breath, and you had to draw circles with a grey
pencil without a stop. The paper had to be thick - something like a sheet from a notebook
or its cover. She drew circles on it and made some obscure crosses and recited the spell
over it.'

The most precise account of the transmission is given by the daughter who inherited the
written spells from her mother: `She gave me the words and said that you had to say them
three times during the wedding ceremony. First you learned them by heart. But did I ever
learn them! I did not, and I never used them.' (RKM II 395, 337/40 (1) <Vnnu parish,
Savime village - M. Hiieme < Lehte Lokk (1986)). Accepting of the trade is also
commented by the other daughter: `Mother wanted to pass it over to me, but I did not
believe it, and there it was'. The granddaughter justifies her refusal with her young age: `I
was young and full of arrogance - what were such old beliefs to me!'.

In the same village lived a third witch doctor, witch C (Alma), who acquired her
knowledge from her brother-in-law (E), who also knew of snake spells. Part of her
knowledge she learned from an Estonian from Russia who lived in the neighbourhood,
having settled in the village during the war (G), and from another man in the village who
knew snake spells (D). Alma had no disciples, and she could not pass on her knowledge
within her family, and so she has recently used her skills mainly for her family in the case
of necessity.

Witch D (Karl) knew spells to cure snake-bites, and some of his art he transmitted to his
wife and daughter, but they never succeeded him in the trade. Karl's knowledge came
from several local older witch doctors and, partly, from literature.

Figure No 3. A box is drawn around witches and

their successors who have acted as doctors.

The source
of
knowledge
of witch E
(Ziuga) is
not known.
His
disciples
were Alma
(C) and to a
certain
extent
Solna (G),
the
Estonian
from
Russia.

Witch F (Luise) came from a colonial community, she brought her knowledge from there
and acquired it also from Solna, the Estonian from Russia. She was known in the
neighbourhood as a potion mixer and a healer of snake-bites: `Luise recited her spells
over vodka, and the vodka had a musty stench. She recited it over a child, and the child
stank, too.' (RKM II 397, 226 (23) < Vnnu parish - K. Peebo < Emma Mrtson, 98 a.
(1986). In her old age she lived in Tartu, and she did not use her spells or healing
knowledge. Part of her lore is kept at the Estonian Folklore Archives. Eda Kalmre
describes her in the fieldwork diary: `She knew how to treat illnesses caught from snakes,
dogs, cows, how to heal creaking joints (inflammation of carpal joints), fire signs, etc.,
and she believed in them.' (RKM II 397, 597/8 < Tartu - E. Kalmre (1986).

Most of what was connected with folk medicine in the practice of witch G (Solna) came
also from a colonial settlement in Russia, from the Estonian and Russian tradition that
existed there. She instructed healers C and D, her two daughters, and at least one
neighbouring woman. There are quite a few fragmentary data about Solna's healing
methods. She treated injuries, erysipelas, snake-bites, various infant diseases, and various
ills caused by the evil eye. She also cured domestic animals. An inseparable part of her
sance was spell-casting. Usually she recited her spells over unsalted pork fat or other
traditional substances. Local inhabitants have described her as a good specialist in herbal
remedy. One of the daughters remembered her mother's healing methods, the other had
repeatedly written down magic spells, but had later lost them or thrown them away. She
justified her lack of interest in mother's healing methods with her allegedly poor memory.

Witch H (Marie) got her knowledge of healing from an old woman who lived in the same
village and who could cure various diseases. She never used the knowledge herself. All
that she remembered she presented to the Archives.

As the brief list above shows, the transmission of knowledge has by no means been easy
in the 20th century, because the inheritors were not interested in traditional lore. I have
described the reasons for such attitudes in a previous article (Kiva 1995:224), and
therefore I shall not dwell on the subject. The main reasons for rejecting the healer's trade
seem to have been changes in the way of life and the falling prestige of traditional
medicine. In a village community the reason may also have been the wish to be free from
the status of a witch and from the attending attitudes and preconceived ideas.

2. Contemporary Folk Healers and Transmission

I do not know whether the 1970s were a more difficult period for witch doctors than, say,
the era of political oppression in the 1940s and 50s. In spite of the official hostility
towards popular and alternative ways of healing, witch doctors were highly esteemed by
their patients. People came to visit them alone, or with their whole families and friends.
Sometimes they even rented a bus and whole groups of colleagues and sympathizers
drove to the other end of Estonia to see such people. Contemporary healers differ from
each other in their social background and education more than the mediators of the
previous century or the early 20th century who applied methods of traditional folk
medicine. Then the healers were farmers, smallholders, craftsmen, even some parsons,
parish clerks, officials of manor and township administrations, landowners, etc. Still,
most of the healers were inferior farmers.

Let us here say a few words about some of the witch doctors that featured in the legend at
the beginning of the article. We have chosen the most typical representatives of witch
doctors with different backgrounds and healing methods.

Gunnar Aarma (born 1916) is a music teacher, a university graduate, member of Lutheran
church. On several occasions he has embraced Islam and extracted medical knowledge
from Islamic philosophy and medicine. In Estonia he is justly regarded the grand old
man, guru and promoter of Buddhism. For years he has propagated Eastern medicine and

its methods. He makes use of acupuncture and acupressure, diagnoses afflictions with the
help of eyes, ears and soles of feet. One of his healing methods is gong therapy; he has
studied and experimented on music therapy, diagnosed with a pendulum, advocates
hunger cures and hydropathy, etc. Both of his grandmothers were village healers whose
methods Aarma has described as intuitive and, therefore, of little interest to him.
Anyway, he has seen them healing and massaging. During his years of banishment and
prison camps he has met several Russian witch doctors. At that period he also came into
contact with a Yakut shaman. He may be considered one of the first importers and
brokers of mumio in Estonia. Very innovative were his sances of hunger cure and the
promotion of macrobiotic diet. As for herbs and diet, Aarma has always stressed the
necessity to choose from those that grow near one's place of living - only these can
sustain your health.

In one of my previous articles I have referred to the substantial influence his manuscript
books have exerted, how these were passed on from hand to hand and copied (Kiva
1995:222). By now, several of them have been published (e.g. Aarma 1995, 1996), and
there have also been interviews in books (Mirtem 1994) and media. I should characterize
him as a philosopher, in a way, a witch doctor whose healing sances are notably
spiritual, who spends his time and energy trying to shape the philosophy and attitudes of
his patients. At the same time, his own personality, his life and the elucidation of its
complicated moments, his own experience seem to be an inseparable part of his healing
sances. People that come to see him are stimulated with a discourse about difficult
situations. His wife and three children respect and support Gunnar Aarma's ideology and
esoteric practices. Heljo Aarma often accompanies her husband on lectures and is his
closest assistant at receptions. Their daughter Maria has tried to interpret traditional
material, taking as her starting point the identical principles (such as `Mother Earth Fair').
Through his books, Aarma is a teacher of many physicians and folk healers. From the
most prominent witch doctors he has been in closer relationship with, and given
instruction to Vigala Sass and Lille Lindme, but there have been others. It is not easy to
ascertain the exact number of his disciples, since many people have paid brief visits and
talked to him. It is clear, however, that Aarma does not consider them as his disciples.

Aleksander Heintalu or, as he is known, Vigala Sass (born 1941) is a university graduate
and has taken his PhD in agronomy. His widespread diagnosing and healing activities
begun in the 1970s and for decades already he has been the best known witch doctor of
Estonia. Vigala Sass grew up in an orphanage and worked hard to obtain education and to
improve his accomplishments. He if anyone has been encouraged by post-war
difficulties, as he grew without a family to develop abilities that usually lie dormant in
children that are raised in a safe family atmosphere. To test his abilities, he has observed
paranormal phenomena, experimented and explored. Part of the information he gained
this way, he added to his methods of diagnosing and healing. Vigala Sass is a herbalist.
He not only gathers medicinal herbs, heals with them, and prepares potions, but also

grows and imports various medicinal herbs from abroad. From his expeditions to the
mountain and desert areas of the former Soviet Union he has brought them along to be
planted at his experimental fields. He grows exotic herbs, crossbreeds them and mixes
into his potions. In his doctoral thesis he analysed the use of Rodiola in veterinary
medicine (Heintalu), presuming that it had excellent perspective in economy. He was
undoubtedly one of the first promoters of Rodiola and mumio. In addition to his so-called
"sounding" of medicinal herbs and diseases, he has applied various healing methods, incl.
massage, acupuncture and acupressure, hypnosis. Besides his frequent appearances in
mass media, he has authored several books that describe his healing methods (Vigala
Sass 1992; 1996). His books are anthologies where personal experiences are combined
with knowledge obtained from books, personal empirical observations mixed with
astrology and a glimpse of oriental medicine. The astrological component is, as he says, a
compromise with modern trends and expectations of the readers.

In his development years, and afterwards, he has come into contact with other witch
doctors and people devoted to the study of paranormal phenomena. His abilities intrigued
some research centres in Russia and, allegedly, to the security committee. Moreover, on
his expeditions he also used to find out and pay visits to local healers and exchange
information with them. From people who supported Vigala Sass and with whom he
associated in the 1970s, I would like to mention Meeme Karolin, an enthusiastic lecturer
and modeller and user of miscellaneous devices for the examination of unusual
phenomena. He has been one of the mediators of Russian literature of paranormal
phenomena to the southern Estonian reader. For decades already, he has surrounded
himself with psychics, measurers of the earth's energy, dowsers and healers. His circle of
friends has changed: different people have belonged to it for a shorter or longer period of
time (usually they have been related with the Estonian Agricultural Academy, with the
city of Tartu or with southern Estonia).

In addition to Gunnar Aarma, Vigala Sass has visited such well-known Estonian folk
healers as Laine Roht and H. Lilleste. Sass' son has grown up and learned esoteric
knowledge from his father. The talented young man is expected to take over his father's
trade in herbal remedy. Some things he has also taught to his stepson Ivo and to his
numerous temporary disciples and students, among them secondary school graduates,
university students of different specialities, medics, men of arts and sciences. His
meetings with choirs (Vigala Sass is a choir veteran), librarians, participants in various
training courses are by now a tradition. The most enduring ties of the past ten years link
him with the heathenist movement. Among them Sass has found disciples who are very
eager to learn from him. Young heathens have helped Sass to build his place of worship
where he conducts most of his rites, and participated in his incantation rites, some of
which (e.g. the autumn incantation of 1992) have been specially dedicated to them.

Vigala Sass has a peculiar way of interpreting Estonian mythology and formulating the
individual religion; he is the first and foremost neo-shaman (cf. Kiva 1995: 231; Hoppl
1996). In addition to Estonian mythology, his philosophy is inspired by the KarelianFinnish epic Kalevala. His interpretations and etymologies are unique: a mixture of what
he has picked up from books, conversations, and inspiration. These are products of
independent thought that only partly overlap with academic versions of mythology.
Folklore material, as well as books and articles have been given to Sass - or copied or
procured, for that matter - by his friends and associates. At that, the Balto-Finnic heritage
and literature is not the sole source of information: he has communicated with Nganasan
and Altai shamans. He, like Gunnar Aarma, has expressed his opinion that only part of
the knowledge that is based on intuition and traditional world view can be applied in
healing practice.

Laine Roht or Kaika Laine, known also as the Witch of Kaika (born 1927) comes from a
family that has brought forth several folk healers, but also formal doctors of remedy. Her
great-grandmother and father were witch doctors. `My father knew how to massage and
cure animal diseases. Strangles and sprains on horses were cured by him. And he
delivered calves. He had a gadget with which he could sound animals. He was called
when someone had sprained an ankle or something. His main remedies were turpentine,
spirits of wine, neat's-foot oil. Our great-grandmother (grandfather's mother) also knew
how to heal. She delivered babies.'

Laine has primary (6-year) education. She was born with the so-called sign of a doctor: as
the midwife maintains, at birth she had the sign like a cross, a cup of poison and a snake
on her forehead. In her development years, besides her midwife, she had personal
contacts with a witch doctor who lived near Sangaste and with Marta Hamer, an elderly
healer and soothsayer near Plva. She began to heal people when she was 33, and her
healing methods belong to the routine of the traditional folk medicine. In most cases she
recites her prayers and spells over remedies, but in the recent years she has taught her
patients to use the method of acupressure when applying an ointment to the skin. This she
has learned from other healers. Her spells she also found from the volume of magical
spells of the Anthology of Estonian Folk Songs, a tip she got from a good acquaintance.
Laine has been in friendly relations with several witch doctors during her practice, she
has also had disciples, some of whom have co-operated with her for some time. She has
received patients in co-operation with a man who in the nearest town was known as a
pendulum diagnostician and who later became an independent healer. In the latest years
one of her constant associates has been a lecturer from Tartu University, a man of degree.
Her relations with other witch doctors and disciples have been unsteady: besides those
with whom she has maintained mutual affection for a long time, there are those towards
whom she develops resentment and (mutual) distrust in the course of their apprenticeship.
Laine has no children, and her brothers, sisters or their children have had no ambition to
become healers.

Bookish knowledge, philosophical ideas and practical tips that have been found in books
have exercised tremendous influence on contemporary witch doctors. This undoubtedly
applied also to the healers of the previous century and of the beginning of this century. At
this point I should like to mention again Tiitsu Seiu who besides publications on herbal
remedy and esoteric and magical teachings was also very fond of chemistry books and
the like. He subscribed for periodicals and books in many languages (Kiva 1989:92).
Today there is a wide variety of esoteric literature of different origin to choose between;
the reading languages have also changed. In the 1970s and 80s manuscript translations
from English, German and Russian circulated. Along with Estonian translations people
began to read Russian. Very typical of the 80s was focusing on oriental medicine and
philosophy. It was not before the 90s that opportunities emerged to study in China and
other centres of oriental medicine. On the other hand, the 80s are probably the most
Russian-biased decade. Oriental medicine came to be known mostly through the
mediation practised in the Russian language. Russian training centres trained Estonians,
too. Russian publications circulated in the greatest numbers. In the 70s original treatises
by Estonian witch doctors were often passed from hand to hand. A new phenomenon in
the publication of esoteric teachings of witch doctors were compilations (Paju 1995),
guidebooks (Aarma 1996; Vigala Sass 1992) or original works. I would like to stress the
role of original literature. The first books by well-known psychics and folk healers that
were published in the 90s were bought and read by many. Differentiation is only a recent
phenomenon and now such material is oriented only to a close circle of sympathizers.
Remarkably great is the popularity of Luule Viilma's The Teaching of Survival (Viilma
1996) and The Teaching of Living (Viilma 1994). Luule Viilma, a gynaecologist by
profession, has been in the alternative medicine since the late 1980s. Her real fame was
brought by her books that are cherished by people of different occupations. She is equally
popular among unread people and top intellectuals. In essence, her teaching is akin to
Christian moral code and the teaching of forgiveness, combined with the healer's personal
views to form an integral whole. The book describes typical situations, claiming that
diseases originate in people's depravity, wrong way of thinking, and that they can be
removed by forgiveness. Just forgive - and all afflictions, even malignant tumours, are
eliminated - that is Luule Viilma's teaching.

The Viilma phenomenon is remarkable in that for the first time Estonian psychics and
admirers of esoteric teachings have a Master. Namely, an impressive number of doctors
of alternative medicine repeat (sometimes in modified form) her principles, and they even
use her typical expressions. Very interesting was my recent encounter with a church
officer, a former nurse, who, although not quite agreeing with Viilma's teachings, quoted
the principles from her book. She described how she asked for forgiveness from her
aching hands, or from her skin rash, and how all that helps her recover.

Teachings and traditional methods of healing of other nations have penetrated into
original literature. Such conglomeration of different cultural traditions is equally
characteristic of the physician's ideas of herbal remedy and of the healing books of witch
doctors.

I shall leave aside witch doctors of other nationalities, because their circle of patients and
practice has not been studied closely; I shall also omit the question how many nonEstonians ever visit an Estonian witch doctor. But quite a new phenomenon are witch
doctors who have been trained abroad. In the 1980s they subscribed for courses and
studies at psychic schools in Moscow, Kiev and other large cities of Russia. In the 1990s
came short and rush courses, and those who had gone through one of such courses got a
licence or certificate. Primary courses were organized by Estonians who live abroad and
they were greeted with public attention and media coverage. Classes of transcendental
meditation were opposed by outstanding witch doctors in TV and radio broadcasts.
Healing instructions of different schools were introduced from Scandinavia and
(especially) Finland. New healers emerged from people who had gone through some
courses, although most of them never go beyond the circle of their closest relatives.

3. Friends and Strangers

Naturally, the tradition of the healers is transmitted not only in a family of witch doctors
or esoteric environment, but it is constantly supplemented by new knowledge and new
talented people from outside. And yet, children who have grown up in the families of
certain healers have more prerequisite qualities to become heirs to the lineage of certain
esoteric knowledge. A healer acquires most of his/her knowledge from his/her
predecessor in the course of direct oral communication, and yet, wisdom accumulates in
other ways as well: new information is acquired through dreams, "found" at moments of
inspiration, etc. A healer as a bearer of tradition mediates the cultural pattern of his era,
realizes the traditionally accepted models, solutions, beliefs and narratives. The internal
norms of tradition shape personal experiences and interpretations into a traditionally
acceptable, that is to say, standardized form.

The rules and regulations imposed inside an esoteric group are often different from those
imposed on ordinary people. The personality of the healer and everything connected with
his/her knowledge is mythologized to a certain extent, as is that which is connected with
the transmission of healing practices and charms. Although knowledge can be transmitted
to an occasional visitor or a patient, such information never spreads very widely, and the

event itself was never generalized into popular tradition. These were exceptions known
only to the giver and the recipient.

There have been no professional witchcraft schools in Estonia. In most cases, the
knowledge of a healer has been transmitted within one's family, although among the
disciples there have been some occasional acquaintances, patients, wandering witch
apprentices, etc.

Contemporary witch doctors come into contact with each other on various forums. The
greatest and most popular of its kind is Maaema mess (Mother Earth Fair). Besides wellknown healers and anthroposophists who showed up at three fairs that have taken place
so far, numerous freshman healers and devotees were also present. There they have the
opportunity to get acquainted, to exchange their views and just to have a chat. In my view
lobby work is an important part of the fair. It is a kind of nursery of contemporary witch
doctors where one can find books, music, remedies, and knowledge. But the main thing is
the opportunity of communication and meeting with people who share your views. On the
fairs the audience can partake in lectures, beginners can meet eminent healers. In the
recent years they have tried to launch the Society of Natural Cure which would unite the
leading witch doctors and specialists in aroma and colour therapy (both have been
introduced recently), as well as agents or foreign companies that produce natural
remedies, and, naturally, adherents.

The initial legend indicates a meeting in a friendly atmosphere. There is nothing

uncommon in the custom of visiting each other, either to celebrate something, to spend
holidays, to exchange information, or for some other reasons. Sometimes the incidents at
these meetings develop into traditional accounts. Here is an example:

Well, we were inside, me and my husband. And see, two cars drove up to the threshingbarn. And he went to look who they were. And he came back and said, There are Mrs.
Helgi Lilleste, and a gentleman with him, Mr. Tiik, what's his name - the acupuncturist. I
don't remember his name. There were two gentlemen and four ladies. And they stayed
overnight. We had fire-wood up there behind the barn. They took some wood with them
and went up that hill and made a fire there. Suddenly they saw a church in the fire, and
people going to that church. Helgi came then running here - we had a fence around the
house then - and shouted, come and look.

It had lasted for fifteen minutes. And then came another sight, of horses dancing in the
paddock. Well! Next morning they all came down and told us what they had seen on the
hill. And asked, if we knew it or had seen it. But, of course, I had not, I knew nothing of
that hill. Perhaps our ancestors knew it and saw it.

Co-operation between witch doctors is also suggested in the data about traditional
medicine. It is not easy to determine the solidity of such ties, or whether it was the healer
who referred the patient to his colleague, or whether it was the patient who went to see
several witch doctors. Neither is it unambiguously clear, what were the criteria of
choosing a witch doctor, and to what extent it depended on views and convictions that
spread in the patient's social group. It is much easier to observe mutual co-operation
between the so-called new healers.

Besides the Master -disciple relationship we may come across co-operation between
equals or differently specialized healers. This is based on permanent (professional) ties
and distribution of tasks. I would like to mention as an example the co-operation between
two northern Estonian healers: Veeliks Jalakas (releases people from the so-called biovampires) and a female witch doctor, living at Roiu, who prescribes and prepares
remedies. The patient gets full-scale treatment from such co-operation. (Veeliks Jalakas
has young apprentices, but the relationship between them is an ordinary Master -disciple
one. The older and more experienced party teaches healing methods, helps to analyse the
situation and diagnose the patient's affliction, etc.) Under this group I would classify
cases when the other party is entrusted with an important part of the healing process. For
example, a trusted associate gathers and dries medicinal herbs for Laine Roht. Such is
also the relationship with a colleague who assists the healer in diagnosing, or even in
preparing the remedy, when the mediator is tired or requires help. In my opinion this is a
gesture of absolute trust. Patients are referred to other specialists when needed by almost
all prominent healers. G. Aarma refers his patients who in his opinion need a different
treatment to his colleagues: for example, to Tiik when they need acupuncture.

The status of the disciple has also changed. Since the position of a witch doctor is
reputable and rewarding, it seems that nowadays the aspirants are sometimes tempted by
the financial side of the trade. Disciples begin to heal early in their apprenticeship, with
but few experience, and their own disciples and devotees gather around them. That
financial interest nourishes their ambitions to become healers is by no means unique.
Bente Alver mentioned it in her African study (Alver 1990: 127). Another question is
whether it is customary in Europe or typical only to a society in an unstable stage of
transition. In urban environment it is more common for immature apprentices to begin to
heal. In a traditional culture witch doctors and their doings are regulated by social control
which in the cities is not present, or is weaker. Apprentices are also encouraged to begin

to heal by the attention given to them in mass media. Series of articles force journalists to
find new, unknown witch doctors. So public attention comes upon apprentices before
they are quite mature as healers, as well as upon people for whom this is an easy
opportunity of self-realization and publicity. Such "promoters" were, for example, the
weekly interviews with witches that ran in Liivimaa Kuller for a year. Long programmes
on the radio and television at prime time are in my opinion also conducive to such
occurrences.
The relations between Masters and their apprentices and disciples have also changed.
Almost all known healers have disciples who may stay with them for longer or shorter
periods. This is not different from traditional folk medicine. However, a considerable part
of disciples are not interested (at least not in the first place) in the healer's trade, but
rather in the study of their world outlook, philosophy (such is evidently the relationship
between Vigala Sass and neo-heathens) or they are curious to learn esoteric things. Very
interesting is also the system of the so-called props that comprises disciples, friends and
acquaintances. They exchange and track publications, translate books, copy or just jot
down required information or material from books, manuscripts, or archives. In the
course of mutual communication information is exchanged in both directions. In this
process the witch doctor has the freedom to interpret (and to create a mythology).

Magic formulas and healing skills have been taught to occasional patients who have been
considered to possess healing potential. An informant from Vnnu describes a patient's
surprise at that: "Some fifteen years ago Sikakurmus's wife had taught him. She said: "I
need not come to heal. I'll teach you how to do it." He said: "Come, I cannot do it
myself."" RKM II 395, 366 (1) < Vnnu). Finally he did what he was instructed to do and
cured himself. Afterwards, he helped his family and friends at need. Such a description is
not an exception but rather a case confirming the rule. Although, as we have mentioned,
such cases seldom developed into belief accounts, and if they did, then mostly through
family tradition, and were not generalized into folk belief. Ida Poska (witch A) has also
taught some skills to a wandering village boy who happened to stay in her family. More
often, however, it were the wandering witch disciples who were taught: they would stay
for a while, observe the process of healing and sometimes also add what they knew about
methods of healing, knowledge of herbs, magic formulas and what they had read, etc. So,
visiting others with the conscious aim of learning from them was a common practice in
earlier times, too. Tiitsu Seiu of Saaremaa describes his contacts with a ohatleja (a witch
doctor mainly specialized in skin diseases) who lived nearby, his trip to the isle of Muhu
and his meetings with the witches of Srve, or vlu, as they are called there. He went to
the witches of Muhu, among other things, with the request to tell him whether there was
any hidden gold on his farm-land. It was mentioned above that the healer of skin diseases
was the very person who served as an example for Seiu in creating his healing rite. There
were several witch doctors in the nearby villages who worked at the same time as he did.
Although there is no detailed information about his visits to them in the Estonian Folklore
Archives, there had to be contacts between them, even if only because of the short
distance. There was (and is) also nothing unusual in going to see one's colleague because

of one's health or other practical problems (such as regaining lost things or fortunetelling), when one's own healing procedures, or those undertaken by one's family, were
not considered efficacious (Kiva 1989: 94).

A part of the knowledge was inherited in a written form (either as an ancient manuscript
book of witchcraft, or the candidate was told to write down spells and other traditional
methods). They also made additional remarks in the witchcraft manuscripts during their
lives. These Estonian manuscripts were influenced by various printed material as well as
by magical and other formulas that circulated in Europe in written form. The Estonian
Folklore Archives store several of such manuscript witch books. The heritage of Serva
Ellu, a witch doctor from Kolga-Jaani has been described by the folklorist Ellen Liiv in
her fieldwork diary: `A transcript from Maali Sahk's notebook where she has written
from Serva Ellu's magical spells. Ell has freely recited and taught her spells to others.
Maali says, that the spells have been written down over many years, when they just
happened to talk about these things. The notebook bears traces of frequent usage. Several
paragraphs are illegible'. (RKM II 289, 449 < Kolga-Jaani parish, Leie village - E. Liiv
< Maali Sahk, 71 (1971)). The very tradition of keeping written records is very old, and
there is evidence of it in many parts of Europe (see: Rrbye 1983: 90 ff., Tolstaya 1988).

4. The Evolution of a Healing Rite

A traditional healer acquires most of his/her knowledge from his/her predecessor in the
course of direct oral communication; wisdom accumulates in other ways as well: new
information is acquired through dreams, "found" at the moments of inspiration, etc.
Obtaining knowledge in dreams has not been mentioned much, although it is present in
the tradition of most peoples (for example, it is described by Bente Alver, who finds
parallels to Norwegian cases in African tradition (Alver 1990:128). The earliest Estonian
records date back to the minutes of witch trials. In 1632 it was reported of a certain
Pudell of Kanepi parish, southern Estonia, that an old grey man taught him witchcraft in a
dream (Ariste 1936:9). In later times such information has not been specially asked, and
therefore the facts are sporadic.

A healer as a bearer of tradition mediates the cultural pattern of his epoch, realizes the
traditionally accepted models, solutions, beliefs and narratives. The internal norms of the
tradition shape personal experiences and interpretations into a traditionally acceptable,
that is to say a standardized, form.

The custom to go and check out what a person, famous for his/her skills actually knows
and does, has been there for centuries. In this century a healer's disciple would often stay
for weeks in the Master's family helping in work or acting as an immediate assistant. In
addition to beginners, experienced witch doctors also used to exchange their knowledge.
Particularly sought were those who knew words of power or had some brand new
knowledge. People of equal skills and powers used to visit each other to exchange skills.
Setting up contacts depended on many different factors. As a rule, a talented disciple or
colleague with a matching character was never denied knowledge.

Esoteric knowledge possessed exclusively by healers is often reshaped by the family

according to their ideas. This concerns especially the rite of performance with its details.
In addition to the empirical and experiential, a considerable amount of loans from the
typical official rites with relevant semantic fields, that is, from the traditional stereotypes,
are used.

Undoubtedly the church ceremonies and rites, sermons and church services have had
their influence on healing rites and magic chants. Often, they unintentionally carry out in
practice what they have seen and experienced earlier. For example, Tiitsu Seiu (1873 1950) from Saaremaa describes how he created his healing rite: `I began to take off my
hat when reciting these spells over erysipelas and snake-bites. /---/ After the first time I
began to draw three circles counter-clockwise, as the rash-healer had done, saying
quietly, "Oh Lord, if that is Thou holy will, let the pain be eased".' (ERA II 40, 76/8 (15)
< Pide parish - A. Lesk (1925)). Tiitsu Seiu used to kneel when mixing the potion, just
as when saying prayers in church. Bareheaded posture and invocations to the Father, the
Son and the Holy Spirit were also used by Suri, one of the best known ever witch doctors
of southern Estonia, at the beginning of his healing ritual (q.v. Kivupuu 1995, 239). The
famous contemporary witch doctor Laine Roht mixes her remedies in the back room of
her house. She recites her spells and prayers over the potions at the spot where she was
born and where her cradle once stood. Her choice of that very spot was induced by her
family heritage which says that the local midwife saw the sign of a doctor on her
forehead. Laine Roht usually relieves the uneasiness and tension of the patients with
jokes. Jokes and allusions to people who live in the neighbourhood of the patient help her
generate the so-called common field, an atmosphere of confidence and ease. Although
she receives several patients at a time, she tries to maintain an individual approach and
close personal contacts. Patients write down their complaints in a registration book, and
sign their names on the bottles or jars that they have brought for remedies. Magical
incantations and preparation of remedies in the back room is individual - the healer reads
what has been written in the book, concentrates her mind and reads prayers over the
remedies, one by one. Incantations at the process of preparing remedies is not unlike the
usual silent praying. Having recited the spells, she caps the bottle or shuts the bag at
once, and opens it only in the reception room where the patients try the remedies
according to the healer's prescriptions. Naturally, the situation of prayer contains general

human patterns of acting that could be recreated subconsciously, without taking any
direct examples.

Anyway, a healer must acquire certain minimum knowledge of the tradition (q.v. Chistov
1987), which is freely supplemented by him (or her) with the experiences, beliefs and
knowledge of his own and of the members of his family. Thus, he shapes his own ritual
model. Besides obligatory knowledge and decisions (diagnosing illnesses, choice of
remedy, etc.) there were (are) optional or free decisions (such as settling the time and
place of the rite), about which the healer has some basic knowledge, but at the same time
he is free enough to make an independent choice. Therefore, the healing rite may be
postponed until the following Thursday, full moon, auspicious wind or other weather
conditions, or until the healer finds an assistant of required qualities. The decision, which
of the circumstances must definitely be present and which may be omitted without
impairing the efficacy of the healing procedure, is made by the healer individually. When
solving a critical situation, a witch doctor chooses those explanations and methods of
healing that he considers most suitable in this particular case. In most cases, however, the
solution is stereotype (they often follow the laws of the tradition, in other words,
established beliefs and ritual elements are more likely to be chosen at specific occasions
than individual creative elements of the healer). Thus, Thursdays and other even days are
more prone to be appointed, since they have the required belief background. As a rule, it
is the witch doctor's choice whether he makes use of the personal, more improvisational
part of his knowledge, or the one prescribed by traditional norms.

In oral tradition there are belief accounts stressing that learning the spells must pass
silently. The Master recites incantations audibly, but the disciple can repeat them only
quietly. Mentally one may repeat them as often as one needs to memorize them. It is also
allowed to write the spells down and to read them until they are learned by heart. Very
interesting are the belief accounts stating that the recipient of the knowledge (it concerns
principally incantations) must not cross running water, or several watercourses.

5. The Healer and Ethical Principles

The successor was expected to have certain qualities and power. If they were not present,
teaching could be interrupted. From characteristic qualities, keeping one's word, general
talent, skilful hands, lack of such qualities as sudden fits of anger or bearing a grudge
against somebody for a long time, love for animal and children and attentiveness were
stressed. Very often a supposed successor has been denied magic formulas or details of a
healing ritual because of an unpleasant disposition (cruel, drunkard, of a weak character).

"He did not transmit the formulas to his sister, said that she was not a good person."
(Witch E RKM II 397, 230/1 (1) < Vnnu) "He who knows the words must be a calm and
quiet person."

In the transmission of magic formulas there were several rules: for example, they were
not to be taught so that the disciple had to cross a body of water (or three) on his/her way
home - the magic spell loses its power. Also, the disciple was not allowed to repeat them
in a loud voice. The possessor of the words was not to ask any reward for healing or
teaching and he/she had to have faith in his/her powers and spells. The same
requirements applied to the successor. For example: "Grandfather had his own faith.
(My) father said: "Father, teach me your knowledge." He said: "No, you do not have your
faith. I have such a faith." He believed it himself and other people believed in him. It was
as if he hypnotized."

"My mother has offered it several times. "Write it down, it won't do any harm." I have
written it down and then lost it," a successor of Witch C admits. The refusal to accept the
heritage can be a result of one's youth: often the profession of a witch doctor and the
resultant somewhat marginal role in the village community, isolation from ordinary
norms, the heavy burden of resultant social relations and complicated ethical norms were
feared. It was considered impossible to reveal some of the marginal knowledge: to predict
somebody's death or calamities, etc. Such knowledge was like a sword with two edges:
on the one hand ethical norms prohibited one to reveal the truth and on the other hand
hiding the truth brought about open and secret accusations and even doubts in one's
adequacy.

The studies could also be interrupted by the candidate, or he/she could give up the
profession when he/she was not willing to receive the transmission, or when he/she felt
that he/she could not manage.

The refusal to accept the transmission can be a result of the bad character of old witch
doctors:

"My grandfather was Roosi Piidre, he lived in Vnnu. He healed all diseases. He
promised to give all healing spells to his son. But he didn't want them because his father
was a bad man."

It is also very usual that some of the successors never utilize the knowledge they have
acquired. A healer with partial knowledge, however, could sometimes try to exploit his
calling. The candidate could also be the son or the daughter-in-law of the family. Their
candidacy could be revealed by certain presaging omens, events or prophecies coming
true (e.g. certain signs at birth, etc.), after which the successor is accepted by the Master.
Unbinding the "rope of wrath" (dissolving the rope-like company of sciara army worms)
has been one of such indicators all over Estonia. Two excellent witch doctors from
Maarja-Magdaleena were accepted by their predecessors after they had succeeded in the
feat: after this sign the mother-in-law taught her knowledge to her daughter-in-law.
Knowledge, especially spells, could also be acquired in dreams.

According to a belief (which is known world-wide), an old witch cannot die in peace
until he (she) has transmitted his (her) knowledge. Many successors have used this fact to
justify their acceptance of knowledge. Let us take again the stories about witch A in the
parish of Vnnu. A man living in the same village has related the belief that is generally
accepted in that region: `It is said about them that they cannot lay down their lives. Poska
Iida had it like that, too: Elmar left and went to Tartu, and found Iida behind the gates.
She could not stay in the house, but had come out, and had died behind the gates. (RKM
II 395, 358 (18) < Vnnu parish, Savime village - Kusta Anijrv, born 1903 (1986)).

The traditional heritage confirms that knowledge must be transmitted to a person who is
younger than yourself, but not too young. "It is people in their thirties who have to be
taught - people younger than that have weak lungs (i.e. breath), they are not able to bear
the burden of uttering the magic formulas." Fully developed personalities were preferred.
Some belief accounts recommend that men should transmit their knowledge to women,
and vice versa. In reality, this was a condition that was often overlooked. Knowledge was
transmitted to anybody who was considered a proper vessel for it and who promised to
make a good healer. Usually it happened at the age of about 50 -60 or 70, sometimes
earlier.

As the bearers of the tradition believe, a (witch) doctor must not be too old or have a
serious disease, otherwise he has not enough power over the disease and he may
accidentally transmit it to another person.

Conclusion

In 1987 B. G. Alver and T. Selberg found that, in contrast to the past, there has also been
an increasing interest among folklorists in the whole traditional milieu, as is also the case
in other studies of tradition (Alver & Selberg 1987a:68).

As a rule, esoteric knowledge has been taught over a long period; here, an intuitive, nonverbal, cognitive approach was especially highly appreciated. These requirements gave
considerable advantages to those successors who belonged to the same family, who had
the opportunity to stay in the natural environment with the transmitter of tradition for a
long time, to follow and observe him in various situations. The period of mutual
examination was also longer and more fruitful.

Probably every healer of the older generation has come into contact with the traditional
representatives of folk medicine, whether Estonian or not. Yet, the willingness and
capacity to acquire knowledge from them vary from person to person. It seems that
studying from books, exchange of knowledge with each other, and with representatives of
the traditional folk medicine of other nations are the prevalent methods. Spiritual or
esoteric knowledge is realized and disseminated through mediators. These are used in
(healing) rites. To the actual knowledge of traditional healing and diagnosing belongs a
great deal of secondary knowledge, incl. pragmatic beliefs that he can use in building up
his rite. Knowledge is transmitted through open verbal communication. However, that is
not the only way of transmission of traditional heritage. Very important is observation,
watching your Master, but also other ways of non-verbal communication. An unequalled
advantage was (and still is) growing up within the tradition. In this way professional
skills, techniques, conventions, even the traditional way of life and values were picked up
unconsciously. From the earliest childhood an individual adapted himself to his family
and kindred, but also with the social role that was appointed for him or that he had
chosen. Today, family has still a very important role to play in the development of a
witch doctor. But there are far more of those who become healers without having the
traditional background or connection with folk medicine. More and more people are
becoming healers after going through some training course, whether at their own will or
encouraged by the approval of a witch doctor. For the most part, their knowledge is
obtained outside the family circle.

Anyway, here we come into contact with the issue of freedom and inevitability.
Relatively free is the choice of the place and time and means of healing/witchcraft. In a
healing ritual as a whole, the witch doctor depends on the expectations of the patient, on
what they are ready to accept. Therefore, witch doctors often adapt their vocabulary and
rites, using words, expressions and phenomena that are currently in vogue.

An Estonian journalist said in an interview that famous people do not belong to

themselves. This applies also to witches. They belong to bearers of tradition who make
up their own version about the life and death of the witches.

References
Aarma, Gunnar 1995. Joogaraamat. Tallinn.
Aarma, Gunnar 1996. Seda ei tea igaks. Tallinn.
Alver, Bente Gullveig & Selberg, Torunn 1987a. Folk medicine as part of a larger
concept complex. ARV. Scandinavian Yearbook of Folklore, vol. 43.
Alver, Bente Gullveig & Selberg, Torunn 1987b. Trends in Research on Folk Medicine in
the Nordic Countries. Ethnologia Scandinavica, vol. 22.
Alver, Bente Gullveig 1990. Creating the Source Through Folkloristic Fieldwork. FFC
246. Helsinki.
Ariste, Paul 1936. Eesti Kirjandus. I.
Hoffmann-Krayer & Bchtold-Stubli 1930/1. Handwrterbuch des deutsches
Aberglaubens.
Hoppl, Mihly 1996. Shamanism in Postmodern Age. Folklore. An Electronic Journal,
2. Tartu.
Korb, Anu & Peebo, Kadri 1995. Siin Siberi maa peal kasvanud. Eesti asundused I.
Tartu.
Kiva, M. 1989. Aleksei Lesest ehk Tiitsu Seiust. Paar sammukest eesti kirjanduse
uurimise teed, XII. Tallinn.
Kiva, M. 1990. Estonskije zagovory. Klassifikatsija i zhanrovye osobennosti.
Dissertatsija na soiskanie kandidata filologicheskikh nauk. Tallinn.
Kiva, Mare 1995. From Incantation to Rite. Kiva, M. & Vassiljeva, K. (eds.). Folk
Belief Today. Tartu.
Maaema mess 1996. Tallinn.
Mansikka, V. J. 1928. Lithauische Zaubersprche. FFC 87. Helsinki.
Mirtem, Valev 1994. Sensitiivne Eesti. Tallinn.
Paju, Aili 1995. Aed ja mets kui apteek. Tallinn.
Pcs, va 1985. Magyar rolvassok. II. Budapest.
Price-Williams, D. R. 1973. A Case Study of Ideas Concerning Disease Among the Tiv.
Rrbye, Birgitte 1983. Peder Kragsig. Parantamisen taitajat. Vaasa.
Skinner, E. P. Peoples and Culture of Africa: An Anthropological Reader. New York.
Smirnov, J. 1988. Peredacha, ispolneniei zapominanie zagovorov v Russkom Severe.
Etnolingvistika teksta. Semiotika malykh form folklora. Moskva.
Vigala Sass /Aleksander Heintalu/ 1992. Minu raviraamat I. Kuidas ma ravin rahvast.
Tallinn.
Viilma, Luule 1994. Ellujmise petus, I. Tallinn.
Viilma, Luule 1996. Ellujmise petus, II. Tallinn.