Framing in

Discourse

EDITED BY

DEBORAH TANNEN
Geotyetown University

New York

Oxford

Oxford University Press

1993

Introduction
DEBORAH TANNEN

Ever since its introduction by Gregory Bateson in "A Theory of Play and
Fantasy" ([ 1954] 1972), the concept of framing has influenced thinking
about language in interaction. Bateson de1110nstrated that no communica
tive move, verbal or nonverbal, could be understood without reference to a
metacomn1unicative message, or metamessage, about what is going on
that is, what frame of interpretation applies to the move. Observing mon
keys playing, he noted that it was only by reference to the metamcssage
"This is play" that a monkey could understand a hostile lnove froln another
monkey as not intended to convey the hostility that it obviously denotes. In
other words, metamessages "framed" the hostile moves as play.
Bateson's work was taken up most directly by researchers in communi
cation and psychology, especially those in systems or family therapy (for
example, Watzlawick, Beavin, and Jackson 1967). It received some attention
from anthropologists as well (see especially Frake 1977). Within sociology,
the most important and comprehensive treatn1cnt of framing came in Er
ving Goffman's FrameA1'la~ysis (1974), which provides a con1plex and sub
tly nuanced system ofterms, concepts, and exan1plcs to elucidate the numer
ous levels and types of framing that constitute everyday interaction.
Although the influence of Bateson's and Goffman's work has been
pervasive, there have been few studies directly applying Bateson's seminal
theory or Goffman's elaborate franlcwork in n1icroanalytic linguistic analy
sis of real discourse produced in face-to-face interaction. In his later work,
Forms of Talk (1981), Goffn1an's attention to multiple layers of framing in
everyday life focused more and more specifically on the usc oflanguage, and
Goffman became increasingly interested in the \vork of linguistic discourse
analysis. In the chapter entitled "Footing" he observes that "linguistics
provides us with the cues and markers through which such footings become
manifest, helping us to find our way to a structural basis for analyzing
then1"l (p. 157). Until now, ho\vevcr, linguists have been slow to justify
I \"auld like to thank Neal Norrick and l)ehorah Schiffrin for comnlents on a draft of this
introduction. I am grateful to Clifford (~eertz and the Institute for Advanccd Study in Princc
ton~ New Jersey~ tor the ideal cnvironnlcnt 111 \vhlCh to write this introduction.

Deborah Tannen

G<offman's faith in our ability to make framing manifest. I believe that this
collection begins to do so.
At the same time that discourse analysis can provide insight into the
linguistic means by which frames are created in interaction, the concept of
framing provides a fruitful theoretical foundation for the discourse analysis
of interaction. In fact, frames theory already lies at the heart of the most
comprehensive and coherent theoretical paradigm in interactional socio
linguistics: Gumperz's (1982) theory ofconversational inference. Gumperz
shows that conversational inference, a process requisite for conversational
involvement, is made possible by contextualization cues that signal the
speech activity in which participants perceive themselves to be engaged.
Gumperz's notion of speech activity is thus a type of frame. Indeed, it is in
the work of Gumperz and those influenced by him that one finds the
greatest justification for Goffman's belief in the ability of linguistics to
elucidate the structural basis for framing. With the possible partial excep
tion of the final chapter by Schiffrin, the articles in this volume derive
directly from this research tradition, by way of my training as a student of
Gumperz at the University ofCalifornia, Berkeley. Schiffrin is a more direct
descendent of Goffman, with whom she studied at the University of Penn
sylvania, though her work also shows the influence of William Labov, as
mine also shows the influence of Robin Lakoff and Wallace Chafe.

Genesis ofthe Volume

Every now and then there is a flowering of intellect and spirit among doc
toral students in a graduate program: a critical number of exceptional stu
dents appear at a time when the field is experiencing an explosion ofinterest
in a particular subfield, and the department includes faculty members who
are full of fire with that excitement. The students and faculty inspire and
enlighten each other. This occurred in the graduate program in socio
linguistics at Georgetown University in the mid-80s, when the field of
linguistics was experiencing a rise of interest in discourse analysis. The
unique placement ofGeorgetown's Department ofLinguistics in relation to
the growing field ofdiscourse analysis was the result oftwo happily coincid
ing phenomena: the unusual existence of two faculty members working
actively in different areas of the same field (Deborah Schiffrin and 1)2 and
the opportunity given us to direct meetings that brought leading discourse
analysts to the Georgetown University campus. In 1981 I organized the
Georgetown University Round Table on Languages and Linguistics "An
alyzing Discourse: Text and Talk" (see Tannen 1982 for a collection of the
papers delivered at that meeting). Three years later, Deborah Schiffrin orga
nized the 1984 GURT "Meaning, Form, and Use in Context: Linguistic
Applications" (see Schiffrin 1984 for papers). The year after that, I directed
the 1985 Linguistic Institute "Linguistics and Language in Context: The
Interdependence ofTheory, Data, and Application" (see Tannen and Alatis
1986, Tannen 1988 for papers from that meeting).

In the fall of 1985, il

taught a graduate seminar
seminar, several ofthe par1
ysis to discourse produce
emerged and were unifon
were doing, at last, what (
linguists to do. It was then
Smith and Suwako Watan
began their dissertations af
already writing her dissef1
chapters by these authors al
Although she did not attenc
same exceptional group of
from her dissertation, whict
work is represented here as
Watanabe, and Smith disser
chapter by Carolyn Straehll
independent study that had
graduate course i~ the discc
This volume, then, retle
in discourse analysis within J
the importance of framing a
approach in the discourse an
into discourse types that hav
the chapters combine to dem
lated into nuts-and-bolts dis
and empirical contributions,
same time that it shows how
of conversational interaction,

OVt

The volume begins with tw

groundwork for the analysis (
ters have been previously put
seen by linguists: the first in a
logically oriented Discourse I
of the Social P~ychology Quartt
The chapters that follow wer
applying aspects of frames the
Chapter 1, ''What's in a F
pectations," provides a gener
begins with a theoretical ovel
terms such as "script" and "sc
range of disciplines to refer to
The disciplines surveyed are IiJ

Introduction

In the fall of 1985, immediately following the Linguistic Institute, I

taught a graduate seminar on frame analysis. As a direct outgrowth of that
seminar, several ofthe participants wrote dissertations applying frame anal
ysis to discourse produced in a range of contexts. As the dissertations
emerged and were uniformly excellent, I realized that the class members
were doing, at last, what Goffman had believed it would be the mission of
linguists to do. It was then that I conceived the idea for this volume. Frances
Smith and Suwako Watanabe were regular members of the seminar who
began their dissertations after the seminar ended. Branca Ribeiro, who was
already writing her dissertation at the time, was an auditor. The three
chapters by these authors are based on their dissertations, which I directed.
Although she did not attend the seminar, Susan Hoyle was a member ofthe
same exceptional group of graduate students. Her chapter is condensed
from her dissertation, which was directed by Deborah Schiffrin, whose own
work is represented here as well. Schiffrin served as reader on the Ribeiro,
Watanabe, and Smith dissertations, and I served as reader on Hoyle's. The
chapter by Carolyn Straehle was written at a later time, revised from an
independent study that had begun as an outstanding paper written for my
graduate course in the discourse analysis of conversation.
This volume, then, reflects the recent burgeoning of work and interest
in discourse analysis within linguistics. Together, the chapters demonstrate
the importance of framing as a theoretical foundation and methodological
approach in the discourse analysis of interaction. They also provide insight
into discourse types that have not previously been studied by linguists. All
the chapters combine to demonstrate how theories offraming can be trans
lated into nuts-and-bolts discourse analysis. Each makes both theoretical
and empirical contributions, enriching our understanding offraming at the
same time that it shows how analysis offraming adds to our understanding
of conversational interaction.

Overview ofChapters
The volume begins with two of my own articles that lay a theoretical
groundwork for the analysis of framing in discourse. Although these chap
ters have been previously published, they appeared in places not normally
seen by linguists: the first in a volume edited by Roy Freedle for his psycho
logically oriented Discourse Processing series, the second in a special issue
of the Social Psychology Quarterly edited by sociologist Douglas Maynard.
The chapters that follow were all written expressly for this volume, each
applying aspects of frames theory to a unique interactional context.
Chapter I, ''What's in a Frame? Surface Evidence for Underlying Ex
pectations," provides a general introduction to research on framing. It
begins with a theoretical overview of how the term "frame" and related
terms such as "script" and "schema" developed and have been used in a
range of disciplines to refer to what I define as "structures of expectation."
The disciplines surveyed are linguistics, cognitive psychology, artificial in

Deborah Tannen

telligence, social psychology, sociology, and anthropology. I have not at

tempted to bring the literature review up to date, because it was not intend
ed as a literature review per se but rather as a review of terms and concepts;
as it stands, it still fulfills the purpose ofintroducing the concept offraming,
the various terms that have been used to denote the concept, and the ways in
which those terms and concepts have been employed in a range of disci
plines. The chapter then reports the results of research examining linguistic
evidence for the existence of frames underlying narrative performance in a
corpus of stories told by Americans and Greeks about a film (which has
become known as "the pear film"). First I discuss the levels at which frames
operate; then I illustrate sixteen types oflinguistic evidence for the presence
and character of cognitive frames.
The type of "frames" that arc the subject of analysis in Chapter 1 are
what I later came to call "schemas": "structures of expectation" associated
with situations, objects, people, and so on. Goffman (1981:67) noted that
this paper concerns types offraming quite different from the sense in which
he and Bateson used the term. Chapter 2, and the remainder of the book,
focus primarily on the type of frame that Goffman analyzed: the "align
ments" that people "take up to" each other in face-to-face interaction.
Chapter 2, "Interactive Frames and Knowledge Schemas in Interac
tion: Examples from a Medical Examination/Interview," by me and Cynthia
Wallat, suggests a model for integrating these two senses of framing in a
single analytic framework. "Knowledge schemas" are the type of framing
device discussed in Chapter 1; "interactive frames" are frames in Bateson's
and Goffman's sense, that is, what people think they are doing when they talk
to each other (i.e., are they joking, lecturing, or arguing? Is this a fight or is
it play?). The interaction of these two types of frames is illustrated by
analysis of a videotaped encounter in which a pediatrician examines a cere
bral palsied child in the presence of the child's mother. We show that the
frames/schema model allows us to elucidate the complexity of the pediatri
cian's verbal behavior in the interaction.
In the episode analyzed, the pediatrician balances several competing
and conflicting interactive frames: within an "examination frame," she con
ducts a standard pediatric examination according to a prescribed routine;
within a "consultation frame," she answers the mother's questions about the
child's condition, at times examining the child to discover the answer to
the mother's questions; and within a "reporting frame," she announces the
findings of the pediatric examination aloud for the residents who may later
view the videotape being made. At times, the demands of these frames
conflict. For example, the mother's questions in the consultation frame
require the doctor to interrupt her examination and put the child "on hold,"
making her potentially more restless and consequently making the examina
tion more difficult.
At the same time, there are conflicts between the doctor's and thc
mother's knowledge schemas-that is, their expectations about health in gen

eral and cerebral palsy in p

differ in their interpretatio
"noisy breathing" with "wh(
respiratory difficulty. The de
with cerebral palsy, i.e., as at
control. A conflict in scher
mother's concern with the
the doctor's examination to
she sleeps!" The doctor mu~
consulting frame to reassun
not a sign of danger.
In Chapter 3, "Framing
uses the frames/schema moe
an, Dona Jurema., being inte;
atric hospital in Rio de Jan.
diagnosed Dona Jurema as
admitted her to the hospital.
dates the coherence in Don;
frames operating in the inter;
asks the patient questions,
paticnt fails to answer the ps
pIe who are not present and
cases, not alive-or as herse
Dona Jurema jumps from tf
different voices and different
thing she utters in the frame
within the scenario created
to her mother, grandmother,
framing and its relation to the
Dona Jurema's discourse tha~
thermore, she shows that D<
schemas pertinent to each fi
noise in a hospital. Ribeiro','
theory to illuminate an othen
also a ground-breaking analy
In Chapter 4, "Participat
inary and Literal Footings,"
by her son and his friends wt
video basketball and Ping-POJ
they were playing by speakin~
for Hoyle's analysis is spontaJ
on their own, aware that they '
oftheir talk would be the obJc
boys staged a more elaborate,
the roles not only of sports<
I

,I

Introduction

eral and cerebral palsy in particular. For example, the mother and doctor
differ in their interpretations of the child's noisy breathing. Associating
"noisy breathing" with "wheezing," the mother fears that the child is having
respiratory difficulty. The doctor, in contrast, associates the noisy breathing
with cerebral palsy, i.e., as an expected and harmless result ofpoor muscular
control. A conflict in schemas often triggers a shift in frames. Thus, the
mother's concern with the child's noisy breathing leads her to interrupt
the doctor's examination to exclaim, "That's it! That's how it sounds when
she sleeps!" The doctor must then shift from the examination frame to the
consulting frame to reassure the mother that the child's noisy breathing is
not a sign of danger.
In Chapter 3, "Framing in Psychotic Discourse," Branca Telles Ribeiro
uses the frames/schema model to analyze the discourse of a Brazilian wom
an, Dona Jurema, being interviewed by a psychiatrist, Dr. Edna, at a psychi
atric hospital in Rio de Janeiro. On the basis of this interview, Dr. Edna
diagnosed Dona Jurema as being in the midst of a psychotic crisis and
admitted her to the hospital. Ribeiro demonstrates that frame analysis eluci
dates the coherence in Dona Jurema's psychotic discourse. There are two
frames operating in the interaction: the interview frame, in which Dr. Edna
asks the patient questions, and the psychotic crisis frame, in whi<:h the
patient fails to answer the psychiatrist's questions, speaking instead to peo
ple who are not present and as people who are not present-even, in some
cases, not alive-or as herself at a different age or in a different context.
Dona Jurema jumps from topic to topic, chants and sings, and assumes
different voices and different footings. Ribeiro shows, however, that every
thing she utters in the frame of her psychotic episode is perfectly coherent
within the scenario created-for example, Dona Jurema as a child speaking
to her mother, grandmother, or sister. Ribeiro also examines a lower level of
framing and its relation to the higher level: the types ofmoves performed in
Dona Jurema's discourse that make up the various interactive frames. Fur
thermore, she shows that Dona Jurema makes accurate use of knowledge
schemas pertinent to each frame, such as the injunction against making
noise in a hospital. Ribeiro's study is exemplary of the power of frames
theory to illuminate an otherwise seemingly incoherent discourse type. It is
also a ground-breaking analysis of psychotic discourse.
In Chapter 4, "Participation Frameworks in Sportscasting Play: Imag
inary and Literal Footings," Susan M. Hoyle analyzes discourse produced
by her son and his friends while they played dyadic indoor games, such as
video basketball and Ping-Pong, and simultaneously reported on the games
they were playing by speaking in the role of sportscaster. The primary basis
for Hoyle's analysis is spontaneous sportscasting, which the boys initiated
on their own, aware that they were being taped but unaware ofwhich aspect
oftheir talk would be the object ofinterest. In a second part ofthe study, the
boys staged a more elaborate, multivoiced performance, in which they took
the roles not only of sportscaster but also of half-time interviewer and

Deborah Tannen

interviewee for a hypothetical television audience. These more elaborate

instances of sportscasting play were performed in response to Hoyle's spe
cific request that the boys "do sporrscasting" for her to tape.
Hoyle integrates the concepts offraming and participation structure to
show that the boys balance multiple participation frameworks in their
sportscasting play. For example, the "outermost frame" of"play" or "fulfill
ing a request to do sportscasting" is a rim around the embedded frame of
"doing sportscasting." In their spontaneous play, the boys shift between
speaking as sportscasters commenting on their play and speaking as them
selves, for example, to resolve procedural disputes and manage the game. In
the elicited sportscasting, they never speak as themselves, but shift among
nonliteral frameworks, for example, to move from announcing the action to
acting out a half-time interview with a player. Hoyle demonstrates that the
analysis of interaction from the point ofview of framing leads to "a greater
appreciation of children's discourse abilities" at the same time that analysis
of children's framing of their play adds to our understanding of the human
capacity to manipulate frames in interaction.
Chapter 5, Frances Lee Smith's "The Pulpit and Woman's Place: Gen
der and the Framing of the 'Exegetical Self' in Sermon Performances,"
examines the sermons delivered by students in a preaching lab at a Baptist
seminary. Focusing her analysis on the "text exegeter" portions of the
sermons-that is, the portion in which the preacher explains, or exegetes, a
fIXed sacred text, Smith finds that the male and female student preachers she
taped tended to take different footings in framing their sermon perfor
mances and consequently in presenting themselves as exegeters. Referring
not only to Goffman's "footing," as the other contributors do~ but also to
his concept of the "textual self" as described in his essay "The Lecture"
(1981), Smith begins by profiling four discernible "exegetical authority"
footings, each projecting a distinct textual self. She finds that the men
tended to foreground "their textual-self authority both by putting them
selves on record as exegeters of the text and by calling attention to the
current participation framework in the exegetical task more often than did
the women." In contrast, the women use a variety of framing strategies to
downplay their personal authority as text exegeters. For example, one wom
an referred to the text itself as the source of authority, another framed her
sermon as a children's story, and another took the footing of a "low-profile"
exegeter.
Smith's contribution is significant for the gender and language topic
area, as it shows that the level at which women and men differ is not so much
(or not so significantly) the matter of lexical or syntactic choice but the far
more complex level of footing, that is, the alignment they take up to the
material about which they are speaking and the audience to whom they are
addressing their discourse. Smith's analysis is particularly significant in pro
viding an innovative and potentially ground-breaking approach to gender
differences. Rather than designing her study as a direct comparison ofmale
and female styles, she focuses her analysis on the footings assumed by the

student preachers, the seJ

means by which they weI
within which the variou
where the women and me
use ofthe linguistic devic,
Smith's chapter makes a
and religion in general a
ticular.
In Chapter 6, "Culru
nese Group Discussions,"
in cross-cultural commun.
why Japanese students in j
in small group discussior
teachers. By comparing AJ
similar topics, Watanabe
(delineating the event at it
tiona1 moves such as reql
which participants open an
arguments, she finds that t
of two patterns characteri
language usc and avoidano
group as four individuals I
perceived themselves as g
quently, the Japanese speak
elusions that were "inclusi'
accounts at the same time.
exclusive, leading thereforl
counts differed.
Watanabe links the Ie"
framing. For example, the J,
whereas the Americans ga'
more, in beginning and en(
hierarchical structure ofthe
tions for the issue ofgender
speak was always a woman. ,
speak position as relatively I
nese framework, speaking is
this potentially compromisiJ
This chapter, then, demons
minating cross-cultural com
adds to our understanding
course strategies.
In Chapter 7, "'Samuel?
port," Carolyn A. Straehle eJ
ing, in a naturally occurring (
uel, Diana, and the author h

I ntroduaion

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student preachers, the selves projected by these footings, and the linguistic
means by which they were created. She begins by developing the categories
within which the various footings could be grouped and only then asks
where the women and men tend to fall, concluding that women make more
use ofthe linguistic devices that constitute two ofthe footings. In addition,
Smith's chapter makes a significant contribution to the fields of language
and religion in general and the language of sermon performance in par..
ticular.
In Chapter 6, "Cultural Differences in Framing: American and Japa
nese Group Discussions," Suwako Watanabe applies frame analysis to issues
in cross-cultural communication. Specifically, she addresses the question of
why Japanese students in American classrooms find it difficult to participate
in small group discussions, a speech activity favored by many American
teachers. By comparing American and Japanese small group discussions on
similar topics, Watanabe identifies two types of framing: (1) bracketing
(delineating the event at its beginning and end), and (2) specific conversa
tional moves such as requesting or joking. Examining the strategies by
which participants open and close discussion, present reasons, and structure
arguments, she finds that the Japanese students use strategies that grow out
of two patterns characteristic of Japanese communication: nonreciprocal
language use and avoidance ofconfrontation. The Americans perceived the
group as four individuals bound only by an activity, whereas the Japanese
perceived themselves as group members united in a hierarchy. Conse
quently, the Japanese speakers avoided confrontation by putting forth con
clusions that were "inclusive, allowing both supportive and contradictory
accounts at the same time." In contrast, the Americans' conclusions were
exclusive, leading therefore to some confrontation when individuals' ac
counts differed.
Watanabe links the level of conversational moves to higher levels of
framing. For example, the Japanese gave reasons in the frame ofstorytelling,
whereas the Americans gave reasons in the frame of reporting. Further
more, in beginning and ending the discussions, the Japanese reflected the
hierarchical structure ofthe group. This observation has interesting implica
tions for the issue of gender. In the Japanese discussion groups, the first to
speak was always a woman. Whereas Americans would likely sec the first-to
speak position as relatively dominant, Watanabe suggests that in the Japa
nese framework, speaking is face-threatening to the speaker, so women take
this potentially compromising position because they have less face to lose. 3
This chapter, then, demonstrates the usefulness of frames theory for illu
minating cross-cultural communication and small group interaction. It also
adds to our understanding of differences in Japanese and American dis
course strategies.
In Chapter 7, '''Samuel?' 'Yes, Dear?': Teasing and Conversational Rap
port," Carolyn A. Straehle examines a particular conversational move, teas
ing, in a naturally occurring casual conversation among three friends: Sam
uel, Diana, and the author herself. Straehle aptly observes that teasing is a

10

Deborah Tannen

linguistic analogue to Bateson's playful nip: a move whose obviously hostile

meaning is reversed by the frame ofplay (but is in danger of being perceived
as a literally hostile bite). Examining the role of teasing in the relationships
among the three participants, she finds, for example, that whereas teasing is
pervasive in the interaction, not all participants engage in it equally. Samuel
and Diana tease each other incessantly as part of their flirtation and display
of mutual affection (they were newly paired), but there is no teasing be
tween Samuel and Carolyn, who is Diana's best friend.
In addition to examining the role of teasing in negotiating relation
ships, Straehle examines four linguistic cues that frame utterances as teas
ing: prosody (for example, a high-pitched, whiny voice), laughter (accom
panying or immediately following an utterance to signal benign and playful
intent), pronouns (a present party is referred to in the third person, as "she,"
or two parties use the pronoun "we" to exclude a third), and routinized
formulae (such as the fixed interchange that provides the chapter's title).
Moreover, many of the formats by which Samuel (and, less often, Carolyn)
tease Diana are posited on framing her as a child. Teasing is a much noted
and little analyzed conversational strategy; Straehle's analysis ofits linguistic
and interactional cOlnponents is therefore a significant contribution to an
understanding of the act of teasing, as well as to our understanding of
framing in conversational interaction.
Chapter 8, Deborah Schiffrin's '''Speaking for Another' in Socio
linguistic Interviews: Alignlnents, Identities, and Fran1es," is similar to
Straehle's in its focus on a particular interactional move within the context of
an interaction in which the author was a participant. Schiffrin analyzes
discourse that took place during a sociolinguistic interview she conducted
with three members of a lower middle class Jewish community in Phila
delphia: a married couple called Zelda and Henry and their neighbor and
friend Irene. Schiffrin shows that the previously undescribed conversational
move "speaking for another"-that is, voicing something about SOlneone
else, in that person's presence, which only that person is in a position to
know-accolTIplishes a frame shift by realigning participants. Just as
Straehle shows that conversational participants align themselves to each
other and create their relationship by teasing, Schiffrin shows that by speak
ing for someone else who is present and by allowing oneself to be spoken
for, the participants in this conversational interview negotiate their relation
ships to each other as well as their gender identities. Thus, global or n1acro
level relationships arc created as well as evidenced by local or Inicro level
moves that align, or franle, participants in relation to each other.
In Schiffrin's analysis, Henry and Zelda both speak for Irene, their
neighbor and friend, who is significantly younger than they, but they frame
themselves differently in doing so. Zelda's realignn1cnts are supportive and
integrative: by speaking for her, she protccts Irenc froll1 Henry's potential
criticism. Henry's realignn1cnts are judgmental, challenging, and divisive:
they align him with the interviewer in opposition to Irene, negatively evalu

ate her behavior, and prom

matlon, although he does,
Schiffrin goes on to exa
tic interview and shows th
realignments and identity
speaking for another occurs
occurs only during questio
speaking for Irene, Zelda at
their relationship with her
frin's tripartite conclusion (
discourse results from the a'
speaking for another is a 1
interaction which constitute
standing of how participant
tua! alignments is crucial f
intcrviews.
. Each chapter, then, app]
tlonal context to which tram
volume thus demonstrates ]
linguistic discourse analysis.
l

Organ
With the exception of the fit
frames theory, the chapters a
framing they primarily addre
account for the nature ofthe (
Wallat, introduces a frames/
pediatrician's task in the ex;
logically follows Tannen an
a medical encounter and be
schema model. More import
terize the nature of psychoti
sportscasting play, the frame
event its character as sponse
performancc, is liminal in te
concept of "exegetical self' is
itself constitutive of it.
The remaining chapters
two types of framing identific
Japanese discussion groups in
levels, respectively. The first
and closc discussion, operate
the second type, such as prc~
operate on the local or discout

Introduction

:lostile
'ccived
nships
lsing is
tamucl
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lation
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playful
"she,"
tinizcd
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19uistic
11 to an
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Socio
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nalyzes
lducted
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Just as
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their
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divisive:
lycvalulC,

~y

11

atc her behavior, and prompt her to reveal potentially compromising infor-_
mation, although he does, like Zelda, take a protective stance toward her.
Schiffrin goes on to examine types offraming found in the sociolinguis
tic interview and shows that the interview itself provides a frame for the
realignments and identity displays she previously discussed. Although
speaking for another occurs both within and outside the interview frame, it
occurs only during question/answer exchanges. On the broadest level, by
speaking for Irene, Zelda and Henry display and reinforce the closeness of
their relationship with her and also transform the interview frame. Schif
frin's tripartite conclusion demonstrates that (I) sequential coherence in
discourse results from the availability of a range of interpretive frames; (2)
speaking for another is a ritualization of the submersion of the self in
interaction which constitutes the interactive process itself; and (3) an under
standing of how participants construct and shift gender identities and mu
tual alignments is crucial for the analysis of variation in sociolinguistic
intervicws.
Each chapter, then, applies aspects offrames theory to a unique interac
tional context to which frame analysis has not previously been applied. The
volume thus demonstrates how frame analysis provides a framework for
linguistic discourse analysis.

Organization ofthe Volume4

With the exception of the first chapter, which provides an introduction to
frames theory, the chapters are arranged in descending order of the level of
framing they primarily address. Chapters 2 through 4 use frame analysis to
account for the nature ofthe events they examine. Chapter 2, by Tannen and
Wallat, introduces a frames/schema model to elucidate the nature of the
pediatrician's task in the examination/interview. Chapter 3, by Ribeiro,
logically follows Tannen and Wallat both because it is concerned with
a medical encounter and because it applies Tannen and Wallat's frames/
schema model. More importantly, however, it uses frame analysis to charac
terize the nature of psychotic discourse. In Chapter 4, the study of boys'
sportscasting play, the frame shifts that Hoyle describes actually give the
event its character as sportscasting. Chapter 5, Smith's analysis of sermon
performance, is liminal in terms of the level of framing it addresses. The
concept of 'exegetical self' is an essential elcment of preaching but not in
itself constitutive of it.
The remaining chapters link macro and micro levels of framing. The
two types of framing identified by Watanabe in her study of American and
Japanese discussion groups in Chapter 6 operate on the event and discourse
levels, respectively. The first typc, brackcting, by which participants open
and close discussion, operates on the event level; conversational moves of
the second type, such as presenting reasons and constructing arguments,
operate on the local or discourse level. The last two chapters, by Straehle and

12

Deborah Tannen

Schiffrin, focus on particular conversational moves within a larger event,

and the role of these moves in the negotiation of relationships among
participants. Thus they address framing at both more local and also more
global levels than the other chapters. Within the casual conversation among
friends that Straehle analyzes in Chapter 7, talk framed as teasing (a local
level framing type) functions to establish a flirtatious intimacy between two
speakers (framing at the global, relationship level). Analogously, Schiffrin
shows in Chapter 8 that within the context of a diffuse sociolinguistic
interview (an interview which in many ways resembles a casual conversation
among acquaintances and friends), "speaking for another" frames Irene, the
younger neighbor, as somewhat childlike in relation to Zelda and Henry.
The book, therefore, builds toward an appreciation ofthe role offraming in
the most significant and pervasive realm ofhuman interaction: the negotia
tion of interpersonal relations and personal identity.

Notes
1. In fact, Goffman makes this remark in reference to the work that appears as
Chapter 2 in this volume.
2. Geertz (1983:158-159), in an illuminating ethnography of American aca
demic ways of thinking, notes the odd career path by which academics tend to be
trained at one ofa few centers and then be consigned for life to son1e outlying college
or university. I would add that academic departments tend to hire one person in each
field or subfield, setting each scholar in intellectual isolation in the home institution,
driven to seek collegial interchange outside the university at professional meetings.
3. This hypothesis is reminiscent ofFishman's (1978) observation that women
in casual conversations at home with their husbands do the grunt work of keeping
the conversation going.
4. A note on transcription conventions is in order because ofminor differences
in conventions employed in each chapter. Since, with the exception of Schiffrin, all
the authors use transcription conventions based on Tannen (1984), there is unifor
mity in the gross characteristics, but each author uses a few idiosyncratic conventions
adapted to the needs of her own study. This may be irritating to a reader who reads
the volume through from beginning to end. Yet I have refrained from making the
conventions uniform, since that would entail forcibly altering all but one author's
transcript excerpts to make them conform to a single system, probably my own.
Aside from the hegemonic implications of such a move, I am keenly aware of how
central my transcription system is to my own analysis. Recent research (for example,
Dchs 1979, Preston 1982, 1985, Edwards 1990) makes abundantly clear that tran
scription systems are not neutral and interchangeable but rather represent inter
pretation in themselves. Readers' indulgence is asked, therefore, in the matter of
small differences in conventions from one chapter to the next. To prevent confusion,
each chapter is followed by its own key to transcription conventions used in that
chapter.

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