Jihad, Holy War, and Terrorism:

The Politics of Conflation and Denial1

Asma Barlas
Abstract
In the wake of 9/11, the Islamic concept of jihad has been
described as both holy war and terrorism. In this paper, I
unpack this twofold conflation within the context of a broader
discussion of the problem of some Muslims interpretive extremism and the Wests long-standing and willful politics of misrecognition of Islam.2 This politics confuses Islam with Muslims;
disregards the role of political, economic, cultural, and historical
factors in shaping Muslims attitudes, actions, and readings of
Islam; and denies western complicity in creating conducive conditions for extremism. In critiquing both Muslims and nonMuslims, the idea is to alert them to what may equally be at stake
for them in the egalitarian readings of Islam.

Of Jihads and Holy Wars

Many Muslims and non-Muslims render jihad as holy war. However, when
used in the Quran, jihad means a striving or struggle, and not war
much less a holy war defined by propagating and/or enforcing religious
beliefs. 3 In fact, Islam has no scriptural sanction for holy war, unlike
Judaism and Christianity (the Old Testament). Hence, using the holy war
template to explain jihad obscures the specificity of Islamic, and in particular Quranic, formulations of jihad.
Depicting holy wars as quintessentially Islamic also ignores the historical fact that holy war is a western tradition, inasmuch as such wars were
decisive in shaping Churchstate relationships in medieval Europe until
about the twelfth century. But from then on, this concept increasingly came
Asma Barlas is associate professor and chair of the Department of Politics at Ithaca College,
Ithaca, New York.

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to be contrasted to a just war, and eventually was displaced by it following the Protestant Reformation and the carnage wrought by internecine
European holy wars. By the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, Europeans
had come to regard as unjust any war fought to propagate or enforce religious beliefs, not to defend them.4
This explicit equating of religion with injustice, as well as attempts to
separate religion and politics, was another result of the Enlightenments
prejudice against religion, the tendency to think of religion as a theological set of issues rather than ... a profoundly political influence, and the
belief that modernity and religion were incompatible.5 Of course one can
question the validity of these assumptions which were never universally
shared on both theoretical and historical grounds.
For instance, Muslims in general have not found it meaningful to pit
faith against reason (one of the binaries underlying Enlightenment thinking) or to view religion as irrelevant to the politics of worldly life.
Historically, they also did not have to contrast a holy war to a just war,
because a war fought in accordance with the Qurans teachings would
necessarily have to be a just war in its cause, its aim and the manner in
which it is waged.6
Since the Quran does not use jihad for war and forbids coercion in
religion, such a war is not intended to enforce Islam. Therefore, rendering
jihad as holy war is doubly misleading, since it reduces jihad to war and
implies that the war is unjust because it is religious. However, since
Muslims do not always observe the Qurans teachings, its position on jihad
must be analyzed before discussing how it has been reframed in the classical and modern doctrinal formulations.
The Quran and Jihad
In the Quran, jihad (and its derivatives) occurs 36 times and refers in all
cases to a moral-ethical struggle, such as the jihad of the soul, the tongue, or
the pen, of faith or morality, and so on. (In the Islamic tradition, when the
jihad of the tongue, the heart, and the hand are taken together, they are said
to constitute the greater jihad.) The lesser jihad is considered to be the
jihad of arms, for which the Quran uses qital [fighting] and its derivations
[not jihad] for the practice of warfare. Islamic tradition very early associated the two concepts.7 Thus, jihad, as signifying the waging of war, is a
post-Koranic usage8 and must be understood in light of how Muslims interpreted the Quran at a particular political and historical conjuncture.

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In the Quran, the permission to engage in armed combat has explicit

motives and is immediately limited. ... Aggression and the initiation of combat without any valid reasons are forbidden.9 The Quran defines the purpose of fighting as to defend oneself, to protect the community and to free
isolated believers from persecution.10 Several verses bear this out. For
example: Permission to fight is given to those against whom war is being
wrongfully waged ... those who have been driven from their homelands
against all right for no other reason than their saying, Our Sustainer is
God. Indeed, the Quran recognizes the right of Muslims, Christians, and
Jews to resist religious persecution, since the same verse also states that if
God had not enabled people to defend themselves against one another, all
monasteries and churches and synagogues and mosques in all of which
Gods name is abundantly extolled would surely have been destroyed
[before] now (22:39-40).11
Muslims also are urged to fight on behalf of those utterly helpless men
and women and children who are crying O our Sustainer! Lead us forth [to
freedom] out of this land whose people are oppressors, and raise for us, out
of Thy grace, a protector, and raise for us, out of Thy grace, one who will
bring us succor! (4:75). 12 Although this verse poses interpretive challenges in how to define oppression and liberation, it is not an invitation to
aggression. Those who read aggression into the Quran often point to such
lines as: fight in Gods cause ... [and] slay them wherever you may come
upon them, and fight against them until ... all worship is devoted to God
alone, and so on. However, quoting lines and verses randomly cannot generate a con/textually accurate interpretation, for the Qurans verses (and
the text itself) must be read in their entirety. Thus, when we contextualize
the lines quoted above, we can arrive at a radically different understanding
of their meaning:
And fight in Gods cause against those who wage war against you, but do
not commit aggression for, verily, God does not love aggressors. And
slay them wherever you may come upon them, and drive them away from
wherever they drove you away for oppression is even worse than
killing. And fight not against them near the Inviolable House of Worship
unless they fight against you there first: but if they fight against you, slay
them: such shall be the recompense of those who deny the truth. But if
they desist behold, God is much forgiving, a dispenser of grace. Hence,
fight against them until there is no more oppression and all worship is
devoted to God alone: but if they desist, then all hostility shall cease, save
against those who [willfully] do wrong (2:190-93).13

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As I cannot give a lengthy or nuanced exegesis of these verses here, I

will restrict myself to pointing out what may be obvious even on a cursory
reading. The first sentence sets the framework for interpreting the injunctions that follow and categorically forbids aggression. Subsequent sentences, which have to be understood in light of this command, establish that
Muslims are to fight those who wage war against them and to end hostilities if the aggression ceases. 14 While some may read the [until] all worship
is devoted to God alone to mean that Muslims must end religious differences by killing or assimilating their enemies through conversion, such a
reading is not warranted for at least two reasons. First, the Quran forbids
compulsion in religion (2:256 reminds the Prophet that his mission is to call
people to Islam, not to force their compliance) and teaches that religious
diversity exists because of Divine Will (I will return to this point below).
Second, on both textual15 and historical grounds,16 one can read this line as
referring to the Muslims right to worship freely.
Significantly, the Quran cautions against injustice even during a state
of war. Thus, the verse that medieval Muslims read as summing up the
ethos of Islamic rules of war instructs Muslims to stand up firmly for God,
as witnesses to fair dealing, and let not the hatred of others to you make you
swerve to wrong and depart from justice (5:8).17
Of course, one cannot acquire a comprehensive understanding of the
Qurans position on warfare by reading a few verses. My purpose in quoting them was to point out that one can read aggression into them only by
reading them selectively and ignoring the relationship between the text and
its revelations historical contexts. Such piecemeal, decontextualized, and
ahistorical readings, which unfortunately are the norm on many issues,
arise in a hermeneutics that cannot yield a holistic or a contextually or textually accurate understanding of the Qurans teachings. 18

The Classical Islamic Doctrine of Jihad

Although medieval jurists formulated the classical doctrine of jihad-as-war
from Quranic verses and Hadith literature, this doctrine can best be understood in the context of the Islamic philosophy of international relations.19
Karen Armstrong points out that this philosophy was articulated during the
golden age of Muslim history (Europes Middle Ages) and at a time when
the Muslims already had established their great empire. Thus it is not surprising that jurists would give a religious interpretation of this conquest,20
by dividing the world into the abode of Islam (dar al-Islam) and the

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abode of war (dar al-harb), with a third world of reconciliation situated

between them.21 These divisions, however, described an existing reality and
were not advocated by the Quran or the Hadith. 22 Moreover, they were
juridical and not theological in nature, inasmuch as the distinction between
the two abodes is not the religion of the population but the existence of specific institutions and the application of particular rules within them.23
Dar al-Islam exemplifies the abode of peace, justice, law, order, and
harmony in which the laws are Islamic and the Muslims and protected
minorities enjoy security and the liberty to practice their religion, whether
individually or collectively. If a Muslim state does not meet these criteria,
it cannot be part of dar al-Islam.24 Dar al-harb, on the other hand, is defined
as the reign of violence, ignorance, and tyranny, and is thus identified with
the world of injustice. However, it does not include all non-Muslim
states, for those that formally recognize Islam and do not threaten the
Muslim community, thereby implying the guaranteed freedom of any person to embrace the faith and to observe its ritual obligations, cannot be put
therein (presumably they would have to be part of the world of reconciliation).25 Thus, classical jurists did not consider the existence of dar al-harb
(i.e., religious and legal diversity) to be a suitable reason, in itself, to launch
a jihad against it, and in practice the Muslims accepted that they had
reached the limits of their expansion by this date, and coexisted amicably
with the non-Muslim world.26
Classical jurists also distinguished between offensive and defensive
jihad on the basis of the nature of the religious obligation that justifies it.27
Offensive jihad, though a communal responsibility, could be authorized
only by the imam (the Muslim communitys designated leader). However,
this type of jihad has been the subject of judicial and religious controversy, for neither the Quran nor the prophetic tradition appear to prescribe
it in any precise manner. 28 Defensive jihad, on the other hand, was considered an individuals responsibility and prerogative. But neither type was
meant to enforce Islam. When the Arabs burst out of Arabia they were not
impelled by the ferocious power of Islam, contends Armstrong, even
though westerners assume that Islam is a violent, militaristic faith which
imposed itself on its subject peoples at sword-point. As she says, this is an
inaccurate representation of the Muslim wars of expansion. There was
nothing religious about these campaigns, and Umar [the caliph under
whom they were waged] did not believe that he had a divine mandate to
conquer the world.29

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Rather, Muslim wars of conquest were wars of state, not wars of religion. 30 This does not mean that Muslims never used force for such purposes during their almost millennium-long regional/global hegemony. The
Kharijites (like modern-day extremists), were among those who did, but
they disappeared very early and at a time when the Muslim state was
rapidly expanding and becoming a great military force [proving] that Islam
opposed fanaticism in its own cradle.31 The medieval Muslim communitys opposition to fanaticism also is evident from its sensitivity to the dangers of direct coercion, or state involvement in matters of belief. The
moral regime [of this community] was at once firm on principles and distinctly inclined to forgive human weaknesses and diversity. The key note
was moderation or balance, the middle way, as exemplified in the works
of al-Ghazzali.32
In sum, even though the classical doctrine of jihad departs from the
Qurans teachings in significant ways, it does not espouse the idea of a holy
war. Furthermore, it lays down strict rules for jihad, such as declaring war,
since the element of surprise is forbidden by Prophetic traditions, as are
treachery; killing children, women, and noncombatants; taking hostages;
endangering civilians; using fire or flooding to destroy the enemy; cutting
down orchards; destroying places of worship; intentional mutilation; and
poisoning water supplies (e.g., wells).33 On the basis of these criteria alone,
one should be able to distinguish jihad from all other types of warfare.
Contemporary Reformulations of Jihad
In reality, of course, such distinctions often are difficult to make today in
light of new definitions of jihad. The political and social contexts in
which jurists initially defined warfare no longer pertain. The Muslim
empire, the worlds first modern empire that endured for nearly a millennium, has vanished (although it lives in communal memories, since its
last vestiges were dismantled just over 80 years ago), and in its place are
a variety of regimes regarded by their own people as corrupt, oppressive,
and un-Islamic, and which often are kept in place by the US/West. Partly
as a result of western colonialism, most Muslim societies have experienced modernization not as economic development or political freedoms,
but as a coercive secularism. 34
Reformulations of jihad are an integral aspect of critiquing these conditions notably by Qutb, Maududi, and Khomeini in particular, of the
US/West and of US/western-oriented Muslim regimes. I cannot examine
these reformulations here or why many Muslims have embraced them.35

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Rather, I want to focus on the theological recasting of dar al-Islam and dar
al-harb as Gods party versus Satans in most new theories of jihad. On
such views, there is only one law, Shariah. All other law is mere human
caprice. There is only one true system, Islam. All other systems are jahiliyah
[the term given to pre-Islamic society].36 Consequently, believers now are
encouraged to fight against religious and legal diversity, which brings modern Muslim views of jihad, in their fear and suspicion of difference, closer
to medieval Jewish and Christian thought37 and in conflict with the Qurans
teachings. As the Quran tells us: To each among you have We prescribed
a Law and an Open Way. If God had so willed, [God] would have made you
a single people, but ([Gods] Plan is) to test you in what [God] hath given
you. So strive as in a race in all virtues (5: 51). 38
In other words, as religious and legal diversity exists by Divine plan
and not as an aberration, people cannot extinguish it through assimilation
or extermination. The Quran reiterates this theme elsewhere, stating that
God made humans into nations and tribes, that Ye may know each other
(not that ye may despise each other). Verily the most honored of you in the
sight of God is ... the most virtuous of you (49:13). 39 Scholars argue that
the phrase knowing one another is clearly a mutual process, a dialogue.40
But this is precluded by the new conceptions of jihad, in which dialogue
and pluralism are anathema and in which there is no possibility of a reconciliation, as in the classical Islamic doctrine of jihad.
Methodologically, such antipluralist and exclusivist readings of the
Quran are based upon the theory of abrogation (naskh),41 which claims
that verses calling for pluralism, commanding Muslims to build bridges
of understanding with non-Muslims, had been abrogated by other verses
that call for fighting the infidel.42 And infidels now are seen to be Jews
and Christians, whom the Quran designates as the People of the
Book.
Such intolerance in certain trends of contemporary Islamic thought
ignores the fact that religions do not interpret themselves, people do.
Given this, we need to ask who is interpreting, how it is being done, and
what are the particular contexts. The failure to do so, in my opinion, leads
Muslims and their critics alike to misinterpret Islam and thus also its teachings on jihad (and on other issues as well, notably, sexual equality).43 In
part, of course, misrepresentations of Islam by its critics have to do with
their own epistemologies, psyches, and modes of Othering, as I will
argue below.

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Jihad, War, and Terrorism

A jihad that accords with Quranic teachings and classical doctrine is more
easily distinguishable from terrorism than are the newer forms of jihad that
do not follow similar rules of engagement. However, the difficulty of making neat distinctions between the latter and terrorism is a result of the new
jihads tactics and the way in which we define terrorism.
American statues define terrorism as premeditated, politically motivated violence perpetrated against noncombatant targets by subnational
groups or clandestine agents, usually intended to influence an audience.44
This definition, however, can be applied just as easily to wars, since wars
also constitute premeditated, politically motivated violence, target noncombatants (often as a concerted policy), and are meant to influence audiences.
Furthermore, both sub-national groups and states can sponsor terrorism. But
once we define states as terrorists, we erode even further the distinctions
between terrorists and their victims, and thereby end up holding entire populations hostage for the activities of a few people. In fact, people are vic timized twice: once by the terrorists and once by those who hunt the terrorists down, since both end up killing noncombatants indiscriminately. In
addition, defining states (or groups) as terrorists does not resolve the crucial
question of why we label the same action terrorism in one case and freedom struggle in another. If one persons freedom fighter is anothers terrorist, on what basis can we distinguish between them?
For instance, the Jewish struggle that resulted in Israels existence is
represented almost universally as a nationalist struggle, even though the
Jewish claim to Palestine is theological, not political, in nature, inasmuch
as it arises in a covenant with God. However, the Palestinians struggle for
their own state is depicted almost universally as a holy war rather than as
a nationalist and anticolonial struggle, even though it arises in a political
claim to land and is not based upon arguments about religious rights or freedom. Further, few people would consider terrorism an innately Jewish
phenomenon, even though it was the Jewish Irgun, Stern Gang, and Hagana
that began the practice of bombing gathering places [and] crowded Arab
areas [in order to] terrorize the Arab community 60 years ago. 45 The Stern
Gang attacked Jewish banks, leading to Jewish loss of life, 46 while the
Irgun massacred 250 civilians, including women and children, in the village
of Deir Yassin.47 For the British, then the occupying power, these groups
were terrorists; for most Jews, however, they were patriots whose exploits
enabled the founding of Israel (Menachem Begin, the Stern Gangs leader,

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was even elected prime minister). Yet the same Israelis (and most
Americans) denounce the Palestinians as terrorists when they engage in
similar forms of struggle against the Israeli occupation, with the sole exception that they also often kill themselves in the process.
This has led many people to label terrorism itself an Islamic phenomena and to (re)present the suicide bomber as its gruesome poster-child. Quite
forgotten are the Jewish gangs, the Japanese kamikaze pilots of World War
II (the first suicide bombers), and all those whom we have been taught to
venerate throughout history because of their willingness to kill and die in the
name of God, king, or country. Why, then, the morbid obsession with
Muslim suicide bombers and their objectification? (To Slavok Zizek, 48 it
suggests a twisted narcissism. As he says, their willingness to die throws into
relief the rather sad fact that we, in the First World countries, find it more
and more difficult even to imagine a public or universal Cause for which one
would be ready to sacrifice ones life.)
I am not suggesting that Muslims cannot be terrorists, but rather that
depicting terrorism (and rage) as inherently Islamic not only singles
out Islam and Muslims for exceptional treatment, but also deflects attention from the nonreligious sources of rage and violence, as in the
Palestinians (secular) struggle for a homeland. Portraying Palestinian
suicide bombers as religious fanatics with an uncontrollable death-wish
nicely deflects attention from the fact that the suicide bombings are a
desperate measure of last resort by nationalists against Israeli violence
and dehumanization.
Not only do such representations fail to distinguish between the violence of the oppressor and that of the oppressed, but it also elides the violence of colonialism, which is violence in its natural state, as Fanon
argued.49 Of the French in Algeria, he observed that the colonial regime
owes its legitimacy to force and at no time tries to hide this aspect of
things. 50 But whereas the colonizers violence is exonerated by being
framed in the language of law, order, and morality, the violence of the colonized is taken as proof of their lawlessness, immorality, and barbarity. As a
result, when the Algerians rose up against the French, they were typecast as
barbaric and hysterical. Ironically, says Fanon: He of whom they have
never stopped saying that the only language he understands is that of force,
decides to give utterance by force. In fact, as always, the settler has shown
him the way he should take if he is to become free. 51 For the colonized,
whether Algerian or Palestinian, violence is the condition of their existence,
and they always are aware of the complicit agreement [and] ... homogene-

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ity between the violence of the colonies and that peaceful violence that the
world is steeped in.52
The analogy between French-occupied Algeria and Israeli-occupied
Palestine is hardly overdrawn. As journalist Robert Fisk argues, the
reality is that the Palestinian/Israeli conflict is the last colonial war. The
French thought that they were fighting the last battle of this kind. They had
long ago conquered Algeria. They set up their farms and settlements in the
most beautiful land in North Africa. And when the Algerians demanded
independence, they called them terrorists and they shot down their
demonstrators and they tortured their guerrilla enemies and they murdered-in "targeted killings"-their antagonists.53

History thus is repeating itself in Israel-Palestine, but most of us have

chosen to ignore this.
Arguably, then, what distinguishes terrorism from freedom struggles
is not the form or content of the violence itself, but who gets to define it.
To the extent that the power of naming is contingent upon other (material)
forms of power, hegemons always will be able to make opportunistic distinctions between terrorism and freedom struggles.54 In fact, this power to
define also allows political dissent to be recast as terrorism or as conducive
to terrorism. Thus, Muslim criticisms of certain American policies (e.g.,
support for Israel, the bombings and sanctions against Iraq, and the bolstering of regimes despised by their own people) is misrepresented as religious extremism, or, alternatively, as proof of Islamic rage. 55 Such a
move denies Muslims a political voice (inasmuch as it particularizes
Muslim responses to the world as having to do with Islam rather than the
politics of the real world), and also ignores the fact that oppression
breeds it own modes of resistance.
Finally, not just terrorism, but even wars that we think of as just, such
as the American war against terrorism,56 involve practices that the
medieval Islamic doctrine of jihad regarded as unjust, such as endangering
civilians and killing noncombatants. As such, unless there is greater clarity
and agreement on what justice in war entails and on what constitutes terrorism, it is dishonest to label all modes of armed resistance by Muslims as
terroristic and unjust.

The Politics of Misrecognition

Average Americans cannot distinguish conceptually between jihad, holy war,
and terrorism largely because they know little or nothing about Islam.

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However, what is less clear are the reasons for their ignorance, given the 14
centuries of encounter between Islam and what we now call the West. One
reason, in my opinion, is the Wests willful politics of misrecognition of
Islam. Historically, this politics has taken the form either of positing a radical
difference between Islam and Judaism/Christianity, or of denying Islams
specificity by (re)presenting it as a derivative of Judaism/Christianity (though
the similarities suggested by a shared genealogy are negated by depicting it
as a bad facsimile). The first tendency confuses jihad with terrorism, and the
second mistranslates it as holy war. But the two are not mutually exclusive, inasmuch as differences and similarities [generally] inhabit each
other.57
The tendency to treat Islam as wholly different from, but also similar
(albeit in a debased form) to, Judaism and Christianity dates from medieval
times. As R. W. Southern explains it,58 the initial European misrecognition
of Islam (he does not use this phrase) resulted from spatial distance the
ignorance of a confined space and engendered a reliance on Biblical
exegesis to explain its origins, and, in the face of difficulties in doing so, its
ends. Although this mode of ignorance gave Islam a niche in Christian history, says Southern, it also put an indelibly apocryphal stamp on its representations. In fact, even Europeans who lived in the middle of Islam
(Muslim Spain) were able to locate in it the signs of a sinister conspiracy
against Christianity.59 They thought they saw in all its details and they
knew very few that total negation of Christianity which would mark the
contrivances of Antichrist, 60 hence of end times.
Following the First Crusades success, continues Southern, it was the
ignorance of a triumphant imagination that gave rise to a picture of
Islam whose details were only accidentally true.61 Thus, legends and
fantasies were taken to represent a more or less truthful account of what
they purported to describe. But, as soon as they were produced they took
on a literary life of their own ... [and] changed very little from generation
to generation, persisting for centuries.62 Europeans did not attempt to
engage Islam philosophically until Francis Bacon, and even then only to
refute and challenge it. Southern thus summarizes European views of
Islam until the end of the thirteenth century as first Biblical and unhopeful, the second imaginative and untruthful, the third philosophical and, at
least for a short period, extravagantly optimistic.63
I took this short detour to make two points. First, Islam always has
posed a problem of a deeper comprehension64 to westerners for reasons
having to do with their own psyches, epistemologies, and modes of alter-

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ity. Second, the fears and fantasies of medieval Europeans continue to

linger beneath the surface in most modern discourses on Islam. 65 How
else can one explain the public resonance of Mr. Bushs use of crusade
to describe the war against terrorism? (Even those who criticized him
did so because the word had historical and symbolic resonance for them.)
Why else would so many people frame the hijackers actions in apocalyptic, rather than political, terms? How else could the media push the
tautology that a visceral Muslim rage explains Muslim anger towards
Christians and Jews (rather than saying that many American and Israeli
policies have bred Muslim political opposition to them)? Why else would
most people pick a handful of the worlds one billion Muslims, such as
bin Laden, the Taliban, and the hijackers, as exemplifying real Islam?
How else could such Islamists as Bernard Lewis explain the history of
Muslim societies in terms not of economics or politics, but of essentializing psychological essences of hate and spite, rage and self-pity ... grievance and victimhood without being accused publicly of racism? 66
Of course, how one thinks of Others always has implications for
oneself. The ease with which people have embraced such representations
of Islam and Muslims has foreclosed debate on the political viability and
moral rectitude of the American war against terrorism that so far has
targeted more noncombatants, including women and children, than it has
avowed terrorists. Domestically, the willingness to view Arabs and
Muslims as potential terrorists has made all American citizens vulnerable
to surveillance. I would ascribe this not only to a hyperpatriotism but also
to a misrecognition of Islam and Muslims.

Challenging Interpretive Extremism

It would be nave to accuse only the West of misreading Islam, for Muslims
are equally guilty of doing so. How else can one explain the extremists
view of people like bin Laden, the hijackers, and the Taliban as exemplifying real Islam? How else could moderate Muslims have done nothing to
contest, for instance, the Talibans distortions of Islam? Of course these are
extreme examples, but I am concerned with interpretive extremism and,
more specifically, with how Muslims can contest it.
Elsewhere, I have examined at length the interpretive practices by
means of which Muslims read violence into the Quran, especially against
women. 67 Part of my argument is that what we understand the Quran to be
saying depends upon who reads it, how, and in what contexts. In other

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words, meaning is contingent upon method and, unfortunately, what passes

for an Islamic method for reading the Quran is demonstrably at odds with
the criteria stipulated by the Quran for its own reading for instance, to say
nothing of our understanding of God as Just. Further, I argue that the nature
of the relationship between interpretive communities and Muslim states, and
thus by how both religious and secular-political authority has been structured in Muslim societies, has shaped the method. Hence, in order to understand why Muslims have tended to favor certain readings of the Quran over
others at different times and places, we need to examine the relationship
between hermeneutics and history, the nature of Muslim states, and the configuration of both religious and secular power within these states. 68
Saying that knowledge cannot be independent of the contexts and
processes of its own production is nothing new, at least in most circles. But
once we concede the role of human agency and social structures in interpretive processes, it becomes incumbent to try and understand why Muslim
identities, consciousnesses, and histories have intertwined in specific ways
to produce certain readings of the Quran. This approach allows us to distinguish between the Quran and its exegesis on the one hand, and between
religious texts, cultures, and histories on the other, for both of these are
needed to challenge extremist readings of Islam.
We also must learn to read the Quran for its best meanings, as the
Quran itself asks us to do. Such an injunction clearly recognizes that we can
read a text in multiple ways, but that not all readings may be equally appropriate and acceptable. Indeed, as I noted, the Quran specifies the criteria for
judging between the contextual legitimacy of different readings. Personally,
I understand the Qurans counsel to read for the best meanings and its definition of Islam as sirat al-mustaqim (the straight path, the middle path, the
path of moderation) and its warning not to commit excesses in religion as
pointing to a rejection of extremist readings, including patriarchal ones.69
The brief analysis above makes two points. First, extremist readings of
the Quran are a function of certain modes of interpretive reasoning and of
the way in which religious and state-political power are configured in
Muslim states. In turn, we need to understand the role of external factors,
notably western hegemony and policies, in shaping the politics of Muslim
states. And, second, Muslims are not obligated to accept oppressive readings
of the Quran since the Quran itself has freed us from such a burden.
I also contend that the problem of interpretive extremism is the product
of both extremist thinking and the unwillingness of moderate Muslims to
challenge it in the fatuous belief that Islamism is Islamism, as an Algerian

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feminist puts it in a well-acclaimed documentary shown in the West. This

fatalism, which also is embedded in a politics of denial and misrecognition,
allows the very Islamists that moderate Muslims decry to interpret Islam
in ways that then victimizes them.
Sadly, most contemporary Muslims seek to wash their hands of the
extremists, perhaps because of the guilt by association that many of us feel
even though such guilt should not be based upon their being Muslims but
upon our disengagement from Islam, which has given extremists a free rein.
Thus, as Muslims we need to do more than distance ourselves from the
extremists in the wake of 9/11; we need to take responsibility for reading
the Quran in liberatory modes to provide an alternative and egalitarian
interpretative framework.

Conclusion
In sum, I believe that extremist interpretations constitute misreadings of
the Quran, and that the best way to challenge interpretive extremism is to
rethink our methodologies for interpreting Islam. For too long we have
taken as canonical methods and readings that do an injustice to the
Qurans own egalitarianism and that continue to provide extremists,
misogynists, and vigilantes the ideological fuel necessary for their violence. What we need urgently are interpretations that ensure the protection
of rights and freedoms that we associate with secularism (e.g., sexual
equality and the freedom of conscience, religion, speech, and mutual consultation), which in fact are granted to us by the Quran. Paying lip service
to the Qurans egalitarianism while continuing to repress and oppress
people in its name is not just rank hypocrisy, but a sure recipe for perpetuating the kinds of violence that, in the long-term, will spell our mutual
destruction.
Notes
1.

2.

This paper, which still is very much a work in progress, grew out of presentations I was invited to make at a conference on Pakistan at the American
University in Washington, DC (April 2002) and at an international seminar on
terrorism in Pakistan (December 2001).
While it is inappropriate to pit Islam against the West in this way, given that
the West is a geographic space and Islam a religion that exists within it, I retain
this term here because it is so integrally a part of the self-definition of most
people in the West.

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3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
11.
12.
13.
14.

15.
16.
17.
18.
19.
20.
21.
22.
23.
24.
25.
26.
27.
28.
29.
30.
31.
32.
33.

The American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 20:1

This is why rendering jihad as crusade is wrong, inasmuch as the Crusades

were holy wars.
James Turner Johnson, The Holy War Idea in Western and Islamic Traditions
(University Park, PA: Pennsylvania State University, 1977).
Ibid., 3.
Marcel A. Boisard, Jihad: A Commitment to Universal Peace (Indianapolis,
IN: American Trust Publications, 1988), 27.
Johnson, Holy War, 61.
Ali, quoted in Johnson, ibid., 36.
Boisard, Jihad, 34.
Ibid., 23.
Muhammad Asad, The Message of the Quran (Gibraltar: Dar al-Andalus,
1980), 512.
Ibid., 118.
Ibid., 41.
This has not always been the case in modern times. The United States bombed
Nagasaki and Hiroshima after the Japanese had broadcast their terms of surrender, and American forces shot 100,000 retreating Iraqi troops in the back
during the Gulf War, with generals calling it a duck shoot.
See Asad, Quran, 1980: 41, fn. 170.
At the time of this verses revelation, Muslims were being persecuted for their
religious practices. Ibid.
Quoted in Boisard, Jihad, 83.
See Asma Barlas, Believing Women in Islam: Unreading Patriarchal
Interpretations of the Quran (Austin, TX: University of Texas Press, 2002.
Boisard, Jihad, 23.
Karen Armstrong, Islam: A Short History (New York: Modern Library, 2000),
30.
Ibid., 9.
Johnson, Holy War, 66.
Ibid., 7.
Ibid.
Ibid., 8-9.
Armstrong, Islam, 30.
Johnson, Holy War, 63.
Boisard, Jihad, 27
Armstrong, Islam, 29.
Johnson, Holy War, 96.
Ibid, 15.
Francis Robinson, ed. Cambridge Illustrated History: Islamic World
(Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1996), 173.
See Boisard, Jihad; and Jamilah Kolocotronis, Islamic Jihad: An Historical
Perspective (Indianapolis, IN: American Trust Publications, 1990).

Barlas: Jihad, Holy War, and Terrorism

61

34. Armstrong, Islam, 166.

35. See, for instance, John Cooley, Unholy Wars: Afghanistan, America, and
International Terrorism, 3d ed. (London: Pluto Press, 2002), and John
Esposito, Unholy War: Terror in the Name of Islam (Oxford: Oxford
University Press, 2002).
36. David Zeidan, The Islamic Fundamentalist View of Life as a Perennial
Battle, Middle East Review of International Affairs (MERIA) Journal, edited
by Barry Rubin, 5, no. 4 (December 2001): 5.
37. See Naeem Inayatullah and David Blaney for a discussion of EuropeanChristian views. Chapter 2: Intimate Indians: Difference as Degeneration in
Sixteenth and Seventeenth Century Europe, International Relations and the
Problem of Difference, unpublished manuscript, 2002.
38. Abdullah Yusuf Ali, The Holy Quran: Text, Translation and Commentary
(New York: Tahrike Tarsile Quran, 1988), 258-59.
39. Ibid., 1407.
40. Merryl Wyn Davies, Knowing One Another: Shaping an Islamic Anthropology
(London: Mansell Publishing Ltd., 1988), 6.
41. In the Quranic sense, argues Fazlur Rahman, abrogation (naskh) means that
some verses were replaced by others at Gods command. In other words, it is
a historical development. Naskh does not mean the juristic doctrine of abrogation, which developed later and which is an attempt to smooth out apparent differences in the import of certain verses. Fazlur Rahman, Major Themes
of the Quran (Minneapolis: Bibliotheca Islamica, 1980), 90.
42. Ali S. Asani, On Peace, Violence and the Quran: An American Muslim
Reflects on Pluralism and Exclusivism within the Islamic Tradition.
Circulated on the Internet, p. 4.
43. Barlas, Believing Women.
44. Title 22 of the United States Code, Section 2656f (d). See State Departments
site at: www.state.gov/s/ct/rls/pgtrpt/2000/index.cfm?docid=2453&clid=
2408.
45. Charles Smith, Palestine and the Arab-Israeli Conflict (New York: St. Martins
Press, 1992), 19, 140.
46. Ibid., 120.
47. Ibid., 143.
48. Slavok Zizek Welcome to the Desert of the Real, (17 September 2001).
Online at: http://alt.venus.co.uk/weed/current/zizek.htm.
49. Frantz Fanon, The Wretched of the Earth (New York: Grove Press, 196), 61.
50. Ibid., 84.
51. Ibid., 84, emphasis in original.
52. Ibid., 81.
53. Robert Fisk: This terrible conflict is the last colonial war, Independent (4
December 2001). Online at: http://argument.independent.co.uk/commentators/story.jsp?story=108161.

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54. Segments of the media have noted that the Afghan jihad against the Soviets was
called a freedom struggle, but that the same jihad, when directed against
the United States, became terrorism. Other such examples abound.
55. In fact, both Muslims and conscientious people all over the world, including
in the United States, disapprove of these policies on both ethical and political
grounds. Insisting that only Muslim terrorists and fanatics oppose them
reframes legitimate political dissent as religious extremism and actually ends
up imbuing the very people we denounce as being evil with a principled social
conscience!
56. See Howard Zinn, A Just Cause, Not a Just War, The Progressive
(December 2001).
57. I owe this phrasing and insight to Jonathan Gil Harris of the English department at Ithaca College.
58. R. W. Southern, Western Views of Islam in the Middle Ages (Cambridge, MA:
Harvard University Press, 1962), 17.
59. I am not sure what to make of this part of Southerns argument. If space eventually had nothing to do with Europeans ideas of Islam, and both distance
from and proximity to it produced the same results, then why posit the ignorance of a confined space?
60. Southern, Western Views, 25.
61. Ibid., 14, 28.
62. Ibid., 29.
63. Ibid., 67.
64. Ibid., 4.
65. This, of course, raises interesting questions about whether modernity constitutes an epistemic break with premodernity in every area of life and thought.
66. From Paul Kennedys review of Bernard Lewiss What Went Wrong? In New
York Times Book Review (27 January 2002), 9.
67. Barlas, Believing Women.
68. Ibid.