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Politics
Contents
Articles
Main article
1
Politics 1
Theory
11
Political philosophy 11
Political science 22
Political history 28
Political history of the world 31
Comparative politics 36
Political economy 39
State (polity) 45
Forms of Government
57
Form of government 57
Political system 64
Monarchy 66
Dictatorship 74
Parliamentary system 78
Presidential system 86
Semi-presidential system 95
Branches of Government
97
Separation of powers 97
Executive 107
Legislature 108
Judiciary 109
Head of state 112
Democracy
132
Democracy 132
Election 153
Voting system 158
Political campaign 176
Political party 185
Political Behaviour
192
Theories of political behaviour 192
Ideology 194
International relations
201
International relations 201
International relations theory 213
Sovereign state 221
Federalism 226
Public administration
240
Public administration 240
Bureaucracy 250
Street-level bureaucracy 252
Adhocracy 253
Public policy 255
Law 257
References
Article Sources and Contributors 285
Image Sources, Licenses and Contributors 296
Article Licenses
License 300
1
Main article
Politics
Politics (from Greek , "of, for, or relating to citizens") is a process by which groups of people make
collective decisions. The term is generally applied to the art or science of running governmental or state affairs,
including behavior within civil governments, but also applies to institutions, fields, and special interest groups such
as the corporate, academic, and religious segments of society. It consists of "social relations involving authority or
power"
[1]
and refers to the regulation of public affairs within a political unit,
[2]
and to the methods and tactics used to
formulate and apply policy.
[3]
Etymology
The word politics comes from the Greek word (politika), modeled on Aristotle's "affairs of the city", the
name of his book on governing and governments, which was rendered in English mid-15 century as Latinized
"Polettiques".
[4]
Thus it became "politics" in Middle English c. 1520s (see the Concise Oxford Dictionary). The
singular politic first attested in English 1430 and comes from Middle French politique, in turn from Latin politicus,
[5]
which is the latinisation of the Greek (politikos), meaning amongst others "of, for, or relating to citizens",
"civil", "civic", "belonging to the state",
[6]
in turn from (polites), "citizen"
[7]
and that from (polis),
"city".
[8]
History
The history of politics is reflected in the origin and development, and economics of the institutions of government.
Native Americans
Lewis H. Morgan, author of Ancient Society, considered the American Indians to be the link between the primitive
and patriarchal state of society.
[9]
Patriarchal societies
European Parliament
All patriarchal societies are known by certain characteristic features:
1. Male kinship is prevalent. Men are counted as kin because they are
descended from the same male ancestor.
2. Marriage is permanent. It is not until one woman is married to one
man that certainty of fatherhood appears in society but it is not a
general rule of patriarchal society for polygamy does exist in the
earlier stages of social development.
3. Paternal authority is the ruling principle of the social order. In
ancient Rome, the patria potestas extended to all descendants of one
living male ancestor; it comprised control and punishment, not to
mention questions of life and death.
These features of the development of the patriarchal state of society are as common among the Jews as among the
Arabs, among the Aryans as among the Dravidians and even among the Germanic and Celtic peoples.
Politics
2
The patriarchal state of society consists of two stages, tribe and clan. The tribe is a large group of hundreds of
members who descend from one common male ancestor, sometimes from a fictitious character satisfying the
etiquette that descent from the male is the only basis of society. The clan, on the other hand, is a smaller group
reaching back into the past for only four generations or so to a common well-known male ancestor. The clan always
breaks down into smaller units when its limit is reached. According to the Scottish historian W. F. Skene in volume 3
of Celtic Scotland, the tribe or larger unit is the oldest. When the tribe breaks down, clans are formed. When the clan
system breaks down, it leaves the households or families as independent units. Finally, with the withering away of
patriarchal society, the family is dissolved and the individual comes into existence.
[10]
The state
Sun Tzu
The origin of the state is to be found in the development of the art of
warfare. Historically speaking, all political communities of the modern
type owe their existence to successful warfare. As a result the new
states are forced to organize on military principles. The life of the new
community is military allegiance. The military by nature is
competitive.
Of the institutions by which the state is ruled, that of kingship stands
foremost until the French Revolution put an end to the "divine right of
kings". (In China, similarly there was the mandate of heaven)
Nevertheless, kingship is perhaps the most successful institution of
politics. However, the first kings were not institutions but individuals.
The earliest kings were successful militarily. They were men not only
of great military genius but also great administrators. Kingship
becomes an institution through heredity.
The king rules his kingdom with the aid of his Council; without it he could not hold his territories. The Council is the
king's master mind. The Council is the germ of constitutional government. Long before the council became a
bulwark of democracy, it rendered invaluable aid to the institution of kingship by:
1. Preserving the institution of kingship through heredity.
2. Preserving the traditions of the social order.
3. Being able to withstand criticism as an impersonal authority.
4. Being able to manage a greater deal of knowledge and action than a single individual such as the king.
The greatest of the king's subordinates, the earls in England and Scotland, the dukes and counts in the Continent,
always sat as a right on the Council. A conqueror wages war upon the vanquished for vengeance or for plunder but
an established kingdom exacts tribute. One of the functions of the Council is to keep the coffers of the king full.
Another is the satisfaction of military service and the establishment of lordships by the king to satisfy the task of
collecting taxes and soldiers.
[11]
The state and property
Property is the right vested on the individual or a group of people to enjoy the benefits of an object be it material or
intellectual. A right is a power enforced by public trust. Sometimes it happens that the exercise of a right is opposed
to public trust. Nevertheless, a right is really the creation of public trust, past, present or future. The growth of
knowledge is the key to the history of property as an institution. The more man becomes knowledgeable of an object
be it physical or intellectual, the more it is appropriated. The appearance of the State brought about the final stage in
the evolution of property from wildlife to husbandry. In the presence of the State, man can hold landed property. The
State began granting lordships and ended up conferring property and with it came inheritance. With landed property
came rent and in the exchange of goods, profit, so that in modern times, the "lord of the land" of long ago becomes
Politics
3
the landlord. If it is wrongly assumed that the value of land is always the same, then there is of course no evolution
of property whatever. However, the price of land goes up with every increase in population benefitting the landlord.
The landlordism of large land owners has been the most rewarded of all political services. In industry, the position of
the landlord is less important but in towns which have grown out of an industry, the fortunate landlord has reaped an
enormous profit. Towards the latter part of the Middle Ages in Europe, both the State - the State would use the
instrument of confiscation for the first time to satisfy a debt - and the Church - the Church succeeded in acquiring
immense quantities of land - were allied against the village community to displace the small landlord and they were
successful to the extent that today, the village has become the ideal of the individualist, a place in which every man
"does what he wills with his own." The State has been the most important factor in the evolution of the institution of
property be it public or private.
[12]
The state and the justice system
As a military institution, the State is concerned with the allegiance of its subjects as disloyalty is a risk to its national
security. Thus arises the law of treason. Criminal acts in general, breaking the peace and treason make up the whole
of criminal law enforced by the State as distinguished from the law enforced by private individuals. State justice has
taken the place of clan, feudal, merchant and ecclesiastical justice due to its strength, skill and simplicity. One very
striking evidence of the superiority of the royal courts over the feudal and popular courts in the matter of official
skill is the fact that, until comparatively late in history, the royal courts alone kept written records of their
proceedings. The trial by jury was adopted by the Royal Courts, securing it's popularity and making it a bulwark of
liberty. By the time of the Protestant Reformation, with the separation of Church and State, in the most progressive
countries, the State succeeded in dealing with the business of administering justice.
[13]
The state
The making of laws was unknown to primitive societies.
That most persistent of all patriarchal societies, the Jewish, retains to a certain extent its tribal law in the Gentile
cities of the West. This tribal law is the rudimentary idea of law as it presented itself to people in the patriarchal
stage of society, it was custom or observance sanctioned by the approval and practice of ancestors.
The state of affairs which existed in the 10th century, when every town had its own laws and nations like France,
Germany, Spain and other countries had no national law until the end of the 18th century, was brought to an end by
three great agencies that helped to create the modern system of law and legislation:
1. Records: From the early Middle Ages in Europe there come what are called folk-laws and they appear exactly at
the time when the patriarchal is becoming the State. They are due almost universally to one cause: the desire of
the king to know the custom of his subjects. These are not legislation in the sense of law-making but statements or
declarations of custom. They are drawn from a knowledge of the custom of the people. Unwritten custom changes
imperceptibly but not the written. It is always possible to point to the exact text and show what it says.
Nevertheless, the written text can change by addition with every new edition.
2. Law Courts: By taking some general rule which seemed to be common to all the communities and ignoring the
differences, English common law was modeled after such a practice so that the law became common in all the
districts of the kingdom. The reason why in the rest of Europe, there was no common law till centuries later is
because the State in those countries did not get hold of the administration of justice when England did. One of the
shrewdest moves by which the English judges pushed their plan of making a common law was by limiting the
verdict of the jury in every case to questions of fact. At first the jury used to give answers both on law and fact;
and being a purely local body, they followed local custom. A famous division came to pass: the province of the
judge and the province of the jury.
3. Fictions: Records and Law Courts were valuable in helping the people adapt to law-making but like Fictions,
they were slow and imperfect. Though slowly, Fictions work because it is a well known fact that people will
accept a change in the form of a fiction while they would resist it to the end if the fact is out in the open.
Politics
4
British parliament
Finally there is the enactment of laws or legislation. When progress
and development is rapid, the faster method of political representation
is adopted. This method does not originate in primitive society but in
the State need for money and its use of an assembly to raise the same.
From the town assembly, a national assembly and the progress of
commerce sprang Parliament all over Europe around the end of the
12th century but not entirely representative or homogeneous for the
nobility and the clergy. The clergy had amassed a fortune in land,
about one-fifth of all Christendom but at the time, in the 12th and 13th
centuries, the Church was following a policy of isolation; they adopted
the rule of celibacy and cut themselves from domestic life; they refused
to plead in a secular court; they refused to pay taxes to the State on the grounds that they had already paid it to the
Pope. Since the main object of the king in holding a national assembly was to collect money, the Church could not
be left out and so they came to Parliament. The Church did not like it but in most cases they had to come.
The medieval Parliament was complete when it represented all the states in the realm: nobles, clergy, peasants and
craftsmen but it was not a popular institution mainly because it meant taxation. Only by the strongest pressure of the
Crown were Parliaments maintained during the first century of their existence and the best proof of this assertion lies
in the fact that in those countries where the Crown was weak, Parliament ceased to exist. The notion that parliaments
were the result of a democratic movement cannot be supported by historical facts. Originally, the representative side
of Parliament was solely concerned with money; representation in Parliament was a liability rather than a privilege.
It is not uncommon that an institution created for one purpose begins to serve another. People who were asked to
contribute with large sums of money began to petition. Pretty soon, sessions in Parliament would turn into
bargaining tables, the king granting petitions in exchange for money. However, there were two kinds of petitions,
one private and the other public and it was from this last that laws were adopted or legislation originated. The king as
head of State could give orders to preserve territorial integrity but not until these royal enactments were combined
with public petition that successful legislation ever took place. Even to the present day, this has always been the
basis of all successful legislation: public custom is adopted and enforced by the State.
In the early days of political representation, the majority did not necessarily carry the day and there was very little
need for contested elections but by the beginning of the 15th century, a seat in Parliament was something to be
cherished. Historically speaking, the dogma of the equality of man is the result of the adoption of the purely practical
machinery of the majority but the adoption of the majority principle is also responsible for another institution of
modern times: the party system. The party system is an elaborate piece of machinery that pits at least two political
candidates against each other for the vote of an electorate; its advantage being equal representation interesting a large
number of people in politics; it provides effective criticism of the government in power and it affords an outlet for
the ambition of a large number of wealthy and educated people guaranteeing a consistent policy in government.
These three institutions: political representation, majority rule and the party system are the basic components of
modern political machinery; they are applicable to both central and local governments and are becoming by their
adaptability ends in themselves rather than a machinery to achieve some purpose.
[14]
Politics
5
The state and the executive system
The administration is one of the most difficult aspects of government. In the enactment and enforcement of laws, the
victory of the State is complete but not so in regards to administration the reason being that it is easy to see the
advantage of the enactment and enforcement of laws but not the administration of domestic, religious and business
affairs which should be kept to a minimum by government.
The German Chancellery (Bundeskanzleramt) in
Berlin
Originally, the state was a military organization. For many years, it
was just a territory ruled by a king who was surrounded by a small elite
group of warriors and court officials and it was basically rule by force
over a larger mass of people. Slowly, however, the people gained
political representation for none can really be said to be a member of
the State without the right of having a voice in the direction of policy
making. One of the basic functions of the State in regards to
administration is maintaining peace and internal order; it has no other
excuse for interfering in the lives of its citizens. To maintain law and
order the State develops means of communication. Historically, the
"king's highway" was laid down and maintained for the convenience of
the royal armies not as an incentive to commerce. In almost all
countries, the State maintains the control of the means of communication and special freedoms such as those
delineated in the First Amendment to the United States Constitution are rather limited. The State's original function
of maintaining law and order within its borders gave rise to police administration which is a branch of the
dispensation of Justice but on its preventive side, police jurisdiction has a special character of its own, which
distinguishes it from ordinary judicial work. In the curfew, the State shows early in history the importance of
preventing disorder. In early days, next to maintaining law and order, the State was concerned with the raising of
revenue. It was then useful to the State to establish a standard of weights and measures so that value could be
generally accepted and finally the State acquired a monopoly of coinage. The regulation of labor by the State as one
of its functions dates from the 15th century, when the Black Plague killed around half of the European population.
The invariable policy of the State has always being to break down all intermediate authorities and to deal directly
with the individual. This was the policy until Adam Smith's The Wealth of Nations was published promoting a strong
public reaction against State interference. By its own action, the State raised the issue of the poor or the State relief
of the indigent. The State, of course, did not create poverty but by destroying the chief agencies which dealt with it
such as the village, the church and the guilds, it practically assumed full responsibility for the poor without
exercising any power over it. The Great Poor Law Report of 1834 showed that communism ran rampant in the rural
areas of England. In newly developed countries such as the colonies of the British Empire, the State has refused to
take responsibility for the poor and the relief of poverty, although the poor classes lean heavily towards State
socialism.
Recognizing the great power of the State, it is only natural that in times of great crisis such as an overwhelming
calamity the people should invoke general State aid.
Political representation has helped to shape State administration. When the voice of the individual can be heard, the
danger of arbitrary interference by the State is greatly reduced. To that extent is the increase of State activity popular.
There are no hard and fast rules to limit State administration but it is a fallacy to believe that the State is the nation
and what the State does is necessarily for the good of the nation. In the first place, even in modern times, the State
and the nation are never identical. Even where "universal suffrage" prevails, the fact remains that an extension of
State administration means an increased interference of some by others, limiting freedom of action. Even if it is
admitted that State and nation are one and the same, it is sometimes difficult to admit that State administration is
necessarily good. Finally, the modern indiscriminate advocacy of State administration conceals the fallacy that State
officials must necessarily prove more effective in their action than private enterprise. Herein lies the basic difference
Politics
6
between Public and Business Administration; the first deals with the public weal while the second deals basically in
profit but both require a great deal of education and ethical conduct to avoid the mishaps inherent in the relationship
not only of business and labor but also the State and the Administration.
[15]
The varieties of political experience
The swearing of the oath of ratification of the treaty of Mnster in 1648
(1648) by Gerard ter Borch.
According to Aristotle, States are classified into
monarchies, aristocracies, timocracies,
democracies, oligarchies, and tyrannies. Due to
an increase in knowledge of the history of
politics, this classification has been abandoned.
Generally speaking, no form of government
could be considered the best if the best is
considered to be the one that is most appropriate
under the circumstances. All States are varieties
of a single type, the sovereign State. All the
Great Powers of the modern world rule on the
principle of sovereignty. Sovereign power may
be vested on an individual as in an autocratic
government or it may be vested on a group as in
a constitutional government. Constitutions are
written documents that specify and limit the
powers of the different branches of government. Although a Constitution is a written document, there is also an
unwritten Constitution. The unwritten constitution is continually being written by the Legislative branch of
government; this is just one of those cases in which the nature of the circumstances determines the form of
government that is most appropriate. Nevertheless, the written constitution is essential. England did set the fashion of
written constitutions during the Civil War but after the Restoration abandoned them to be taken up later by the
American Colonies after their emancipation and then France after the Revolution and the rest of Europe including
the European colonies.
There are two forms of government, one a strong central government as in France and the other a local government
such as the ancient divisions in England that is comparatively weaker but less bureaucratic. These two forms helped
to shape the federal government, first in Switzerland, then in the United States in 1776, in Canada in 1867 and in
Germany in 1870 and in the 20th century, Australia. The Federal States introduced the new principle of agreement or
contract. Compared to a federation, a confederation's singular weakness is that it lacks judicial power. In the
American Civil War, the contention of the Confederate States that a State could secede from the Union was
untenable because of the power enjoyed by the Federal government in the executive, legislative and judiciary
branches.
According to professor A. V. Dicey in An Introduction to the Study of the Law of the Constitution, the essential
features of a federal constitution are: a) A written supreme constitution in order to prevent disputes between the
jurisdictions of the Federal and State authorities; b) A distribution of power between the Federal and State
governments and c) A Supreme Court vested with the power to interpret the Constitution and enforce the law of the
land remaining independent of both the executive and legislative branches.
[16]
Politics
7
Political party
A political party is a political organization that typically seeks to attain and maintain political power within
government, usually by participating in electoral campaigns, educational outreach or protest actions. Parties often
espouse an expressed ideology or vision bolstered by a written platform with specific goals, forming a coalition
among disparate interests.
As an academic discipline
Political science, the study of politics, examines the acquisition and application of power.
[17]
Political scientist
Harold Lasswell defined politics as "who gets what, when, and how".
[18]
Related areas of study include political
philosophy, which seeks a rationale for politics and an ethic of public behaviour, political economy, which attempts
to develop understandings of the relationships between politics and the economy and the governance of the two, and
public administration, which examines the practices of governance. The philosopher Charles Blattberg, who has
defined politics as "responding to conflict with dialogue," offers an account which distinguishes political
philosophies from political ideologies.
[19]
The first academic chair devoted to politics in the United States was the chair of history and political science at
Columbia University, first occupied by Prussian migr Francis Lieber in 1857.
[20]
Spectra
Left-right politics
Recently in history, political analysts and politicians divide politics into left wing and right wing politics, often also
using the idea of center politics as a middle path of policy between the right and left. This classification is
comparatively recent (it was not used by Aristotle or Hobbes, for instance), and dates from the French Revolution
era, when those members of the National Assembly who supported the republic, the common people and a secular
society sat on the left and supporters of the monarchy, aristocratic privilege and the Church sat on the right.
[21]
The meanings behind the labels have become more complicated over the years. A particularly influential event was
the publication of the Communist Manifesto by Karl Marx and Frederick Engels in 1848. The Manifesto suggested a
course of action for a proletarian revolution to overthrow the bourgeois society and abolish private property, in the
belief that this would lead to a classless and stateless society.
The meaning of left-wing and right-wing varies considerably between different countries and at different times, but
generally speaking, it can be said that the right wing often values tradition and social stratification while the left
wing often values reform and egalitarianism, with the center seeking a balance between the two such as with social
democracy or regulated capitalism.
According to Norberto Bobbio, one of the major exponents of this distinction, the Left believes in attempting to
eradicate social inequality, while the Right regards most social inequality as the result of ineradicable natural
inequalities, and sees attempts to enforce social equality as utopian or authoritarian.
[22]
Some ideologies, notably Christian Democracy, claim to combine left and right wing politics; according to Geoffrey
K. Roberts and Patricia Hogwood, "In terms of ideology, Christian Democracy has incorporated many of the views
held by liberals, conservatives and socialists within a wider framework of moral and Christian principles."
[23]
Movements which claim or formerly claimed to be above the left-right divide include Fascist Terza Posizione
economic politics in Italy, Gaullism in France, Peronism in Argentina, and National Action Politics in Mexico.
Politics
8
Authoritarian-libertarian politics
Authoritarianism and libertarianism refer to the amount of individual freedom each person possesses in that society
relative to the state. One author describes authoritarian political systems as those where "individual rights and goals
are subjugated to group goals, expectations and conformities",
[24]
while libertarians generally oppose the state and
hold the individual and his property as sovereign. In their purest form, libertarians are anarchists, who argue for the
total abolition of the state, while the purest authoritarians are totalitarians who support state control over all aspects
of society.
For instance, classical liberalism (also known as laissez-faire liberalism,
[25]
or, in much of the world, simply
liberalism) is a doctrine stressing individual freedom and limited government. This includes the importance of
human rationality, individual property rights, free markets, natural rights, the protection of civil liberties,
constitutional limitation of government, and individual freedom from restraint as exemplified in the writings of John
Locke, Adam Smith, David Hume, David Ricardo, Voltaire, Montesquieu and others. According to the libertarian
Institute for Humane Studies, "the libertarian, or 'classical liberal,' perspective is that individual well-being,
prosperity, and social harmony are fostered by 'as much liberty as possible' and 'as little government as
necessary.'"
[26]
World politics
NYC UN
The 20th century witnessed the outcome of two world wars and not
only the rise and fall of the Third Reich but also the rise and fall of
communism. The development of the Atomic bomb gave the United
States a more rapid end to its conflict in Japan in World War II. Later,
the development of the Hydrogen bomb became the ultimate weapon
of mass destruction. The United Nations has served as a forum for
peace in a world threatened by nuclear war. "The invention of nuclear
and space weapons has made war unacceptable as an instrument for
achieving political ends."
[27]
Although an all-out final nuclear
holocaust is out of the question for man, "nuclear blackmail" comes
into question not only on the issue of world peace but also on the issue
of national sovereignty.
[28]
On a Sunday in 1962, the world stood still
at the brink of nuclear war during the October Cuban missile crisis
from the implementation of U.S. vs U.S.S.R. nuclear blackmail policy.
Political corruption

Unlimited power is apt to corrupt the minds of those who possess it.

William Pitt the Elder

[29]
Political corruption is the use of legislated powers by government officials for illegitimate private gain. Misuse of
government power for other purposes, such as repression of political opponents and general police brutality, is not
considered political corruption. Neither are illegal acts by private persons or corporations not directly involved with
the government. An illegal act by an officeholder constitutes political corruption only if the act is directly related to
Politics
9
their official duties.
Forms of corruption vary, but include bribery, extortion, cronyism, nepotism, patronage, graft, and embezzlement.
While corruption may facilitate criminal enterprise such as drug trafficking, money laundering, and trafficking, it is
not restricted to these activities.
The activities that constitute illegal corruption differ depending on the country or jurisdiction. For instance, certain
political funding practices that are legal in one place may be illegal in another. In some cases, government officials
have broad or poorly defined powers, which make it difficult to distinguish between legal and illegal actions.
Worldwide, bribery alone is estimated to involve over 1 trillion US dollars annually.
[30]
A state of unrestrained
political corruption is known as a kleptocracy, literally meaning "rule by thieves".
References
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[2] "Politics (definition)" (http:/ / everything2. com/ index.pl?node_id=303454). everything2.co. .
[3] "Definition of politics" (http:/ / www.thefreedictionary. com/ politics). thefreedictionary.com. .
[4] "Politics" (http:/ / www.etymonline.com/ index. php?term=politics). Online Etymology Dictionary. .
[5] Charlton T. Lewis, Charles Short. "A Latin Dictionary" (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 04.
0059:entry=politicus). Perseus Digital Library. .
[6] Henry George Liddell, Robert Scott. "A Greek-English Lexicon" (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/
text?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 04. 0057:entry=politiko/ s). Perseus Digital Library. .
[7] Henry George Liddell, Robert Scott. "A Greek-English Lexicon" (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/
text?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 04. 0057:entry=poli/ ths). Perseus Digital Library. .
[8] Henry George Liddell, Robert Scott. "A Greek-English Lexicon" (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/
text?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 04. 0057:entry=po/ lis). Perseus Digital Library. .
[9] Jenks, Edward (1900). A history of politics (http:/ / books. google. com/ ?id=Z3gCAAAAYAAJ& pg=PA1& dq=politics+
history#v=onepage& q=). J. M. Dent & Co.. pp.615. . "In spite of the constantly increasing intercourse..."
[10] Jenks, Edward. A history of politics. pp.1672. "We now approach the consideration of the second stage of social development..."
[11] Jenks, Edward. A history of politics. pp.7396. "The origin of the State, or Political Society, is to be found in the development of the art of
military warfare."
[12] Jenks, Edward. A history of politics. pp.97111. "No political institution is of greater importance, none has been the subject of greater
controversy, than the institution of property."
[13] Jenks, Edward. A history of politics. pp.112124. "We are so accustomed to look upon the administration of justice as an inevitable duty of
the State..."
[14] Jenks, Edward. A history of politics. pp.124139. "As we have before stated (p. 41), the notion that law could be made was unknown to
primitive society."
[15] Jenks, Edward. A history of politics. pp.140150. "We come now to the last, and by far the most difficult department of State activity."
[16] Jenks, Edward (1900). A history of politics (http:/ / books. google. com/ ?id=Z3gCAAAAYAAJ& pg=PA1& dq=politics+
history#v=onepage& q=). J. M. Dent & Co.. pp.1164. .
[17] Safire, William (2008). Safire's Political Dictionary (http:/ / books. google. com/ ?id=jK-0NPoMiYoC& pg=PA566& dq=power+ corrupts+
and+ absolute+ power+ corrupts+ absolutely#v=onepage& q=power corrupts and absolute power corrupts absolutely). Oxford University
Press US. p.566. ISBN0195343342. . "Power tends to corrupt; absolute power corrupts absolutely."
[18] Schmidt, Barbara A.; Bardes, Mack C.; Shelley, Steffen W. (2011). American Government and Politics Today: The Essentials (20112012
Student ed.). Boston: Wadsworth, Cengage Learning. p.5. ISBN978-0-538-49719-0.
[19] Blattberg, Charles, "Political Philosophies and Political Ideologies," in Patriotic Elaborations: Essays in Practical Philosophy, Montreal and
Kingston: McGill-Queen's University Press, 2009. (http:/ / papers. ssrn. com/ sol3/ papers. cfm?abstract_id=1755117)
[20] Farr, James; Seidelman, Raymond (1993). Discipline and history (http:/ / books. google. com/ ?id=e9_jbbroRHsC& pg=PA70&
dq=Discipline+ and+ history+ Francis+ Lieber+ Karl+ Marx& q=). University of Michigan Press. ISBN0472065127. . "...a chair at Columbia
in 1857 as professor of history and political science, the very first of its kind in America."
[21] Andrew Knapp and Vincent Wright (2006). The Government and Politics of France. Routledge.
[22] Bobbio, Norberto, "Left and Right: The Significance of a Political Distinction" (translated by Allan Cameron), 1997, University of Chicago
Press. ISBN 0226062465
[23] Roberts and Hogwood, European Politics Today, Manchester University Press, 1997
[24] Markus Kemmelmeier et al. (2003). "Individualism, Collectivism, and Authoritarianism in Seven Societies". Journal of Cross-Cultural
Psychology 34 (3): 304322. doi:10.1177/0022022103034003005.
[25] Ian Adams, Political Ideology Today (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2001), 20.
[26] What Is Libertarian? (http:/ / www. theihs.org/ about/ id. 1084/ default. asp), Institute for Humane Studies
Politics
10
[27] Rabinowitch, Eugene (June 1973). Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists (http:/ / books. google. com/ ?id=-QsAAAAAMBAJ& pg=PA13&
dq=World+ politics+ final+ nuclear+ holocaust& q=World politics final nuclear holocaust). Educational Foundation for Nuclear Science, Inc..
p.13. ISSN0096-3402. . "...the rationale of traditional patterns of world politics."
[28] Dulles, Allen (2006). The Craft of Intelligence (http:/ / books. google. com/ ?id=mH3qdHK6_EsC& pg=PA224& dq=the+ craft+ of+
intelligence+ April+ 1963#v=onepage& q=). Globe Pequot. p.224. ISBN1592282975. . "...using "nuclear blackmail" as a threat to intimidate
other countries."
[29] Safire's political dictionary, by William Safire, 2008, Oxford University Press US, pg 566
[30] African corruption 'on the wane' (http:/ / news.bbc.co. uk/ 1/ hi/ business/ 6288400. stm), 10 July 2007, BBC News
11
Theory
Political philosophy
Plato (left) and Aristotle (right), from a detail of
The School of Athens, a fresco by Raphael. Plato's
Republic and Aristotle's Politics secured the two
Greek philosophers as two of the most influential
political philosophers.
Political philosophy is the study of such topics as liberty, justice,
property, rights, law, and the enforcement of a legal code by authority:
what they are, why (or even if) they are needed, what, if anything,
makes a government legitimate, what rights and freedoms it should
protect and why, what form it should take and why, what the law is,
and what duties citizens owe to a legitimate government, if any, and
when it may be legitimately overthrownif ever. In a vernacular
sense, the term "political philosophy" often refers to a general view, or
specific ethic, political belief or attitude, about politics that does not
necessarily belong to the technical discipline of philosophy.
[1]
Political philosophy can also be understood by analysing it through the
perspectives of metaphysics, epistemology and axiology. It provides
insight into, among other things, the various aspects of the origin of the
state, its institutions and laws.
History of political philosophy
Further information: History of political thought
Ancient
Ancient China
Chinese political philosophy dates back to the Spring and Autumn Period, specifically with Confucius in the 6th
century BC. Chinese political philosophy developed as a response to the social and political breakdown of the
country characteristic of the Spring and Autumn Period and the Warring States Period. The major philosophies
during the period, Confucianism, Legalism, Mohism, Agrarianism and Taoism, each had a political aspect to their
philosophical schools. Philosophers such as Confucius, Mencius, and Mozi, focused on political unity and political
stability as the basis of their political philosophies. Confucianism advocated a hierarchical, meritocratic government
based on empathy, loyalty, and interpersonal relationships. Legalism advocated a highly authoritarian government
based on draconian punishments and laws. Mohism advocated a communal, decentralized government centered on
frugality and ascetism. The Agrarians advocated a peasant utopian communalism and egalitarianism.
[2]
Taoism
advocated a proto-anarchism. Legalism was the dominant political philosophy of the Qin Dynasty, but was replaced
by Confucianism in the Han Dynasty. Prior to China's adoption of communism, Confucianism remained the
dominant political philosophy of China up to the 20th century.
[3]
Political philosophy
12
Ancient Greece
Western political philosophy originates in the philosophy of ancient Greece, where political philosophy begins with
Plato's Republic in the 4th century BC.
[4]
Ancient Greece was dominated by city-states, which experimented with
various forms of political organization, grouped by Plato into four categories: timocracy, tyranny, democracy and
oligarchy. One of the first, extremely important classical works of political philosophy is Plato's Republic,
[4]
which
was followed by Aristotle's Politics and Nichomachean Ethics.
[5]
Roman political philosophy was influenced by the
Stoics, including the Roman statesman Cicero.
[6]
Ancient India
Political philosophy originates in Ancient India with the Hindu text Manusmti, or Laws of Manu
[7]
and Chanakya's
Arthashastra. In Arthashastra, Chanakya developed a viewpoint which recalls both the Legalists and Niccol
Machiavelli.
[8]
Medieval Christianity
Saint Augustine
The early Christian philosophy of Augustine of Hippo was by and large a rewrite of Plato in a Christian context. The
main change that Christian thought brought was to moderate the Stoicism and theory of justice of the Roman world,
and emphasize the role of the state in applying mercy as a moral example. Augustine also preached that one was not
a member of his or her city, but was either a citizen of the City of God (Civitas Dei) or the City of Man (Civitas
Terrena). Augustine's City of God is an influential work of this period that refuted the thesis, after the First Sack of
Rome, that the Christian view could be realized on Earth at all - a view many Christian Romans held.
[9]
Saint Thomas Aquinas
In political philosophy, Aquinas is most meticulous when dealing with varieties of law. According to Aquinas, there
are four different kinds of laws:
1) God's cosmic law
2) God's scriptural law
3) Natural law or rules of conduct universally applicable within reason
4) Human law or specific rules applicable to specific circumstances.
Medieval Islam
Mutazilite vs Asharite
The rise of Islam, based on both the Qur'an and Muhammad strongly altered the power balances and perceptions of
origin of power in the Mediterranean region. Early Islamic philosophy emphasized an inexorable link between
science and religion, and the process of ijtihad to find truth - in effect all philosophy was "political" as it had real
implications for governance. This view was challenged by the "rationalist" Mutazilite philosophers, who held a more
Hellenic view, reason above revelation, and as such are known to modern scholars as the first speculative
theologians of Islam; they were supported by a secular aristocracy who sought freedom of action independent of the
Caliphate. By the late ancient period, however, the "traditionalist" Asharite view of Islam had in general triumphed.
According to the Asharites, reason must be subordinate to the Quran and the Sunna.
[10]
Islamic political philosophy, was, indeed, rooted in the very sources of Islam, i.e. the Qur'an and the Sunnah, the
words and practices of Muhammad. However, in the Western thought, it is generally supposed that it was a specific
area peculiar merely to the great philosophers of Islam: al-Kindi (Alkindus), al-Farabi (Abunaser), bn Sina
(Avicenna), Ibn Bajjah (Avempace), Ibn Rushd (Averroes), and Ibn Khaldun. The political conceptions of Islam
such as kudrah (power), sultan, ummah, cemaa (obligation)-and even the "core" terms of the Qur'an, i.e. ibadah, din
(religion), rab (master) and ilah- is taken as the basis of an analysis. Hence, not only the ideas of the Muslim political
Political philosophy
13
philosophers but also many other jurists and ulama posed political ideas and theories. For example, the ideas of the
Khawarij in the very early years of Islamic history on Khilafa and Ummah, or that of Shia Islam on the concept of
Imamah are considered proofs of political thought. The clashes between the Ehl-i Sunna and Shia in the 7th and 8th
centuries had a genuine political character.
Ibn Khaldun
The 14th century Arab scholar Ibn Khaldun is considered one of the greatest political theorists. The British
philosopher-anthropologist Ernest Gellner considered Ibn Khaldun's definition of government, "an institution which
prevents injustice other than such as it commits itself", the best in the history of political theory. For Ibn Khaldun,
government should be restrained to a minimum for as a necessary evil, it is the constraint of men by other men.
[11]
Medieval Europe
Medieval political philosophy in Europe was heavily influenced by Christian thinking. It had much in common with
the Mutazalite Islamic thinking in that the Roman Catholics though subordinating philosophy to theology did not
subject reason to revelation but in the case of contradictions, subordinated reason to faith as the Asharite of Islam.
The Scholastics by combining the philosophy of Aristotle with the Christianity of St. Augustine emphasized the
potential harmony inherent in reason and revelation.
[12]
Perhaps the most influential political philosopher of
medieval Europe was St. Thomas Aquinas who helped reintroduce Aristotle's works, which had only been preserved
by the Muslims, along with the commentaries of Averroes. Aquinas's use of them set the agenda, for scholastic
political philosophy dominated European thought for centuries even unto the Renaissance.
[13]
Medieval political philosophers, such as Aquinas in Summa Theologica, developed the idea that a king who is a
tyrant is no king at all and could be overthrown.
Magna Carta, cornerstone of Anglo-American political liberty, explicitly proposes the right to revolt against the ruler
for justice sake. Other documents similar to Magna Carta are found in other European countries such as Spain and
Hungary.
[14]
European Renaissance
During the Renaissance secular political philosophy began to emerge after about a century of theological political
thought in Europe. While the Middle Ages did see secular politics in practice under the rule of the Holy Roman
Empire, the academic field was wholly scholastic and therefore Christian in nature.
Niccol Machiavelli
One of the most influential works during this burgeoning period was Niccol Machiavelli's The Prince, written
between 151112 and published in 1532, after Machiavelli's death. That work, as well as The Discourses, a rigorous
analysis of the classical period, did much to influence modern political thought in the West. A minority (including
Jean-Jacques Rousseau) could interpret The Prince as a satire meant to be given to the Medici after their recapture of
Florence and their subsequent expulsion of Machiavelli from Florence.
[15]
Though the work was written for the di
Medici family in order to perhaps influence them to free him from exile, Machiavelli supported the Republic of
Florence rather than the oligarchy of the di Medici family. At any rate, Machiavelli presents a pragmatic and
somewhat consequentialist view of politics, whereby good and evil are mere means used to bring about an end, i.e.
the secure and powerful state. Thomas Hobbes, well known for his theory of the social contract, goes on to expand
this view at the start of the 17th century during the English Renaissance. Although neither Machiavelli nor Hobbes
believed in the divine right of kings, they both believed in the inherent selfishness of the individual. It was
necessarily this belief that led them to adopt a strong central power as the only means of preventing the
disintegration of the social order.
[16]
John Locke
Political philosophy
14
John Locke in particular exemplified this new age of political theory with his work Two Treatises of Government. In
it Locke proposes a state of nature theory that directly complements his conception of how political development
occurs and how it can be founded through contractual obligation. Locke stood to refute Sir Robert Filmer's paternally
founded political theory in favor of a natural system based on nature in a particular given system. The theory of the
divine right of kings became a passing fancy, exposed to the type of ridicule with which John Locke treated it.
Unlike Machiavelli and Hobbes but like Aquinas, Locke would accept Aristotle's dictum that man seeks to be happy
in a state of social harmony as a social animal. Unlike Aquinas's preponderant view on the salvation of the soul from
original sin, Locke believes man's mind comes into this world as tabula rasa. For Locke, knowledge is neither innate,
revealed nor based on authority but subject to uncertainty tempered by reason, tolerance and moderation. According
to Locke, an absolute ruler as proposed by Hobbes is unnecessary, for natural law is based on reason and seeking
peace and survival for man.
European Age of Enlightenment
Eugne Delacroix's Liberty Leading the People (1830, Louvre), a painting created at a
time where old and modern political philosophies came into violent conflict.
During the Enlightenment period, new
theories about what the human was and
is and about the definition of reality and
the way it was perceived, along with the
discovery of other societies in the
Americas, and the changing needs of
political societies (especially in the
wake of the English Civil War, the
American Revolution and the French
Revolution) led to new questions and
insights by such thinkers as
Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Montesquieu
and John Locke.
These theorists were driven by two
basic questions: one, by what right or
need do people form states; and two,
what the best form for a state could be.
These fundamental questions involved a
conceptual distinction between the concepts of "state" and "government." It was decided that "state" would refer to a
set of enduring institutions through which power would be distributed and its use justified. The term "government"
would refer to a specific group of people who occupied the institutions of the state, and create the laws and
ordinances by which the people, themselves included, would be bound. This conceptual distinction continues to
operate in political science, although some political scientists, philosophers, historians and cultural anthropologists
have argued that most political action in any given society occurs outside of its state, and that there are societies that
are not organized into states which nevertheless must be considered in political terms. As long as the concept of
natural order was not introduced, the social sciences could not evolve independently of theistic thinking. Since the
cultural revolution of the 17th century in England, which spread to France and the rest of Europe, society has been
considered subject to natural laws akin to the physical world.
[17]
Political and economic relations were drastically influenced by these theories as the concept of the guild was
subordinated to the theory of free trade, and Roman Catholic dominance of theology was increasingly challenged by
Protestant churches subordinate to each nation-state, which also (in a fashion the Roman Catholic Church often
decried angrily) preached in the vulgar or native language of each region. However, the enlightenment was an
outright attack on religion, particularly Christianity. The publication of Denis Diderot's and Jean d'Alembert's
Political philosophy
15
Encyclopdie ou Dictionnaire raisonn des sciences, des arts et des mtiers marked the crowning intellectual
achievement of the epoch. The most outspoken critic of the church in France was Franois Marie Arouet de Voltaire,
a representative figure of the enlightenment. After Voltaire, religion would never be the same again in France.
[18]
In the Ottoman Empire, these ideological reforms did not take place and these views did not integrate into common
thought until much later. As well, there was no spread of this doctrine within the New World and the advanced
civilizations of the Aztec, Maya, Inca, Mohican, Delaware, Huron and especially the Iroquois. The Iroquois
philosophy in particular gave much to Christian thought of the time and in many cases actually inspired some of the
institutions adopted in the United States: for example, Benjamin Franklin was a great admirer of some of the
methods of the Iroquois Confederacy, and much of early American literature emphasized the political philosophy of
the natives.
[19]
Industrialization and the Modern Era
Karl Marx and his theory of Communism
developed along with Friedrich Engels proved to
be one of the most influential political ideologies
of the 20th century through Leninism.
The industrial revolution produced a parallel revolution in political
thought. Urbanization and capitalism greatly reshaped society. During
this same period, the socialist movement began to form. In the
mid-19th century, Marxism was developed, and socialism in general
gained increasing popular support, mostly from the urban working
class. Without breaking entirely from the past, Marx established the
principles which would be used by the future revolutionaries of the
20th century namely Lenin, Mao Tse Tung, Ho Chi Minh and Fidel
Castro. Although Hegel's philosophy of history is similar to Kant's, and
Marx's theory of revolution towards the common good is partly based
on Kant's view of history, Marx is said to have declared that on the
whole, he was just trying to straighten out Hegel who was actually
upside down. Unlike Marx who believed in historical materialism,
Hegel believed in the Phenomenology of Spirit.
[20]
Be that as it may,
by the late 19th century, socialism and trade unions were established
members of the political landscape. In addition, the various branches of
anarchism, with thinkers such as Bakunin, Proudhon or Kropotkin, and
syndicalism also gained some prominence. In the Anglo-American world, anti-imperialism and pluralism began
gaining currency at the turn of the century.
World War I was a watershed event in human history. The Russian Revolution of 1917 (and similar, albeit less
successful, revolutions in many other European countries) brought communism - and in particular the political
theory of Leninism, but also on a smaller level Luxemburgism (gradually) - on the world stage. At the same time,
social democratic parties won elections and formed governments for the first time, often as a result of the
introduction of universal suffrage.
[21]
However, a group of central European economists led by Austrians Ludwig
von Mises and Friedrich Hayek identified the collectivist underpinnings to the various new socialist and fascist
doctrines of government power as being different brands of political totalitarianism.
[22]

[23]
Contemporary political philosophy
From the end of World War II until 1971, when John Rawls published a Theory of Justice, political philosophy
declined in the Anglo-American academic world, as analytic philosophers expressed skepticism about the possibility
that normative judgments had cognitive content, and political science turned toward statistical methods and
behavioralism. In continental Europe, on the other hand, the postwar decades saw a huge blossoming of political
philosophy, with Marxism dominating the field. This was the time of Sartre and Althusser, and the victories of Mao
Political philosophy
16
Zedong in China and Fidel Castro in Cuba, as well as the events of May 1968 led to increased interest in
revolutionary ideology, especially by the New Left. A number of continental European migrs to Britain and the
United Statesincluding Hannah Arendt, Karl Popper, Friedrich Hayek, Leo Strauss, Isaiah Berlin, Eric Voegelin
and Judith Shklarencouraged continued study in political philosophy in the Anglo-American world, but in the
1950s and 60s they and their students remained at odds with the analytic establishment.
Communism remained an important focus especially during the 1950s and 60s. Colonialism and racism were
important issues that arose. In general, there was a marked trend towards a pragmatic approach to political issues,
rather than a philosophical one. Much academic debate regarded one or both of two pragmatic topics: how (or
whether) to apply utilitarianism to problems of political policy, or how (or whether) to apply economic models (such
as rational choice theory) to political issues. The rise of feminism, LGBT social movements and the end of colonial
rule and of the political exclusion of such minorities as African Americans and sexual minorities in the developed
world has led to feminist, postcolonial, and multicultural thought becoming significant.
In Anglo-American academic political philosophy the publication of John Rawls's A Theory of Justice in 1971 is
considered a milestone. Rawls used a thought experiment, the original position, in which representative parties
choose principles of justice for the basic structure of society from behind a veil of ignorance. Rawls also offered a
criticism of utilitarian approaches to questions of political justice. Robert Nozick's 1974 book Anarchy, State, and
Utopia, which won a National Book Award, responded to Rawls from a libertarian perspective and gained academic
respectability for libertarian viewpoints.
[24]
Contemporaneously with the rise of analytic ethics in Anglo-American thought, in Europe several new lines of
philosophy directed at critique of existing societies arose between the 1950s and 1980s. Most of these took elements
of Marxist economic analysis, but combined them with a more cultural or ideological emphasis. Out of the Frankfurt
School, thinkers like Herbert Marcuse, Theodor W. Adorno, Max Horkheimer, and Jrgen Habermas combined
Marxian and Freudian perspectives. Along somewhat different lines, a number of other continental thinkersstill
largely influenced by Marxismput new emphases on structuralism and on a "return to Hegel". Within the (post-)
structuralist line (though mostly not taking that label) are thinkers such as Gilles Deleuze, Michel Foucault, Claude
Lefort, and Jean Baudrillard. The Situationists were more influenced by Hegel; Guy Debord, in particular, moved a
Marxist analysis of commodity fetishism to the realm of consumption, and looked at the relation between
consumerism and dominant ideology formation.
Another debate developed around the (distinct) criticisms of liberal political theory made by Michael Sandel and
Charles Taylor. The liberal-communitarian debate is often considered valuable for generating a new set of
philosophical problems, rather than a profound and illuminating clash of perspectives.
Charles Blattberg has offered an account which distinguishes between four different contemporary political
philosophies: neutralism, postmodernism, pluralism, and patriotism.
[25]
There is fruitful interaction between political philosophers and international relations theorists. The rise of
globalization has created the need for an international normative framework, and political theory has moved to fill
the gap.
Political philosophy
17
Influential political philosophers
A larger list of political philosophers is intended to be closer to exhaustive. Listed below are a few of the most
canonical or important thinkers, and especially philosophers whose central focus was in political philosophy and/or
who are good representatives of a particular school of thought.
Aristotle: Wrote his Politics as an extension of his Nicomachean Ethics. Notable for the theories that humans are
social animals, and that the polis (Ancient Greek city state) existed to bring about the good life appropriate to
such animals. His political theory is based upon an ethics of perfectionism (as is Marx's, on some readings).
Thomas Aquinas: In synthesizing Christian theology and Peripatetic (aristotelian) teaching, Aquinas contends that
God's gift of higher reasonmanifest in human law by way of the divine virtuesgives way to the assembly of
righteous government.
Jeremy Bentham: The first thinker to analyze social justice in terms of maximization of aggregate individual
benefits. Founded the philosophical/ethical school of thought known as utilitarianism.
Isaiah Berlin: Developed the distinction between positive and negative liberty
Edmund Burke: Irish member of the British parliament, Burke is credited with the creation of conservative
thought. Burke's Reflections on the Revolution in France is the most popular of his writings where he denounced
the French revolution. Burke was one of the biggest supporters of the American Revolution.
Confucius: The first thinker to relate ethics to the political order.
William E. Connolly: Helped introduce postmodern philosophy into political theory, and promoted new theories
of pluralism and agonistic democracy.
John Dewey: Co-founder of pragmatism and analyzed the essential role of education in the maintenance of
democratic government.
Herman Dooyeweerd: Gave full philosophical development to the Dutch Anti Revolutionary Party's concept of
sphere sovereignty, which implies that no one area of societal community (incl. the state) should seek totalitarian
control, or any regulation of human activity outside its limited competence. He then widened his interests into
general philosophy, making contributions on the nature of diversity, and the conditions for theoretical thought and
on the links between religion and philosophy.
Han Feizi: The major figure of the Chinese Fajia (Legalist) school, advocated government that adhered to laws
and a strict method of administration.
Michel Foucault: Critiqued the modern conception of power on the basis of the prison complex and other
prohibitive institutions, such as those that designate sexuality, madness and knowledge as the roots of their
infrastructure, a critique which then demonstrated that subjection is the power formation of subjects in any
linguistic forum and that revolution cannot just be thought as the reversal of power between classes.
Sigmund Freud: While he is known more for his work on the psychoanalysis of individuals, in his later years he
also considered the implications of his theories on societies and the state of nature in a number of books, most
notably Civilization and its Discontents. His thought was grossly influential for the theoriests of The Frankfurt
School who fused his theory with Marxism to create Freudo-Marxism, and also the New Left of Herbert Marcuse.
Antonio Gramsci: Instigated the concepts hegemony and social formation. Fused the ideas of Marx, Engels,
Spinoza and others within the so-called dominant ideology thesis (the ruling ideas of society are the ideas of its
rulers).
Thomas Hill Green: Modern liberal thinker and early supporter of positive freedom.
Friedrich Hayek: He argued that central planning was inefficient because members of central bodies could not
know enough to match the preferences of consumers and workers with existing conditions. Hayek further argued
that central economic planning - a mainstay of socialism - would lead to a "total" state with dangerous power. He
advocated free-market capitalism in which the main role of the state is to maintain the rule of law and let the
spontaneous order develop. He also suggested that society was just made up of economic relations, which is the
difference between neo-liberalism ideology's market system and laissez-faire economics.
Political philosophy
18
Martin Heidegger: Distilled his view of the three possible political "systems" of the future, after nihilism has
pervaded the world: Americanism, Marxism, and Nazism. His influence is noted in his political thinkers such as
Leo Strauss and Hannah Arrendt.
G. W. F. Hegel: Emphasized the "cunning" of history, arguing that it followed a rational trajectory, even while
embodying seemingly irrational forces; influenced Marx, Kierkegaard, Nietzsche, and Oakeshott.
Thomas Hobbes: Generally considered to have first articulated how the concept of a social contract that justifies
the actions of rulers (even where contrary to the individual desires of governed citizens), can be reconciled with a
conception of sovereignty.
David Hume: Hume criticized the social contract theory of John Locke and others as resting on a myth of some
actual agreement. Hume was a realist in recognizing the role of force to forge the existence of states and that
consent of the governed was merely hypothetical. He also introduced the concept of utility, later picked up on and
developed by Jeremy Bentham.
Thomas Jefferson: Politician and political theorist during the American Enlightenment. Expanded on the
philosophy of Thomas Paine by instrumenting republicanism in the United States. Most famous for the United
States Declaration of Independence.
Immanuel Kant: Argued that participation in civil society is undertaken not for self-preservation, as per Thomas
Hobbes, but as a moral duty. First modern thinker who fully analyzed structure and meaning of obligation.
Argued that an international organization was needed to preserve world peace.
John Locke: Like Hobbes, described a social contract theory based on citizens' fundamental rights in the state of
nature. He departed from Hobbes in that, based on the assumption of a society in which moral values are
independent of governmental authority and widely shared, he argued for a government with power limited to the
protection of personal property. His arguments may have been deeply influential to the formation of the United
States Constitution.
Niccol Machiavelli: First systematic analyses of: (1) how consent of a populace is negotiated between and
among rulers rather than simply a naturalistic (or theological) given of the structure of society; (2) precursor to the
concept of ideology in articulating the epistemological structure of commands and law.
James Madison: American politician and protege of Jefferson considered to be Father of the Constitution and
Father of the Bill of Rights of the United States. As a political theorist, he believed in separation of powers and
proposed a comprehensive set of checks and balances that are necessary to protect the rights of an individual from
the tyranny of the majority.
Henry David Thoreau: influential American thinker on such diverse later political positions and topics such as
pacifism, anarchism, environmentalism and civil disobedience who influenced later important political activists
such as Martin Luther King, Mahatma Gandhi and Leo Tolstoy.
Herbert Marcuse: One of the principal thinkers within the Frankfurt School, and generally important in efforts to
fuse the thought of Sigmund Freud and Karl Marx. Introduced the concept of repressive desublimation, in which
social control can operate not only by direct control, but also by manipulation of desire. Analyzed the role of
advertising and propaganda in societal consensus.
Karl Marx: In large part, added the historical dimension to an understanding of society, culture and economics.
Created the concept of ideology in the sense of (true or false) beliefs that shape and control social actions.
Analyzed the fundamental nature of class as a mechanism of governance and social interaction. Profoundly
influenced world politics with his theory of communism.
Mencius: One of the most important thinkers in the Confucian school, he is the first theorist to make a coherent
argument for an obligation of rulers to the ruled.
John Stuart Mill: A utilitarian, and the person who named the system; he goes further than Bentham by laying the
foundation for liberal democratic thought in general and modern, as opposed to classical, liberalism in particular.
Articulated the place of individual liberty in an otherwise utilitarian framework.
Political philosophy
19
Mikhail Bakunin: After Pierre Joseph Proudhon, Bakunin became the most important political philosopher of
anarchism. His specific version of anarchism is called collectivist anarchism.
Baron de Montesquieu: Analyzed protection of the people by a "balance of powers" in the divisions of a state.
Mozi: Eponymous founder of the Mohist school, advocated a strict utilitarianism.
Robert Nozick: Criticized Rawls, and argued for libertarianism, by appeal to a hypothetical history of the state
and of property.
Thomas Paine: Enlightenment writer who defended liberal democracy, the American Revolution, and French
Revolution in Common Sense and The Rights of Man.
Plato: Along with his mentor, Socrates, and his student, Aristotle, Plato helped to lay the foundations of Western
philosophy and science.
Pierre-Joseph Proudhon: considered the father of modern anarchism, specifically mutualism.
Ayn Rand: Founder of the philosophical system Objectivism.
John Rawls: Revitalised the study of normative political philosophy in Anglo-American universities with his 1971
book A Theory of Justice, which uses a version of social contract theory to answer fundamental questions about
justice and to criticise utilitarianism.
Jean-Jacques Rousseau: Analyzed the social contract as an expression of the general will, and controversially
argued in favor of absolute democracy where the people at large would act as sovereign.
Peter Kropotkin, one of the classic anarchist thinkers and the most influential theorist of anarcho-communism
Carl Schmitt: German political theorist, loosely tied to the Nazis, who developed the concepts of the
Friend/Enemy Distinction and the State of exception. Though his most influential books were written in the
1920s, he continued to write prolifically until his death (in academic quasi-exile) in 1985. He heavily influenced
20th century political philosophy both within the Frankfurt School and among others as diverse as Jacques
Derrida, Hannah Arendt, and Giorgio Agamben.
Adam Smith: Often said to have founded modern economics; explained emergence of economic benefits from the
self-interested behavior ("the invisible hand") of artisans and traders. While praising its efficiency, Smith also
expressed concern about the effects of industrial labor (e.g. repetitive activity) on workers. His work on moral
sentiments sought to explain social bonds outside the economic sphere.
Socrates: Widely considered the founder of Western political philosophy, via his spoken influence on Athenian
contemporaries; since Socrates never wrote anything, much of what we know about him and his teachings comes
through his most famous student, Plato.
Baruch Spinoza: Set forth the first analysis of "rational egoism", in which the rational interest of self is
conformance with pure reason. To Spinoza's thinking, in a society in which each individual is guided of reason,
political authority would be superfluous.
Franois-Marie Arouet (Voltaire): French Enlightenment writer, poet, and philosopher famous for his advocacy of
civil liberties, including freedom of religion and free trade.
Max Stirner: an important thinker within anarchism and the main representative of the anarchist current known as
individualist anarchism
Political philosophy
20
References
[1] Hampton, Jean (1997). Political philosophy (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=-sHkdq5qhFwC& pg=PR13& dq=Hampton+ political+
philosophy+ political+ societies#v=onepage& q=Hampton political philosophy political societies& f=false). p.xiii. ISBN0813308586. .
Charles Blattberg, who defines politics as "responding to conflict with dialogue," suggests that political philosophies offer philosophical
accounts of that dialogue. See his Political Philosophies and Political Ideologies. SSRN1755117. in Patriotic Elaborations: Essays in
Practical Philosophy, Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen's University Press, 2009.
[2] Deutsch, Eliot; Ronald Bontekoei (1999). A companion to world philosophies. Wiley Blackwell. p.183.
[3] Hs, Leonard Shihlien (2005). The political philosophy of Confucianism (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=FWFtQIyun-8C&
pg=PR17& dq=political+ philosophy+ China#v=onepage& q=political philosophy China& f=false). Routledge. pp.xvii-xx.
ISBN0415361545. . "The importance of a scientific study of Confucian political philosophy could hardly be overstated."
[4] Sahakian, Mabel Lewis (1993). Ideas of the great philosophers (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=Vi7cQMw8SwYC& pg=PA59&
dq=political+ philosophy+ Plato+ the+ republic#v=onepage& q=political philosophy Plato the republic& f=false). Barnes & Noble
Publishing. p.59. ISBN1566192712. . "...Western philosophical tradition can be traced back as early as Plato (427-347B.C.)."
[5] Kraut, Richard (2002). Aristotle: political philosophy (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=9BDmX3FBbS4C& pg=PA3& dq=political+
philosophy+ Aristotle+ politics#v=onepage& q=political philosophy Aristotle politics& f=false). Oxford University Press. p.3.
ISBN0198782001. . "To understand and assess Aristotle's contributions to political thought..."
[6] Radford, Robert T. (2002). Cicero: a study in the origins of republican philosophy (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=1cKLGcvuYxQC&
pg=PA1& dq=political+ philosophy+ Cicero#v=onepage& q=political philosophy Cicero& f=false). Rodopi. p.1. ISBN9042014671. . "His
most lasting political contribution is in his work on political philosophy."
[7] Sir William Joness translation is available online as The Institutes of Hindu Law: Or, The Ordinances of Manu (http:/ / books. google. com/
books?id=4caNTgBa6oEC& dq=william+ jones+ manu& printsec=frontcover& source=bl& ots=9POvEvMtnM&
sig=wae9WVaVrRNClSPrabH0D-eaG58& hl=en& sa=X& oi=book_result& resnum=1& ct=result#PPP1,M1), Calcutta: Sewell & Debrett,
1796.
[8] Weber, Max Politics as a Vocation (http:/ / www. ne.jp/ asahi/ moriyuki/ abukuma/ weber/ lecture/ politics_vocation. html)
[9] Schall, James V. (1998). At the Limits of Political Philosophy (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=yZK79kiFFtsC& pg=PA40&
dq=political+ philosophy+ Saint+ Augustine#v=onepage& q=& f=false). CUA Press. p.40. ISBN0813209227. . "In political philosophy, St.
Augustine was a follower of Plato..."
[10] Aslan, Reza (2005). No god but God (http:/ / books.google. com/ books?id=FEfdoRL1rrgC& pg=PA153& dq=Islam+ Mutazilite+ and+
Asharite+ views#v=onepage& q=& f=false). Random House Inc.. p.153. ISBN1400062133. . "By the ninth and tenth centuries..."
[11] Gellner, Ernest (1992). Plough, Sword, and Book (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=CwZFV7J7Id8C& pg=PA239& dq=Gellner+
Plough+ Sword+ and+ Book+ Ibn+ Khaldun's+ definition#v=onepage& q=& f=false). University of Chicago Press. p.239.
ISBN0226287027. . "(Ibn Khaldun's definition of government probably remains the best:...)"
[12] Koetsier, L. S. (2004). Natural Law and Calvinist Political Theory (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=2SI0I4t9roEC& pg=PA19&
dq=political+ philosophy+ scholasticism#v=onepage& q=political philosophy scholasticism& f=false). Trafford Publishing. p.19.
ISBN1412007382. . "...the Medieval Scholastics revived the concept of natural law."
[13] Copleston, Frederick (1999). A history of philosophy (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=y_382o-fpOsC& pg=PA346& dq=political+
philosophy+ scholasticism#v=onepage& q=political philosophy scholasticism& f=false). 3. Continuum International Publishing Group.
p.346. ISBN0860122968. . "There was, however, at least one department of thought..."
[14] Valente, Claire (2003). The theory and practice of revolt in medieval England (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=B8yRrtm0LicC&
pg=PA14& dq=political+ philosophy+ medieval+ europe#v=onepage& q=& f=false). Ashgate Publishing Ltd.. p.14. ISBN0754609018. .
"The two starting points of most medieval discussions..."
[15] Johnston, Ian (February 2002). "Lecture on Machiavelli's The Prince" (http:/ / www. mala. bc. ca/ ~Johnstoi/ introser/ machiavelli. htm).
Malaspina University College. . Retrieved 2007-02-20.
[16] Copleston, Frederick (1999). A history of philosophy (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=y_382o-fpOsC& pg=PA310& dq=political+
philosophy+ Machiavelli#v=onepage& q=political philosophy Machiavelli& f=false). 3. Continuum International Publishing Group.
pp.310312. ISBN0860122968. . "...we witness the growth of political absolutism..."
[17] Barens, Ingo, ed (2004). Political events and economic ideas (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=zSZyQ9TzqQ0C& pg=PA206&
dq=political+ philosophy+ the+ enlightenment#v=onepage& q=politcal philosophy the enlightenment& f=false). Volker Caspari ed., Bertram
Schefold ed.. Edward Elgar Publishing. pp.206207. ISBN1843764403. . "Economic theory as political philosophy: the example of the
French Enlightenment"
[18] Byrne, James M. (1997). Religion and the Enlightenment (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=FcEy8SF63TgC& pg=PA1& dq=political+
philosophy+ the+ enlightenment+ and+ religion#v=onepage& q=political philosophy the enlightenment$20and religion& f=false).
Westminster John Knox Press. pp.12. ISBN0664257606. . "...there emerged groups of freethinkers intent on grounding knowledge on the
exercise of critical reason, as opposed to...established religion..."
[19] Johansen, Bruce Elliott (1996). Native American political systems and the evolution of democracy (http:/ / books. google. com/
books?id=H593mgxQNu4C& pg=PA69& dq=Iroquois+ philosophy+ Benjamin+ Franklin#v=onepage& q=Iroquois philosophy Benjamin
Franklin& f=false). Greenwood Publishing Group. p.69. ISBN0313300103. . "...the three-tier system of federalism...is an inheritance of
Iroquois inspiration"
Political philosophy
21
[20] Kain, Philip J. (1993). Marx and modern political theory (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=kvG8DVBeT9QC& pg=PA1&
dq=political+ philosophy+ Marx#v=onepage& q=political philosophy Marx& f=false). Rowman & Littlefield. pp.14. ISBN0847678662. .
"Some of his texts, especially the Communist Manifesto made him seem like a sort of communist Descartes..."
[21] Aspalter, Christian (2001). Importance of Christian and Social Democratic movements in welfare politics (http:/ / books. google. com/
books?id=vouKut-RAYoC& pg=PA70& dq=social+ democratic+ parties+ win+ universal+ suffrage#v=onepage& q=social democratic parties
win universal suffrage& f=false). Nova Publishers. p.70. ISBN1560729754. . "The pressing need for universal suffrage..."
[22] What is Austrian Economics? (http:/ / mises. org/ etexts/ austrian. asp), Ludwig Von Mises Institute.
[23] Richard M. Ebeling, Austrian Economics and the Political Economy of Freedom, Edward Elgar Publishing, 2003, 163-179 ISBN
1840649402, 9781840649406.
[24] David Lewis Schaefer, Robert Nozick and the Coast of Utopia (http:/ / www. nysun. com/ sports/
reconsiderations-robert-nozick-and-coast-utopia), The New York Sun, April 30, 2008.
[25] Blattberg, Charles, "Political Philosophies and Political Ideologies," (http:/ / papers. ssrn. com/ sol3/ papers. cfm?abstract_id=1755117) in
Patriotic Elaborations: Essays in Practical Philosophy, Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen's University Press, 2009.
Further reading
Academic Journals dedicated to Political Philosophy include: Political Theory, Philosophy and Public Affairs,
Contemporary Political Theory, Theory & Event, Constellations, and Journal of Political Philosophy
The London Philosophy Study Guide (http:/ / www. ucl. ac. uk/ philosophy/ LPSG/ ) offers many suggestions on
what to read, depending on the student's familiarity with the subject: Political Philosophy (http:/ / www. ucl. ac.
uk/ philosophy/ LPSG/ Political. htm)
Alexander F. Tsvirkun 2008. History of political and legal Teachings of Ukraine. Kharkiv.
Bielskis, Andrius 2005. Towards a Postmodern Understanding of the Political. Basingstoke, New York:
Palgrave-Macmillan.
Eric Nelson, The Hebrew Republic: Jewish Sources and the Transformation of European Political Thought
(Harvard University Press, 2010) (http:/ / www. themontrealreview. com/ 2009/ The-Hebrew-republic. php)
External links
Video lectures (require Adobe Flash): Introduction to Political Philosophy (http:/ / academicearth. org/ courses/
introduction-to-political-philosophy) delivered by Steven B Smith of Yale University and provided by Academic
Earth.
Political science
22
Political science
Political science is a social science discipline concerned with the study of the state, government and politics.
Aristotle defined it as the study of the state.
[1]
It deals extensively with the theory and practice of politics, and the
analysis of political systems and political behavior. Political scientists "see themselves engaged in revealing the
relationships underlying political events and conditions. And from these revelations they attempt to construct general
principles about the way the world of politics works."
[2]
Political science intersects with other fields; including
anthropology, public policy, national politics, economics, international relations, comparative politics, psychology,
sociology, history, law, and political theory. Although it was codified in the 19thcentury, when all the social
sciences were established, political science has ancient roots; indeed, it originated almost 2,500years ago with the
works of Plato and Aristotle.
[3]
Political science is commonly divided into three distinct sub-disciplines which together constitute the field: political
philosophy, comparative politics and international relations. Political philosophy is the reasoning for an absolute
normative government, laws and similar questions and their distinctive characteristics. Comparative politics is the
science of comparison and teaching of different types of constitutions, political actors, legislature and associated
fields, all of them from an intrastate perspective. International relations deals with the interaction between
nation-states as well as intergovernmental and transnational organizations.
Political science is methodologically diverse and appropriates many methods originating in social research.
Approaches include positivism, interpretivism, rational choice theory, behavioralism, structuralism,
post-structuralism, realism, institutionalism, and pluralism. Political science, as one of the social sciences, uses
methods and techniques that relate to the kinds of inquiries sought: primary sources such as historical documents and
official records, secondary sources such as scholarly journal articles, survey research, statistical analysis, case
studies, and model building.
"As a discipline" political science, possibly like the social sciences as a whole, "lives on the fault line between the
'two cultures' in the academy, the sciences and the humanities."
[4]
Thus, in some American colleges where there is no
separate School or College of Arts and Sciences per se, political science may be a separate department housed as part
of a division or school of Humanities or Liberal Arts.
[5]
Whereas classical political philosophy is primarily defined
by a concern for Hellenic and Enlightenment thought, political scientists are also marked by a great concern for
"modernity" and the contemporary nation state, along with the study of classical thought, and as such share a greater
deal of terminology with sociologists (e.g. structure and agency).
Overview
Political scientists study matters concerning the allocation and transfer of power in decision making, the roles and
systems of governance including governments and international organizations, political behavior and public policies.
They measure the success of governance and specific policies by examining many factors, including stability,
justice, material wealth, and peace. Some political scientists seek to advance positive (attempt to describe how things
are, as opposed to how they should be) theses by analyzing politics. Others advance normative theses, by making
specific policy recommendations.
Political scientists provide the frameworks from which journalists, special interest groups, politicians, and the
electorate analyze issues. According to Chaturvedy, "...Political scientists may serve as advisers to specific
politicians, or even run for office as politicians themselves. Political scientists can be found working in governments,
in political parties or as civil servants. They may be involved with non-governmental organizations (NGOs) or
political movements. In a variety of capacities, people educated and trained in political science can add value and
expertise to corporations. Private enterprises such as think tanks, research institutes, polling and public relations
firms often employ political scientists." In the United States, political scientists known as "Americanists" look at a
Political science
23
variety of data including constitutional development, elections, public opinion and public policy such as Social
Security reform,..... foreign policy, US Congressional committees, and the US Supreme Court to name only a few
issues.
Most United States colleges and universities offer B.A. programs in political science. M.A. or M.A.T. and Ph.D or
Ed.D. programs are common at larger universities. The term political science is more popular in North America than
elsewhere; other institutions, especially those outside the United States, see political science as part of a broader
discipline of political studies, politics, or government. While political science implies use of the scientific method,
political studies implies a broader approach, although the naming of degree courses does not necessarily reflect their
content.
[6]
Separate degree granting programs in international relations and public policy are not uncommon at both
the undergraduate and graduate levels. Master's level programs in political science are common while political
scientists engage in public administration.
[7]
The national honour society for college and university students of government and politics in the United States is Pi
Sigma Alpha.
History
Niccol Machiavelli, one of many influential
political theorists
Political science as a separate field is a relatively late arrival in terms
of social sciences. However, the term "political science" was not
always distinguished from political philosophy, and the modern
discipline has a clear set of antecedents including also moral
philosophy, political economy, political theology, history, and other
fields concerned with normative determinations of what ought to be
and with deducing the characteristics and functions of the ideal state.
The antecedents of Western politics can be traced back to the Socratic
political philosophers, Plato (427347 BC), Xenophon (c. 430354
BC), and Aristotle ("The Father of Political Science") (384322 BC).
These authors, in such works as The Republic and Laws by Plato, and
The Politics and Nicomachean Ethics by Aristotle, analyzed political
systems philosophically, going beyond earlier Greek poetic and
historical reflections which can be found in the works of epic poets like
Homer and Hesiod, historians like Herodotus and Thucydides, and
dramatists such as Sophocles, Aristophanes, and Euripides.
The rise and fall of the Roman Empire
During the height of the Roman Empire, famous historians such as Polybius, Livy and Plutarch documented the rise
of the Roman Republic, and the organization and histories of other nations, while statesmen like Julius Caesar,
Cicero and others provided us with examples of the politics of the republic and Rome's empire and wars. The study
of politics during this age was oriented toward understanding history, understanding methods of governing, and
describing the operation of governments. Nearly a thousand years elapsed, from the foundation of the city of Rome
in 753 BC to the fall of the Roman Empire or the beginning of the Middle Ages. In the interim, there is a manifest
translation of Hellenic culture into the Roman sphere. The Greek gods become Romans and Greek philosophy in one
way or another turns into Roman law e.g. Stoicism. The Stoic was committed to preserving proper hierarchical roles
and duties in the state so that the state as a whole would remain stable. Among the best known Roman Stoics were
philosopher Seneca and the emperor Marcus Aurelius. Seneca, a wealthy Roman patrician, is often criticized by
some modern commentators for failing to adequately live by his own precepts. The Meditations of Marcus Aurelius,
Political science
24
on the other hand, can be best thought of as the philosophical reflections of an emperor divided between his
philosophical aspirations and the duty he felt to defend the Roman Empire from its external enemies through his
various military campaigns. According to Polybius, Roman institutions were the backbone of the empire but Roman
law is the medulla.
[8]
Middle Ages
With the fall of the Western Roman Empire, there arose a more diffuse arena for political studies. The rise of
monotheism and, particularly for the Western tradition, Christianity, brought to light a new space for politics and
political action. Works such as Augustine of Hippo's The City of God synthesized current philosophies and political
traditions with those of Christianity, redefining the borders between what was religious and what was political.
During the Middle Ages, the study of politics was widespread in the churches and courts. Most of the political
questions surrounding the relationship between church and state were clarified and contested in this period. The
Arabs lost sight of Aristotle's political science but continued to study Plato's Republic which became the basic text of
Judeo-Islamic political philosophy as in the works of Alfarabi and Averroes; this did not happen in the Christian
world, where Aristotle's Politics was translated in the 13th century and became the basic text as in the works of Saint
Thomas Aquinas.
[9]
Indian subcontinent
In ancient India, the antecedents of politics can be traced back to the Rig-Veda, Samhitas, Brahmanas, the
Mahabharata and Buddhist Pali Canon. Chanakya (c. 350275 BC) was a political thinker in Takshashila. Chanakya
wrote the Arthashastra, a treatise on political thought, economics and social order. It discusses monetary and fiscal
policies, welfare, international relations, and war strategies in detail, among other topics. The Manusmriti, dated to
about two centuries after the time of Chanakya is another important Indian political treatise.
East Asia
Ancient China was home to several competing schools of political thought, most of which arose in the Spring and
Autumn Period. These included Mohism (a utilitarian philosophy), Taoism, Legalism (a school of thought based on
the supremacy of the state), and Confucianism. Eventually, a modified form of Confucianism (heavily infused with
elements of Legalism) became the dominant political philosophy in China during the Imperial Period. This form of
Confucianism also deeply influenced and were expounded upon by scholars in Korea and Japan.
West Asia
In Persia, works such as the Rubaiyat of Omar Khayyam and Epic of Kings by Ferdowsi provided evidence of
political analysis, while the Middle Eastern Aristotelians such as Avicenna and later Maimonides and Averroes,
continued Aristotle's tradition of analysis and empiricism, writing commentaries on Aristotle's works. Averroe did
not have at hand a text of Aristotle's Politics, so he wrote a commentary on Plato's Republic instead.
Renaissance
During the Italian Renaissance, Niccol Machiavelli established the emphasis of modern political science on direct
empirical observation of political institutions and actors. Machiavelli was also a realist, arguing that even evil means
should be considered if they help to create and preserve a glorious regime. Machiavelli therefore also argues against
the use of idealistic models in politics, and has been described as the father of the "politics model" of political
science.
[10]
Later, the expansion of the scientific paradigm during the Enlightenment further pushed the study of
politics beyond normative determinations.
Political science
25
Enlightenment
Like Machiavelli, Thomas Hobbes, well known for his theory of the social contract, believed that a strong central
power, such as a monarchy, was necessary to rule the innate selfishness of the individual but neither of them
believed in the divine right of kings. John Locke, on the other hand, who gave us Two Treatises of Government and
who did not believe in the divine right of kings either, sided with Aquinas and stood against both Machiavelli and
Hobbes by accepting Aristotle's dictum that man seeks to be happy in a state of social harmony as a social animal.
Unlike Aquinas' preponderant view on the salvation of the soul from original sin, Locke believed man comes into
this world with a mind that is basically a tabula rasa. According to Locke, an absolute ruler as proposed by Hobbes is
unnecessary, for natural law is based on reason and equality, seeking peace and survival for man.
Religion would no longer play a dominant role in politics. There would be separation of church and state. Principles
similar to those that dominated the material sciences could be applied to society as a whole, originating the social
sciences. Politics could be studied in a laboratory as it were, the social milieu. In 1787, Alexander Hamilton wrote:
"...The science of politics like most other sciences has received great improvement." (The Federalist Papers Number
9 and 51). Both the marquis d'Argenson and the abb de Saint-Pierre described politics as a science; d'Argenson was
a philosopher and de Saint-Pierre an allied reformer of the enlightenment.
[11]
Other important figures in American politics who participated in the Enlightenment were Benjamin Franklin and
Thomas Jefferson.
Modern political science
Because political science is essentially a study of human behavior, in all aspects of politics, observations in
controlled environments are often challenging to reproduce or duplicate, though experimental methods are
increasingly common (see Experimental political science).
[12]
Citing this difficulty, former American Political
Science Association President Lawrence Lowell once said "We are limited by the impossibility of experiment.
Politics is an observational, not an experimental science."
[13]
Because of this, political scientists have historically
observed political elites, institutions, and individual or group behavior in order to identify patterns, draw
generalizations, and build theories of politics.
Like all social sciences, political science faces the difficulty of observing human actors that can only be partially
observed and who have the capacity for making conscious choices unlike other subjects such as non-human
organisms in biology or inanimate objects as in physics. Despite the complexities, contemporary political science has
progressed by adopting a variety of methods and theoretical approaches to understanding politics and
methodological pluralism is a defining feature of contemporary political science.
The advent of political science as a university discipline was marked by the creation of university departments and
chairs with the title of political science arising in the late 19th century. In fact, the designation "political scientist" is
typically reserved for those with a doctorate in the field. Integrating political studies of the past into a unified
discipline is ongoing, and the history of political science has provided a rich field for the growth of both normative
and positive political science, with each part of the discipline sharing some historical predecessors. The American
Political Science Association was founded in 1903 and the American Political Science Review was founded in 1906
in an effort to distinguish the study of politics from economics and other social phenomena.
Political science
26
Behavioral revolution and new institutionalism
In the 1950s and the 1960s, a behavioral revolution stressing the systematic and rigorously scientific study of
individual and group behavior swept the discipline. A focus on studying political behavior, rather than institutions or
interpretation of legal texts, characterized early behavioral political science, including work by Robert Dahl, Philip
Converse, and in the collaboration between sociologist Paul Lazarsfeld and public opinion scholar Bernard Berelson.
The late 1960s and early 1970s witnessed a take off in the use of deductive, game theoretic formal modeling
techniques aimed at generating a more analytical corpus of knowledge in the discipline. This period saw a surge of
research that borrowed theory and methods from economics to study political institutions, such as the United States
Congress, as well as political behavior, such as voting. William H. Riker and his colleagues and students at the
University of Rochester were the main proponents of this shift. Criticisms of the use of this rational choice theorizing
has been widespread, even among political scientists who adopt quantitative methods.
[14]
Recent developments
In 2000, the Perestroika Movement in political science was introduced as a reaction against what supporters of the
movement called the mathematicization of political science. Those who identified with the movement argued for a
plurality of methodologies and approaches in political science and for more relevance of the discipline to those
outside of it.
[15]
Subfields
Most political scientists work broadly in one or more of the following four areas:
Comparative politics, including area studies
International relations
Political philosophy
Public administration
In some political science departments, methodology is also classified as a subfield, and some countries' political
science professions count scholarship on their national politics as a distinct subfield.
In contrast to this traditional classification, some academic departments organize scholarship into thematic
categories, including political philosophy, political behavior (including public opinion, collective action, and
identity), and political institutions (including legislatures and international organizations). Political science
conferences and journals often emphasize scholarship in more specific categories. The American Political Science
Association, for example, has 42 organized sections that address various methods and topics of political inquiry.
[16]
References
[1] Oxford Dictionary of Politics: political science
[2] Political Science (http:/ / www. unc. edu/ depts/ wcweb/ handouts/ polisci. html). The University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill
(1999-02-22). Retrieved on 2010-11-13.
[3] Britannica Concise Encyclopedia: political science
[4] Stoner, J. R. (22February2008). "Political Science and Political Education" (http:/ / www. allacademic. com/ meta/
p_mla_apa_research_citation/ 2/ 4/ 5/ 5/ 8/ p245585_index. html). Paper presented at the annual meeting of the APSA Teaching and Learning
Conference (APSA), San Jos Marriott, San Jos, California. . Retrieved 2011-10-19. " although one might allege the same for social
science as a whole, political scientists receive funding from and play an active role in both the National Science Foundation and the National
Endowment for the Humanities [in the United States]." <http://www.allacademic.com/meta/p245585_index.html>.
[5] See, e.g., the department of Political Science (http:/ / www. marist. edu/ liberalarts/ polsci/ ) at Marist College, part of a Division of
Humanities before that division became the School of Liberal Arts (c. 2000).
[6] Politics is the term used to describe this field by Brandeis University; Cornell College; University of California, Santa Cruz; Hendrix College;
Lake Forest College; Monash University; Mount Holyoke College; New York University; Occidental College; Princeton University; Ursinus
College; and Washington and Lee University. Government is the term used to describe this field by Bowdoin College; Colby College; Cornell
University; Dartmouth College; Georgetown University; Harvard University; Smith College; Wesleyan University; the College of William
Political science
27
and Mary; the University of Sydney; the University of Texas at Austin; the University of Ulster; the University of Essex; Victoria University
of Wellington, which has both a "School of Government" and a separate "Political Science and International Relations Programme"; and the
London School of Economics and Political Science. Politics and government is the term used by the University of Puget Sound. Government
and politics is used by the University of Maryland, College Park.
[7] Vernardakis, George (1998). Graduate education in government (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=Rd3DDiQm3M8C& pg=PA77&
dq=political+ science+ international+ relations+ degree#v=onepage& q=political science international relations degree& f=false). University
Press of America. p.77. ISBN0761811718. . "...existing practices at Harvard University, the University of California at Berkeley, and the
University of Michigan."
[8] Aabriel Abraham (2002). Ventures in political science (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=VMwpeKhifwcC& pg=PA29& dq=political+
science+ Roman+ Stoics#v=onepage& q=political science Roman Stoics& f=false). Lynne Rienner Publishers. p.29. ISBN1588260802. .
"Polybius attributes the remarkable growth and power of Rome to its political institutions."
[9] Muhsin, Mahdi (2001). Alfarabi and the foundation of Islamic political philosophy (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=y6BF52Uw9BIC&
pg=PA35& dq=Political+ science+ Plato's+ republic#v=onepage& q=Political science Plato's republic& f=false). p.35. ISBN0226501864. .
"...a combination of Plato and Plotinum, could do much more to clarify political life as it then existed..."
[10] Lane, Ruth (1996). Political science in theory and practice: the 'politics' model (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=4nB0LuuYYCkC&
pg=PA89& dq=Political+ science+ Plato+ the+ republic#v=onepage& q=Political science Plato the republic& f=false). M. E. Sharpe. p.89.
ISBN1563249402. . "Discussion then moves to Machiavelli, for whom the politics model was not an occasional pastime..."
[11] Gay, Peter (1996). The enlightenment (http:/ / books.google. com/ books?id=gQPna6P69i0C& pg=RA2-PA448& dq=political+ science+
the+ enlightenment#v=onepage& q=political science the enlightenment& f=false). 2. W. W. Norton & Co.. p.448. ISBN0393313666. . "The
men of the Enlightenment sensed that they could realize their social ideals only by political means."
[12] Druckman, James; Green, Donald; Kuklinski, James et al., eds (2011). Cambridge Handbook of Experimental Political Science. New York:
Cambridge University Press. ISBN978-0-521-17455-8.
[13] Lowell, A. Lawrence. 1910. "The Physiology of Politics." American Political Science Review 4: 1-15.
[14] Cohn, Jonathan. "Irrational Exuberance"
[15] Chronicle of Higher Education 2001 (http:/ / www. btinternet. com/ ~pae_news/ Perestroika/ Miller. htm)
[16] APSA Organized Sections | APSA (http:/ / www.apsanet. org/ content_4596. cfm)
Further reading
The Evolution of Political Science (http:/ / www. apsanet. org/ section_714. cfm) (Nov. 2006). APSR Centennial
Volume of American Political Science Review. Apsanet.org. 4 Feb. 2009.
Goodin, R. E.; Klingemann, Hans-Dieter (1996). A New Handbook of Political Science. Oxford and New York:
Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-829471-9.
Klingemann, Hans-Dieter, ed. (2007) The State of Political Science in Western Europe. Opladen: Barbara Budrich
Publishers. ISBN 9783866490453.
Schramm, S. F.; Caterino, B., eds. (2006). Making Political Science Matter: Debating Knowledge, Research, and
Method. New York and London: New York University Press. Making Political Science Matter (http:/ / books.
google. com/ books?id=kyJ5GJ7DeMQC& printsec=frontcover& dq=making+ political+ science+ matter&
sig=s_bqA18zhy02NKJwsJHJj3vHzKc). Google Books. 4 Feb. 2009.
Roskin, M.; Cord, R. L.; Medeiros, J. A.; Jones, W. S. (2007). Political Science: An Introduction. 10th ed. New
York: Pearson Prentice Hall. ISBN 978-0-13-242575-9 (10). ISBN 978-0-13-242575-9 (13).
Tausch, A.; Prager, F. (1993). Towards a Socio-Liberal Theory of World Development. Basingstoke: Macmillan;
New York: St. Martin's Press.
Oxford Handbooks of Political Science
Noel, Hans (2010) "Ten Things Political Scientists Know that You Dont" (http:/ / www. bepress. com/ forum/
vol8/ iss3/ art12/ ) The Forum: Vol. 8: Iss. 3, Article 12.
Political science
28
External links
International Political Science Association (http:/ / www. ipsa. org/ )
IPSAPortal : Top 300 websites for Political Science (http:/ / ipsaportal. unina. it/ )
International Association for Political Science Students (http:/ / www. iapss. org/ )
American Political Science Association (http:/ / www. apsanet. org/ )
European Consortium for Political Research (http:/ / www. essex. ac. uk/ ecpr/ )
Graduate Institute of International and Development Studies. " Political Science Department which offers MA
and PhD programmes (http:/ / www. graduateinstitute. ch/ political-science)"
Political Studies Association of the UK (http:/ / www. psa. ac. uk/ )
PROL: Political Science Research Online (prepublished research) (http:/ / www. politicalscience. org/ )
Truman State University Political Science Research Design Handbook (http:/ / politicalscience. truman. edu/
researchdesignhandbook. pdf)
A New Nation Votes: American Elections Returns 17871825 (http:/ / dca. tufts. edu/ features/ aas)
Comparative Politics in Argentina & Latin America (http:/ / www. politicacomparada. com. ar/ ): Site dedicated
to the development of comparative politics in Latin America. Paper Works, Articles and links to specialized web
sites.
Political history
Political history is the narrative and analysis of political events,
ideas, movements, and leaders.
[1]
It is distinct from, but related
to, other fields of history such as Diplomatic history, social
history, economic history, and military history, as well as
constitutional history and public history.
Generally, political history focuses on events relating to
nation-states and the formal political process. According to
Hegel, Political History "is an idea of the state with a moral and
spiritual force beyond the material interests of its subjects: it
followed that the state was the main agent of historical
change"
[2]
This contrasts with one, for instance, social history,
which focuses predominantly on the actions and lifestyles of
ordinary people,
[3]
or people's history, which is historical work
from the perspective of common people.
In two decades from 1975 to 1995, the proportion of professors of history in American universities identifying with
social history rose from 31% to 41%, while the proportion of political historians fell from 40% to 30%.
[4]
In the
history departments of British universities in 2007, of the 5723 faculty members, 1644 (29%) identified themselves
with social history while political history came next with 1425 (25%).
[5]
Political world history
The political history of the world is the history of the various political entities created by the Human race throughout
their existence on Earth and the way these states define their borders. The history of political thinking goes back to
antiquity. Political history, and thus the history of political thinking throughout human existence stretches though up
to Medieval period and the Renaissance. In the Age of Enlightenment, political entities expanded from basic systems
of self-governance and monarchy to the complex democratic and communist systems that exist of the Industrialied
Political history
29
and the Modern Era, in parallel, political systems have expanded from vaguely defined frontier-type boundaries, to
the definite boundaries existing today.
Aspects of political history
The first "scientific" political history was written by Leopold von Ranke in Germany in the 19th century. His
methodologies profoundly affected the way historians critically examine sources; see historiography for a more
complete analysis of the methodology of various approaches to history. An important aspect of political history is the
study of ideology as a force for historical change. One author asserts that "political history as a whole cannot exist
without the study of ideological differences and their implications."
[6]
Studies of political history typically centre
around a single nation and its political change and development. Some historians identify the growing trend towards
narrow specialization in political history during recent decades: "while a college professor in the 1940s sought to
identify himself as a "historian", by the 1950s "American historian" was the designation."
[7]
From the 1970s onwards, new movements sought to challenge traditional approaches to political history. The
development of social history and women's history shifted the emphasis away from the study of leaders and national
decisions, and towards the role of ordinary citizens; "...by the 1970s "the new social history" began replacing the
older style. Emphasis shifted to a broader spectrum of American life, including such topics as the history of urban
life, public health, ethnicity, the media, and poverty."
[8]
As such, political history is sometimes seen as the more
'traditional' kind of history, in contrast with the more 'modern' approaches of other fields of history.
Britain
Readman (2009) discusses the historiography of British political history in the 20th century. It describes how British
political scholarship mostly ignored 20th century history due to temporal proximity to the recent past, the
unavailability of primary sources, and the potential for bias. The article explores how transitions in scholarship have
allowed for greater interest in 20th century history among scholars, which include less reliance on archival sources,
methodological changes in historiography, and the flourishing of new forms of history such as oral history.
Germany
In the course of the 1960s, however, some German historians (notably Hans-Ulrich Wehler and his cohort) began to
rebel against this idea, instead suggesting a "Primacy of Domestic Politics" (Primat der Innenpolitik), in which the
insecurities of (in this case German) domestic policy drove the creation of foreign policy. This led to a considerable
body of work interpreting the domestic policies of various states and the ways this influenced their conduct of
foreign policy.
France
The French Annales School had already put an emphasis on the role of geography and economics on history, and of
the importance of broad, slow cycles rather than the constant apparent movement of the "history of events" of high
politics. It downplayed politics and diplomacy. The most important work of the Annales school, Fernand Braudel's
The Mediterranean and the Mediterranean World in the Age of Philip II, contains a traditional Rankean diplomatic
history of Philip II's Mediterranean policy, but only as the third and shortest section of a work largely focusing on the
broad cycles of history in the longue dure ("long term"). The Annales were broadly influential, leading to a turning
away from political history towards an emphasis on broader trends of economic and environmental change.
Political history
30
Social history
In the 1960s and 1970s, an increasing emphasis on giving a voice to the voiceless and writing the history of the
underclasses, whether by using the quantitative statistical methods of social history or the more qualitative
assessments of cultural history, also undermined the centrality of diplomatic history to the historical discipline.
Further reading
Elman, C., & Elman, M. F. (2001). Bridges and boundaries: historians, political scientists, and the study of
international relations. BCSIA studies in international security. Cambridge, Mass: MIT Press.
Elton, G. R. The practice of history (1968), British emphasis.
French, John D.. "Women in Postrevolutionary Mexico: The Emergence of a New Feminist Political History,"
Latin American Politics and Society, Summer 2008, Vol. 50 Issue 2, pp 175-184
Huret, Romain, All in the Family Again? Political Historians and the Challenge of Social History, Journal of
Policy History, 21 (no. 3, 2009), 23963.
Pasquino, Gianfranco. "Political History in Italy," Journal of Policy History July 2009, Vol. 21 Issue 3, pp
282-297; discusses political historians such as Silvio Lanaro, Aurelio Lepre, and Nicola Tranfaglia, and studies of
Fascism, the Italian Communist party, the role of the Christian Democrats in Italian society, and the development
of the Italian parliamentary Republic.
Readman, Paul. "The State of Twentieth-Century British Political History," Journal of Policy History, July 2009,
Vol. 21 Issue 3, pp 219-238
Sreedharan, E. (2007). A manual of historical research methodology. Trivandrum, Centre for South Indian
Studies.
Sreedharan, E. (2004). A textbook of historiography: 500 BC to AD 2000. New Delhi: Orient Longman.
References
[1] Politics: The historical development of economic, legal, and political ideas and institutions, ideologies and movements. (http:/ / etext. lib.
virginia. edu/ hi/ DicHist/ analytic/ anaV.html) In The Dictionary of the History of Ideas.
[2] Tosh, John: The Pursuit of History, 2nd edition, London Group UK Limited, USA, 1991, pg.74
[3] Parthasarathi, Prasannan, "The State and Social History (http:/ / www. historycooperative. org/ journals/ jsh/ 39. 3/ parthasarathi. html/ facts.
about. me)
[4] Diplomatic dropped from 5% to 3%, economic history from 7% to 5%, and cultural history grew from 14% to 16%. Based on full-time
professors in U.S. history departments. Stephen H. Haber, David M. Kennedy, and Stephen D. Krasner, "Brothers under the Skin: Diplomatic
History and International Relations," International Security, Vol. 22, No. 1 (Summer, 1997), pp. 34-43 at p. 4 2; online at JSTOR (http:/ /
www.jstor. org/ stable/ 2539326)
[5] See "Teachers of History in the Universities of the UK 2007 - listed by research interest" (http:/ / www. history. ac. uk/ ihr/ Resources/
Teachers/ a27. html)
[6] Freeman, Joanne B., "Founding Bothers" (http:/ / www. historycooperative. org/ journals/ cp/ vol-02/ no-02/ author/ )
[7] Richard J. Jensen, Historiography of American Political History (http:/ / members. aol. com/ dann01/ scribner. html). In Jack Greene, ed.,
Encyclopedia of American Political History (New York: Scribner's, 1984), vol 1. pp 1-25
[8] Brunner, Borgna, "The History of Women's History" (http:/ / www. infoplease. com/ spot/ womensintro1. html)
Political history
31
External links
Documents of Diplomatic History (http:/ / www. mtholyoke. edu/ acad/ intrel/ irhistry. htm)
Fletcher School at Tufts International Relations Resources (http:/ / fletcher. tufts. edu/ inter_resources/
dhpgenresources. html)
A New Nation Votes: American Elections Returns 17871825 (http:/ / dca. tufts. edu/ features/ aas)
(French) French Website of the Comit d'histoire parlementaire et politique (http:/ / www. parlements. org/ )
(Parliamentary and Political History Committee) and Parlement(s), Revue d'histoire politique (http:/ / www.
parlements. org/ revueparlements. html), published three times a year. It contains a lot of information about
French political history, including about 900 references of scholarly political history studies and a bibliography of
parliamentary history.
Political history of the world
The political history of the world is the history of the various political entities created by the human race
throughout their existence and the way these states define their borders. Throughout history, political entities have
expanded from basic systems of self-governance and monarchy to the complex democratic and communist systems
that exist today, in parallel, political systems have expanded from vaguely defined frontier-type boundaries, to the
definite boundaries existing today.
Ancient history
Boundaries of the Roman Empire
In ancient history, civilizations did not have definite boundaries as
states have today, and their borders could be more accurately described
as frontiers. Early dynastic Sumer, and early dynastic Egypt were the
first civilizations to define their borders. Moreover, for the past
200,000 years and up to the twentieth century, many people have lived
in non-state societies. These range from relatively egalitarian bands
and tribes to complex and highly stratified chiefdoms.
The first states of sorts were those of early dynastic Sumer and early
dynastic Egypt, which arose from the Uruk period and Predynastic
Egypt respectively at approximately 3000BCE.
[1]
Early dynastic Egypt
was based around the Nile River in the north-east of Africa, the kingdom's boundaries being based around the Nile
and stretching to areas where oases existed.
[2]
Early dynastic Sumer was located in southern Mesopotamia with its
borders extending from the Persian Gulf to parts of the Euphrates and Tigris rivers.
[1]
By 2500 BCE the Indian civilization, located in the Indus Valley had formed. The civilization's boundaries extended
600KM inland from the Arabian Sea.
[3]
336 BCE saw the rise of Alexander the Great, who forged an empire from various vassal states stretching from
modern Greece to the Indian subcontinent, bringing Mediterranean nations into contact with those of central and
southern Asia, much as the Persian Empire had before him. The boundaries of this empire extended hundreds of
kilometers.
[4]
The Roman Empire (27 BCE - 476 AD) was the first western civilization known to accurately define their borders,
although these borders could be more accurately described as frontiers;
[5]
instead of the Empire defining its borders
with precision, the borders were allowed to trail off and were, in many cases, part of territory indirectly ruled by
others.
[6]
Political history of the world
32
Roman and Greek ideals of nationhood can be seen to have strongly influenced Western views on the subject, with
the basis of many governmental systems being on authority or ideas borrowed from Rome or the Greek city-states.
Notably, the European states of the Dark Ages and Middle Ages gained their authority from the Roman Catholic
religion, and modern democracies are based in part on the example of Ancient Athens.
Middle ages
The Tang dynasty in 700 CE
When China entered the Sui Dynasty,
[7]
the government changed and
expanded in its borders as the many separate bureaucracies unified
under one banner.
[8]
This evolved into the Tang Dynasty when Li Yuan
took control of China in 626.
[9]
By now, the Chinese borders had
expanded from eastern China, up north into the Tang Empire.
[10]
The
Tang Empire fell apart in 907 and split into ten regional kingdoms and
five dynasties with vague borders.
[11]
Fifty-three years after the
separation of the Tang Empire, China entered the Song Dynasty under
the rule of Chao K'uang, although the borders of this country
expanded, they were never as large as those of the Tang dynasty and
were constantly being redefined due to attacks from the neighboring
Tartar(Mongol) people known as the Khitan tribes.
[12]
In Western Europe, briefly mostly united into a single state under
Charlemagne around 800CE, a few countries, including England, Scotland, Iceland and Norway, had already
effectively become nation states by 1,000CE, with a kingdom (Commonwealth in Iceland's case) largely co-terminus
with a people mostly sharing a language and culture.
The Carolingian Empire under Charlemagne
around 800 CE, with modern borders in orange.
Over most of the continent, the peoples were emerging around ethnic,
linguistic and geographical groups, but this was not reflected in
political entities. In particular, France, Italy and Germany, though
recognised by other nations as countries where the French, Italians and
Germans lived, did not exist as states largely matching the countries
for centuries, and struggles to form them, and define their borders, as
states were a major cause of wars in Europe until the 20th century. In
the course of this process, some countries, such as Poland under the
Partitions and France in the High Middle Ages, almost ceased to exist
as states for periods. The Low Countries, in the Middle Ages as
distinct a country as France, became permanently divided, today into
Belgium and the Netherlands. Spain was formed as a nation state by
the dynastic union of small Christian kingdoms, augmented by the final
campaigns of the Reconquista against Al-Andaluz, the vanished country of Islamic Iberia.
In 1299 CE,
[13]
the Aztec empire arose in lower Mexico, this empire lasted over 500 years and at their prime, held
over 5,000 square kilometers of land.
[14]

[15]
Political history of the world
33
The Aztec Empire in 1519 CE
200 years after the Aztec and Toltec empires began, northern and
central Asia saw the rise of the Mongol empire. By the late 13th
century, the Empire extended across Europe and Asia, briefly creating
a state capable of ruling and administrating immensely diverse
cultures.
[16]
In 1299, the Ottomans entered the scene, these Turkish
nomads took control of Asia Minor along with much of central Europe
over a period of 370 years, providing what may be considered a
long-lasting Islamic counterweight to Christendom.
[17]
Exploiting opportunities left open by the Mongolian advance and
recession as well as the spread of Islam. Russia took control of their
homeland around 1613, after many years being dominated by the Tartars (Mongols). After gaining independence,
The Russian princes began to expand their borders under the leadership of many tsars.
[12]
Notably, Catherine the
Great seized the vast western part of Ukraine from the Poles, expanding Russia's size massively. Throughout the
following centuries, Russia expanded rapidly, coming close to its modern size.
[18]
Early modern era
Silesia's position in Europe (in red)
In 1700, Charles II of Spain died, naming Phillip of Anjou, Louis
XIV's grandson, his heir. Charles' decision was not well met by the
British, who believed that Louis would use the opportunity to ally
France and Spain and attempt to take over Europe. Britain formed the
Grand Alliance with Holland, Austria and a majority of the German
states and declared war against Spain in 1702. The War of the Spanish
Succession lasted 11 years, and ended when the Treaty of Utrecht was
signed in 1714.
[19]
Less than 50 years later, in 1740, war broke out again, sparked by the invasion of Silesia, part of Austria, by King
Frederick II of Prussia. Britain, the Netherlands and Hungary supported Maria Theresa. Over the next eight years,
these and other states participated in the War of the Austrian Succession, until a treaty was signed, allowing Prussia
to keep Silesia.
[20]

[21]
The Seven Years' War began when Theresa dissolved her alliance with Britain and allied with
France and Russia. In 1763, Britain won the war, claiming Canada and land east of the Mississippi. Prussia also kept
Silesia.
[22]
Van Diemen's Land in 1852
Interest in the geography of the Southern Hemisphere began to
increase in the 18th century,
[23]
in 1642, Dutch navigator Abel Tasman
was commissioned to explore Southern Hemisphere, during his
voyages, Tasman discovered the island of Van Diemen's Land, which
was later named Tasmania, the Australian coast and New Zealand in
1644.
[24]
Captain James Cook was commissioned in 1768 to observe a
solar eclipse in Tahiti and sailed into Stingray Harbor on Australia's
east coast in 1770, claiming the land for the British Crown.
[25]
Settlements in Australia began in 1788 when Britain began to utilize
the country for the deportation of convicts,
[26]
with the first free settles
arriving in 1793.
[27]
Likewise New Zealand became a home for hunters
seeking whales and seals in the 1790s with later non-commercial
settlements by the Scottish in the 1820s and 30s.
[28]
Political history of the world
34
In Northern America, revolution was beginning when in 1770, British troops opened fire on a mob pelting them with
stones, an event later known as the Boston Massacre.
[29]
British authorities were unable to determine if this event
was a local one, or signs of something bigger
[30]
until, in 1775, Rebel forces confirmed their intentions by attacking
British troops on Bunker Hill.
[31]
Shortly after, Massachusetts Second Continental Congress representative John
Adams and his cousin Samuel Adams were part of a group calling for an American Declaration of Independence.
The Congress ended without committing to a Declaration, but prepared for conflict by naming George Washington
as the Continental Army Commander.
[30]
War broke out and lasted until 1783, when Britain signed the Treaty of
Paris and recognized America's independence.
[32]
In 1788, the states ratified the United States Constitution, going
from a confederation to a union
[30]
and in 1789, elected George Washington as the first President of the United
States.
[33]
The National Assembly
By the late 1780s, France was falling into debt, with higher taxes
introduced and famines ensuring.
[34]
As a measure of last resort, King
Louis XVI called together the Estates-General in 1788 and reluctantly
agreed to turn the Third Estate (which made up all of the non-noble
and non-clergy French) it into a National Assembly.
[35]
This assembly
grew very popular in the public eye and on July 14, 1789, following
evidence that the King planned to disband the Assembly,
[34]
an angry
mob stormed the Bastille, taking gun powder and lead shot.
[35]
Stories
of the success of this raid spread all over the country, this sparked multiple uprisings in which the lower-classes
robbed granaries and manor houses.
[34]
In August of the same year, members of the National Assembly wrote the
revolutionary document Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen which proclaimed freedom of speech,
press and religion.
[34]
By 1792, other European states were attempting to quell the revolution. In the same year
Austrian and German armies attempted to march on Paris, but the French repelled them. Building on fears of
European invasion, a radical group known as the Jacobins abolished the monarchy and executed King Louis for
treason in 1793. In response to this radical uprising, Britain, Spain and the Netherlands join in the fight with the
Jacobins until the Reign of Terror was brought to an end in 1794 with the execution of a Jacobin leader, Maximilien
Robespierre. A new constitution was adopted in 1795 with some calm returning, although the country was still at
war. In 1799, a group of politicians led by Napoleon Bonaparte unseated leaders of the Directory.
[35]
References
[1] Daniel, Glyn (2003) [1968]. The First Civilizations: The Archaeology of their Origins (http:/ / books. google. com/
books?id=wx9FAAAAMAAJ). New York: Phoenix Press. xiii. ISBN1842125001. .
[2] Daniel, Glyn (2003) [1968]. The First Civilizations: The Archaeology of their Origins (http:/ / books. google. com/
books?id=wx9FAAAAMAAJ). New York: Phoenix Press. pp.911. ISBN1842125001. .
[3] Daniels, Patrica S; Stephen G Hyslop, Douglas Brinkley, Esther Ferington, Lee Hassig, Dale-Marie Herring (2003). Toni Eugene. ed.
Almanac of World History (http:/ / books.google.com/ books?id=d5gPAQAACAAJ). National Geographic Society. pp.56.
ISBN0792250923. .
[4] de Blois, Lukas; Robartus van der Spek (1997). An Introduction to the Ancient World (http:/ / books. google. com/
books?id=9o3Ti6H2_BQC). New York, US: Routledge. pp.131. ISBN0415127734. .
[5] "A World Defined By Boundaries" (http:/ / wrt-intertext. syr. edu/ IX/ arras. html). Intertext. Syracuse University. 2001. . Retrieved
2008-11-21.
[6] Kaplan, David H; Jouni Hkli (2002). "The 'Civilisational' Roots of European National Boundaries" (http:/ / books. google. com/
books?id=edb-7VL6H0cC& pg=PA18& source=gbs_toc_r& cad=0_0). Boundaries and Place: European Borderlands in Geographical
Context (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=edb-7VL6H0cC). Rowman & Littlefield. pp.19. ISBN0847698831. .
[7] Benn, Charles D. (2004). China's Golden Age: Everyday Life in the Tang Dynasty (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=ile3jSveb4sC).
Oxford University Press. pp.1. ISBN0195176650. . Retrieved 2008-12-17.
[8] Daniels, Patrica S; Stephen G Hyslop, Douglas Brinkley, Esther Ferington, Lee Hassig, Dale-Marie Herring (2003). Toni Eugene. ed.
Almanac of World History (http:/ / books.google.com/ books?id=d5gPAQAACAAJ). National Geographic Society. pp.11821.
ISBN0792250923. .
Political history of the world
35
[9] Benn, Charles D. (2004). China's Golden Age: Everyday Life in the Tang Dynasty (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=ile3jSveb4sC).
Oxford University Press. pp.ix. ISBN0195176650. . Retrieved 2008-12-17.
[10] Herrmann, Albert (1970). Historical and Commercial Atlas of China (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=5YnMGwAACAAJ).
Ch'eng-wen Publishing House. . Retrieved 2008-12-17.
[11] Hucker, Charles O. (1995). China's Imperial Past: An Introduction to Chinese History and Culture (http:/ / books. google. com/
books?id=wdqoHQRUhAYC). Stanford University Press. pp.147. ISBN0804723532. . Retrieved 2008-12-17.
[12] Daniels, Patrica S; Stephen G Hyslop, Douglas Brinkley, Esther Ferington, Lee Hassig, Dale-Marie Herring (2003). Toni Eugene. ed.
Almanac of World History (http:/ / books.google.com/ books?id=d5gPAQAACAAJ). National Geographic Society. pp.1345.
ISBN0792250923. .
[13] Tsouras, Peter (2005). Montezuma: Warlord of the Aztecs (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=Upxi59X8OB4C). Brassey's. pp.xv.
ISBN1574888226. .
[14] Berdan, Frances F.; Richard E. Blanton, Elizabeth H. Boone, Mary G. Hodge, Michael E. Smith, Emily Umberger (1996). Aztec Imperial
Strategies. Washington, DC: Dumbarton Oaks. ISBN0884022110.
[15] Barlow, R.H. (1949). Extent of the Empire of the Culhua Mexica. Berkeley and Los Angeles Univ. of California.
[16] Kppen, Adolph Ludvig; Karl Spruner von Merz (1854). The World in the Middle Ages: An Historical Geography, with Accounts of the
Origin and Development, the Institutions and Literature, the Manners and Customs of Three Nations in Europe, Western Asia, and Northern
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google.com/ books?id=WYpAAAAAIAAJ). Harper & Row. p.630. . Retrieved 2009-01-30.
[21] Rosner, Lisa; John Theibault (2000). A Short History of Europe, 1600-1815: Search for a Reasonable World (http:/ / books. google.com.
au/ books?id=KVbsFMmLAyAC) (illustrated ed.). M.E. Sharpe. p.292. ISBN0765603284. . Retrieved 2009-01-30.
[22] Marston, Daniel (2001). The Seven Years' War (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=3KwvINgeg_sC) (illustrated ed.). Osprey Publishing.
ISBN1841761915. . Retrieved 2008-01-30.
[23] Daniels, Patrica S; Stephen G Hyslop, Douglas Brinkley, Esther Ferington, Lee Hassig, Dale-Marie Herring (2003). Toni Eugene. ed.
Almanac of World History (http:/ / books.google.com/ books?id=d5gPAQAACAAJ). National Geographic Society. p.214.
ISBN0792250923. .
[24] Porter, Malcolm; Keith Lye (2007). Australia and the Pacific (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=edd2vPFKsUMC) (illustrated and
revised 2007 ed.). Cherrytree Books. p.20. ISBN1842344609. . Retrieved 2008-01-30.
[25] Kitson, Arthur (2004). The Life of Captain James Cook (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=NNh-YFw_bZ0C). Kessinger Publishing.
pp.845. ISBN1419169475. . Retrieved 2008-01-30.
[26] King, Jonathan (1984). The First Settlement: The Convict Village that Founded Australia 1788-90 (http:/ / books. google. com/
books?id=FhOCAAAACAAJ). Macmillan. ISBN0333380800. .
[27] Currer-Briggs, Noel (1982). Worldwide Family History (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=mJg9AAAAIAAJ) (illustrated ed.).
Routledge. p.180. ISBN0710009348. .
[28] Daniels, Patrica S; Stephen G Hyslop, Douglas Brinkley, Esther Ferington, Lee Hassig, Dale-Marie Herring (2003). Toni Eugene. ed.
Almanac of World History (http:/ / books.google.com/ books?id=d5gPAQAACAAJ). National Geographic Society. p.216.
ISBN0792250923. .
[29] Lancaster, Bruce; John Harold Plumb, Richard M. Ketchum (2001). illustrated. ed. The American Revolution (http:/ / books. google. com/
books?id=qSe4n1h-I0UC). Houghton Mifflin Harcourt. p.74. ISBN0618127399. . Retrieved 2008-01-31.
[30] Daniels, Patrica S; Stephen G Hyslop, Douglas Brinkley, Esther Ferington, Lee Hassig, Dale-Marie Herring (2003). Toni Eugene. ed.
Almanac of World History (http:/ / books.google.com/ books?id=d5gPAQAACAAJ). National Geographic Society. pp.21821.
ISBN0792250923. .
[31] Lancaster, Bruce; John Harold Plumb, Richard M. Ketchum (2001). illustrated. ed. The American Revolution (http:/ / books. google. com/
books?id=qSe4n1h-I0UC). Houghton Mifflin Harcourt. pp.969. ISBN0618127399. . Retrieved 2008-01-31.
[32] Jedson, Lee (2006). The Treaty of Paris, 1783: A Primary Source Examination of the Treaty That Recognized American Independence
(http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=XkfDMuLpBBUC) (illustrated ed.). The Rosen Publishing Group. p.37. ISBN1404204415. .
Retrieved 2009-01-31.
[33] Bloom, Sol; Lars Johnson (2001). The Story of the Constitution (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=-IbU6ktgXWUC) (2nd illustrated
ed.). Christian Liberty Press. pp.84. ISBN1930367562. . Retrieved 2008-01-31.
[34] Daniels, Patrica S; Stephen G Hyslop, Douglas Brinkley, Esther Ferington, Lee Hassig, Dale-Marie Herring (2003). Toni Eugene. ed.
Almanac of World History (http:/ / books.google.com/ books?id=d5gPAQAACAAJ). National Geographic Society. pp.22225.
ISBN0792250923. .
Political history of the world
36
[35] S. Viault, Birdsall (1990). "The French Revolution" (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=hXaJLfcIBuoC& pg=PA177&
source=gbs_toc_r& cad=0_0). Schaum's Outline of Modern European History (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=hXaJLfcIBuoC)
(revised ed.). McGraw-Hill Professional. pp.18091. ISBN0070674531. . Retrieved 2008-01-31.
Comparative politics
Comparative politics is a subfield of political science, characterized by an empirical approach based on the
comparative method. Arend Lijphart argues that comparative politics does not have a substantive focus in itself, but
rather a methodological one: it focuses on "the how but does not specify the what of the analysis."
[1]
In other words,
comparative politics is not defined by the object of its study, but rather by the method it applies to study political
phenomena. Peter Mair and Richard Rose advance a slightly different definition, arguing that comparative politics is
defined by a combination of a substantive focus on the study of countries' political systems and a method of
identifying and explaining similarities and differences between these countries using common concepts.
[2]

[3]
Rose
states that, on his definition: "The focus is explicitly or implicitly upon more than one country, thus following
familiar political science usage in excluding within-nation comparison. Methodologically, comparison is
distinguished by its use of concepts that are applicable in more than one country."
[3]
When applied to specific fields of study, comparative politics may be referred to by other names, such as for
example comparative government (the comparative study of forms of government) or comparative foreign policy
(comparing the foreign policies of different States in order to establish general empirical connections between the
characteristics of the State and the characteristics of its foreign policy).
Sometimes, especially in the United States, the term "comparative politics" is used to refer to "the politics of foreign
countries." This usage of the term, however, is often considered incorrect.
[4]

[5]
The comparative method
The comparative method is - together with the experimental method, the statistical method and the case study
approach - one of the four fundamental scientific methods which can be used to test the validity of general empirical
propositions,
[6]
i.e. to establish empirical relationships among two or more variables while all other variables are
held constant.
[7]
In particular, the comparative method is generally used when neither the experimental nor the
statistical method can be employed: on the one hand, experiments can only rarely be conducted in political
science;
[8]
on the other hand the statistical method implies the mathematical manipulation of quantitative data about
a large number of cases, while sometimes political research must be conducted by analyzing the behavior of
qualitative variables in a small number of cases.
[9]
The case study approach cannot be considered a scientific method
according to the above definition, however it can be useful to gain knowledge about single cases, which can then be
put to comparison according to the comparative method.
[10]
Comparative strategies
Several different strategies can be used in comparative research.
[11]
Most Similar Systems Design/Mill's Method of Difference: it consists in comparing very similar cases which only
differ in the dependent variable, on the assumption that this would make it easier to find those independent
variables which explain the presence/absence of the dependent variable. Most Similar Systems Design, or MSSD,
is very helpful because since it comparing similar objects, it keeps many otherwise confusing and irrelevant
variables in the research constant. In a basic sense, MSSD starts out with similar variables between subjects and
tries to figure out why the outcome is different between the subjects. The main shortcoming that is said about this
method though is that when comparing countries, since there are such a limited number of them that all potential
factors of explanation can never be kept constant altogether. This means that with so many possibilities of
variables, there are only a limited number of cases to apply them to. There are two methods of applying MSSD,
Comparative politics
37
the first being a stricter application and the second being a more loose application. The stricter application implies
that a researcher would choose various countries that have a number of similar variables, also called control
variables, and would only different from each other by one single independent variable. The looser application
uses the same general concept, but the researched chooses countries that have similar characteristics but those
characteristics are not strictly matched to a set of control variables. Because of the complications of so many
variables but not enough cases, a second method was devolved to be used in conjunction with MSSD.
[12]
Most Different Systems Design/Mill's Method of Similarity: it consists in comparing very different cases, all of
which however have in common the same dependent variable, so that any other circumstance which is present in
all the cases can be regarded as the independent variable. Most Different Systems Design, or MDSD, differs from
MSSD with focus and the fact that it does not take a strict variable application. MDSD uses differences between
countries instead of similarities between countries as variables because social scientists have found that
differences between countries do not explain their possible similarities if they have any. A more basic idea of
MDSD is it takes subjects with different variables within them and tries to figure out why the outcomes between
them are similar in the end. When using MDSD as a comparative research method, scientists look at changing
interactions between systems in countries and then after all data is collected, the results are compared between the
different systems. If the results obtained from this research differ between each other, the researcher must move
up to the system level and switch to the MSSD method. When using MSSD as a comparative research approach,
there is the independent and depend variable that get introduced, specifically the dependent variable being
something that is common in all the research subjects and the independent variable which would be the differing
characteristic between the research subjects. MSSD is more precise and strict at finding the differing point along
with similarities, but MDSD does not have so many variables and only focuses on finding one similarity or
difference between a wide selection of systems.
[12]
Some major works in comparative politics
Aristotle: In his work The Politics, Aristotle compares different "constitutions", by introducing a famous
typology based on two criteria: the number of rulers (one, few, many) and the nature of the political regime (good
or corrupt). Thus he distinguishes six different kinds of "constitutions": monarchy, aristocracy, and polity (good
types), versus tyranny, oligarchy and democracy (corrupt types).
Montesquieu: The Spirit of the Laws
Alexis de Tocqueville: Democracy in America and The Old Regime and the French Revolution
James C. Scott: The Art of Not Being Governed
Seymour Martin Lipset: Political Man: The Social Basis of Politics
Barrington Moore: In Social Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy: Lord and Peasant in the Making of the
Modern World (1966) Moore compares revolutions in countries like England, Russia and Japan (among others).
His thesis is that mass-led revolutions dispossess the landed elite and result in Communism, and that revolutions
by the elite result in Fascism. It is thus only revolutions by the bourgeoisie that result in democratic governance.
For the outlier case of India, practices of the Mogul Empire, British Imperial rule and the Caste System are cited.
Gabriel Almond and Sidney Verba: In their work, The Civic Culture, Almond and Verba embark on the
first major cross-national survey of attitudes to determine the role of political culture in maintaining the
stability of democratic regimes.
Samuel P. Huntington: The Third Wave and Political Order in Changing Societies
Robert A. Dahl: Polyarchy
Arend Lijphart: Patterns of Democracy (1999), a comprehensive study of democracies around the world.
Seymour M. Lipset: Political man (1960)
Giovanni Sartori: Parties and party systems
Joel Migdal. Strong Societies and Weak States.
Comparative politics
38
Theda Skocpol: In States and Social Revolutions: A Comparative Analysis of France, Russia, and China Theda
Skocpol compares the major revolutions of France, Russia and China: three basically similar events which took
place in three very different contexts. Skopcol's purpose is to find possible similarities which might help explain
the phenomenon of political revolution. From this point of view, this work represents a good example of a
research conducted according to the Most Different Systems Design.
Robert D. Putnam: Making Democracy Work (1993), a major work assessing why some democratic
governments work and other fail, based on the study of the Italian regional governments.
References
[1] Lijphart, Arend (1971). "Comparative politics and the comparative method". American Political Science Review 65 (3): 682693.
doi:10.2307/1955513. JSTOR1955513.
[2] Mair, Peter (1996). "Comparative politics: An introduction to comparative.overview" (http:/ / www. ingentaconnect. com/ content/ oso/
414665/ 1998/ 00000001/ 00000001/ art00016). In Goodin, Robert E.; Klingemann, Hans-Dieter. A New Handbook of Political Science.
Oxford: Oxford University Press. pp.309335. ISBN0198294719. .
[3] Rose, Richard; MacKenzie, W. J. M. (1991). "Comparing forms of comparative analysis" (http:/ / www3. interscience. wiley. com/ journal/
119347508/ abstract). Political Studies 39 (3): 446462. doi:10.1111/j.1467-9248.1991.tb01622.x. .
[4] Hopkin, J. [2002 (1995)] "Comparative Methods", in Marsh, D. and G. Stoker (ed.) Theory and Methods in Political Science, Palgrave
Macmillan, pp. 249-250
[5] van Biezen, Ingrid; Caramani, Daniele (2006). "(Non)comparative politics in Britain" (http:/ / www3. interscience. wiley. com/ journal/
118602277/ abstract?CRETRY=1& SRETRY=0). Politics 26 (1): 2937. doi:10.1111/j.1467-9256.2006.00248.x. .
[6] Lijphart, A. (1971), cit., p. 682
[7] Lijphart, A. (1971), cit., p. 683
[8] Hopkin, J. [2002 (1995)], cit., p. 250
[9] It should be noted however that, as Lijphart points out in the article cited above, the experimental and statistical methods share the same logic
as the comparative method: they all imply a comparison between cases which differ on the variable which is being studied, while remaining
identical on all the other possible variables.
[10] Lijphart, A. (1971), cit., p. 691
[11] http:/ / poli.haifa.ac. il/ ~levi/ mlogic.html
[12] Anckar, Carsten. "On the Applicability of the Most Similar Systems Design and the Most Different Systems Design in Comparative
Research." International Journal of Social Research Methodology 11.5 (2008): 389-401. Informaworld. Web. 20 June 2011.
External links
Comparative Methods in Political & Social Research (http:/ / poli. haifa. ac. il/ ~levi/ method. html): useful
resources from Prof. David Levi-Faur's course at the University of Haifa.
Comparative Politics in Argentina & Latin America (http:/ / www. politicacomparada. com. ar): Site dedicated to
the development of comparative politics in Latin America. Paper Works, Articles and links to specialized web
sites.
Political economy
39
Political economy
Political economy originally was the term for studying production, buying, and selling, and their relations with law,
custom, and government, as well as with the distribution of national income and wealth, including through the
budget process. Political economy originated in moral philosophy. It developed in the 18th century as the study of
the economies of states, polities, hence political economy.
In the late nineteenth century, the term 'economics' came to replace 'political economy', coinciding with publication
of an influential textbook by Alfred Marshall in 1890.
[1]
Earlier, William Stanley Jevons, a proponent of
mathematical methods applied to the subject, advocated 'economics' for brevity and with the hope of the term
becoming "the recognised name of a science."
[2]

[3]
Today, political economy, where it is not used as a synonym for economics, may refer to very different things,
including Marxian analysis, applied public-choice approaches emanating from the Chicago school and the Virginia
School, or simply the advice given by economists to the government or public on general economic policy or on
specific proposals.
[3]
A rapidly-growing mainstream literature from the 1970s has expanded beyond the model of
economic policy in which planners maximize utility of a representative individual toward examining how political
forces affect the choice of policies, especially as to distributional conflicts and political institutions.
[4]
It is available
as an area of study in certain colleges and universities.
Etymology
Originally, political economy meant the study of the conditions under which production or consumption within
limited parameters was organized in the nation-states. In this way, political economy expanded the emphasis of
economics, which comes from the Greek oikos (meaning "home") and nomos (meaning "law" or "order"); thus
political economy was meant to express the laws of production of wealth at the state level, just as economics was the
ordering of the home. The phrase conomie politique (translated in English as political economy) first appeared in
France in 1615 with the well known book by Antoine de Montchrtien: Trait de leconomie politique. French
physiocrats, Adam Smith, David Ricardo and German philosopher and social theorist Karl Marx were some of the
exponents of political economy. The world's first professorship in political economy was established in 1754 at the
University of Naples Federico II, Italy (then capital city of the Kingdom of Naples); the Neapolitan philosopher
Antonio Genovesi was the first tenured professor; in 1763 Joseph von Sonnenfels was appointed a Political
Economy chair at the University of Vienna, Austria. In 1805, Thomas Malthus became England's first professor of
political economy, at the East India Company College, Haileybury, Hertfordshire.
In the United States, political economy first was taught at the College of William and Mary; in 1784 Adam Smith's
The Wealth of Nations was a required textbook.
[5]
Glasgow University, where Smith was Professor of Logic and Moral Philosophy, changed the name of its
Department of Political Economy to the Department of Economics (ostensibly to avoid confusing prospective
undergraduates) in academic year 19971998, making the class of 1998 the last to be graduated with a Scottish
Master of Arts degree in Political Economy.
Political economy
40
Current approaches
In its contemporary meaning, political economy refers to different, but related, approaches to studying economic and
political behaviours, ranging from the combination of economics with other fields to the use of different,
fundamental assumptions that challenge orthodox economic assumptions:
Political economy most commonly refers to interdisciplinary studies drawing upon economics, law, and political
science in explaining how political institutions, the political environment, and the economic systemcapitalist,
socialist, mixedinfluence each other. "Traditional" topics include the influence of elections on the choice of
economic policy, determinants of electoral outcomes, the political business cycles,
[6]
central-bank independence,
redistributive conflicts in fiscal policy, and the politics of delayed reforms in developing countries and of
excessive deficits. From the late-1990s, the field has expanded to explore such wide-ranging topics as the origins
and rate of change of political institutions, and the role of culture in explaining economic outcomes and
developments.
[4]
When more narrowly construed, it analyzes such public policy as monopoly, market protection,
institutional corruption,
[7]
and rent-seeking.
[8]
A more classical-liberal approach that dates from the 1970s that
denotes 'public-choice' theory type approaches which question the benevolence of social planners to maximize the
utility of a representative individual and instead stress how political forces affect the choice of policies that may
not be so benevolent,
Historians have employed political economy to explore the ways in the past that persons and groups with common
economic interests have used politics to effect changes beneficial to their interests.
[9]
International Political Economy (IPE) is an interdisciplinary field comprising approaches to international trade
and finance, and state policies affecting international trade, i.e. monetary and fiscal policies. In the U.S., these
approaches are associated with the journal International Organization, which, in the 1970s, became the leading
journal of international political economy under the editorship of Robert Keohane, Peter J. Katzenstein, and
Stephen Krasner. They are also associated with the journal The Review of International Political Economy. There
also is a more critical school of IPE, inspired by Karl Polanyi's work; two major figures are Susan Strange and
Robert W. Cox.
[10]
Economists and political scientists often associate the term with approaches using rational choice assumptions,
especially game theory and social choice theory, in explaining phenomena beyond economics' standard remit, in
which context the term "positive political economy" is common.
[11]
Anthropologists, sociologists, and geographers use political economy in referring to the regimes of politics or
economic values that emerge primarily at the level of states or regional governance, but also within smaller social
groups and social networks. Because these regimes influence and are influenced by the organization of both social
and economic capital, the analysis of dimensions lacking a standard economic value (e.g., the political economy
of language, of gender, of religion) often draw on the concepts used in Marxian critiques of capital. Such
approaches expand on neo-Marxian scholarship related to development and underdevelopment postulated by
Andr Gunder Frank and Immanuel Wallerstein.
New political economy students treat economic ideologies as the phenomenon to explain, per the traditions of
Marxian political economy. Thus, Charles S. Maier suggests that a political economy approach: "interrogates
economic doctrines to disclose their sociological and political premises....in sum, [it] regards economic ideas and
behavior not as frameworks for analysis, but as beliefs and actions that must themselves be explained."
[12]
This
approach informs Andrew Gamble's The Free Economy and the Strong State (Palgrave Macmillan, 1988), and
Colin Hay's The Political Economy of New Labour (Manchester University Press, 1999). It also informs much
work published in New Political Economy an international journal founded by Sheffield University scholars in
1996.
[13]
Political economy
41
Education
Countries offering education in political economy are Australia
[14]
, Norway
[15]
, Canada
[16]
and the United
Kingdom
[17]
among others.
Related disciplines
Because political economy is not a unified discipline, there are studies using the term that overlap in subject matter,
but have radically different perspectives:
Sociology studies the effects of persons' involvement in society as members of groups, and how that changes their
ability to function. Many sociologists start from a perspective of production-determining relation from Karl Marx.
Marx's theories on the subject of political economy are contained in his book, Das Kapital.
Political Science focuses on the interaction between institutions and human behavior, the way in which the former
shapes choices and how the latter change institutional frameworks. Along with economics, it has made the best
works in the field by authors like Shepsle, Ostrom, Ordeshook, among others.
Anthropology studies political economy by investigating regimes of political and economic value that condition
tacit aspects of sociocultural practices (e.g., the pejorative use of pseudo-Spanish expressions in the US-American
entertainment media) by means of broader historical, political, and sociological processes; analyses of structural
features of transnational processes focus on the interactions between the world capitalist system and local
cultures.
Psychology is the fulcrum on which political economy exerts its force in studying decision-making (not only in
prices), but as the field of study whose assumptions model political economy.
History documents change, using it to argue political economy; historical works have political economy as the
narrative's frame.
Economics focuses on markets by leaving the politicalgovernments, states, legal frameworksas givens.
Economics dropped the adjective political in the 19th century, but works backwards, by describing "The Ideal
Market", urging governments to formulate policy and law to approach said ideal. Economists and political
economists often disagree on what is preeminent in developing production, market, and political structure
theories.
Law concerns the creation of policy and its mediation via political actions that have specific results, it deals with
political economy as political capital and as social infrastructureand the sociological results of one society upon
another.
Human Geography is concerned with politico-economic processes, emphasizing space and environment.
Ecology deals with political economy, because human activity has the greatest effect upon the environment, its
central concern being the environment's suitability for human activity. The ecological effects of economic activity
spur research upon changing market economy incentives.
International Relations often uses political economy to study political and economic development.
Cultural Studies studies social class, production, labor, race, gender, and sex.
Communication examines the institutional aspects of media and telecommuncation systems, with particular
attention to the historical relationships between owners, labor, consumers, advertisers, and the state.
Political economy
42
Notes
[1] Alfred Marshall (1890) Principles of Economics.
[2] W. Stanley Jevons (1879, 2nd ed.) The Theory of Political Economy], p. xiv. (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=aYcBAAAAQAAJ&
printsec=find& pg=PR14=onepage& q& f=false#v=onepage& q& f=false)
[3] Peter Groenwegen (1987 [2008]). "'political economy' and 'economics'", The New Palgrave: A Dictionary of Economics, v. 3, pp. 905-06.
[Pp.90407.]
[4] Alberto F. Alesina (2007:3) "Political Economy," NBER Reporter, pp. 1-5 (http:/ / www. nber. org/ reporter/ 2007number3/ 2007number3.
pdf) (press +). Abstract-links version. (http:/ / www.nber. org/ reporter/ 2007number3/ )
[5] Image of "Priorities of the College of William and Mary"
[6] Allan Drazen 2008. "political business cycles," The New Palgrave Dictionary of Economics, 2nd Edition. Abstract. (http:/ / www.
dictionaryofeconomics. com/ article?id=pde2008_P000112& edition=current& q=Political business cycle& topicid=& result_number=4)
William D. Nordhaus, 1989:2. "Alternative Approaches to the Political Business Cycle," Brookings Papers on Economic Activity, p p. 1
(http:/ / www. jstor.org/ pss/ 2534461)-68.
[7] Niloy Bose, 2010. "corruption and economic growth," The New Palgrave Dictionary of Economics Online, 2nd Edition. Abstract. (http:/ /
www.dictionaryofeconomics. com/ article?id=pde2010_C000616& edition=current& q= corruption& topicid=& result_number=1)
[8] Anne O. Krueger, 1974. "The Political Economy of the Rent-Seeking Society," American Economic Review, 64(3), p p. 291 (http:/ / www.
jstor.org/ pss/ 1808883)303.
[9] Drew R. McCoy, "The Elusive Republic: Political Ecocomy in Jeffersonian America", Chapel Hill, University of North Carolina.
[10] Benjamin J. Cohen (2007), The transatlantic divide: Why are American and British IPE so different?, Review of International Political
Economy, Vol. 14, No. 2, May 2007
[11] James E. Alt and Kenneth Shepsle (eds.) (1990), Perspectives on Positive Political Economy (Cambridge [UK]; New York: Cambridge
University Press). Description (http:/ / books.google.com/ books?id=wKJu6g5ovhcC& source=gbs_navlinks_s) and preview. (http:/ / books.
google.com/ books?id=wKJu6g5ovhcC& printsec=frontcover& source=gbs_atb#v=onepage& q& f=false)
[12] Charles S. Mayer (1987). "In Search of Stability: Explorations in Historical Political Economy", Cambridge University Press, Cambridge,
pp.36.
[13] cf: David Baker (2006). "The political economy of fascism: Myth or reality, or myth and reality?" New Political Economy, 11(2), pp.
227250. (http:/ / davidlewisbaker. net/ baker_political_economy_of_fascism)
[14] http:/ / sydney. edu.au/ arts/ political_economy/
[15] "[[BI Norwegian Business School (http:/ / www. bi.edu/ Full-time/ Masters/ MSc-in-Political-Economy/ )] - MSc in Political Economy",
Accessed 22 August 2011]
[16] "Institute of Political Economy", Accessed 07 September 2011 (http:/ / www2. carleton. ca/ politicaleconomy/ )
[17] "[[University of Warwick (http:/ / www2.warwick.ac. uk/ fac/ soc/ pais/ prospectivestudents/ pgindex/ ipe/ )] - MA in International
Political Economy", Accessed 22 August 2011]
References
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Journal of Comparative Economics, 31(4), pp. 620652 (http:/ / econ-www. mit. edu/ files/ 4461) (close
Bookmarks).
Breyer, Friedrich (1994). "The Political Economy of Intergenerational Redistribution," European Journal of
Political Economy, 10(1), , pp. 61-84. Abstract. (http:/ / www.sciencedirect. com/ science?_ob=ArticleURL&
_udi=B6V97-46383PF-7& _user=10& _coverDate=05/ 31/ 1994& _rdoc=1& _fmt=high& _orig=search&
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Alesina, Alberto, and Roberto Perotti (1994). "The Political Economy of Growth: A Critical Survey of the Recent
Literature," World Bank Economic Review, 8(3), pp. 351-371. (http:/ / www-wds. worldbank. org/ external/
default/ WDSContentServer/ WDSP/ IB/ 1999/ 09/ 11/ 000178830_98101911401317/ Rendered/ PDF/
multi_page. pdf)
_____ (1995). "The Political Economy of Budget Deficits" IMF Staff Papers, 42(1), pp. p. 1 (http:/ / www.jstor.
org/ pss/ 3867338)-31.
Baran, Paul A. (1957). The Political Economy of Growth. Monthly Review Press, New York. Review extrract.
(http:/ / heinonline. org/ HOL/ LandingPage?collection=journals& handle=hein. journals/ guild19& div=12&
id=& page=)
Political economy
43
Becker, Gary S. (1983). "A Theory of Competition among Pressure Groups for Political Influence," Quarterly
Journal of Economics, 98(3), pp. 371-400. (http:/ / www2. bren. ucsb. edu/ ~glibecap/ BeckerQJE1983. pdf)
Bolton, Patrick, and Grard Roland (1997). "The Breakup of Nations: A Political Economy Analysis," Quarterly
Journal of Economics, 112(4), , p p. 1057 (http:/ / www. jstor. org/ pss/ 2951266)-1090.
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Journals
Constitutional Political Economy
Economics & Politics (http:/ / www. wiley. com/ bw/ journal. asp?ref=0954-1985)
European Journal of Political Economy (http:/ / www. elsevier. com/ wps/ find/
journaldescription. cws_home/ 505544/ description#description)
Public Choice (http:/ / www. springer. com/
economics/ public+ finance/ journal/ 11127)
Review of Radical Political Economics
Studies in Political Economy (http:/ / spe. library.
utoronto. ca/ index. php/ spe)
External links
NBER (U.S.) "Political Economy" working-paper abstract links. (http:/ / www. nber. org/ papersbyprog/ POL.
html)
VoxEU.org (Europe) "Politics and economics" (http:/ / www. voxeu. org/ index. php?q=node/ 315) article links.
National System of Political Economy (http:/ / socserv2. socsci. mcmaster. ca/ ~econ/ ugcm/ 3ll3/ list/ national.
html)Major work on political economy by Friedrich List.
Harmony of Interests (http:/ / www. hti. umich. edu/ cgi/ t/ text/ pageviewer-idx?c=moa;cc=moa;q1=American
System;rgn=full text;idno=AJB8869. 0001. 001;didno=AJB8869. 0001. 001;view=image;seq=00000019)Work
contrasting American System and British System of political economy by Henry C. Carey
International Political Economy at Jacobs University Bremen (http:/ / www. jacobs-university. de/ ipe/ )
Global Political Economy at City University London, UK (http:/ / www. city. ac. uk/ study/ courses/ social/
global-political-eco. html)
Centre for Global Political Economy at the University of Sussex, UK (http:/ / www. sussex. ac. uk/ cgpe)
O'Neil Center for Global Markets and Freedom at the SMU Cox School of Business Dallas, TX USA (http:/ /
www. cox. smu. edu/ web/ oneil-center/ o-neil-center-for-global-markets-and-freedom)
Institute for the study of Political Economy and Law (IPEL) at the International University College of Turin
(IUC), Italy (http:/ / www. iuctorino. it/ content/ institute-study-political-economy-and-law-ipel)
European Centre for International Political Economy (http:/ / www. ecipe. org/ )
State (polity)
45
State (polity)
The frontispiece of Thomas Hobbes' Leviathan
A state is an organized political community, living under
a government.
[1]
States may be sovereign and may enjoy a
monopoly on the legal initiation of force and are not
dependent on, or subject to any other power or state.
Many states are federated states which participate in a
federal union.
[1]
Some states are subject to external
sovereignty or hegemony where ultimate sovereignty lies
in another state.
[2]
The state can also be used to refer to the secular branches
of government within a state, often as a manner of
contrasting them with churches and civilian institutions
(civil society).
Etymology and definition
Etymology
The word state and its cognates in other European
languages (stato in Italian, tat in French, Staat in
German) ultimately derive from the Latin status, meaning
"condition" or "status."
[3]
With the revival of the Roman law in the 14th century in
Europe, this Latin term was used to refer to the legal
standing of persons (such as the various "estates of the
realm" - noble, common, and clerical), and in particular the special status of the king. The word was also associated
with Roman ideas (dating back to Cicero) about the "status rei publicae", the "condition of public matters". In time,
the word lost its reference to particular social groups and became associated with the legal order of the entire society
and the apparatus of its enforcement.
[4]
In English, "state" is a contraction of the word "estate", which is similar to the old French estat and the modern
French tat, both of which signify that a person has status and therefore estate. The highest estates, generally those
with the most wealth and social rank, were those that held power.
[5]
The early 16th century works of Machiavelli (especially The Prince) played a central role in popularizing the use of
the word "state" in something similar to its modern sense.
[6]
State (polity)
46
Definitions
There is no academic consensus on the most appropriate definition of the state.
[7]
The term "state" refers to a set of
different, but interrelated and often overlapping, theories about a certain range of political phenomena.
[8]
The act of
defining the term can be seen as part of an ideological conflict, because different definitions lead to different theories
of state function, and as a result validate different political strategies.
[9]
According to the Oxford English Dictionary, a state is "a an organized political community under one government; a
commonwealth; a nation. b such a community forming part of a federal republic, esp the United States of
America".
[1]
Max Weber's commonly used
[10]

[11]

[12]

[13]

[14]
definition describes the state as a compulsory political
organization with a centralized government that maintains a monopoly of the legitimate use of force within a certain
territory.
[15]

[16]
General categories of state institutions include administrative bureaucracies, legal systems, and
military or religious organizations.
[17]
Types of states
States may be classified as sovereign if they enjoy a monopoly of the legitimate use of force and are not dependent
on, or subject to any other power or state. Other states are subject to external sovereignty or hegemony where
ultimate sovereignty lies in another state.
[1]

[18]
Many states are federated states which participate in a federal union.
A federated state is a territorial and constitutional community forming part of a federation.
[19]
Such states differ from
sovereign states, in that they have transferred a portion of their sovereign powers to a federal government.
[1]
The state and government
The concept of the state can be distinguished from the concept of government. The government is the particular
group of people, the administrative bureaucracy, that controls the state apparatus at a given time.
[20]

[21]

[22]
That is,
governments are the means through which state power is employed. States are served by a continuous succession of
different governments.
[22]
Each successive government is composed of a specialized and privileged body of individuals, who monopolize
political decision-making, and are separated by status and organization from the population as a whole. Their
function is to enforce existing laws, legislate new ones, and arbitrate conflicts via their monopoly on violence. In
some societies, this group is often a self-perpetuating or hereditary class. In other societies, such as democracies, the
political roles remain, but there is frequent turnover of the people actually filling the positions.
[23]
States and nation-states
States can also be distinguished from the concept of a "nation", which refers to a large geographical area, and the
people therein who perceive themselves as having a common identity.
[24]
The state and civil society
The state is sometimes contrasted with civil society.
[25]

[26]

[27]
Antonio Gramsci believed that civil society is the primary locus of political activity because it is where all forms of
"identity formation, ideological struggle, the activities of intellectuals, and the construction of hegemony take place."
and that civil society was the nexus connecting the economic and political sphere. Arising out of the collective
actions of civil society is what Gramsci calls "political society", which Gramsci differentiates from the notion of the
state as a polity. He stated that politics was not a "one-way process of political management" but, rather, that the
activities of civil organizations conditioned the activities of political parties and state institutions, and were
conditioned by them in turn.
[28]

[29]
Louis Althusser argued that civil organizations such as church, schools, and the
family are part of an "ideological state apparatus" which complements the "repressive state apparatus" (such as
police and military) in reproducing social relations.
[30]

[31]

[32]
State (polity)
47
Jrgen Habermas, spoke of a public sphere that was distinct from both the economic and political sphere.
[33]
Given the role that many social groups have in in the development of public policy and the extensive connections
between state bureaucracies and other institutions, it has become increasingly difficult to identify the boundaries of
the state. Privatization, nationalization, and the creation of new regulatory bodies also change the boundaries of the
state in relation to society. Often the nature of quasi-autonomous organizations is unclear, generating debate among
political scientists on whether they are part of the state or civil society. Some political scientists thus prefer to speak
of policy networks and decentralized governance in modern societies rather than of state bureaucracies and direct
state control over policy.
[34]
Theories of state function
Most political theories of the state can roughly be classified into two categories. The first are known as "liberal" or
"conservative" theories, which treat capitalism as a given, and then concentrate on the function of states in capitalist
society. These theories tend to see the state as a neutral entity separated from society and the economy. Marxist
theories on the other hand, see politics as intimately tied in with economic relations, and emphasize the relation
between economic power and political power. They see the state as a partisan instrument that primarily serves the
interests of the upper class.
[22]
Anarchist
IWW poster "Pyramid of the Capitalist System"(c. 1911), depicting an
anarchist perspective on statist/capitalist social structures
Anarchism is a political philosophy which
considers the state immoral and instead promotes
a stateless society, or anarchy.
Anarchists believe that the state is inherently an
instrument of domination and repression, no
matter who is in control of it. Unlike Marxists,
anarchists believe that revolutionary seizure of
state power should not be a political goal. They
believe instead that the state apparatus should be
completely dismantled, and an alternative set of
social relations created, which are not based on
state power at all.
[35]

[36]
Marxist perspective
Marx and Engels were clear in that the communist
goal was a classless society in which the state
would have "withered away".
[37]
Their views are
scattered throughout the Marx/Engels Collected
Works and address past or the then extant state
forms from an analytical or tactical viewpoint, not
future social forms, speculation about which is
generally anathema to groups considering
themselves Marxist but who, not having
conquered the existing state power(s) are not in
the situation of supplying the institutional form of an actual society. To the extent that it makes sense, there is no
single "Marxist theory of state", but rather many different "Marxist" theories that have been developed by adherents
of Marxism.
[38]

[39]

[40]
State (polity)
48
Marx's early writings portrayed the state as "parasitic", built upon the superstructure of the economy, and working
against the public interest. He also wrote that the state mirrors class relations in society in general, acts as a regulator
and repressor of class struggle, and acts as a tool of political power and domination for the ruling class.
[41]
The
Communist Manifesto claimed that the state is nothing more than "a committee for managing the common affairs of
the bourgeoisie.
[38]
For Marxist theorists, the role of the non-socialist state is determined by its function in the global capitalist order.
Ralph Miliband argued that the ruling class uses the state as its instrument to dominate society by virtue of the
interpersonal ties between state officials and economic elites. For Miliband, the state is dominated by an elite that
comes from the same background as the capitalist class. State officials therefore share the same interests as owners
of capital and are linked to them through a wide array of social, economic, and political ties.
[42]
Gramsci's theories of state emphasized that the state is only one of the institutions in society that helps maintain the
hegemony of the ruling class, and that state power is bolstered by the ideological domination of the institutions of
civil society, such as churches, schools, and mass media.
[43]
Pluralism
Pluralists view society as a collection of individuals and groups, who are competing for political power. They then
view the state as a neutral body that simply enacts the will of whichever groups dominate the electoral process.
[44]
Within the pluralist tradition, Robert Dahl developed the theory of the state as a neutral arena for contending
interests or its agencies as simply another set of interest groups. With power competitively arranged in society, state
policy is a product of recurrent bargaining. Although pluralism recognizes the existence of inequality, it asserts that
all groups have an opportunity to pressure the state. The pluralist approach suggests that the modern democratic
state's actions are the result of pressures applied by a variety of organized interests. Dahl called this kind of state a
polyarchy.
[45]
Pluralism has been challenged on the ground that it is not supported by empirical evidence. Citing surveys showing
that the large majority of people in high leadership positions are members of the wealthy upper class, critics of
pluralism claim that the state serves the interests of the upper class rather than equitably serving the interests of all
social groups.
[46]

[47]
Postmodernists
Jrgen Habermas believed that the base-superstructure framework, used by many Marxist theorists to describe the
relation between the state and the economy, was overly simplistic. He felt that the modern state plays a large role in
structuring the economy, by regulating economic activity and being a large-scale economic consumer/producer, and
through its redistributive welfare state activities. Because of the way these activities structure the economic
framework, Habermas felt that the state cannot be looked at as passively responding to economic class interests.
[48]
[49]

[50]
Michel Foucault believed that modern political theory was too state-centric, saying "Maybe, after all, the state is no
more than a composite reality and a mythologized abstraction, whose importance is a lot more limited than many of
us think." He thought that political theory was focusing too much on abstract institutions, and not enough on the
actual practices of government. In Foucault's opinion, the state had no essence. He believed that instead of trying to
understand the activities of governments by analyzing the properties of the state (a reified abstraction), political
theorists should be examining changes in the practice of government to understand changes in the nature of the
state.
[51]

[52]

[53]
Heavily influenced by Gramsci, Nicos Poulantzas, a Greek neo-Marxist theorist argued that capitalist states do not
always act on behalf of the ruling class, and when they do, it is not necessarily the case because state officials
consciously strive to do so, but because the 'structural' position of the state is configured in such a way to ensure that
the long-term interests of capital are always dominant. Poulantzas' main contribution to the Marxist literature on the
State (polity)
49
state was the concept of 'relative autonomy' of the state. While Poulantzas' work on 'state autonomy' has served to
sharpen and specify a great deal of Marxist literature on the state, his own framework came under criticism for its
'structural functionalism.'
State autonomy (institutionalism)
State autonomy theorists believe that the state is an entity that is somehow impervious to external social and
economic influence, and has interests of its own.
[54]
"New institutionalist" writings on the state, such as the works of Theda Skocpol, suggest that state actors are to an
important degree autonomous. In other words, state personnel have interests of their own, which they can and do
pursue independently (at times in conflict with) actors in society. Since the state controls the means of coercion, and
given the dependence of many groups in civil society on the state for achieving any goals they may espouse, state
personnel can to some extent impose their own preferences on civil society.
[55]
G. William Domhoff claims that "The idea of the American state having any significant degree of autonomy from
the owners and managers of banks, corporations, and agribusinesses is a theoretical mistake based in empirical
inaccuracies.", citing empirical studies showing a high degree of overlap between upper-level corporate management
and high-level positions in government.
[54]

[56]
Theories of state legitimacy
States generally rely on a claim to some form of political legitimacy in order to maintain domination over their
subjects.
[5]

[57]

[58]
Divine right
The rise of the modern state system was closely related to changes in political thought, especially concerning the
changing understanding of legitimate state power. Early modern defenders of absolutism such as Thomas Hobbes
and Jean Bodin undermined the doctrine of the divine right of kings by arguing that the power of kings should be
justified by reference to the people. Hobbes in particular went further and argued that political power should be
justified with reference to the individual, not just to the people understood collectively. Both Hobbes and Bodin
thought they were defending the power of kings, not advocating democracy, but their arguments about the nature of
sovereignty were fiercely resisted by more traditional defenders of the power of kings, like Sir Robert Filmer in
England, who thought that such defenses ultimately opened the way to more democratic claims.
Rational-legal authority
Max Weber identified three main sources of political legitimacy in his works. The first, legitimacy based on
traditional grounds is derived from a belief that things should be as they have been in the past, and that those who
defend these traditions have a legitimate claim to power. The second, legitimacy based on charismatic leadership is
devotion to a leader or group that is viewed as exceptionally heroic or virtuous. The third is rational-legal authority,
whereby legitimacy is derived from the belief that a certain group has been placed in power in a legal manner, and
that their actions are justifiable according to a specific code of written laws. Weber believed that the modern state is
characterized primarily by appeals to rational-legal authority.
[59]

[60]

[61]
State (polity)
50
The historical development of the state
The earliest forms of the state emerged whenever it became possible to centralize power in a durable way.
Agriculture and writing are almost everywhere associated with this process: agriculture because it allowed for the
emergence of a class of people who did not have to spend most of their time providing for their own subsistence, and
writing (or the equivalent of writing, like Inca quipus) because it made possible the centralization of vital
information.
[62]
Pre-historic stateless societies
For most of human history, people have lived in stateless societies, characterized by a lack of concentrated authority,
and the absence of large inequalities in economic and political power.
The anthropologist Robert L. Carneiro comments:
"For 99.8 percent of human history people lived exclusively in autonomous bands and villages. At the
beginning of the Paleolithic [i.e. the stone age], the number of these autonomous political units must have been
small, but by 1000 B.C. it had increased to some 600,000. Then supra-village aggregation began in earnest,
and in barely three millenia the autonomous political units of the world dropped from 600,000 to 157. In the
light of this trend, the continued decrease from 157 to 1 seems not only inescapable but close at hand".
[63]
The anthropologist Tim Ingold writes:
"It is not enough to observe, in a now rather dated anthropological idiom, that hunter gatherers live in 'stateless
societies', as though their social lives were somehow lacking or unfinished, waiting to be completed by the
evolutionary development of a state apparatus. Rather, the principal of their socialty, as Pierre Clastres has put
it, is fundamentally against the state."
[64]
The Neolithic period
During the Neolithic period, human societies underwent major cultural and economic changes, including the
development of agriculture, the formation of sedentary societies and fixed settlements, increasing population
densities, and the use of pottery and more complex tools.
[65]

[66]
Sedentary agriculture led to the development of property rights, patriarchal societies, domestication of plants and
animals, larger family sizes, and provided the basis for the centralized state form.
[67]
Agriculture also enabled the
production of a large surplus of food, which created a more complex division of labor by enabling people to
specialize in tasks other than food production.
[68]
Early states were characterized by highly stratified societies, with a
privileged and wealthy ruling class that was subordinate to monarch. The ruling classes began to differentiate
themselves through forms of architecture and other cultural practices that were different from those of the
subordinate laboring classes.
[69]
In the past, it was suggested that the centralized state was developed to administer large public works systems (such
as irrigation systems) and to regulate complex economies. However, modern archaeological and anthropological
evidence doesn't support this thesis, pointing to evidence of several non-stratified and politically decentralized
complex societies.
[70]
The state in ancient history
Mesopotamia is generally considered to be the location of the earliest civilization or complex society, meaning that it
contained cities, full-time division of labor, social concentration of wealth into capital, unequal distribution of
wealth, ruling classes, community ties based on residency rather than kinship, long distance trade, monumental
architecture, standardized forms of art and culture, writing, and mathematics and science.
[71]
It was the world's first
literate civilization, and formed the first sets of written laws.
[72]

[73]
By the middle of the 4th millennium B.C., most
Mesopotamian settlements were fortified, signifying that organized warfare was common.
[74]
State (polity)
51
The state in classical antiquity
Painting of Roman Senators encircling Julius Caesar
Although primitive state-forms existed before the
rise of the Ancient Greek empire, the Greeks were
the first people known to have explicitly
formulated a political philosophy of the state, and
to have rationally analyzed political institutions.
Prior to this, states were described and justified in
terms of religious myths.
[75]
Several important political innovations of
classical antiquity came from the Greek
city-states and the Roman Republic. The Greek
city-states before the 4th century granted
citizenship rights to their free population, and in
Athens these rights were combined with a directly democratic form of government that was to have a long afterlife in
political thought and history.
[76]
The feudal state
During Medieval times in Europe, the state was organized on the principle of feudalism, and the relationship
between lord and vassal became central to social organization. Feudalism led to the development of greater social
hierarchies.
[77]
The formalization of the struggles over taxation between the monarch and other elements of society (especially the
nobility and the cities) gave rise to what is now called the Standestaat, or the state of Estates, characterized by
parliaments in which key social groups negotiated with the king about legal and economic matters. These estates of
the realm sometimes evolved in the direction of fully-fledged parliaments, but sometimes lost out in their struggles
with the monarch, leading to greater centralization of lawmaking and military power in his hands. Beginning in the
15th century, this centralizing process gives rise to the absolutist state.
[78]
The modern state
Cultural and national homogenization figured prominently in the rise of the modern state system. Since the absolutist
period, states have largely been organized on a national basis. The concept of a national state, however, is not
synonymous with nation state. Even in the most ethnically homogeneous societies there is not always a complete
correspondence between state and nation, hence the active role often taken by the state to promote nationalism
through emphasis on shared symbols and national identity.
[79]
State (polity)
52
References
Notes
[1] "state". Concise Oxford English Dictionary (Oxford University Press). 1995. "3 (also State) a an organized political community under one
government; a commonwealth; a nation. b such a community forming part of a federal republic, esp the United States of America"
[2] For example the Vichy France officially referred to itself as l'tat franais.
[3] Hay, 2001: p. 1469 (http:/ / books.google.com/ books?id=lSmU3aXWIAYC& pg=PA1469)
[4] Skinner, 1989:
[5] Vincent, 1992: p. 43 (http:/ / books.google.com/ books?id=_MdR_fvPxZoC& pg=PA43)
[6] Bobbio, 1989: pp.57-58 (http:/ / books.google.com/ books?id=4AE8ur83g8AC& pg=PA57)
[7] Cudworth et al, 2007: p. 1
[8] Barrow, 1993: pp. 9-10
[9] Barrow, 1993: pp. 10-11
[10] Dubreuil, Benot (2010). Human Evolution and the Origins of Hierarchies: The State of Nature (http:/ / books. google. com/
books?id=qBXvK0EkTcwC& pg=PA189). Cambridge University Press. p.189. ISBN9780521769488. .
[11] Gordon, Scott (2002). Controlling the State: Constitutionalism from Ancient Athens to Today (http:/ / books. google. com/
books?id=5OTyH71czwsC& pg=PA4). Harvard University Press. p.4. ISBN9780674009776. .
[12] Hay, Colin (2001). Routledge Encyclopedia of International Political Economy (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=lSmU3aXWIAYC&
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[18] "sovereign", The New Oxford American Dictionary (Oxford: Oxford University Press), ISBN0-19-517077-6, "adjective ... [ attrib. ] (of a
nation or state) fully independent and determining its own affairs: a sovereign, democratic republic."
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--
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State (polity)
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Bibliography
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Further reading
Barrow, Clyde W. (2002). "The Miliband-Poulantzas Debate: An Intellectual History" (http:/ / books. google.
com/ books?id=occGXv3T0ycC& pg=PA3). In Aronowitz, Stanley & Bratsis, Peter. Paradigm lost: state theory
reconsidered. University of Minnesota Press. ISBN9780816632930.
Bottomore, T. B., ed (1991). "The State" (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=q4QwNP_K1pYC& pg=PA520).
A Dictionary of Marxist thought (2nd ed.). Wiley-Blackwell. ISBN9780631180821.
Bratsis, Peter (2006). Everyday Life and the State (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=mh_zAAAAMAAJ).
Paradigm. ISBN9781594512193.
Faulks, Keith (2000). "Classical Theories of the State and Civil Society" (http:/ / books. google. com/
books?id=_fjCczhvWj0C& pg=PA32). Political sociology: a critical introduction. NYU Press.
ISBN9780814727096.
Feldbrugge, Ferdinand J. M., ed (2003). The law's beginning (http:/ / books. google. com/
books?id=DG_HMgPYMlMC). Martinus Nijhoff Publishers. ISBN9789004137059.
Fisk, Milton (1989). The state and justice: an essay in political theory (http:/ / books. google. com/
books?id=UVv1oS3afmIC). Cambridge University Press. ISBN9780521389662.
Friedeburg, Robert von (2011). State Forms and State Systems in Modern Europe (http:/ / nbn-resolving. de/
urn:nbn:de:0159-2010102576). Institute of European History,.
Green, Penny & Ward, Tony (2009). "Violence and the State" (http:/ / books. google. com/
books?id=ZhxIDseBcpcC& pg=PA116). In Coleman, Roy et al.. State, Power, Crime. SAGE.
ISBN9781412948050.
Hall, John A., ed (1994). The state: critical concepts (Vol. 1 & 2) (http:/ / books. google. com/
books?id=EFmfJlNFEKgC). Taylor & Francis. ISBN9780415086837.
Hansen, Thomas Blom & Stepputat, Finn, ed (2001). States of imagination: ethnographic explorations of the
postcolonial state (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=pk9W2W6LCpIC). Duke University Press.
ISBN9780822327981.
Hoffman, John (1995). Beyond the state: an introductory critique (http:/ / books. google. com/
books?id=TG6OQgAACAAJ). Polity Press. ISBN9780745611815.
Hoffman, John (2004). Citizenship beyond the state (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=nHu8uwrBO6gC).
SAGE. ISBN9780761949428.
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Jessop, Bob (1990). State theory: putting the Capitalist state in its place (http:/ / books. google. com/
books?id=HcxBBhXjAUcC). Penn State Press. ISBN9780271007359.
Jessop, Bob (2009). "Redesigning the State, Reorienting State Power, and Rethinking the State" (http:/ / books.
google. com/ books?id=U5_HatyUydwC& pg=PA41). In Leicht, Kevin T. & Jenkins, J. Craig. Handbook of
Politics: State and Society in Global Perspective. Springer. ISBN9780387689296.
Lefebvre, Henri (2009). Brenner, Neil & Elden, Stuart. ed. State, space, world: selected essays (http:/ / books.
google. com/ books?id=5cYnB3KsqdkC). University of Minnesota Press. ISBN9780816653171.
Long, Roderick T. & Machan, Tibor R. (2008). Anarchism/minarchism: is a government part of a free country?
(http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=PUev30VZ04kC). Ashgate Publishing. ISBN9780754660668.
Mann, Michael (1994). "The Autonomous Power of the State: It's Origins, Mechanisms, and Results" (http:/ /
books. google. com/ books?id=EFmfJlNFEKgC& pg=PA331). In Hall, John A.. The State: critical concepts,
Volume 1. Taylor & Francis. ISBN9780415086806.
Oppenheimer, Franz (1975). The state (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=_dJXaqobz4AC). Black Rose
Books. ISBN9780919618596.
Poulantzas, Nicos & Camiller, Patrick (2000). State, power, socialism (http:/ / books. google. com/
books?id=ejTYwLoZtY4C). Verso. ISBN9781859842744.
Sanders, John T. & Narveson, Jan (1996). For and against the state: new philosophical readings (http:/ / books.
google. com/ books?id=7k_gBlYQwOcC). Rowman & Littlefield. ISBN9780847681655.
Scott, James C. (1998). Seeing like a state: how certain schemes to improve the human condition have failed
(http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=PqcPCgsr2u0C). Yale University Press. ISBN9780300078152.
Taylor, Michael (1982). Community, anarchy, and liberty (http:/ / books. google. com/
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Uzgalis, William (May 5, 2007). "John Locke" (http:/ / plato. stanford. edu/ entries/ locke/ index. html). Stanford
Encyclopedia of Philosophy.
57
Forms of Government
Form of government
Government refers to the legislators, administrators, and arbitrators in the administrative bureaucracy who control a
state at a given time, and to the system of government by which they are organized.
[1]

[2]
Government is the means
by which state policy is enforced, as well as the mechanism for determining the policy of the state. A form of
government, or form of state governance, refers to the set of political institutions by which a government of a state
is organized. Synonyms include "regime type" and "system of government".
States are served by a continuous succession of different governments.
[3]
Each successive government is composed
of a body of individuals who control and exercise control over political decision-making. Their function is to enforce
laws, legislate new ones, and arbitrate conflicts. In some societies, this group is often a self-perpetuating or
hereditary class. In other societies, such as democracies, the political roles remain, but there is frequent turnover of
the people actually filling the positions.
[4]
The word government is derived from the Latin verb gubernare, an infinitive meaning "to govern" or "to manage".
In parliamentary systems, the word "government" is used to refer to what in presidential systems would be the
executive branch. In parliamentary systems, the government is composed of the prime minister and the cabinet. In
other cases, "government" refers to executive, legislative, judicial, bureaucratic, and possibly also devolved powers.
In most Western societies, there is a clear distinction between a government and the state. Public disapproval of a
particular government (expressed, for example, by not re-electing an incumbent) does not necessarily represent
disapproval of the state itself (i.e. of the particular framework of government). However, in some totalitarian
regimes, there is not a clear distinction between the regime and the state. In fact, leaders in such regimes often
attempt to deliberately blur the lines between the two, in order to conflate their interests with those of the polity.
[5]
Classifying governments
In political science, it has long been a goal to create a typology or taxonomy of polities, as typologies of political
systems are not obvious.
[6]
It is especially important in the political science fields of comparative politics and
international relations.
On the surface, identifying a form of government appears to be easy, as all governments has an official form. United
States is a federal republic while the former Soviet Union was a socialist republic. However self-identification is not
objective, and as Kopstein and Lichbach argue, defining regimes can be tricky.
[7]
For example, elections are a
defining characteristic of a democracy, but in practice elections in the former Soviet Union were not "free and fair"
and took place in a single party state. Thus in many practical classifications it would not be considered democratic.
Another complication is that a huge number of political systems originate as socio-economic movements and are
then carried into governments by specific parties naming themselves after those movements. Experience with those
movements in power, and the strong ties they may have to particular forms of government, can cause them to be
considered as forms of government in themselves.
Form of government
58
Maps
States by their systems of government. For the complete list of systems by country, see
List of countries by system of government. presidential republics, presidential systemfull
presidential systempresidential republics, parliamentary systemparliament supervising
an executive presidentexecutive presidencypresidential republics, semi-presidential
systemparliamentary republicsparliamentary systemparliamentary constitutional
monarchyconstitutional monarchies in which the monarch does not personally exercise
powerconstitutional monarchyconstitutional monarchies in which the monarch
personally exercises power, often alongside a weak parliamentabsolute
monarchyabsolute monarchiesstates whose constitutions grant only a single-party
statesingle party the right to governstates where constitutional provisions for
government have been suspended
Countries highlighted in blue are designated "electoral democracies" in Freedom House's
2010 survey "Freedom in the World".
[8]
Freedom House considers democracy in
practice, not merely official claims.
Types of governments
Authoritarian Authoritarian
governments are characterized by
an emphasis on the authority of the
state in a republic or union. It is a
political system controlled by
unelected rulers who usually permit
some degree of individual freedom.
Anarchism - Sometimes said to be
non-governance; it is a structure
which strives for non-hierarchical
voluntary associations among
agents.
Constitutional monarchy A
government that has a monarch, but
one whose powers are limited by
law or by a formal constitution,
such as the United Kingdom
[9]

[10]
Constitutional republic A
government whose powers are
limited by law or a formal
constitution, and chosen by a vote
amongst at least some sections of
the populace (Ancient Sparta was in
its own terms a republic, though
most inhabitants were
disenfranchised; The early United
States was a republic, but the large
numbers of African Americans and
women did not have the vote).
Republics which exclude sections
of the populace from participation
will typically claim to represent all
citizens (by defining people without the vote as "non-citizens").
Democracy Rule by a government chosen by election where most of the populace are enfranchised. The key
distinction between a democracy and other forms of constitutional government is usually
Form of government
59
A world map distinguishing countries of the world as monarchies (red) from other forms
of government (blue). Many monarchies are considered electoral democracies because the
monarch is largely ceremonial; in other cases the monarch is the only powerful political
authority.
taken to be that the right to vote is
not limited by a person's wealth or
race (the main qualification for
enfranchisement is usually having
reached a certain age). A
Democratic government is,
therefore, one supported (at least at
the time of the election) by a
majority of the populace (provided
the election was held fairly). A
"majority" may be defined in
different ways. There are many
"power-sharing" (usually in
countries where people mainly identify themselves by race or religion) or "electoral-college" or "constituency"
systems where the government is not chosen by a simple one-vote-per-person headcount.
Dictatorship Rule by an individual who has full power over the country. The term may refer to a system where
the dictator came to power, and holds it, purely by force - but it also includes systems where the dictator first
came to power legitimately but then was able to amend the constitution so as to, in effect, gather all power for
themselves.
[11]
See also Autocracy and Stratocracy.
Emirate - similar to a monarchy or sultanate, but a government in which the supreme power is in the hands of an
emir (the ruler of a Muslim state); the emir may be an absolute overlord or a sovereign with constitutionally
limited authority.
[12]
Monarchy Rule by an individual who has inherited the role and expects to bequeath it to their heir.
[13]
Oligarchy Rule by a small group of people who share similar interests or family relations.
[14]
Plutocracy A government composed of the wealthy class. Any of the forms of government listed here can be
plutocracy. For instance, if all of the voted representatives in a republic are wealthy, then it is a republic and a
plutocracy.
Republic is a form of government in which the people, or some significant portion of them, have supreme control
over the government and where offices of state are elected or chosen by elected people.
[15]

[16]
In modern times, a
common simplified definition of a republic is a government where the head of state is not a monarch.
[17]

[18]
Montesquieu included both democracies, where all the people have a share in rule, and aristocracies or
oligarchies, where only some of the people rule, as republican forms of government.
[19]
Theocracy Rule by a religious elite.
[20]
Totalitarian Totalitarian governments regulate nearly every aspect of public and private life.
By source (type of authority)
Autocracy (The Rule of One)
Dictatorship
Military dictatorship
Stratocracy
Despotism
Kleptocracy
Kritarchy
Monarchy
Absolute monarchy
Constitutional monarchy
Form of government
60
Duchy
Grand Duchy
Diarchy
Enlightened absolutism
Elective monarchy
Hereditary monarchy
Non-Sovereign Monarchy
Popular monarchy
Principality
New Monarchs
Self-proclaimed monarchy
Sultanism
Regent
Plutocracy
Timocracy
Theocracy
Tyranny
Oligarchy (Rule by Few)
Saeculum obscurum
Aristocracy
Noocracy - aristocracy of the wise
Synarchism - rule by secret elite
Anarchy (Absence of organized government)
Ochlocracy
Tribalism
Anarchism (Government of consent, not coercion)
Anarchist communism
Libertarian socialism
Libertarian municipalism
Anarcho-capitalism
Isocracy
Socialism
Socialist state
Communist state
Collective leadership
State socialism
Soviet republic (system of government)
Fascism (Totalitarian Single-Party State)
National Socialism
Democracy (The Say of the People)
Consociationalism
Deliberative democracy
Democratic socialism
Totalitarian democracy
Form of government
61
Dictatorship of the proletariat
Direct democracy
Egalitarianism
Futarchy
Open source governance
Participatory democracy
Representative democracy
Parliamentary system
Consensus government
Westminster system
Polyarchy
Presidential system
Semi-presidential system
Republic
Constitutional republic
Parliamentary republic
Federal Republic
Significant attributes
Certain major characteristics are defining of certain types; others are historically associated with certain types of
government.
Nomocracy - rule of law
Civilian control of the military
Totalitarianism vs. liberty
Police state
Economic system (e.g. capitalism, socialism, welfare state)
By approach to regional autonomy
This list focuses on differing approaches that political systems take to the distribution of sovereignty, and the
autonomy of regions within the state.
Sovereignty located exclusively at the center of political jurisdiction.
Empire
Sovereignty located at the centre and in peripheral areas.
Federation and Federal republic
Confederation
Diverging degrees of sovereignty.
Asymmetrical federalism
Federacy
Associated state
Devolved state - sovereignty can be abolished without changing the constitution.
Form of government
62
References
[1] "government". Oxford English Dictionary (Online ed.). Oxford University Press. November 2010.
[2] Bealey, Frank, ed (1999). "government" (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=6EuKLlzYoTMC& pg=PA147). The Blackwell dictionary of
political science: a user's guide to its terms. Wiley-Blackwell. p.147. ISBN9780631206958. .
[3] Flint, Colin & Taylor, Peter (2007). Political Geography: World Economy, Nation-State, and Locality (http:/ / books. google. com/
books?id=GXz9xHdHeZcC) (5th ed.). Pearson/Prentice Hall. p.137. ISBN978-0-13-196012-1. .
[4] Barclay, Harold (1990). People Without Government: An Anthropology of Anarchy. Left Bank Books. p.31. ISBN1871082161.
[5] Holsti, Kalevi Jaako (1996). The state, war, and the state of war (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=5S_jQSUghsYC& pg=PA84).
Cambridge University Press. pp.8485. ISBN9780521577908. .
[6] Lewellen, Ted C. Political Anthropology: An Introduction Third Edition. Praeger Publishers; 3rd edition (November 30, 2003)
[7] Kopstein and Lichbach (2005:4)
[8] "Freedom in the World" (http:/ / www. freedomhouse.org/ uploads/ fiw10/ FIW_2010_Tables_and_Graphs. pdf) (PDF). . Retrieved
2011-12-13.
[9] Fotopoulos, Takis, The Multidimensional Crisis ad Inclusive Democracy. (Athens: Gordios, 2005).( English translation (http:/ / www.
inclusivedemocracy. org/ fotopoulos/ english/ brbooks/ multi_crisis_id. htm) of the book with the same title published in Greek).
[10] "Victorian Electronic Democracy : Glossary" (http:/ / web. archive. org/ web/ 20071213045132/ http:/ / www. parliament. vic. gov. au/
SARC/ E-Democracy/ Final_Report/ Glossary. htm). July 28, 2005. Archived from the original (http:/ / www. parliament. vic. gov. au/ SARC/
E-Democracy/ Final_Report/ Glossary.htm) on 2007-12-13. .
[11] American 503
[12] CIA - The World Factbook - Field Listing :: Government type (http:/ / www. cia. gov/ library/ publications/ the-world-factbook/ fields/
2128. html)
[13] American 1134
[14] American 1225
[15] Montesquieu, The Spirit of the Laws (1748), Bk. II, ch. 1.
[16] "Republic". Encyclopdia Britannica.
[17] "republic" (http:/ / dictionary. reference. com/ browse/ republic), WordNet 3.0 (Dictionary.com), , retrieved 20 March 2009
[18] "Republic" (http:/ / www. merriam-webster. com/ dictionary/ republic). Merriam-Webster. . Retrieved August 14, 2010.
[19] Montesquieu, Spirit of the Laws, Bk. II, ch. 23.
[20] American 1793
Further reading
Kjaer, Anne Mette (2004). Governance (http:/ / books. google.com/ books?id=AY5SIsf1nI4C). Wiley-Blackwell.
ISBN9780745629797.
Newton, Kenneth & Van Deth, Jan W. (2005). Foundations of Comparative Politics (http:/ / books. google.com/
books?id=jkPIY_lVKUIC). Cambridge University Press. ISBN0521536200.
Sharma, Urmila & Sharma, S.K. (2000). "Forms of Government" (http:/ / books. google. com/
books?id=qdZ3VRRLDrgC& pg=PA406). Principles and Theory of Political Science. Atlantic Publishers &
Distributors. ISBN9788171569380.
Boix, Carles (2003). Democracy and Redistribution. New York: Cambridge University Press.
Bunce, Valerie. 2003. Rethinking Recent Democratization: Lessons from the Postcommunist Experience. World
Politics 55(2):167-192.
Colomer, Josep M. (2003). Political Institutions. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Dahl, Robert Polyarchy Yale University Press (1971)
Heritage, Andrew, Editor-in-Chief. 2000. World Desk Reference
Lijphart, Arend (1977). Democracy in Plural Societies: A Comparative Exploration. New Haven: Yale University
Press.
Linz, Juan. 2000. Totalitarian and Authoritarian Regimes. Boulder: Lynne Rienner.
Linz, Juan, and Stepan, Alfred. 1996. Problems of Democratic Transition and Consolidation: Southernn Europe,
South America, and Post-Communist Europe. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press.
Lichbach, Mark and Alan Zukerman, eds. 1997. Comparative Politics: Rationality, Culture, and Structure,
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997.
Luebbert, Gregory M. 1987. Social Foundations of Political Order in Interwar Europe, World Politics 39, 4.
Form of government
63
Moore, Barrington, Jr. 1966. Social Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy: Lord and Peasant in the Making of
the Modern World. Cambridge: Beacon Press, ch. 7-9.
Comparative politics : interests, identities, and institutions in a changing global order/edited by Jeffrey Kopstein,
Mark Lichbach, 2nd ed, Cambridge University Press, 2005.
ODonnell, Guillermo. 1970. Modernization and Bureaucratic-Authoritarianism. Berkeley: University of
California.
ODonnell, Guillermo, Schmitter, Philippe C., and Whitehead, Laurence, eds., Transitions from Authoritarian
Rule: comparative Perspectives. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press.
Przeworski, Adam. 1992. Democracy and the Market: Political and Economic Reforms in Eastern Europe and
Latin America, New York: Cambridge University Press.
Przeworski, Adam, Alvarez, Michael, Cheibub, Jose, and Limongi, Fernando. 2000. Democracy and
Development: Political Institutions and Well Being in the World, 1950-1990. New York: Cambridge University
Press.
Shugart, Mathhew and John M. Carey, Presidents and Assemblies: Constitutional Design and Electoral
Dynamics, New York, Cambridge Univ. Press, 1992.
Taagepera, Rein and Matthew Shugart. 1989. Seats and votes: The effects and determinants of electoral systems,
Yale Univ. Press.
External links
Electronic interuniversity journal Federalism-e (http:/ / www. federalism-e. com)
Types of Governments from Historical Atlas of the 20th Century (http:/ / users. erols. com/ mwhite28/ 20c-govt.
htm)
Other classifications examples from Historical Atlas of the 20th Century (http:/ / users. erols. com/ mwhite28/
othergov. htm)
http:/ / stutzfamily. com/ mrstutz/ WorldAffairs/ typesofgovt. html
Regime Types (http:/ / www. polisci. ccsu. edu/ brown/ regime_types. htm)
CBBC Newsround : types of government (http:/ / news. bbc. co. uk/ cbbcnews/ hi/ find_out/ guides/ world/
united_nations/ types_of_government/ )
Political system
64
Political system
A political system is a system of politics and government. It is usually compared to the legal system, economic
system, cultural system, and other social systems. However, this is a very simplified view of a much more complex
system of categories involving the views: who should have authority, how religious questions should be handled, and
what the government's influence on its people and economy should be.
Overview
There are several definitions of "political system":
A political system is a complete set of institutions, interest groups (such as political parties, trade unions, lobby
groups), the relationships between those institutions and the political norms and rules that govern their functions
(constitution, election law).
A political system is composed of the members of a social organization (group) who are in power.
A political system is a system that necessarily has two properties: a set of interdependent components and
boundaries toward the environment with which it interacts.
A political system is a concept in which theoretically regarded as a way of the government makes a policy and
also to make them more organized in their administration.
A political system is one that ensures the maintaining of order and sanity in the society and at the same time
makes it possible for some other institutions to also have their grievances and complaints put across in the course
of social existence.
Commonalities between political systems:
Interdependent parts
Citizens Culture
Government
Boundaries
Citizenship
Territory
Property
Basic forms of political systems
The following are examples of political systems, some of which are typically mutually exclusive (e.g. Monarchy and
Republic), while others may (or may not) overlap in various combinations (e.g. Democracy and Westminster system,
Democracy and Socialism).
Anarchism (Rule by no one)
Democracy (Rule by the popular vote)
Monarchy. (Rule by one person) Monarchies are one of the oldest political systems known, developing from tribal
structure with one person the absolute ruler.
Meritocracy (Rule by best) only practiced by a few parties in the world such a GMP UK
[1]
Technocracy (Rule by experts)
Republic (Rule by non-monarch) The first recorded republic was in India in the 6th century BC (BCE).
Sultanate (Rule by one person and Allah) an Islamic political structure combining aspects of monarchy and
theocracy
Theocracy (Rule by God and his representatives) and other religions too; also can force convert other
non-religious person in any type in this system
Political system
65
Parliamentary democracy (rule by the popular vote through parliament)
Feudalism (Rule by lord/king)
Fascism (Rule by a leader)
Oligarchy (Rule by a few)
Military government (Rule by military)
Aristocracy (Rule by nobles)
Plutocracy (Rule by money)
Communism (Rule by workers)
Socialism (Rule by equality)
Anthropological forms of political systems
Anthropologists generally recognize four kinds of political systems, two of which are uncentralized and two of
which are centralized.
[2]
Uncentralized systems
Band
Tribe
Centralized systems
Chiefdom
State
Main differences
Uncentralized systems
Band
Small kin group, no larger than an extended family or clan; it has been defined as consisting of no more
than 30 to 50 individuals.
A band can cease to exist if only a small group walks out.
Tribe
Generally larger, consisting of many families. Tribes have more social institutions, such as a chief, big man,
or elders.
More permanent than bands; a band can cease to exist if only a small group walks out. Many tribes are
sub-divided into bands.
Centralized systems
Chiefdom
More complex than a tribe or a band society, and less complex than a state or a civilization
Characterized by pervasive inequality and centralization of authority.
A single lineage/family of the elite class becomes the ruling elite of the chiefdom
Complex chiefdoms have two or even three tiers of political hierarchy.
"An autonomous political unit comprising a number of villages or communities under the permanent control
of a paramount chief"
State
A sovereign state is a state with a permanent population, a defined territory, a government and the capacity
to enter into relations with other sovereign states.
Political system
66
Notes
[1] http:/ / gmpuk. ucoz. co. uk
[2] Haviland, W.A. (2003). Anthropology: Tenth Edition. Wadsworth:Belmont, CA.
References
Almond, Gabriel A., et al. Comparative Politics Today: A World View (Seventh Edition). 2000. ISBN
0316034975
June 25, 2011.
External links
For further resources on political theory and the mechanics of political system design, see the Governance and
Social Development Resource Centre's topic guide on political systems (http:/ / www. gsdrc. org/ go/
topic-guides/ political-systems)
Monarchy
A monarchy is a form of government in which the office of head of state is usually held until death or abdication, is
most often hereditary, and usually accords official pre-eminence to members of the reigning dynasty. The monarch
often bears the title king or queen. However, emperor/empress, grand duke/grand duchess, prince/princess and other
terms are or have been used to designate monarchs. Although the word monarch derives from the term 'single ruler',
traditionally heads of state bearing the title president or premier are not officially considered monarchs.
King Solomon's royal court.
Historically, the notion of monarchy may emerge under different
circumstances. It may grow out of tribal kingship, and royal
priesthood and the office of monarch (kings) becoming typically
hereditary, resulting in successive dynasties or "houses". It may also
be a consequent emergence after an act of violence is committed
upon local communities by an invading group, which usurps the
communities' rights over traditions. The leader of the usurping group
often establishes himself as a monarch. A state of monarchy is said
to result that reveals the relationships between resources,
communities, monarch and his office.
In some cases, the monarch is elected. Even in antiquity, the strict
hereditary succession could be tempered by systems of elective
monarchy, where an assembly elects a new monarch out of a pool of
eligible candidates. These exceptions make it difficult to define
"monarchy" precisely. The most objective and comprehensive (albeit
circular) definition would seem to be that a monarchy is a
government that calls itself a monarchy.
Monarchy was the most common form of government into the 19th century, but so many countries have abolished it
that it is no longer prevalent, at least at the national level. Where it persists, it now often takes the form of
constitutional monarchy, in which the monarch
Monarchy
67
King Leopold I, elected founder of the hereditary
monarchy of Belgium.
retains a unique legal and ceremonial role, but exercises limited or no
political power pursuant to a constitution or tradition which allocates
governing authority elsewhere. Currently, 44 sovereign nations in the
world have monarchs acting as heads of state, 16 of which are
Commonwealth realms that recognize Queen Elizabeth II as their
head of state. All European monarchies are constitutional ones, with
the exception of the Vatican City, but sovereigns in the smaller states
exercise greater political influence than in the larger. The monarchs of
Cambodia, Japan, Jordan, Malaysia and Morocco "reign, but do not
rule" although their is considerable variation in the amount of
authority they wield. Although they reign under constitutions, the
monarchs of Brunei, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia and Swaziland
appear to continue to exercise more political influence than any other
single source of authority in their nations, either by constitutional
mandate or by tradition.
Absolute monarchySemi-constitutional monarchyConstitutional
monarchyCommonwealth realms (consitutional monarchies in personal
union)Subnational monarchies (traditional)
Etymology
The word monarch (Latin: monarcha)
comes from the Greek monrches,
(from mnos, ,
"one/singular," and rchon, ,
"leader/ruler/chief") which referred to
a single, at least nominally absolute
ruler. In current usage the word
monarchy generally refers to a
traditional system of hereditary rule, as
elective monarchies are rare in the
modern period.
History
Tribal kingship is often connected to sacral functions, so that the king acts as a priest, or is considered of divine
ancestry. The sacral function of kingship was transformed into the notion of "divine right of kings" in the Christian
Middle Ages, while the Chinese, Japanese and Nepalese monarchs continued to be considered living gods into the
modern period.
The system of monarchy since antiquity has contrasted with forms of democracy, where executive power is wielded
by assemblies of free citizens. In antiquity, monarchies were abolished in favour of such assemblies in Ancient
Rome (Roman Republic, 509 BC), Ancient Athens (Athenian democracy, 500 BC).
In Germanic antiquity, kingship was primarily a sacral function, and the king was elected from among eligible
members of royal families by the thing. Such ancient "parliamentarism" declined during the European Middle Ages,
but it survived in forms of regional assemblies, such as the Icelandic Commonwealth, the Swiss Landsgemeinde and
later Tagsatzung, and the High Medieval communal movement linked to the rise of medieval town privileges.
Monarchy
68
The modern resurgence of parliamentarism and anti-monarchism begins with the overthrow of the English monarchy
by the Parliament of England in 1649, followed by American Revolution of 1776 and the French Revolution of
1792. Much of 19th century politics was characterized by the division between anti-monarchist Radicalism and
monarchist Conservativism.
Many countries abolished the monarchy in the 20th century and became republics, especially in the wake of either
World War I or World War II. Advocacy of republics is called republicanism, while advocacy of monarchies is
called monarchism.
Characteristics and role
A 19th century portrayal of Emperor Jimmu, the first
Emperor of Japan.
Monarchies are associated with political or sociocultural
hereditary rule, in which monarchs rule for life (although some
monarchs do not hold lifetime positions, such as the Yang
di-Pertuan Agong of Malaysia, who serves a five-year term) and
pass the responsibilities and power of the position to their children
or family when they die. Most monarchs, both historically and in
the modern day, have been born and brought up within a royal
family, the center of the royal household and court. Growing up in
a royal family (when present for several generations it may be
called a dynasty), and future monarchs were often trained for the
responsibilities of expected future rule.
Different systems of succession have been used, such as proximity
of blood, primogeniture, and agnatic seniority (Salic law). While
traditionally most modern monarchs have been male, many female
monarchs also have ruled in history; the term queen regnant may
refer to a ruling monarch, while a queen consort may refer to the
wife of a reigning king. Form of governments may be hereditary
without being considered monarchies, such as that of family
dictatorships
[1]
or political families in many democracies.
[2]
The principal advantage of hereditary monarchy is the immediate
continuity of leadership, usually with a short interregnum (as seen
in the classic phrase "The King is dead. Long live the King!").
Some monarchies are non-hereditary. In an elective monarchy, monarchs are elected, or appointed by some body (an
electoral college) for life or a defined period, but otherwise serve as any other monarch. Three elective monarchies
exist today, Malaysia and the United Arab Emirates are twentieth-century creations, while one (the papacy) is
ancient.
A self-proclaimed monarchy is established when a person claims the monarchy without any historical ties to a
previous dynasty. Napoleon I of France declared himself Emperor of the French and ruled the First French Empire
after previously calling himself First Consul following his seizure of power in the coup of 18 Brumaire. Jean-Bdel
Bokassa of the Central African Republic declared himself "Emperor" of the Central African Empire. Yuan Shikai
crowned himself Emperor of the short-lived "Empire of China" a few years after the Republic of China was founded.
Monarchy
69
Powers of monarch
Today, the extent of a monarch's powers varies:
In an absolute monarchy, the monarch rules as an autocrat, with absolute power over the state and
governmentfor example, the right to rule by decree, promulgate laws, and impose punishments. Absolute
monarchies are not necessarily authoritarian; the enlightened absolutists of the Age of Enlightenment were
monarchs who allowed various freedoms.
In a constitutional monarchy the monarch is subject to a constitution. The monarch serves as a ceremonial
figurehead symbol of national unity and state continuity. The monarch is nominally sovereign but the electorate,
through their parliament/legislature, exercise a usually limited political sovereignty. Constitutional monarchs have
limited political power, except in Japan, where the constitution grants no power to the Emperor. Typical
monarchical powers include granting pardons, granting honours, and reserve powers, e.g. to dismiss the prime
minister, refuse to dissolve parliament, or veto legislation ("withhold Royal Assent"). they often also have
privileges of inviolability, sovereign immunity, and an official residence. A monarch's powers and influence may
depend on tradition, precedent, popular opinion, and law.
In other cases the monarch's power is limited, not due to constitutional restraints, but to effective military rule. In
the late Roman Empire, the Praetorian Guard several times deposed Roman Emperors and installed new
emperors. The Hellenistic kings of Macedon and of Epirus were elected by the army, which was similar in
composition to the ecclesia of democracies, the council of all free citizens; military service often was linked with
citizenship among the male members of the royal house. Military domination of the monarch has occurred in
modern Thailand and in medieval Japan (where a hereditary military chief, the shogun was the de facto ruler,
although the Japanese emperor nominally ruled). In Fascist Italy the Savoy monarchy under King Victor
Emmanuel III coexisted with the Fascist single-party rule of Benito Mussolini; Romania under the Iron Guard and
Greece during the first months of the Colonels' regime were much the same way. Spain under Francisco Franco
was officially a monarchy, although there was no monarch on the throne. Upon his death, Franco was succeeded
as head of state by the Bourbon heir, Juan Carlos I, who proceeded to make Spain a democracy with himself as a
figurehead constitutional monarch.
Monarchy
70
Person of monarch
Postcard of ruling monarchs, taken in 1908 between
February (accession of King Manuel II of Portugal) and
November (death of Guangxu Emperor).
Most states only have a single person acting as monarch at
any given time, although two monarchs have ruled
simultaneously in some countries, a situation known as
diarchy. Historically this was the case in the ancient Greek
city-state of Sparta or 17th-century Russia, and there are
examples of joint sovereignty of spouses or relatives (such as
William and Mary in the Kingdoms of England and Scotland).
Other examples of joint sovereignty include Tsars Peter I and
Ivan V of Russia and Charles V, Holy Roman Emperor and
Joanna of Castile of the Crown of Castile.
Andorra currently is the world's sole constitutional diarchy or
co-principality. Located in the Pyrenees between Spain and
France, it has two co-princes: the Bishop of Urgell (a
prince-bishop) in Spain and the President of France. It is the
only situation in which an independent country's monarch is
democratically elected by the citizens of another country.
In a personal union, separate independent states share the
same crown with one person as the monarch. The sixteen
separate Commonwealth realms are sometimes described as
being in a personal union with Queen Elizabeth II as monarch,
however, legally each Commonwealth Realm has its own
crown or monarchy, so they can also be described as being in
a Shared Monarchy.
A regent may rule when the monarch is a minor, absent, or
debilitated.
A pretender is a claimant to an abolished throne or to a throne already occupied by somebody else.
Abdication is when a monarch resigns.
Monarchs often take part in certain ceremonies, such as a coronation.
Role of religion
Monarchy, especially absolute monarchy, sometimes is linked to religious aspects; many monarchs once claimed the
right to rule by the will of a deity (Divine Right of Kings, Mandate of Heaven), a special connection to a deity
(sacred king) or even purported to be divine kings, or incarnations of deities themselves (imperial cult). Many
European monarchs have been styled Fidei defensor (Defender of the Faith); some hold official positions relating to
the state religion or established church.
In the Western Catholic political tradition, a morally-based, balanced monarchy is stressed as the ideal form of
government, and little reverence is paid to modern-day ideals of egalitarian democracy: e.g. Saint Thomas Aquinas
unapologetically declares: "Tyranny is wont to occur not less but more frequently on the basis of polyarchy [rule by
many, i.e. oligarchy or democracy] than on the basis of monarchy." (On Kingship). However, Thomas Aquinas also
stated that the ideal monarchical system would also have at lower levels of government both an aristocracy and
elements of democracy in order to created a balance of power. The monarch would also be subject to both natural
and divine law, as well, and also be subject to the Church in matters of religion.
Monarchy
71
In Dante Alighieri's De Monarchia, a spiritualized, imperial Catholic monarchy is strongly promoted according to a
Ghibelline world-view in which the "royal religion of Melchizedek" is emphasized against the sacerdotal claims of
the rival papal ideology.
In Islam, a caliph is a head of state who is both a temporal leader (of the caliphate, Islamic state) and a religious one
(leader of the Ummah, community of believers).
Titles of monarchs
Monarchs have various titles, including king or queen, prince or princess (Sovereign Prince of Monaco), emperor or
empress (Emperor of Japan, Emperor of India), or even duke or grand duke (Grand Duke of Luxembourg) or
duchess. Many monarchs also are distinguished by styles, such as "Majesty", "Royal Highness" or "By the Grace of
God". Islamic monarchs use titles such as Shah, Caliph, Sultan, Emir and Sheikh. In Mongolian or Turkic lands, the
monarch may use the title Khan or Khagan.
Sometimes titles are used to express claims to territories that are not held in fact (for example, English claims to the
French throne) or titles not recognized (antipopes).
Dependent monarchies
In some cases monarchs are dependent on other powers (see vassals, suzerainty, puppet state, hegemony). In the
British colonial era indirect rule under a paramount power existed, such as the princely states under the British Raj.
In Botswana, South Africa, Ghana and Uganda, the ancient kingdoms and chiefdoms that were met by the
colonialists when they first arrived on the continent are now constitutionally protected as regional and/or sectional
entities. Furthermore, in Nigeria, though the hundreds of sub-regional polities that exist there are not provided for in
the current constitution, they are nevertheless legally recognised aspects of the structure of governance that operates
in the nation. In addition to these five countries, peculiar monarchies of varied sizes and complexities exist in various
other parts of Africa.
Succession
The rules for selection of monarchs varies from country to country. In constitutional monarchies the rule of
succession generally is embodied in a law passed by a representative body, such as a parliament.
Hereditary monarchies
In a hereditary monarchy, the position of monarch is inherited according to a statutory or customary order of
succession, usually within one royal family tracing its origin through a historical dynasty or bloodline. This usually
means that the heir to the throne is known well in advance of becoming monarch to ensure a smooth succession.
Primogeniture, in which the eldest child of the monarch is first in line to become monarch, is the most common
system in hereditary monarchy. The order of succession is usually affected by rules on gender. Historically "agnatic
primogeniture" or "patrilineal primogeniture" was favoured, that is inheritance according to seniority of birth among
the sons of a monarch or head of family, with sons and their male issue inheriting before brothers and their issue, and
male-line males inheriting before females of the male line.
[3]
This is the same as semi-Salic primogeniture. Complete
exclusion of females from dynastic succession is commonly referred to as application of the Salic law (see Terra
salica).
Before primogeniture was enshrined in European law and tradition, kings would often secure the succession by
having their successor (usually their eldest son) crowned during their own lifetime, so for a time there would be two
kings in coregency a senior king and a junior king. Examples include Henry the Young King of England and the
early Direct Capetians in France.
Monarchy
72
Sometimes, however, primogeniture can operate through the female line. In some systems a female may rule as
monarch only when the male line dating back to a common ancestor is exhausted. In 1980, Sweden became the first
European monarchy to declare equal (full cognatic) primogeniture, meaning that the eldest child of the monarch,
whether female or male, ascends to the throne.
[4]
Other kingdoms (such as the Netherlands in 1983, Norway in 1990,
and Belgium in 1991) have since followed suit. Sometimes religion is affected; under the Act of Settlement 1701 all
Roman Catholics and all persons who have married Roman Catholics are ineligible to be the British monarch and are
skipped in the order of succession.
In the case of the absence of children, the next most senior member of the collateral line (for example, a younger
sibling of the previous monarch) becomes monarch. In complex cases, this can mean that there are closer blood
relatives to the deceased monarch than the next in line according to primogeniture. This has often led, especially in
Europe in the Middle Ages, to conflict between the principle of primogeniture and the principle of proximity of
blood, with outcomes that were idiosyncratic.
Other hereditary systems of succession included tanistry, which is semi-elective and gives weight to merit and
Agnatic seniority. In some monarchies, such as Saudi Arabia, succession to the throne usually first passes to the
monarch's next eldest brother, and only after that to the monarch's children (agnatic seniority).
Elective monarchies
In an elective monarchy, monarchs are elected, or appointed by some body (an electoral college) for life or a defined
period, but otherwise serve as any other monarch. There is no popular vote involved in elective monarchies, as the
elective body usually consists of a small number of elegible people. Historical examples of elective monarchy
include the Holy Roman Emperors (chosen by prince-electors, but often coming from the same dynasty), and the free
election of kings of the PolishLithuanian Commonwealth. For example, Pepin the Short (father of Charlemagne)
was elected King of the Franks by an assembly of Frankish leading men; Stanisaw August Poniatowski of Poland
was an elected king, as was Frederick I of Denmark. Germanic peoples had elective monarchies.
Three elective monarchies exist today. The pope of the Roman Catholic Church (who rules as Sovereign of the
Vatican City State) is elected to a life term by the College of Cardinals. In Malaysia, the federal king, called the
Yang di-Pertuan Agong ("Paramount Ruler") is elected for a five-year term from and by the hereditary rulers (mostly
sultans) of nine of the federation's constitutive states, all on the Malay peninsula. The United Arab Emirates also has
a procedure for electing its monarch.
Appointment by the current monarch is another system, used in Jordan. In this system, the monarch chooses the
successor, who is always his relative.
Current monarchies
Currently there are 44 nations in the world with a monarch as head of state. They fall roughly into the following
categories:
Commonwealth realms. These are: Antigua and Barbuda, Australia, Bahamas, Barbados, Belize, Canada,
Grenada, Jamaica, New Zealand, Papua New Guinea, Saint Kitts and Nevis, Saint Lucia, Saint Vincent and the
Grenadines, Solomon Islands, Tuvalu and United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland. The sixteen
Commonwealth realms all share Queen Elizabeth II as monarch in a personal union arrangement. They all share a
common British inheritance and have evolved out of the British Empire into membership of the Commonwealth
of Nations as fully independent states where they retain Queen Elizabeth as head of state; unlike other members
of the Commonwealth of Nations which are either dependencies, republics or have a different royal house. All
sixteen realms are constitutional monarchies and full democracies where the queen has limited powers or a largely
ceremonial role. The queen is head of the established Protestant Christian Church of England and Church of
Scotland in the United Kingdom however, the other monarchies do not have an established church.
Monarchy
73
European Constitutional Monarchies. These are: Andorra, Belgium, Denmark, Luxembourg, Netherlands,
Norway, Spain, Sweden and the United Kingdom. These are all constitutional monarchies and fully democratic
states, where the monarch has a limited or largely ceremonial role. There is generally a Christian religion
established as the official church in each of these countries. This would be a form of Protestantism in Norway,
Sweden, Denmark , UK and the Netherlands, while Belgium, Luxembourg, Andorra, Spain, Liechtenstein and
Monaco are Roman Catholic countries. The monarch of the United Kingdom is also the head of state in all the
Commonwealth Realms.
European Constitutional/Absolute. Monarchies These are: Liechtenstein and Monaco, in both of these
countries the Prince retains close to the powers of an absolute monarch but still is a constitutional monarch. For
example the 2003 Constitution referendum which gives the Prince of Liechtenstein the power to veto any law that
the Landtag proposes and the Landtag can veto any law that the Prince tries to pass. The Prince can hire or
dismiss any elective member or government employee from his or her post. However what makes him not an
absolute monarchy is that the people can call for a referendum to end the monarchy's reign. The Prince of Monaco
has simpler powers but can not hire or dismiss any elective member or government employee from his or her post,
but he can elect the minister of state, government council and judges. Both Albert II and Hans-Adam II have quite
a bit of political power, but they also own huge tracts of land and are shareholders in many companies.
Islamic Monarchies. These are: Bahrain, Brunei, Jordan, Kuwait, Malaysia, Morocco, Oman, Qatar, Saudi
Arabia, United Arab Emirates. Islamic monarchs generally retain far more powers than their European or
Commonwealth counterparts. Brunei, Oman, Qatar, and Saudi Arabia remain absolute monarchies. Bahrain,
Kuwait and United Arab Emirates are classified as mixed, meaning there are representative bodies of some kind,
but the monarch retains most of his powers. Jordan, Malaysia and Morocco are constitutional monarchies, but
their monarchs still retain more substantial powers than European equivalents. For convenience, Malaysia is
grouped here with the Islamic monarchies, even though it could also qualify as an East Asian constitutional
monarchy.
East Asian Constitutional Monarchies. These are Bhutan, Cambodia, Japan, Thailand. These are constitutional
monarchies where the monarch has a limited or ceremonial role. Bhutan, Japan, and Thailand are countries that
were never colonised by European powers, but have changed from traditional absolute monarchies into
constitutional ones during the twentieth century. Cambodia had its own monarchy after independence from
France, which was deposed after the Khmer Rouge came into power and the subsequent invasion by Vietnam.
The monarchy was subsequently restored in the peace agreement of 1993. Shintoism is the established religion in
Japan, while Bhutan, Cambodia and Thailand are all Buddhist countries. However, most Japanese people practice
Buddhism and Shinto simutaneously.
Other monarchies. These are Tonga in the Pacific; Swaziland and Lesotho in Africa, and the Vatican City in
Europe. Lesotho and Tonga are constitutional monarchies. Swaziland and Vatican City are absolute monarchies.
They are all Christian countries, and the Pope, who is the monarch of the Vatican is also the head of the Roman
Catholic religion
Monarchy
74
Notes and references
[1] Examples include Oliver Cromwell and Richard Cromwell in the Commonwealth of England, Kim il-Sung and Kim Jong-il in North Korea,
the Somoza family in Nicaragua, Franois Duvalier and Jean-Claude Duvalier in Haiti, and Hafez al-Assad and Bashar al-Assad in Syria.
[2] For example, the Kennedy family in the United States and the [[Nehru-Gandhi famil ]] in India. See list of political families.
[3] Murphy, Michael Dean. "A Kinship Glossary: Symbols, Terms, and Concepts" (http:/ / www. as. ua. edu/ ant/ Faculty/ murphy/ 436/ kinship.
htm). . Retrieved 2006-10-05.
[4] SOU 1977:5 Kvinnlig tronfljd, p.16.
External links
International Monarchist League (http:/ / www. monarchy. net/ )
Dictatorship
A dictatorship is defined as an autocratic form of government in which the government is ruled by an individual,
the dictator. It has three possible meanings
1. A Roman dictator was the incumbent of a political office of the Roman Republic. Roman dictators were allocated
absolute power during times of emergency. Their power was originally neither arbitrary nor unaccountable, being
subject to law and requiring retrospective justification. There were no such dictatorships after the beginning of the
2nd century BC, and later dictators such as Sulla and the Roman Emperors exercised power much more
personally and arbitrarily.
2. A government controlled by one person, or a small group of people. In this form of government the power rests
entirely on the person or group of people, and can be obtained by force or by inheritance. The dictator(s) may also
take away much of its peoples' freedom.
3. In contemporary usage, dictatorship refers to an autocratic form of absolute rule by leadership unrestricted by
law, constitutions, or other social and political factors within the state.
In the 20th century and early 21st century hereditary dictatorship remained a relatively common phenomenon.
For some scholars, a dictatorship is a form of government that has the power to govern without consent of those
being governed (similar to authoritarianism), while totalitarianism describes a state that regulates nearly every aspect
of public and private behavior of the people. In other words, dictatorship concerns the source of the governing power
(where the power comes from) and totalitarianism concerns the scope of the governing power (what is the
government).
In this sense, dictatorship (government without people's consent) is a contrast to democracy (government whose
power comes from people) and totalitarianism (government controls every aspect of people's life) opposes pluralism
(government allows multiple lifestyles and opinions).
Other scholars stress the omnipotence of the State (with its consequent suspension of rights) as the key element of a
dictatorship and argue that such concentration of power can be legitimate or not depending on the circumstances,
objectives and methods employed.
[1]
Dictatorship
75
History
Disparate authoritarian political leaders in various official positions assumed, formally or not, similar titles
suggesting the power to speak for the nation itself.
In the 1930s and 1940s and some of the 1950s
Adolf Hitler and Benito Mussollini.
Hitler's policies and orders resulted
in the death of over 40 million
people.
Such titles used by heads of state and/or government during the Second World
War include:
Fhrer ("leader" or "guide") Adolf Hitler, from 1933 to 1945 dictator of
Germany (formally '"Fhrer and Reich Chancellor").
Duce (from Latin dux meaning "guide") Benito Mussolini, from 1925 to 1943
dictator of Italy (formally "Head of Government".)
El Caudillo de Espaa ("the Chieftain of Spain") Generalssimo Francisco
Franco Bahamonde, Jefe de Estado (Chief of State) and "Chief of
Government" (Prime Minister). He adopted this title for himself and came to
power after winning the Spanish civil war. During World War II he
maintained the neutrality of Spain. In fact the titles of Franco and Salazar (in
Portugal) were used officially and rather than personally (cf: "mein fhrer" or
"mio duce" my fuhrer and my duce). It is alleged that it was often used as a
protocolary title; preceded with By the Grace of God it would indicate that the
Spanish People had been luckily spared from the Soviet invasion.
Vodca ("Leader") monsignor Jozef Tiso, from 1942 self-styled, in Slovakia,
President 19391945 (acting to 26 October 1939).
Naczelnik Pastwa (Chief of State) Jzef Pisudski, dictator of Poland from 19261935.
Vod' (Russian for "Leader" or "Chief" in reference to Stalin being the Chief or a guide to the working class)
referred to Joseph Stalin, leader of the Soviet Union.
There was a Serbian Nationalist precedent, the style Vozhd in the uprising against the Ottomans, meaning Chief
(from 26 December 1808, Supreme Chief 14 February 1804 3 October 1813 George Karaore Petrovi,
17621817).
Poglavnik Nezavisne Drave Hrvatske ("Chief of the Independent State of Croatia") Ante Paveli, in power in
Croatia 10 April 1941 6 May 1945.
Vidkun Quisling, Frer ("leader", "guide"), Minister-president of the Nazi puppet government in Norway, and
after Reichskommissar Josef Terboven the highest official in occupied Norway, reporting directly to Adolf Hitler.
Conductor ("leader"), a title used by Ion Antonescu and Nicolae Ceausescu in Romania.
Leider ("leader"), a title used by Anton Mussert, the leader of Nationaal-Socialistische Beweging (National
Socialist Movement) in the Netherlands. Though styled "leader" under the German occupation, he was not a real
dictator as he had little actual power. In fact Arthur Seyss-Inquart was in charge of the Netherlands on behalf of
the Nazi regime.
Nemzetvezet ("leader of the nation"), a title used by Ferenc Szlasi, the chief of the Nyilaskeresztes Prt (Arrow
Cross Party) who succeeded Mikls Horthy in Hungary.
Arhigos ("chief" or "leader"), a title used by General Ioannis Metaxas of Greece's 4th of August Regime.
Adipati ("chief of state" or "generalissimo"), the title used by Ba Maw of the Japanese satellite State of Burma
Udhheqsi [i partis dhe i popullit] yn i madh, Our great guide [of the party and of the people], the most
common title used by Albanian communist dictator Enver Hoxha.
Or even simply President as did for example, Getlio Vargas in Brazil, from 1930 to 1945 as well as the generals
during the 19641985 regime.
Dictatorship
76
Other 'leaders' of contemporary political groups who never achieved power:
Capitanul 'The Captain' Corneliu Zelea Codreanu of the "Iron Guard" in Romania.
El Jefe 'The Chief' Jorge Gonzlez von Mares of the Chilean Nacistas (Chilean-Spanish word for "Nazis"), who
failed a coup d'tat in 1938.
Vozhd 'Leader' Konstantin Rodzaevsky of the Russian Fascist Party, only active in exile in Manchuria, most
admired Mussolini but saw action only in the anti-Communist service of the Japanese Empire.
the American Fhrer Fritz Kuhn.
Chief William Dudley Pelley of the U.S. Silver Legion of America.
Adrien Arcand, self-proclaimed Canadian Fhrer
Netaji (Leader) Subhas Chandra Bose, a messianic Indian nationalist, a former president of the Indian National
Congress, he escaped British surveillance and went over to Germany, and from there went to Japan in a German
U-boat and later, a Japanese submarine. While he commanded the Indian National Army and was the leader of the
Provisional Government of Free India, which had limited and notional sovereignty over Axis controlled Indian
territory, he was dependent on the Japanese, and overseas Indians for logistics, and military support.
[2]
Tindis or Tandis (leader of a confederation of barangays) used by the Sakdalista Party leader Benigno Ramos
during the Commonwealth of the Philippines (from 1935), under US sovereignty.
In areas occupied by the Axis powers, some states or ethnic-cultural communities aspiring to national
self-determination found they were not handed real power by their victorious German allies as they had hoped. Their
nationalist leaders, too weak to gain control independently, were simply used as pawns.
Such Nazi collaborators include De Leider "leader" Staf De Clercq of the VNV (Flemish National League) in
Flanders (the Dutch-speaking northern majority of Belgium), who had dreamed of a 'Diets' nation uniting Flanders,
the Netherlands and Frans-Vlaanderen (the French part of historic Flanders, united with Belgium into one military
occupation zone and Reichskommissariat). Even when the Germans decided in December 1944, after the allied
breakthrough, to carve up Belgium, leaving only bicultural capital Brussels under the Reichskommissar, the post of
Landsleider van het Vlaamsche Volk ('Land leader of the Flemish people') of the new Reichsgau (integral 'Germanic'
part of the Reich, in this case merely on paper) (Flandern, Vlaanderen in Dutch; capital Anwerp) went to another
collaborating party, Devlag, in the person of Jef Van de Wiele (19021979), 15 December 19441945, in exile in
Germany as the Allied controlled all Belgium since September 1944; meanwhile in the Francophone south of
Belgium, partially reconquered by German troops (December 1944 January 1945), the equivalent post of Chef du
Peuple Wallon ('Leader of the Walloon People'), at the head of the Reichsgau Wallonien, went to Lon Degrelle (in
exile in Germany) of the Belgicist Rex Party.
Postwar era and the Cold War
Mao Zedong meets with Richard Nixon. Mao's
rule from 1949 to 1976 is believed to have caused
the deaths of 40 to 70 million people.
In the postwar era, dictatorship became a frequent feature of military
government, especially in Latin America, Asia, and Africa. In the case
of many African or Asian former colonies, after achieving their
independence in the postwar wave of decolonization, presidential
regimes were gradually transformed into personal dictatorships. These
regimes often proved unstable, with the personalization of power in the
hands of the dictator and his associates, making the political system
uncertain.
During the Cold War, Cuba and the USSR managed to expand or
maintain their influence zones by financing paramilitary and political
groups and encouraging coups d'tat, especially in Africa, that have led
Dictatorship
77
many countries to brutal civil wars and consequent manifestations of authoritarianism. In Latin America the threat of
either communism or capitalism was often used as justification for dictatorship.
Individual cases
In the North Korean hereditary system, Kim Il-sung and Kim Jong-il of North Korea, used the titles Great Leader
and Dear Leader respectively.
Muammar al-Gaddafi, once de facto Libyan head of state, used the titles "Guide of the First of September Great
Revolution of the Socialist People's Libyan Arab Jamahiriya" and "Brotherly Leader and Guide of the
Revolution".
In Romania, Communist Party leader and president Nicolae Ceauescu even had the same title, Conductor
(Romanian for leader), as earlier dictator Marshal Ion Antonescu.
Saparmurat Niyazov, the late president for life of the Republic of Turkmenistan, and former leader of the
Turkmen communist party and later of the Democratic Party of Turkmenistan (the country's only political party),
assumed from 22 October 1993 the unique, paternalistic national title Turkmenbashi (Trkmenbay in Turkmen),
which means "Head of (all) the Turkmens".
In Belarus, the President Alexander Lukashenko violated human rights during his rule over the country, as well as
arrested opposition members. Belarus has been called the last true remaining dictatorship in the heart of Europe
by the former U.S. Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice.
[3]
Further reading
Friedrich, Carl J.; Brzezinski, Zbigniew K. (1965). Totalitarian Dictatorship and Autocracy (2nd ed. ed.).
Praeger.
Bueno de Mesquita, Bruce; Alastair Smith, Randolph M. Siverson and James D. Morrow (2003). The Logic of
Political Survival. The MIT Press. ISBN0-262-63315-9.
References
[1] (http:/ / nobility. org/ 2011/ 09/ 01/ revolution-counter-revolution-and-dictatorship/ ), Plinio Correa de Oliveira, Revolution and
Counter-Revolution,(York, PA: The American Society for the Defense of Tradition, Family, and Property, 1993), pp. 20-23.
[2] Fay,Peter W. The Forgotten Army: India's Armed Struggle for Independence, 19421945, University of Michigan Press, 1993, ISBN
0-472-08342-2 / ISBN 81-7167-356-2
[3] Rice: Russia's future linked to democracy (http:/ / edition. cnn. com/ 2005/ WORLD/ europe/ 04/ 20/ rice. dougherty/ index. html), CNN, 20
April 2005
Parliamentary system
78
Parliamentary system
Map of different governmental systemsConstitutional monarchyConstitutional
monarchies in which authority is vested in a parliament.Parliamentary republics where
parliaments are effectively supreme over a separate head of state. .
A parliamentary system is a system
of government in which the ministers
of the executive branch get their
democratic legitimacy from the
legislature and are accountable to that
body, such that the executive and
legislative branches are intertwined.
Background
Scholars of democracy such as Arend
Lijphart divide parliamentary
democracies into two different
systems, the Westminster and Consensus systems.
[1]
The Palace of Westminster in London, United
Kingdom. The Westminster system originates from the
British Houses of Parliament.
The Westminster system is usually found in Commonwealth of
Nations, although it is not universal within nor exclusive to
Commonwealth countries. These parliaments tend to have a
more adversarial style of debate and the plenary session of
parliament is more important than committees. Some
parliaments in this model are elected using a plurality voting
system (first past the post), such as the United Kingdom,
Canada, and India, while others use proportional representation,
such as Ireland and New Zealand. The Australian House of
Representatives is elected using instant-runoff voting while the
Senate is elected using proportional representation through
single transferable vote. Regardless of which system is used,
the voting systems tend to allow the voter to vote for a named
candidate rather than a closed list.
Western European parliamentary model (e.g., Spain, Germany) tend to have a more consensual debating system,
and usually have semi-cyclical debating chambers. Consensus systems have more of a tendency to use
proportional representation with open party lists than the Westminster Model legislatures. The committees of
these Parliaments tend to be more important than the plenary chamber. A specific example is sometimes called
the West German Model since its earliest exemplar in its final form was in the Bundestag of West Germany
(which became the Bundestag of Germany upon the absorption of the GDR by the FRG). Unlike in Germany
however, some West European countries' parliaments (e.g., the Netherlands and Sweden) implement the principle
of dualism as a form of separation of powers. In countries using this system, Members of Parliament have to
resign their place in Parliament upon being appointed (or elected) minister. However, ministers in those countries
usually actively participate in parliamentary debates - the main difference being their inability to vote.
There also exists a Hybrid Model, the semi-presidential system, drawing on both presidential systems and
parliamentary systems, for example the French Fifth Republic.
Implementations of the parliamentary system can also differ on whether the government needs the explicit approval
of the parliament to form, rather than just the absence of its disapproval, and under what conditions (if any) the
government has the right to dissolve the parliament, like Jamaica and many others.
Parliamentary system
79
A Parliamentary system may consist of two styles of Chambers of Parliament one with two chambers (or houses): an
elected lower house, and an upper house or Senate which may be appointed or elected by a different mechanism
from the lower house. This style of two houses is called bicameral system. Legislatures with only one house are
known as unicameral system.
Parliamentarianism may also be for governance in local governments. An example is the city of Oslo, which has an
executive council (Byrd) as a part of the parliamentary system.
Advantages of parliamentary systems
One of the commonly attributed advantages to parliamentary systems is that it's faster and easier to pass
legislation.
[2]
This is because the executive branch is dependent upon the direct or indirect support of the legislative
branch and often includes members of the legislature. Thus, this would amount to the executive (as the majority
party or coalition of parties in the legislature) possessing more votes in order to pass legislation. In a presidential
system, the executive is often chosen independently from the legislature. If the executive and legislature in such a
system include members entirely or predominantly from different political parties, then stalemate can occur. Former
US President Bill Clinton often faced problems in this regard, since the Republicans controlled Congress for much of
his tenure. Accordingly, the executive within a presidential system might not be able to properly implement his or
her platform/manifesto. Evidently, an executive in any system (be it parliamentary, presidential or semi-presidential)
is chiefly voted into office on the basis of his or her party's platform/manifesto. It could be said then that the will of
the people is more easily instituted within a parliamentary system.
In addition to quicker legislative action, Parliamentarianism has attractive features for nations that are ethnically,
racially, or ideologically divided. In a unipersonal presidential system, all executive power is concentrated in the
president. In a parliamentary system, with a collegial executive, power is more divided. In the 1989 Lebanese Taif
Agreement, in order to give Muslims greater political power, Lebanon moved from a semi-presidential system with a
strong president to a system more structurally similar to classical parliamentarianism. Iraq similarly disdained a
presidential system out of fears that such a system would be tantamount to Shiite domination; Afghanistan's
minorities refused to go along with a presidency as strong as the Pashtuns desired.
It can also be argued that power is more evenly spread out in the power structure of parliamentarianism. The prime
minister seldom tends to have as high importance as a ruling president, and there tends to be a higher focus on voting
for a party and its political ideas than voting for an actual person.
In The English Constitution, Walter Bagehot praised parliamentarianism for producing serious debates, for allowing
the change in power without an election, and for allowing elections at any time. Bagehot considered the four-year
election rule of the United States to be unnatural.
There is also a body of scholarship, associated with Juan Linz, Fred Riggs, Bruce Ackerman, and Robert Dahl that
claims that parliamentarianism is less prone to authoritarian collapse. These scholars point out that since World War
II, two-thirds of Third World countries establishing parliamentary governments successfully made the transition to
democracy. By contrast, no Third World presidential system successfully made the transition to democracy without
experiencing coups and other constitutional breakdowns.
A recent World Bank study found that parliamentary systems are associated with lower corruption.
[3]
Parliamentary system
80
Criticisms of parliamentarianism
Weimar Germany's parliament was set ablaze in
1933 to the advantage of the Nazi leader Adolf
Hitler, a fervent critic of parliamentarianism.
One of the main criticisms of many parliamentary systems is that the
head of government is in almost all cases not directly elected. In a
presidential system, the president is usually chosen directly by the
electorate, or by a set of electors directly chosen by the people,
separate from the legislature (see Electoral college). However, in a
parliamentary system the prime minister is elected by the legislature,
often under the strong influence of the party leadership. Thus, a party's
candidate for the head of government is usually known before the
election, possibly making the election as much about the person as the
party behind him or her.
Some constituencies may have a popular local candidate under an
unpopular leader (or the reverse), forcing a difficult choice on the
electorate. Mixed member proportional representation (where voters
cast two ballots) can make this choice easier by allowing voters to cast
one vote for the local candidate but also cast a second vote for another
party.
Although Walter Bagehot praised parliamentarianism for allowing an
election to take place at any time, the lack of a definite election calendar can be abused. In some systems, such as the
British, a ruling party can schedule elections when it feels that it is likely to do well, and so avoid elections at times
of unpopularity. Thus, by wise timing of elections, in a parliamentary system a party can extend its rule for longer
than is feasible in a functioning presidential system. This problem can be alleviated somewhat by setting fixed dates
for parliamentary elections, as is the case in several of Australia's state parliaments. In other systems, such as the
Dutch and the Belgian, the ruling party or coalition has some flexibility in determining the election date. Conversely,
flexibility in the timing of parliamentary elections avoids having periods of legislative gridlock that can occur in a
fixed period presidential system.
Critics of the Westminster parliamentary system point out that people with significant popular support in the
community are prevented from becoming prime minister if they cannot get elected to parliament since there is no
option to "run for prime minister" like one can run for president under a presidential system. Additionally, prime
ministers may lose their positions solely because they lose their seats in parliament, even though they may still be
popular nationally. Supporters of parliamentarianism can respond by saying that as members of parliament, prime
ministers are elected firstly to represent their electoral constituents and if they lose their support then consequently
they are no longer entitled to be prime minister. This is, however, a moot point if proportional representation is used.
The Nazi dictator Adolf Hitler included several critiques of parliamentarianism in his book Mein Kampf, writing that
the Nazi movement was "anti-parliamentarian" because it rejects "a principle of majority rule in which the leader is
degraded to the level of mere executant of other people's wills and opinion" and further that "By rejecting the
authority of the individual and replacing it by the numbers of some momentary mob, the parliamentary principle of
majority rule sins against the basic aristocratic principle of Nature".
Parliamentary system
81
Countries with a parliamentary system of government
The New South Wales Parliament is Australia's
oldest parliament. First elections were held in
1843.
Sansad Bhavan, parliament building
of India.
Parliament of New Zealand.
The administrative building of the Albanian Parliament
Unicameral system
This table shows countries with parliament consisting
of a single house.
Parliamentary system
82
National Parliament of Papua New
Guinea.
Statue of President Nelson Mandela
of South Africa in Parliament
Square, London.
National Parliament of East Timor.
Parliamentary system
83
Council of Representatives of Iraq.
Country Parliament
Albania Kuvendi
Bangladesh Jatiyo Sangshad
Bulgaria National Assembly
Botswana Parliament
Burkina Faso National Assembly
Croatia Sabor
Denmark Folketing
Dominica House of Assembly
Estonia Riigikogu
Finland Eduskunta/Riksdag
Greece Hellenic Parliament
Hungary National Assembly
Iceland Althing
Israel Knesset
Kosovo Kuvendi
Kuwait National Assembly of Kuwait
Latvia Saeima
Lebanon Assembly of Deputies
Lithuania Seimas
Luxembourg Chamber of Deputies
Macedonia Sobranie
Malta House of Representatives
Mauritius National Assembly
Moldova Parliament
Mongolia State Great Khural
Montenegro Parliament
Nepal Nepalese Constituent Assembly
New Zealand Parliament
Norway Stortinget
Palestinian Authority Parliament
Papua New Guinea National Parliament
Parliamentary system
84
Portugal Assembly of the Republic
Saint Kitts and Nevis National Assembly
Saint Vincent and the Grenadines House of Assembly
Samoa Fono
Serbia National Assembly
Singapore Parliament
Slovakia National Council
Sri Lanka Parliament
Sweden Riksdag
Turkey Grand National Assembly
Ukraine Verkhovna Rada
Vanuatu Parliament
Kyrgyzstan Jogorku Kenesh
Bicameral system
This table shows organisations and countries with parliament consisting of two houses.
Organisation or Country Parliament Upper chamber Lower chamber
Australia Parliament Senate House of Representatives
Austria Parliament Federal Council National Council
Antigua and Barbuda Parliament Senate House of Representatives
The Bahamas Parliament Senate House of Assembly
Barbados House of Assembly Senate House of Assembly
Belarus National Assembly Council of the Republic House of Representatives
Belize National Assembly Senate House of Representatives
Belgium Federal Parliament Senate Chamber of Representatives
Bhutan Parliament National Council National Assembly
Cambodia Parliament Senate National Assembly
Canada Parliament Senate House of Commons
Czech Republic Parliament Senate Chamber of Deputies
Ethiopia Federal Parliamentary Assembly House of Federation House of People's Representatives
European Union Council of the European Union European Parliament
Germany Federal Legislature Bundesrat (Federal Council) Bundestag (Federal Diet)
Grenada Parliament Senate House of Representatives
India Parliament (Sansad) Rajya Sabha (Council of States) Lok Sabha (House of the People)
Ireland Oireachtas Seanad ireann Dil ireann
Iraq National Assembly
Council of Union
[4]
Council of Representatives
Italy Parliament Senate of the Republic Chamber of Deputies
Jamaica Parliament Senate House of Representatives
Japan Diet House of Councillors House of Representatives
Parliamentary system
85
Malaysia Parliament Dewan Negara (Senate) Dewan Rakyat (House of Representatives)
Netherlands Staten-Generaal (States-General) Eerste Kamer (Senate) Tweede Kamer (House of Representatives)
Pakistan Parliament Senate Secretariat National Assembly Secretariat
Poland Parliament Senate Sejm
Saint Lucia Parliament Senate House of Assembly
Slovenia Parliament
National Council (only partially)
[5]
National Assembly
South Africa Parliament National Council of Provinces National Assembly
Spain Cortes Generales Senate Congress of Deputies
Thailand National Assembly Senate House of Representatives
Trinidad and Tobago Parliament Senate House of Representatives
United Kingdom Parliament House of Lords House of Commons
References
[1] Lijphart, Arend (1999). Patterns of democracy. New Haven: Yale University Press.
[2] T. St. John N. Bates (1986), "Parliament, Policy and Delegated Power" (http:/ / slr. oxfordjournals. org/ cgi/ reprint/ 7/ 2/ 114. pdf), Statute
Law Review (Oxford: Oxford University Press),
[3] SSRN-Accountability and Corruption: Political Institutions Matter by Daniel Lederman, Norman Loayza, Rodrigo Soares (http:/ / papers.
ssrn.com/ sol3/ papers.cfm?abstract_id=632777)
[4] The Council of Union is defined in the constitution of Iraq but does not currently exist.
[5] Lakota, Igor (2006) (in Slovene). Sistem nepopolne dvodomnosti v slovenskem parlamentu (diplomska naloga) [The system of incomplete
bicameralism in the Slovenian Parliament (diploma thesis)] (http:/ / dk. fdv. uni-lj. si/ dela/ Lakota-Igor. PDF). Faculty of Social Sciences,
University of Ljubljana. p.59. . Retrieved 16 December 2010.
Presidential system
86
Presidential system
Presidential republics with a full presidential system.Countries with a semi-presidential
system.Parliamentary republics with an executive presidency chosen by the parliament
A presidential system is a system of
government where an executive branch
exists and presides (hence the name)
separately from the legislature, to
which it is not responsible and which
cannot, in normal circumstances,
dismiss it.
[1]
Although not exclusive to republics,
and applied in the case of
semi-constitutional monarchies where
a monarch exercises power (both as
head of state and chief of the executive
branch of government) alongside a
legislature, the term is often associated with republican systems in the Americas. Presidential systems are numerous
and diverse, but the following are generally true of most such governments:
The executive branch does not propose bills. However, they may have the power to veto acts of the legislature
and, in turn, a supermajority of legislators may act to override the veto. This practice is generally derived from the
British tradition of royal assent in which an act of parliament cannot come into effect without the assent of the
monarch.
In the case of presidential republics, the president has a fixed term of office. Elections are held at scheduled times
and cannot be triggered by a vote of confidence or other such parliamentary procedures. Although in some
countries, there is an exception to this rule, which provides for the removal of a president who is found to have
broken a law.
The executive branch is unipersonal. Members of the cabinet serve at the pleasure of the head of state and must
carry out the policies of the executive and legislative branches. However, presidential systems frequently require
legislative approval of executive nominations to the cabinet as well as various governmental posts such as judges.
A presidential leader generally has power to direct members of the cabinet, military or any officer or employee of
the executive branch, but generally has no power to dismiss or give orders to judges.
The power to pardon or commute sentences of convicted criminals is often in the hands of the head of state.
Countries that feature a presidential system of government are not the exclusive users of the title of President or the
republican form of government. For example, a dictator, who may or may not have been popularly or legitimately
elected may be and often is called a president. Likewise, many parliamentary democracies are republics and have
presidents, but this position is largely ceremonial; notable examples include Germany, India, Ireland, Israel and
Portugal (see Parliamentary republic).
Presidential system
87
Characteristics of presidents
Some national presidents are "figurehead" heads of state, like constitutional monarchs, and not active executive
heads of government (although some figurehead presidents and constitutional monarchs maintain reserve powers). In
contrast, in a full-fledged presidential system, a president is chosen by the people to be the head of the executive
branch.
Presidential governments make no distinction between the positions of head of state and head of government, both of
which are held by the president. Many parliamentary governments have a symbolic head of state in the form of a
president or monarch (Again, in some cases these symbolic heads of state maintain active reserve powers). That
person is responsible for the formalities of state functions, or in cases where the head of state has reserve powers, the
"hands off" ensuing of a functional parliament, while the constitutional prerogatives of head of government are
generally exercised by the prime minister. Such figurehead presidents tend to be elected in a much less direct manner
than active presidential-system presidents, for example, by a vote of the legislature. A few nations, such as Slovakia,
Ireland and Portugal, do have a popularly elected ceremonial president.
A few countries (e.g., South Africa) have powerful presidents who are elected by the legislature. These presidents
are chosen in the same way as a prime minister, yet are heads of both state and government. These executives are
titled "president", but are in practice similar to prime ministers. Other countries with the same system include
Botswana, the Marshall Islands, and Nauru.
Presidents in a presidential system are always active participants in the political process, though the extent of their
relative power may be influenced by the political makeup of the legislature and whether their supporters or
opponents have the dominant position therein. In some presidential systems such as Weimar Germany and South
Korea, there is an office of prime minister or premier but, unlike in semi-presidential or parliamentary systems, the
premier is responsible to the president rather than to the legislature.
Subnational governments
Subnational governments, usually municipalities, may be structured as a presidential system. All of the state
governments of the United States use the presidential system, however this is not constitutionally required. Another
example is Japan where the national government uses the parliamentary system but the prefectural and municipal
governments have governors and mayors elected independently from local assemblies and councils.
Advantages of presidential systems
Supporters generally claim four basic advantages for presidential systems:
Direct elections in a presidential system, the president is often elected directly by the people. To some, this
makes the president's power more legitimate than that of a leader appointed indirectly. However, this is not a
necessary property of a presidential system. Some presidential states have an unelected or indirectly elected head
of state.
Separation of powers a presidential system establishes the presidency and the legislature as two parallel
structures. Supporters say that this arrangement allows each structure to monitor and check the other, preventing
abuses.
Speed and decisiveness some argue that a president with strong powers can usually enact changes quickly.
However, others argue that the separation of powers slows the system down.
Stability a president, by virtue of a fixed term, may provide more stability than a prime minister who can be
dismissed at any time.
Presidential system
88
Direct elections
In most presidential systems, the president is elected by popular vote, although some such as the United States use an
electoral college (which is itself directly elected) or some other method. By this method, the president receives a
personal mandate to lead the country, whereas in a parliamentary system a candidate might only receive a personal
mandate to represent a constituency. Since prime ministers are not elected directly, it could be argued their mandate
to lead is not a personal mandate and therefore less legitimate.
Separation of powers
The fact that a presidential system separates the executive from the legislature is sometimes held up as an advantage,
in that each branch may scrutinize the actions of the other. In a parliamentary system, the executive is drawn from
the legislature, making criticism of one by the other considerably less likely. A formal condemnation of the
executive by the legislature is often regarded to be a vote of no confidence. According to supporters of the
presidential system, the lack of checks and balances means that misconduct by a prime minister may never be
discovered. Writing about Watergate, Woodrow Wyatt, a former MP in the UK, said "don't think a Watergate
couldn't happen here, you just wouldn't hear about it." (ibid)
Critics respond that if a presidential system's legislature is controlled by the president's party, the same situation
exists. Proponents note that even in such a situation a legislator from the president's party is in a better position to
criticize the president or his policies should he deem it necessary, since the immediate security of the president's
position is less dependent on legislative support. In parliamentary systems, party discipline is much more strictly
enforced. If a parliamentary backbencher publicly criticizes the executive or its policies to any significant extent then
he/she faces a much higher prospect of losing his/her party's nomination, or even outright expulsion from the party.
Despite the existence of the no confidence vote, in practice, it is extremely difficult to stop a prime minister or
cabinet that has made its decision. In a parliamentary system, if important legislation proposed by the incumbent
prime minister and his cabinet is "voted down" by a majority of the members of parliament then it is considered to be
a vote of no confidence. The incumbent government must then either resign or call elections to be held, a
consequence few backbenchers are willing to endure. Hence, a no confidence vote in some parliamentary countries,
like Britain, only occurs a few times in a century. In 1931, David Lloyd George told a select committee: "Parliament
has really no control over the executive; it is a pure fiction." (Schlesinger 1982)
By contrast, if a presidential legislative initiative fails to pass a legislature controlled by the president's party (e.g. the
Clinton health care plan of 1993), it may damage the president's political standing and that of his party, but generally
has no immediate effect on whether or not the president completes his term.
Speed and decisiveness
Some supporters of presidential systems claim that presidential systems can respond more rapidly to emerging
situations than parliamentary ones. A prime minister, when taking action, needs to retain the support of the
legislature, but a president is often less constrained. In Why England Slept, John F. Kennedy said that Stanley
Baldwin and Neville Chamberlain were constrained by the need to maintain the confidence of the Commons.
Other supporters of presidential systems sometimes argue in the exact opposite direction, however, saying that
presidential systems can slow decision-making to beneficial ends. Divided government, where the presidency and
the legislature are controlled by different parties, is said to restrain the excesses of both parties, and guarantee
bipartisan input into legislation. In the United States, Republican Congressman Bill Frenzel wrote in 1995:
There are some of us who think gridlock is the best thing since indoor plumbing. Gridlock is the natural gift
the Framers of the Constitution gave us so that the country would not be subjected to policy swings resulting
from the whimsy of the public. And the competitionwhether multi-branch, multi-level, or multi-houseis
important to those checks and balances and to our ongoing kind of centrist government. Thank heaven we do
Presidential system
89
not have a government that nationalizes one year and privatizes next year, and so on ad infinitum. (Checks and
Balances, 8)
Stability
Although most parliamentary governments go long periods of time without a no confidence vote, Italy, Israel, and
the French Fourth Republic have all experienced difficulties maintaining stability. When parliamentary systems have
multiple parties and governments are forced to rely on coalitions, as they often do in nations that use a system of
proportional representation, extremist parties can theoretically use the threat of leaving a coalition to further their
agendas.
Many people consider presidential systems to be more able to survive emergencies
[2]
. A country under enormous
stress may, supporters argue, be better off being led by a president with a fixed term than rotating premierships.
France during the Algerian controversy switched to a semi-presidential system as did Sri Lanka during its civil war,
while Israel experimented with a directly elected prime minister in 1992. In France and Sri Lanka, the results are
widely considered to have been positive. However, in the case of Israel, an unprecedented proliferation of smaller
parties occurred, leading to the restoration of the previous system of selecting a prime minister.
The fact that elections are fixed in a presidential system is considered to be a welcome "check" on the powers of the
executive, contrasting parliamentary systems, which often allow the prime minister to call elections whenever he
sees fit, or orchestrate his own vote of no confidence to trigger an election when he cannot get a legislative item
passed. The presidential model is said to discourage this sort of opportunism, and instead force the executive to
operate within the confines of a term he cannot alter to suit his own needs. Theoretically, if a president's positions
and actions have had a positive impact on their respective country, then it is likely that their party's candidate
(possibly they) will be elected for another term in office.
Proponents of the presidential system also argue that stability extends to the cabinets chosen under the system,
compared to a parliamentary system where cabinets must be drawn from within the legislative branch. Under the
presidential system, cabinet members can be selected from a much larger pool of potential candidates. This allows
presidents the ability to select cabinet members based as much or more on their ability and competency to lead a
particular department as on their loyalty to the president, as opposed to parliamentary cabinets which might be filled
by legislators chosen for no better reason than their perceived loyalty to the prime minister. Supporters of the
presidential system note that parliamentary systems frequenty go through disruptive "cabinet shuffles" where
legislators are moved between portfolios, whereas in presidential system cabinets (such as the United States
Cabinet), cabinet shuffles are unheard of.
Criticism
Critics generally claim three basic disadvantages for presidential systems:
Tendency towards authoritarianism some political scientists say that presidentialism is not constitutionally
stable.
Political gridlock - The separation of powers of a presidential system establishes the presidency and the
legislature as two parallel structures. Critics argue that this frequently creates undesirable and long-term political
gridlock and political instability whenever the president and the legislative majority are from different parties,
which is common because the electorate usually expects more rapid results from new policies than are possible. In
addition, this reduces accountability by allowing the president and the legislature to shift blame to each other.
Impediments to leadership change it is claimed that the difficulty in removing an unsuitable president from
office before his or her term has expired represents a significant problem.
Presidential system
90
Tendency towards authoritarianism
Winning the presidency is a winner-take-all, zero-sum prize. A prime minister who does not enjoy a majority in the
legislature will have to either form a coalition or, if he is able to lead a minority government, govern in a manner
acceptable to at least some of the opposition parties. Even if the prime minister leads a majority government, he must
still govern within (perhaps unwritten) constraints as determined by the members of his partya premier in this
situation is often at greater risk of losing his party leadership than his party is at risk of losing the next election. On
the other hand, once elected a president can not only marginalize the influence of other parties, but can exclude rival
factions in his own party as well, or even leave the party whose ticket he was elected under. The president can thus
rule without any allies for the duration of one or possibly multiple terms, a worrisome situation for many interest
groups. Juan Linz argues that:
The danger that zero-sum presidential elections pose is compounded by the rigidity of the president's
fixed term in office. Winners and losers are sharply defined for the entire period of the presidential
mandate... losers must wait four or five years without any access to executive power and patronage. The
zero-sum game in presidential regimes raises the stakes of presidential elections and inevitably
exacerbates their attendant tension and polarization.
Constitutions that only require plurality support are said to be especially undesirable, as significant power can be
vested in a person who does not enjoy support from a majority of the population.
Some political scientists say that presidentialism is not constitutionally stable. Some political scientists go further,
and argue that presidential systems have difficulty sustaining democratic practices, noting that presidentialism has
slipped into authoritarianism in many of the countries in which it has been implemented. According to some political
scientists, such as Fred Riggs, presidentialism has fallen into authoritarianism in nearly every country it has been
attempted. Seymour Martin Lipset and others are careful to point out that this has taken place in political cultures not
conducive to democracy, and that militaries have tended to play a prominent role in most of these countries.
Nevertheless, certain aspects of the presidential system may have played a role in some situations. On the other hand,
an often-cited list of the world's 22 older democracies includes only two countries (Costa Rica and the United States)
with presidential systems. It is noteworthy that the youngest democracy (established under US influence)
Afghanistan, is presidential, and many predict its quick failure after American pull-out.
In a presidential system, the legislature and the president have equally valid mandates from the public. There is often
no way to reconcile conflict between the branches of government. When president and legislature are in
disagreement and government is not working effectively, there is a powerful incentive to employ extra-constitutional
maneuvres to break the deadlock.
Ecuador is sometimes presented as a case study of democratic failures over the past quarter-century. Presidents have
ignored the legislature or bypassed it altogether. One president had the National Assembly teargassed, while another
was kidnapped by paratroopers until he agreed to certain congressional demands. From 1979 through 1988, Ecuador
staggered through a succession of executive-legislative confrontations that created a near permanent crisis
atmosphere in the policy. In 1984, President Len Febres Cordero tried to physically bar new Congressionally
appointed supreme court appointees from taking their seats. In Brazil, presidents have accomplished their objectives
by creating executive agencies over which Congress had no say.
Critics such as Dana D. Nelson in her 2008 book Bad for Democracy
[3]
see the office of the president of the United
States as essentially undemocratic
[4]
and she sees presidentialism as worship of the president by citizens which tends
to undermine civic participation.
[4]
Presidential system
91
Political gridlock
Some political scientists speak of the "failure of presidentialism" because the separation of powers of a presidential
system frequently creates undesirable and long-term political gridlock and political instability whenever the
president and the legislative majority are from different parties. This is common because the electorate usually
expects more rapid results from new policies than are possible and often prefers candidates from a different party at
the next election. These critics, including Juan Linz, argue that this inherent political instability can cause
democracies to fail, as seen in such cases as Brazil and Chile.
In addition, presidential systems are said by critics not to offer voters the kind of accountability seen in
parliamentary systems. It is easy for either the president or the legislature to escape blame by shifting it to the other.
Describing the United States, former Treasury Secretary C. Douglas Dillon said "the president blames Congress, the
Congress blames the president, and the public remains confused and disgusted with government in Washington".
In Congressional Government, Woodrow Wilson asked,
...how is the schoolmaster, the nation, to know which boy needs the whipping? ... Power and strict
accountability for its use are the essential constituents of good government. ... It is, therefore, manifestly
a radical defect in our federal system that it parcels out power and confuses responsibility as it does. The
main purpose of the Convention of 1787 seems to have been to accomplish this grievous mistake. The
'literary theory' of checks and balances is simply a consistent account of what our constitution makers
tried to do; and those checks and balances have proved mischievous just to the extent which they have
succeeded in establishing themselves ... [the Framers] would be the first to admit that the only fruit of
dividing power had been to make it irresponsible.
Consider the example of the increase in the federal debt of the United States that occurred during the presidency of
Republican Ronald Reagan. Arguably, the deficits were the product of a bargain between President Reagan and the
Democratic Speaker of the House of Representatives, Tip O'Neill - O'Neill agreed not to oppose tax cuts favored by
Reagan, and in exchange Reagan agreed to sign budgets that failed to adequately restrain spending. In such a
scenario, each side can claim to be displeased with the debt, plausibly blame the other side for the deficit, and still
tout its own success.
Impediments to leadership change
Another alleged problem of presidentialism is that it is often difficult to remove a president from office early. Even if
a president is "proved to be inefficient, even if he becomes unpopular, even if his policy is unacceptable to the
majority of his countrymen, he and his methods must be endured until the moment comes for a new election."
(Balfour, intro to the English Constitution). Consider John Tyler, who only became president because William Henry
Harrison had died after thirty days. Tyler refused to sign Whig legislation, was loathed by his nominal party, but
remained firmly in control of the executive branch. Since most presidential systems provide no legal means to
remove a president simply for being unpopular, many presidential countries have experienced military coups to
remove a leader who is said to have lost his mandate.
In parliamentary systems, unpopular leaders can be quickly removed by a vote of no confidence, a procedure which
is reckoned to be a "pressure release valve" for political tension. Votes of no confidence are easier to achieve in
minority government situations, but even if the unpopular leader heads a majority government, nonetheless he is
often in a far less secure position than a president. Removing a president through impeachment is a procedure
mandated by most constitutions, but impeachment proceedings usually cannot be initiated except in cases where the
president has violated the constitution and/or broken the law. Impeachment is usually made into a very difficult
process, by comparison the process of removing a party leader is governed by the (often much less formal) rules of
the party in question. Nearly all parties (including governing parties) have a relatively simple and straightforward
process for removing their leaders. If a premier sustains a serious enough blow to his/her popularity and refuses to
resign on his/her own prior to the next election, then members of his/her party face the prospect of losing their seats.
Presidential system
92
So other prominent party members have a very strong incentive to initiate a leadership challenge in hopes of
mitigating damage to the party. More often than not, a premier facing a serious challenge will resolve to save face by
resigning before he/she is formally removedMargaret Thatcher's relinquishing of her premiership being a
prominent, recent example.
In The English Constitution, Walter Bagehot criticized presidentialism because it does not allow a transfer in power
in the event of an emergency.
Under a cabinet constitution at a sudden emergency the people can choose a ruler for the occasion. It is quite
possible and even likely that he would not be ruler before the occasion. The great qualities, the imperious will,
the rapid energy, the eager nature fit for a great crisis are not requiredare impedimentsin common times.
A Lord Liverpool is better in everyday politics than a Chathama Louis Philippe far better than a Napoleon.
By the structure of the world we want, at the sudden occurrence of a grave tempest, to change the
helmsmanto replace the pilot of the calm by the pilot of the storm.
But under a presidential government you can do nothing of the kind. The American government calls itself a
government of the supreme people; but at a quick crisis, the time when a sovereign power is most needed, you
cannot find the supreme people. You have got a congress elected for one fixed period, going out perhaps by
fixed installments, which cannot be accelerated or retardedyou have a president chosen for a fixed period,
and immovable during that period: ..there is no elastic element... you have bespoken your government in
advance, and whether it is what you want or not, by law you must keep it ... (The English Constitution, the
Cabinet.)
Opponents of the presidential system note that years later, Bagehot's observation came to life during World War II,
when Neville Chamberlain was replaced with Winston Churchill.
However, supporters of the presidential system question the validity of the point. They counter that republics such as
the United States successfully endured this and other crises without the need to change heads of state. Supporters
argue that presidents elected in a time of peace and prosperity have proven themselves perfectly capable of
responding effectively to a serious crisis, largely due to their ability to make the necessary appointments to his
cabinet and elsewhere in government, and/or by creating new positions to deal with new challenges. One prominent,
recent example would be the appointment of a Secretary of Homeland Security following the September 11 attacks
in the United States.
Some supporters of the presidential system counter that impediments to a leadership change is a strength as opposed
to a weakness in times of crisis. In such times, a prime minister might hesitate due to the need to maintain the
support of parliament, whereas a president can act without fear of being removed from office by those who might
disapprove of his actions. Unlike what would be possible in a presidnetial system, a perceived crisis in the
parliamentary system might provide disgruntled backbenchers or leadership rivals an opportunity to launch a
vexatious challenge for a prime minister's leadership. In such a circumstance, there is no guarantee that the sudden
accession of an unproven prime minister during such a crisis will be a change for the better - the ouster of Thatcher
is cited as one such example by those who argue her successor John Major proved less able to defend British
interests in the ensuing Gulf War than Thatcher would have.
Finally, many have criticized presidential systems for their alleged slowness in responding to their citizens' needs.
Often, the checks and balances make action extremely difficult. Walter Bagehot said of the American system "the
executive is crippled by not getting the law it needs, and the legislature is spoiled by having to act without
responsibility: the executive becomes unfit for its name, since it cannot execute what it decides on; the legislature is
demoralized by liberty, by taking decisions of others [and not itself] will suffer the effects". (ibid.)
Defenders of Presidential systems, on the other hand, hold that this can serve to ensure that minority wishes and
rights are not trampled upon, thus preventing a "Tyranny of the majority" and vice versa protect the wishes and
rights of the majority from abuse by legislature and/or executive that holds a contrary view point, especially when
there are frequent, scheduled elections.
Presidential system
93
British-Irish philosopher and MP Edmund Burke stated that officials should be elected based on "his [or her]
unbiased opinion, his [or her] mature judgment, [and] his [or her] enlightened conscience", and therefore should
reflect on the arguments for and against certain policies before taking positions and then act out on what an official
would believe to be best in the long run for one's constituents and country as a whole even if it means short term
backlash. Thus Defenders of Presidential systems hold that sometimes what is wisest may not always be the most
popular decision and vice versa.
Differences from a cabinet system
A number of key theoretical differences exist between a presidential and a cabinet system:
In a presidential system, the central principle is that the legislative and executive branches of government should
be separate. This leads to the separate election of president, who is elected to office for a fixed term, and only
removable for gross misdemeanor by impeachment and dismissal. In addition he or she does not need to choose
cabinet members commanding the support of the legislature. By contrast, in parliamentarism, the executive
branch is led by a council of ministers, headed by a Prime Minister, who are directly accountable to the legislature
and often have their background in the legislature (regardless of whether it is called a "parliament", a "diet", or a
"chamber").
As with the president's set term of office, the legislature also exists for a set term of office and cannot be dissolved
ahead of schedule. By contrast, in parliamentary systems, the legislature can typically be dissolved at any stage
during its life by the head of state, usually on the advice of either Prime Minister alone, by the Prime Minister and
cabinet, or by the cabinet.
In a presidential system, the president usually has special privileges in the enactment of legislation, namely the
possession of a power of veto over legislation of bills, in some cases subject to the power of the legislature by
weighed majority to override the veto. However, it is extremely rare for the president to have the power to
directly propose laws, or cast a vote on legislation. The legislature and the president are thus expected to serve as
checks and balances on each other's powers.
Presidential system presidents may also be given a great deal of constitutional authority in the exercise of the
office of Commander in Chief, a constitutional title given to most presidents. In addition, the presidential power
to receive ambassadors as head of state is usually interpreted as giving the president broad powers to conduct
foreign policy. Though semi-presidential systems may reduce a president's power over day to day government
affairs, semi-presidential systems commonly give the president power over foreign policy.
Presidential systems also have fewer ideological parties than parliamentary systems. Sometimes in the United States,
the policies preferred by the two parties have been very similar (but see also polarization). In the 1950s, during the
leadership of Lyndon Johnson, the Senate Democrats included the right-most members of the chamberHarry Byrd
and Strom Thurmond, and the left-most membersPaul Douglas and Herbert Lehman. This pattern does not prevail
in Latin American presidential democracies.
Overlapping elements
In practice, elements of both systems overlap. Though a president in a presidential system does not have to choose a
government answerable to the legislature, the legislature may have the right to scrutinize his or her appointments to
high governmental office, with the right, on some occasions, to block an appointment. In the United States, many
appointments must be confirmed by the Senate, although once confirmed an appointee can only be removed against
the President's will through impeachment. By contrast, though answerable to parliament, a parliamentary system's
cabinet may be able to make use of the parliamentary 'whip' (an obligation on party members in parliament to vote
with their party) to control and dominate parliament, reducing parliament's ability to control the government.
Some countries, such as France have similarly evolved to such a degree that they can no longer be accurately
described as either presidential or parliamentary-style governments, and are instead grouped under the category of
Presidential system
94
semi-presidential system.
Republics with a presidential system of government
Afghanistan Ecuador Mexico South Sudan
Argentina El Salvador Myanmar Sri Lanka
Armenia Guatemala Nauru Sudan
Azerbaijan Haiti Nicaragua Suriname
Belarus Honduras Nigeria Tanzania
Bolivia Indonesia Panama Uganda
Brazil Iran Paraguay United States
Chile Kazakhstan Peru Uruguay
Colombia Kenya Philippines Uzbekistan
Costa Rica Liberia Seychelles Venezuela
Cyprus Maldives Sierra Leone Zambia
Dominican Republic Marshall Islands South Korea
References
[1] The legislature may retain the right, in extreme cases, to dismiss the executive, often through a process called impeachment. However, such
an intervention is seen as so rare (only two United States presidents were impeachedcharged with misconductand neither was convicted)
as not to contradict the central tenet of presidentialism, that in normal circumstances using normal means the legislature cannot dismiss the
executive.
[2] http:/ / hup. sub. uni-hamburg.de/ giga/ jpla/ article/ view/ 39/ 39
[3] Nelson, Dana D. (2008). Bad for Democracy: How the Presidency Undermines the Power of the People (http:/ / books. google. com/
books?id=qgAWphms5oMC& pg=PA223& lpg=PA223& dq=Dana+ Nelson+ vanderbilt?+ "bad+ for+ democracy"#v=onepage& q=&
f=false). Minneapolis, Minnesota: University of Minnesota Press. p.248. ISBN978-0-8166-5677-6. .
[4] David Sirota (August 22, 2008). "Why cult of presidency is bad for democracy" (http:/ / www. sfgate. com/ cgi-bin/ article. cgi?f=/ c/ a/ 2008/
08/ 21/ EDCQ12G3M0. DTL). San Francisco Chronicle. . Retrieved 2009-09-20.
External links
The Great Debate: Parliament versus Congress (http:/ / www2. parl. gc. ca/ Sites/ LOP/ Infoparl/ english/ issue.
asp?param=108& art=573)
Castagnola, Andrea/Prez-Lin, Anbal: Presidential Control of High Courts in Latin America: A Long-term
View (1904-2006) (http:/ / hup. sub. uni-hamburg. de/ giga/ jpla/ article/ view/ 41/ 41), in: Journal of Politics in
Latin America, Hamburg 2009.
Semi-presidential system
95
Semi-presidential system
Presidential republics are denoted in color blue while semi-presidential systems are
denoted in color yellow.
The semi-presidential system is a
system of government in which a
president and a prime minister are both
active participants in the day-to-day
administration of the state. It differs
from a parliamentary republic in that it
has a popularly elected head of state
who is more than a purely ceremonial
figurehead, and from the presidential
system in that the cabinet, although
named by the president, is responsible
to the legislature, which may force the
cabinet to resign through a motion of
no confidence.
The term was first in a 1978 work by political scientist Maurice Duverger to describe the French Fifth Republic,
which he dubbed a rgime semi-prsidentiel.
[1]
Division of powers
How the powers are divided between president and prime minister can vary greatly between countries. In France, for
example, in case of cohabitation when the president and the prime minister come from opposing parties, the
president is responsible for foreign policy and the prime minister for domestic policy.
[2]
In this case, the division of
powers between the prime minister and the president is not explicitly stated in the constitution, but has evolved as a
political convention. In Finland, by contrast, this particular aspect of the separation of powers is explicitly stated in
the constitution: "foreign policy is led by the president in cooperation with the cabinet".
Cohabitation
Further information: Cohabitation (government)
Semi-presidential systems may sometimes experience periods in which the President and the Prime Minister are
from differing and opposing political parties. This is called "cohabitation", a term which originated in France when
the situation first arose in the 1980s. In most cases, cohabitation results from a system in which the two executives
are not elected at the same time or for the same term. For example, in 1981, France elected both a Socialist president
and legislature, which yielded a Socialist premier. But whereas the president's term of office was for seven years, the
National Assembly only served for five. When, in the 1986 legislative election, the French people elected a
right-center Assembly, Socialist President Mitterrand was forced into "cohabitation" with a rightist premier.
Cohabitation can create an effective system of checks and balances or a period of bitter and tense stonewalling,
depending on the attitudes of the two leaders, the ideologies of their parties, or the demands of their constituencies.
As a typical example, Sri Lankan politics for several years witnessed a bitter struggle between the President and the
Prime Minister, belonging to different parties and elected separately, over the negotiations with the LTTE to resolve
the longstanding civil war.
Semi-presidential system
96
Notes
[1] Bahro, Bayerlein, and Veser, 1998.
[2] See article 5, title II, of the French Constitution of 1958. Jean Massot, QUELLE PLACE LA CONSTITUTION DE 1958
ACCORDE-T-ELLE AU PRESIDENT DE LA REPUBLIQUE ? (http:/ / www. conseil-constitutionnel. fr/ conseil-constitutionnel/ francais/
documentation-publications/ dossiers-thematiques/ 2008-cinquantenaire-la-constitution-en-20-questions/
la-constitution-en-20-questions-question-n-6. 17355. html), Constitutional Council of France website
Prof. Robert Elgie of Dublin City University (School of Law and Government) is a leading academic on
Semi-presidentialism
References
Steven D. Roper. Are All Semipresidential Regimes the Same? (http:/ / www. jstor. org/ pss/ 4146953)
Maurice Duverger. 1978 .chec au roi. Paris.
Maurice Duverger. 1980.A New Political System Model: Semi-Presidential Government European Journal of
Political Research, (8) 2, pp.16587.
Giovanni Sartori. 1997. Comparative constitutional engineering. Second edition. London: MacMillan Press.
Horst Bahro, Bernhard H. Bayerlein, and Ernst Veser. Duverger's concept: Semi-presidential government
revisited. European Journal of Political Research. Volume 34, Number 2 / October, 1998.
Matthew Sberg Shugart. Semi-Presidential Systems: Dual Executive and Mixed Authority Patterns (http:/ / dss.
ucsd.edu/ ~mshugart/ semi-presidentialism. pdf). Graduate School of International Relations and Pacific Studies,
University of California, San Diego. September 2005.
Dennis Shoesmith. Timor-Leste: Divided Leadership in a Semi-Presidential System Asian Survey. March/April
2003, Vol. 43, No. 2, Pages 231252
J. Kristiadi. Toward strong, democratic governance (http:/ / old. thejakartapost. com/ Outlook/ pol06b. asp) .
Indonesia Outlook 2007 - Political June 30, 2008 The Jakarta Post
Frye, T. 1997. A politics of institutional choice: Post-communist presidencies. Comparative Political Studies, 30,
523-552
Goetz, K.H. 2006. Power at the Centre: the Organization of Democratic Systems, in Heywood, P.M. et al..
Developments in European Politics. Palgrave Macmillan
Arend Lijphard. 1992. Parliamentary versus presidential government. Oxford University Press
Nousiainen, J. 2001. From Semi-Presidentialism to Parliamentary Government: Political and Constitutional
Developments in Finland. Scandinavian Political Studies 24 (2): 95-109 June
Rhodes, R.A.W. 1995. "From Prime Ministerial Power to Core Executive" in Prime Minister, cabinet and core
executive (eds) R.A.W. Rhodes and Patrick Dunleavy St. Martin's Press, pp.1137
Shugart, M.S. and J.Carrey. 1992. Presidents and assemblies: Constitutional design and electoral dynamics.
Cambridge University Press.
External links
Governing Systems and Executive-Legislative Relations. (Presidential, Parliamentary and Hybrid Systems) (http:/
/ www. undp. org/ governance/ docs/ Parl-Pub-govern. htm), United Nations Development Program (n.d.).
Blog of Robert Elgie (http:/ / web. mac. com/ relgie/ The_Semi-presidential_One/ Blog/ Blog. html)
97
Branches of Government
Separation of powers
The separation of powers, often imprecisely used interchangeably with the trias politica principle,
[1]
is a model for
the governance of a state. The model was first developed in ancient Greece and came into widespread use by the
Roman Republic as part of the unmodified Constitution of the Roman Republic. Under this model, the state is
divided into branches, each with separate and independent powers and areas of responsibility so that no one branch
has more power than the other branches. The normal division of branches is into an executive, a legislature, and a
judiciary. For similar reasons, the concept of separation of church and state has been adopted in a number of
countries, to varying degrees depending on the applicable legal structures and prevalent views toward the proper role
of religion in society.
Montesquieu's tripartite system
The term is ascribed to French Enlightenment political philosopher Baron de Montesquieu.
[2]

[3]
Montesquieu
described division of political power among an executive, a legislature, and a judiciary. He based this model on the
British constitutional system, in which he perceived a separation of powers among the monarch, Parliament, and the
courts of law. Subsequent writers have noted that this was misleading, because the United Kingdom had a very
closely connected legislature and executive, with further links to the judiciary (though combined with judicial
independence).
Montesquieu did specify that "the independence of the judiciary has to be real, and not apparent merely". "The
judiciary was generally seen as the most important of powers, independent and unchecked", and also considered it
dangerous.
Comparison with other systems
In democratic systems of governance based on the trias politica, a fundamental parallel and a fundamental difference
exists between presidential systems and constitutional monarchic parliamentary system of government.
The parallel is that the 3 branches of government (legislative, executive, judicial) exist largely independent of each
other. Each with its competences, prerogatives and its domain of activity, and exercising control over each other.
The legislative body has control of the executive finances, and has judiciary powers, it also has control of the way
the judiciary works.
The judiciary often has control of laws not being contradictory to the constitution or other laws and it has the
power to correct and control the way the executive body exercises it powers (to execute the law)
The difference is :
In presidential systems the incumbent of the Head-of-state is elected to office, and after transfer of power the
president appoints his administration (ministers etc.)(link in the US) or a government headed by a prime minister
is formed within the parliament (based on the majority in the parliament) (like in France). The latter might lead to
a "cohabitation" where a president and his government belong to different parties or to different coalition. Also
further down the ladder of political power regional or local legislative bodies and the chief executive is elected
(State governor and State Senate in the US, the Conseil Communal and Bourgemestre in France).
In constitutional monarchic parliamentary systems only the legislative body is elected and a government formed
on the basis of majority or coalitions of parties. Elected members of parliament have to resign form their mandate
Separation of powers
98
in order to accept an Executive office. This is true in regional and local councils are elected and the executive
nominated.
In a parliamentary system, when the term of the legislature ends, so too may the tenure of the executive selected by
that legislature. Although in a presidential system the executive's term may or may not coincide with the
legislature's, their selection is technically independent of the legislature.
The 2 branch power systems may have systems in which certain branches have more than one power. Often a
legislative body is elected, while the executive is nominated. The nominated executive branch also has power of
presenting legislation, while the legislative body is only has a controlling function. In those system the judiciary is
subservient to the executive and has no power to control either the executive or the legality of new legislative texts.
The separation of powers is a doctrine which provides a separate authority, which makes it possible for the
authorities to check each others checks and balances (Executive Authority Act 1936)...
Various models
Constitutions with a high degree of separation of powers are found worldwide. The UK system is distinguished by a
particular entwining of powers. In Italy the powers are completely separated, even if Council of Ministers need the
vote of confidence from both chambers of Parliament, that's however formed by a wide number of members (almost
1,000). A number of Latin American countries have electoral branches of government.
Countries with little separation of power include New Zealand and Canada. Canada makes limited use of separation
of powers in practice, although in theory it distinguishes between branches of government. New Zealand also
subscribes to the principle of 'Separation of Powers' through a series of constitutional safeguards. The Executive
requires regular approval from the Legislature to carry out decisions. The Mixed Members Proportionate framework
also caters for a coalition of parties to form government where a majority from a single party does not exist. The
Judiciary is also free of government interference. If a series of judicial decisions result in an interpretation of the law
which the Executive considers does not reflect the intention of the policy, the Executive can change the legislation.
However, they can not direct or request a judicial officer to revise or reconsider a decision. These decisions are final.
Should there be a dispute between the Executive and Judiciary, the Executive has no authority to direct the Judiciary,
or its individual members.
Complete separation-of-powers systems are almost always presidential, although theoretically this need not be the
case. There are a few historical exceptions, such as the Directoire system of revolutionary France. Switzerland offers
an example of non-Presidential separation of powers today: It is run by a seven-member executive branch, the
Federal Council. However, some might argue that Switzerland does not have a strong separation of powers system,
as the Federal Council is appointed by parliament (but not dependent on parliament), and the judiciary has no power
of review.
Executive Branch
Is the branch of government charged with execution and enforcement of laws and policies and the administration of
public affairs. The executive branch includes governors and their staffs. At the federal level, the executive includes
the president, the vice president, staffs of appointed advisers and a variety of departments and agencies. The
executive branch also proposes a great deal of legislation to congress and also appoints federal judges, including
justices of the Supreme Court.
Separation of powers
99
Legislative Branch
Is the branch of government which has the power to make laws; the legislative branch consists of congress and the
fifty state legislatures. At which both state and federal levels, legislature is made up of popularly elected
representatives that propose laws that are sensitive to the needs and interests of their local constituents.
Judicial Branch
Is the branch of government in charge of the interpretation of laws and the administration of justice. The courts
systems of the judicial branch are local, state, and federal governments, in which each of them are responsible for
interpreting the laws passed by the legislative branch and are enforced always by the executive branch. Each one of
these courts has either criminal cases or civil cases. Each one of these courts attempt to resolve each conflict in order
to protect the individual rights by the constitution and also with the bounds of justice, of the U.S law.
Three branches
Australia-Three Branches
Australia does not maintain a strict separation between the legislative and executive branches of
governmentindeed, government ministers are required to be a member of parliamentbut the federal judiciary
strictly guards its independence from the other two branches. However, under influence from the American
constitution, the Australian constitution does define the three branches of government separately, and this has been
interpreted by the judiciary to induce an implicit separation of powers. State governments have a similar level of
separation of power, but this is generally on the basis of convention, rather than constitution.
France
The government of France is divided up into 3 branches.
Executive. This includes the popularly elected president as well as the prime minister and cabinet.
Legislature. A bicameral legislature that includes the Senate (upper house) and the National Assembly (lower
house).
Judiciary. This includes the judicial and administrative orders. It also includes a constitutional court.
Hong Kong (Chinese Special Administrative Region): three branches
Hong Kong is a largely self-governing Chinese territory established under the principle of one country, two systems.
Hong Kong has three branches of government as codified in the Basic Law, which preserves the political setup of the
British colonial era:
Government - executive
Legislative Council - legislature
Judiciary (Court of Final Appeal and other courts and tribunals) - judiciary
The Chief Executive, elected by a 800-member Election Committee, is both head of the region and head of
government, and chairs the Executive Council which composes of unofficial members and government secretaries.
The law courts exercise the power of judicial review of constitutionality of legislations and administrative actions,
and emphasis the separation of powers in their rulings. The Chief Justice also stated this position in the ceremonial
opening of the legal year.
[4]
However, politically separation of powers is usually argued against, with the leaders of
the People's Republic of China, the sovereign of Hong Kong, requesting publicly for the three branches to cooperate,
and pro-Beijing politicians emphasising an "executive-led" system.
[5]
Separation of powers
100
India: three branches
Parliament = Legislative
Prime Minister, Cabinet, Government Departments & Civil Service = Executive
Supreme Court = Judicial
The democratic system in India also offers a clear separation of powers. India follows a parliamentary system of
government. The Judiciary branch is fairly independent of the other two branches. Executive powers are vested with
the President who is assisted by the Cabinet Secretary and other Secretaries. All three branches have "checks and
balances" over each other to maintain the balance of power. Executive branch is under the President of India,
Vice-President of India and Cabinet Secretary (India).
United Kingdom: three branches
Parliament - legislature
Prime Minister, Cabinet, Government Departments & Civil Service - executive
Courts - judiciary
Although the doctrine of separation of power plays a role in the United Kingdom's constitutional doctrine, the UK
constitution is often described as having "a weak separation of powers" A. V. Dicey, despite its constitution being
the one to which Montesquieu originally referred. For example, in the United Kingdom, the executive forms a subset
of the legislature, as didto a lesser extentthe judiciary until the establishment of the Supreme Court of the
United Kingdom. The Prime Minister, the Chief Executive, sits as a member of the Parliament of the United
Kingdom, either as a peer in the House of Lords or as an elected member of the House of Commons (by convention,
and as a result of the supremacy of the Lower House, the Prime Minister now sits in the House of Commons) and
can effectively be removed from office by a simple majority vote. Furthermore, while the courts in the United
Kingdom are undoubtedly amongst the most independent in the world, the Law Lords, who were the final arbiters of
judicial disputes in the UK, until recently sat simultaneously in the House of Lords, the upper house of the
legislature, although this arrangement ceased in 2009 when the Supreme Court of the United Kingdom came into
existence. Furthermore, because of the existence of Parliamentary sovereignty, while the theory of separation of
powers may be studied there, a system such as that of the UK is more accurately described as a "fusion of powers".
The development of the British constitution, which is not a codified document, is based on this fusion in the person
of the Monarch, who has a formal role to play in the legislature (Parliament, which is where legal and political
sovereignty lies, is the Crown-in-Parliament, and is summoned and dissolved by the Sovereign who must give his or
her Royal Assent to all Bills so that they become Acts), the executive (the Sovereign appoints all ministers of
His/Her Majesty's Government, who govern in the name of the Crown) and the judiciary (the Sovereign, as the fount
of justice, appoints all senior judges, and all public prosecutions are brought in his or her name).
The British legal systems are based on common law traditions which require:
Police or regulators cannot initiate complaints under criminal law but can only investigate (prosecution is mostly
reserved for the Crown Prosecution Service), which prevents selective enforcement, e.g. the 'fishing expedition'
which is often specifically forbidden.
Prosecutors cannot withhold evidence from attorneys for the defendant; to do so results in mistrial or dismissal.
Accordingly, their relation to police is no advantage.
Defendants convicted can appeal, but only fresh and compelling evidence not available at trial can be introduced,
restricting the power of the court of appeal to the process of law applied.
Separation of powers
101
United States: three branches
In the United States Constitution, Article 1 Section I gives Congress only those "legislative powers herein granted"
and proceeds to list those permissible actions in Article I Section 8, while Section 9 lists actions that are prohibited
for Congress. The vesting clause in Article II places no limits on the Executive branch, simply stating that, "The
Executive Power shall be vested in a President of the United States of America."
[6]
The Supreme Court holds "The
judicial Power" according to Article III, and it established the implication of Judicial review in Marbury vs
Madison.
[7]
The federal government refers to the branches as "branches of government", while some systems use
"government" to describe the executive. The Executive branch has attempted to claim power arguing for separation
of powers to include being the Commander in Chief of a standing army since the Civil war, executive orders,
emergency powers and security classifications since WWII, national security, signing statements, and the scope of
the unitary executive.
Checks and balances
To prevent one branch from becoming supreme, protect the "opulent minority" from the majority, and to induce the
branches to cooperate, government systems that employ a separation of powers need a way to balance each of the
branches. Typically this was accomplished through a system of "checks and balances", the origin of which, like
separation of powers itself, is specifically credited to Montesquieu. Checks and balances allow for a system based
regulation that allows one branch to limit another, such as the power of Congress to alter the composition and
jurisdiction of the federal courts.
Legislative (Congress) Executive (President) Judicial (Supreme Court)
Passes bills; has broad taxing and
spending power; controls the federal
budget; has power to borrow money on the
credit of the United States (may be vetoed
by President, but vetoes may be
overridden with a two-thirds vote of both
houses)
Is the commander-in-chief of the armed
forces
Determines which laws Congress intended to
apply to any given case
Has sole power to declare war. Executes the instructions of Congress. Exercises judicial review, reviewing the
constitutionality of laws
Oversees, investigates, and makes the
rules for the government and its officers.
May veto bills passed by Congress (but
the veto may be overridden by a
two-thirds majority of both houses)
Determines how Congress meant the law to
apply to disputes
Defines by law the jurisdiction of the
federal judiciary in cases not specified by
the Constitution
Executes the spending authorized by
Congress.
Determines how a law acts to determine the
disposition of prisoners
Ratification of treaties signed by the
President and gives advice and consent to
presidential appointments to the federal
judiciary, federal executive departments,
and other posts (Senate only)
Declares states of emergency and
publishes regulations and executive
orders.
Determines how a law acts to compel
testimony and the production of evidence
Has sole power of impeachment (House of
Representatives) and trial of
impeachments (Senate); can remove
federal executive and judicial officers
from office for high crimes and
misdemeanors
Makes executive agreements (does not
require ratification) and signs treaties
(ratification requiring by two-thirds of the
Senate)
Determines how laws should be interpreted to
assure uniform policies in a top-down fashion
via the appeals process, but gives discretion in
individual cases to low-level judges. The
amount of discretion depends upon the
standard of review, determined by the type of
case in question.
Separation of powers
102
Makes appointments to the federal
judiciary, federal executive departments,
and other posts with the advice and
consent of the Senate. Has power to make
temporary appointment during the recess
of the Senate
Federal judges serve for life
Has the power to grant "reprieves and
pardons for offenses against the United
States, except in cases of impeachment."
Other systems
Belgium: complex model
Belgium is currently a federated state that has imposed the trias politica on different governmental levels. The
constitution of 1831, which was considered one of the most liberal of its time, limited the powers of its monarch and
imposed a rigorous system of separation of powers.
The principles of the Belgian structure are trias politica (horizontal separation of powers), Subsidiarity (vertical
separation of powers) and secularism (separation of state and religion).
Horizontal separation of powers:
the legislative power was attributed to an elected parliamentary body elected with a representative general
election system (one person one vote).
the executive power was attributed to the Council of Ministers, the ministers are appointed by the King;
Ministers are usually chosen from the elected members of parliament, however they resign form their elected
seat, also non-elected people can be nominated minister.
the judicial power is in the hands of the courts, Magistrates are nominated in by the minister (on proposal from
a Council of the Magistrates).
Magistrates can be nominated to become a judge (sitting magistrates) or Instructing judge (investigating
judge) of Procureur (public prosecutor) (the standing magistrates).
the executive branch of the government is responsible to provide the physical means to execute its role
(infrastructure, staff, financial means).
Judges and some other people cannot run for elected office while they are nominated to certain positions
(military, police-officers, clergy, notaries, bailiffs).
The 1830 constitution was liberal in the sense that it imposed a limitation on the monarch's powers,
installed three independent political powers ( the military power was aksi subjected to the executive branch)
and described a strict secularist notion of the state (separation between church and state)
The king, the head of state, is politically incompetent and requires executive approval by a minister for
every action and statement; he nominates the ministers but he does not choose them (his executive
powers); he signs and decrees the laws voted in parliament (his legislative powers);
The head of state is commander in chief of the military (in title only), politically the military depends of
the Minister of Defense and the chiefs of staff are responsible towards parliament and take their orders
from the Minister of Defense and the government;
certain functions are deemed incompatible and as such people have to resign from their function if they
want to assume responsibilities in another function (military commanders have never been government
ministers, even during a war)
Vertical separation of powers:
The principle of subsidiarity defines that the competence to make decisions is established at the most relevant
(competent) level of government.
Separation of powers
103
Supranational directives (EU legislation) and international treaties are subjected to approval of the federal level
(the federal level being Belgium the nation state)
the federal level is composed of the following:
a bicameral parliament (House of Representative and Senate) (in 2014 this will be a directly elected house
and an indirectly appointed Senate of the regions)
a federal government (lead by the Prime Minister and the ministers and secretaries of state)
competent for justice, defense, foreign affairs, and social security, public health
High Court, constitutional Court, Cassation Court
The regional level is split likewis.
A monocameral parliament
A regional government led by the minister-president (ministers and secretaries of state) is competent for
regional matters.
The provinces also have the same structure
A monocameral provincial council
A provincial governor assisted by deputies and a arrondissements commissars is comptent for provincial
matters.
Appellate Court, Assisses Court
city and communal entities
a city or communal council composed of a mayor, assisted by aldermen, is competent for local matters.
Magistrates Court, Correctional Court (three judges).
Justice of the peace and Police Court judges (single judge courts)
Costa Rica: three branches and two semi-branches
As the aftermath of the 44-day civil war in 1948 (after former President and incumbent candidate Rafael lgel
Caldern Guardia tried to take power through fraud, by not recognising the results of the presidential election that he
had lost), the question of which transformational model the Costa Rican State would follow was the main issue that
confronted the victors. A Constituent Assembly was elected by popular vote to draw up a new constitution, enacted
in 1949 and still in force. This document was an edit of the constitution of 1871, as the constituent assembly rejected
more radical corporatist ideas proposed by the ruling Junta Fundadora de la Segunda Repblica (which, although
having come to power by military force, abolished the armed forces). Nonetheless, the new constitution increased
centralization of power at the expense of municipalities and eliminated provincial government altogether, at the time
it increased the powers of congress and the judiciary.
It established the three supreme powers as the legislature, executive, and judicial branches, but also created two
other autonomous state organs that have equivalent power but not equivalent rank. The first is the Supreme Elections
Tribunal (electoral branch) which controls elections and makes unique, unappealable decisions on their outcomes.
The second is the office of the Comptroller General (audit branch), an autonomous and independent organ
nominally subordinate to the unicameral legislative assembly. All budgets of ministries and municipalities must pass
through this agency, including the execution of budget items such as contracting for routine operations. The
Comptroller also provides financial vigilance over government offices and office holders, and routinely brings
actions to remove mayors for malfeasance, firmly establishing this organization as the fifth branch of the Republic.
Separation of powers
104
European Union
First, note that the European Union is a supranational polity, and is neither a country nor a federation; but as the EU
wields political power, and is fully aware of its "democratic deficit", it attempts to comply with the principle of
separation of powers. There are seven institutions of the European Union. In intergovernmental matters, most power
is concentrated in the Council of the European Union giving it the characteristics of a normal international
organization. Here, all power at EU level is in one branch. In the latter there are four main actors. The European
Commission acts as an independent executive which is appointed by the Council in conjunction with the European
Parliament; but the Commission also has a legislative role as the sole initiator of EU legislation. An early maxim
was: "The Commission proposes and the Council disposes"; and although the EU's lawmaking procedure is now
much more complicated, this simple maxim still holds some truth. As well as both executive and legislative
functions, the Commission arguably exercises a third, quasi-judicial, function under Articles 81 & 82 (competition
law ); although the ECJ remains the final arbiter. The European Parliament is one half of the legislative branch and is
directly elected. The Council itself acts both as the second half of the legislative branch and also holds some
executive functions (some of which are exercised by the related European Council in practice). The European Court
of Justice acts as the independent judicial branch, interpreting EU law and treaties. The remaining institution, the
European Court of Auditors, is an independent audit authority (due to the sensitive nature of fraud in the EU).
Council of the European Union legislative and executive
European Commission executive, legislative and quasi-judicial
European Council executive
European Court of Auditors audit
European Court of Justice judicial
European Parliament legislative
Germany: three branches and six bodies
The six main bodies enshrined in the Basic Law for the Federal Republic of Germany are:
Federal President (Bundesprsident) - executive
Federal Cabinet (Bundesregierung) - executive
Federal Diet (Bundestag) & Federal Council (Bundesrat) - legislative
Federal Assembly (Bundesversammlung) - presidential electoral college
Federal Constitutional Court (Bundesverfassungsgericht) - judiciary
The Bundesversammlung is primarily constituted of members of the Bundestag and in the same count by the
Parliaments of the States (mostly called "Landtag") elected Electors.
Besides the constitutional court the judicial branch at the federal level is made up of five supreme courts one for
civil and criminal cases (Bundesgerichtshof), and one each for administrative, tax, labour, and social security issues.
There are also state (Lnder / Bundeslnder) based courts beneath them, and a rarely used senate of the supreme
courts.
Separation of powers
105
Hungary: four branches and six bodies
The four independent branches of power in Hungary are: the parliament (legislative), the government (executive),
the court system (judiciary) and the office of the public accuser (i.e. prosecutor general).
Parliament (Magyar Orszggyls): elected every 4 years by the people in a highly complex, two-round voting
system
Government (Magyar Kormny): installed and removed by 50%+1 basic majority vote of the parliament, 4 year
terms
Supreme Court (Legfelsbb Brsg): Chief justice elected by qualified (2/3) majority of the parliament, no
government oversight
Constitutional court (Alkotmnybrsg): members elected by qualified majority of the parliament for 8 years,
this body nullifies laws and has no government oversight.
Chief public accuser (Legfbb gysz): elected by qualified majority of the parliament, 6 year terms, office
budget fixed, no government oversight.
The President of the Republic (Kztrsasgi Elnk) is elected by qualified majority of the Hungarian parliament
for 5 year terms (cannot be reelected more than once). He/she has ceremonial powers only, signs laws into power
and commands the military in time of peace.
The independent pillar status of the Hungarian public accuser's office is a unique construction, loosely modeled on
the system Portugal introduced after the 1974 victory of the Carnation Revolution. The public accuser (attorney
general) body has became the fourth column of Hungarian democracy only in recent times: after communism fell in
1989, the office was made independent by a new clausule XI. of the Constitution. The change was meant to prevent
abuse of state power, especially with regards to the use of false accusations against opposition politicians, who may
be excluded from elections if locked in protracted or excessively severe court cases.
To prevent the Hungarian accuser's office from neglecting its duties, natural human private persons can submit
investigation requests, called "ptmagnvd" directly to the courts, if the accusers' office refuses to do its job. Courts
will decide if the allegations have merit and order police to act in lieu of the accuser's office if warranted. In its
decision No.42/2005 the Hungarian constitutional court declared that the government does not enjoy such privilege
and the state is powerless to further pursue cases if the public accuser refuses to do so.
Republic of China: five branches
According to Sun Yat-sen's idea of "separation of the five powers", the government of the Republic of China has five
branches:
Executive Yuan - led by the premier but in actuality it is the president who sets policy - executive
Legislative Yuan - unicameral - legislature
Judicial Yuan - its Constitutional Court (highest) and Supreme Court have different jurisdictions - judiciary
Control Yuan - audit branch
Examination Yuan - civil service personnel management and human resources
The president and vice president as well as the defunct National Assembly are constitutionally not part of the above
five branches. Before being abolished in 2005, the National Assembly was a constitutional convention and electoral
college for the president and vice president. Its constitutional amending powers were passed to the legislative yuan
and its electoral powers were passed to the electorate.
The relationship between the executive and legislative branches are poorly defined. An example of the problems this
causes is the near complete political paralysis that results when the president, who has neither the power to veto nor
the ability to dissolve the legislature and call new elections, cannot negotiate with the legislature when his party is in
the minority.
[8]
The examination and control yuans are marginal branches; their leaders as well as the leaders of the
executive and judicial yuans are appointed by the president and confirmed by the legislative yuan. The legislature is
the only branch that chooses its own leadership. The vice president has practically no responsibilities.
Separation of powers
106
References
[1] This latter refers specifically to the separation of powers into three branches of government: legislative, judicial and executive.
[2] "Baron de Montesquieu, Charles-Louis de Secondat (Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy)" (http:/ / plato. stanford. edu/ entries/
montesquieu/ #4). Plato.stanford.edu. . Retrieved 2008-10-29.
[3] "lawiki.org law Separation of Powers: the reality" (http:/ / www. lawiki. org/ lawwiki/ Separation_of_powers). lawiki.org. . Retrieved
2010-09-16.
[4] "Chief Justice's Speech at Ceremonial Opening of the Legal Year 2010" (http:/ / www. info. gov. hk/ gia/ general/ 201001/ 11/
P201001110174. htm). Hong Kong Judiciary. . Retrieved 2011-03-07.
[5] "Mature Enough for Democracy, And Sensible Too" (http:/ / globalasia. org/ pdf/ issue3/ v2n2sing. pdf). Global Asia. . Retrieved
2011-03-06.
[6] Constitution of the United States (http:/ / www. archives. gov/ exhibits/ charters/ constitution. html)
[7] Madison, James. (8 February 1788) "The Structure of the Government Must Furnish the Proper Checks and Balances Between the Different
Departments" (http:/ / www. foundingfathers.info/ federalistpapers/ fed51. htm) The Federalist Papers No. 51
[8] "E-Notes: Why Taiwan's Political Paralysis Persists FPRI" (http:/ / www. fpri. org/ enotes/ asia. 20020418. rigger.
taiwanpoliticalparalysis. html). Fpri.org. . Retrieved 2008-10-29.
9.)http://dictionary.reference.com/
Further reading
Peter Barenboim, Biblical Roots of Separation of Powers (2005) ISBN 5-94381-123-0, Permalink: http:/ / lccn.
loc. gov/ 2006400578
Biancamaria Fontana (ed.), The Invention of the Modern Republic (http:/ / www. cambridge. org/ us/ catalogue/
catalogue. asp?isbn=0521033764) (2007) ISBN 9780521033763
W. B. Gwyn, The Meaning of the Separation of Powers (1965) (no ISBN)
Bernard Manin, Principles of Representative Government (http:/ / books. google. com/
books?id=GhAJ2x2coEoC) (1995; English version 1997) ISBN 0521452589 (hbk), ISBN 0521458919 (pbk)
Jos Mara Maravall and Adam Przeworski (eds), Democracy and the Rule of Law (http:/ / books. google. com/
books?id=EMB-F6Forx8C) (2003) ISBN 0521825598 (hbk), ISBN 0521532663 (pbk)
Paul A. Rahe, Montesquieu and the Logic of Liberty (http:/ / www. hillsdalesites. org/ personal/ prahe/
logicofliberty. html) (2009) ISBN 9780300141252 (hbk), ISBN 9780300168082 (pbk)
Iain Stewart, "Men of Class: Aristotle, Montesquieu and Dicey on 'Separation of Powers' and 'The Rule of Law'"
(http:/ / www. law. mq. edu. au/ html/ MqLJ/ volume4/ vol4_stewarti. pdf) (2004)
Iain Stewart, "Montesquieu in England: his 'Notes on England', with Commentary and Translation" (http:/ / ouclf.
iuscomp. org/ articles/ montesquieu. shtml) (2002).
Alec Stone Sweet, Governing with Judges: Constitutional Politics in Europe (http:/ / books. google. com/
books?id=61AzsGk7EW0C) (2000) ISBN 978-0-19-829730-7
M. J. C. Vile, Constitutionalism and the Separation of Powers (http:/ / oll. libertyfund. org/ Home3/ Book.
php?recordID=0024) (1967, Indianapolis: Liberty Fund, 1998) Second edition. ISBN 0865971749 (hbk), ISBN
0865971757 (pbk)
External links
Polybius and the Founding Fathers: the separation of powers (http:/ / www. mlloyd. org/ mdl-indx/ polybius/
intro. htm)
Arbitrary Government Described and the Government of the Massachusetts Vindicated from that Aspersion
(1644) (http:/ / www. bartleby. com/ 43/ 9. html)
Executive
107
Executive
The executive branch is the part of government that has sole authority and responsibility for the daily administration
of the state.
[1]
The division of power into separate branches of government is central to the idea of the separation of
powers.
[2]
In many countries, the term "government" connotes only the executive branch. However, this usage fails to
differentiate between despotic and democratic forms of government. In authoritarian systems, such as a dictatorship
or absolute monarchy, where the different powers of government are assumed by one person, the executive branch
ceases to exist since there is no other branch with which to share separate but equal governmental powers.
The separation of powers system is designed to distribute authority away from the executive branchan attempt to
preserve individual liberty in response to tyrannical leadership throughout history.
[3]
The executive officer is not
supposed to make laws (the role of the legislature) or interpret them (the role of the judiciary). The role of the
executive is to enforce the law as written by the legislature and interpreted by the judicial system.
Responsibility
The roles that the top leadership of the executive branch may fulfill include:
head of governmentrunning the functions of the state, managing the bureaucracy, and deciding how to enforce
the law
foreign ministeroverseeing state's ambassadors, managing and determining foreign policy
commander in chiefcommanding the state's armed forces and determining military policy
The organizational structure of the executive branch determines the relationship between the heads of state and
government respectively. The executive branch also carries out the laws.
In a presidential system the leader of the executive branch is at once the head of state and head of government. In a
parliamentary system, a cabinet minister with the title of prime minister is head of government, while the head of
state is a largely ceremonial monarch or president.
Notes
[1] Executive Branch (http:/ / dictionary.reference. com/ browse/ Executive+ Branch& fromAsk=true), www.dictionary.reference.com
[2] ... central to the democratic idea of Separation of Powers (http:/ / www. reference. com/ browse/ separation of powers), www.reference.com
[3] ... an attempt to preserve individual liberty (http:/ / www. constitution. org/ fed/ federa51. htm), The Federalist Papers #51
Legislature
108
Legislature
A legislature is a kind of deliberative assembly with the power to pass, amend, and repeal laws.
[1]
The law created
by a legislature is called legislation or statutory law. In addition to enacting laws, legislatures usually have exclusive
authority to raise or lower taxes and adopt the budget and other money bills. Legislatures are known by many names,
the most common being parliament and congress, although these terms also have more specific meanings.
In parliamentary systems of government, the legislature is formally supreme and appoints a member from its house
as the prime minister which acts as the executive.
[2]
In a presidential system, according to the separation of powers
doctrine, the legislature is considered an independent and coequal branch of government along with both the
judiciary and the executive.
[3]
The primary components of a legislature are one or more chambers or houses: assemblies that debate and vote upon
bills. A legislature with only one house is called unicameral. A bicameral legislature possesses two separate
chambers, usually described as an upper house and a lower house, which often differ in duties, powers, and the
methods used for the selection of members. Much rarer have been tricameral legislatures; the Massachusetts
Governor's Council still exists, but the most recent national example existed in the waning years of
caucasian-minority rule in South Africa.
In most parliamentary systems, the lower house is the more powerful house while the upper house is merely a
chamber of advice or review. However, in presidential systems, the powers of the two houses are often similar or
equal. In federations, it is typical for the upper house to represent the component states; the same applies to the
supranational legislature of the European Union. For this purpose, the upper house may either contain the delegates
of state governments, as is the case in the European Union and in Germany and was the case in the United States
before 1913, or be elected according to a formula that grants equal representation to states with smaller populations,
as is the case in Australia and the modern United States.
Because members of legislatures usually sit together in a specific room to deliberate, seats in that room may be
assigned exclusively to members of the legislature. In parliamentary language, the term seat is sometimes used to
mean that someone is a member of a legislature. For example, saying that a legislature has 100 "seats" means that
there are 100 members of the legislature, and saying that someone is "contesting a seat" means they are trying to get
elected as a member of the legislature. By extension, the term seat is often used in less formal contexts to refer to an
electoral district itself, as for example in the phrases "safe seat" and "marginal seat".
References
[1] "Debate #3 Glossary" (http:/ / www. headsup.org. uk/ content/ default. asp?page=s41_5). Hansard Society. November 2003. . Retrieved
2008-10-16.
[2] "What is the "Westminster System"?" (http:/ / web.archive. org/ web/ 20080724133623/ http:/ / www. parliament. vic. gov. au/
windowintime/ faq/ showfaq. cfm?faqid=22). Parliament of Victoria. Archived from the original (http:/ / www. parliament. vic. gov. au/
windowintime/ faq/ showfaq. cfm?faqid=22) on 2008-07-24. . Retrieved 2008-10-16.
[3] "Governing Systems and Executive-Legislative Relations (Presidential, Parliamentary and Hybrid Systems)" (http:/ / www. undp. org/
governance/ docs/ Parl-Pub-govern. htm). United Nations Development Programme. . Retrieved 2008-10-16.
Judiciary
109
Judiciary
Justitia, symbol of the judiciary.
[1]

[2]
The judiciary (also known as the judicial system) is the system of
courts that interprets and applies the law in the name of the state.
The judiciary also provides a mechanism for the resolution of
disputes. Under the doctrine of the separation of powers, the
judiciary generally does not make law (that is, in a plenary
fashion, which is the responsibility of the legislature) or enforce
law (which is the responsibility of the executive), but rather
interprets law and applies it to the facts of each case. This branch
of the state is often tasked with ensuring equal justice under law. It
usually consists of a court of final appeal (called the "Supreme
court" or "Constitutional court"), together with lower courts.
In many jurisdictions the judicial branch has the power to change
laws through the process of judicial review. Judicial review is
when the Supreme court judge confirms a bill constitutional and
unconstitutional. If the result is unconstitutional, it can't be a law
under the United States of America. If it gets confirmed as
constitutional, then it can be a law. Courts with judicial review
power may annul the laws and rules of the state when it finds them
incompatible with a higher norm, such as primary legislation, the
provisions of the constitution or international law. Judges
constitute a critical force for interpretation and implementation of a constitution, thus de facto in common law
countries creating the body of constitutional law.
During last decades the judiciary became active in economic issues related with economic rights established by
constitution because "economics may provide insight into questions that bear on the proper legal interpretation".
[3]
Since many a country with a transitional political and economic system continues treating its constitution as an
abstract legal document disengaged from the economic policy of the state, practice of judicial review of economic
acts of executive and legislative branches began to grow.
In the 1980s, the Supreme Court of India for almost a decade had been encouraging public interest litigation on
behalf of the poor and oppressed by using a very broad interpretation of several articles of the Indian Constitution.
[4]
Budget of the judiciary in many transitional and developing countries is almost completely controlled by the
executive. The latter undermines the separation of powers, as it creates a critical financial dependence of the
judiciary. The proper national wealth distribution including the government spending on the judiciary is subject of
the constitutional economics. It is important to distinguish between the two methods of corruption of the judiciary:
the state (through budget planning and various privileges), and the private.
[5]
The term "judiciary" is also used to refer collectively to the personnel, such as judges, magistrates and other
adjudicators, who form the core of a judiciary (sometimes referred to as a "bench"), as well as the staffs who keep
the system running smoothly.
Judiciary
110
History
After the French Revolution, lawmakers stopped interpretation of law by judges, and the legislature was the only
body permitted to interpret the law; this prohibition was later overturned by the Code Napolon.
[6]
In civil law jurisdictions at present, judges interpret the law to about the same extent as in common law jurisdictions
though it may be acknowledged in theory in a different manner than in the common law tradition which directly
recognizes the limited power of judges to make law. For instance, in France, the jurisprudence constante of the
Court of Cassation or the Council of State is equivalent in practice with case law. it is also one of the only branch's to
have its own point of view on everything
Various functions
In common or provinces, courts interpret law, including constitutions, statutes, and regulations. They also make
law (but in a limited sense, limited to the facts of particular cases) based upon prior case law in areas where the
legislature has not made law. For instance, the tort of negligence is not derived from statute law in most common
law jurisdictions. The term common law refers to this kind of law.
In civil law jurisdictions, courts interpret the law, but are, at least in theory, prohibited from creating law, and
thus, still in theory, do not issue rulings more general than the actual case to be judged. In practice, jurisprudence
plays the same role as case law.
In socialist law, the primary responsibility for interpreting the law belongs to the legislature.
This difference can be seen by comparing United States, France and the People's Republic of China:
In the United States court system, the Supreme Court is the final authority on the interpretation of the federal
Constitution and all statutes and regulations created pursuant to it, as well as the constitutionality of the various
state laws; in the US federal court system, federal cases are tried in trial courts, known as the US district courts,
followed by appellate courts and then the Supreme Court. State courts, which try 98% of litigation,
[7]
may have
different names and organization; trial courts may be called "courts of common plea", appellate courts "superior
courts" or "commonwealth courts".
[8]
The judicial system, whether state or federal, begins with a court of first
instance, is appealed to an appellate court, and then ends at the court of last resort.
[9]
In France, the final authority on the interpretation of the law is the Council of State for administrative cases, and
the Court of Cassation for civil and criminal cases.
In the People Republic of China, the final authority on the interpretation of the law is the National People's
Congress.
Other countries such as Argentina have mixed systems that include lower courts, appeals courts, a cassation court
(for criminal law) and a Supreme Court. In this system the Supreme Court is always the final authority but
criminal cases have four stages, one more than civil law.on the court a total of nine judges sit on the court. This
number has been changed several times. Also reminded that federal laws are consisted of the powers that the
judicial branch has. This is always been some limits in Congress that the Judicial Branch has.
Judiciary
111
Further reading
Cardozo, Benjamin N. (1998). The Nature of the Judicial Process. New Haven: Yale University Press.
Feinberg, Kenneth, Jack Kress, Gary McDowell, and Warren E. Burger (1986). The High Cost and Effect of
Litigation, 3 vols.
Frank, Jerome (1985). Law and the Modern Mind. Birmingham, AL: Legal Classics Library.
Levi, Edward H. (1949) An Introduction to Legal Reasoning. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
Marshall, Thurgood (2001). Thurgood Marshall: His Speeches, Writings, Arguments, Opinions and
Reminiscences. Chicago: Lawrence Hill Books.
McCloskey, Robert G., and Sanford Levinson (2005). The American Supreme Court, 4th ed. Chicago: University
of Chicago Press.
Miller, Arthur S. (1985). Politics, Democracy and the Supreme Court: Essays on the Future of Constitutional
Theory. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press.
Tribe, Laurence (1985). God Save This Honorable Court: How the Choice of Supreme Court Justices Shapes Our
History. New York: Random House.
Zelermyer, William (1977). The Legal System in Operation. St. Paul, MN: West Publishing.
Notes
[1] Hamilton, Marci. God vs. the Gavel (http:/ / books.google. com/ books?id=Ox4_vqFCjcEC& pg=PA296& dq="lady+ justice"+ symbol&
lr=& as_brr=3& ei=uXb8Se-IC4GuyATlm5SPBg), page 296 (Cambridge University Press 2005): The symbol of the judicial system, seen in
courtrooms throughout the United States, is blindfolded Lady Justice.
[2] Fabri, Marco. The challenge of change for judicial systems (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=AwwH0F8iC9QC& pg=PA137&
dq="lady+ justice"+ symbol& lr=& as_brr=3& ei=uXb8Se-IC4GuyATlm5SPBg), page 137 (IOS Press 2000): the judicial system is intended
to be apolitical, its symbol being that of a blindfolded Lady Justice holding balanced scales.
[3] Posner R. The Constitution as an Economic Document. The George Washington Law Review. November 1987. Vol. 56. No. 1
[4] Jeremy Cooper, Poverty and Constitutional Justice, in Philosophy of Law: Classic and Contemporary Readings, edited by Larry May and
Jeff Brown, Wiley-Blackwell, UK, 2010.
[5] Barenboim, Peter (October 2009). Defining the rules. Issue 90. The European Lawyer.
[6] Cappelletti, Mauro et al. The Italian Legal System (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=gC2sAAAAIAAJ& pg=PA150& dq=Napoleon+
and+ "interpret+ the+ law"+ code& lr=& as_brr=3& ei=qIj8Sc3wLKqMygTunqS6Dg#PPA150,M1), page 150 (Stanford University Press
1967).
[7] American Bar Association (2004). How the Legal System Works: The Structure of the Court System, State and Federal Courts (http:/ / public.
findlaw.com/ abaflg/ flg-2-2a-4.html). In ABA Family Legal Guide.
[8] The American Legal System (http:/ / www. quickmba.com/ law/ sys/ ).
[9] Public Services Department. "Introduction to the Courth system" (http:/ / www. law. syr. edu/ Pdfs/ 0Intro Court System. pdf). Syracuse
University College of Law. .
Head of state
112
Head of state
A head of state is the individual that serves as the chief public representative of a monarchy, republic, federation,
commonwealth or other kind of state. His or her role generally includes legitimizing the state and exercising the
political powers, functions, and duties granted to the head of state in the country's constitution and laws. In nation
states the head of state is often thought of as the official "leader" of the nation.
Charles de Gaulle described the role he envisaged for the French president when he wrote the modern French
constitution, stating the head of state should embody "the spirit of the nation" for the nation itself and the world: une
certaine ide de la France (a certain idea about France). Today, many countries expect their head of state to embody
national values in a similar fashion.
This series is part of
the Politics series
Executive branch
Head of state
Dictator
Monarch
President
Government
Head of government
Chancellor
Chief Executive
Chief Minister
First Minister
Premier
Prime Minister
Cabinet
Ministry
Minister
Presidential system
Semi-presidential system
Cohabitation
Parliamentary System
Westminster System
National leaders
National governments
Governor
Mayor
Politics Portal
The same role in a federal constituent and a dependent territory is fulfilled by the corresponding office equivalent to
that of a head of state. For example, in each Canadian province the role is fulfilled by the Lieutenant Governor,
whereas in most British Overseas Territories the powers and duties are performed by the Governor. The same applies
to Australian states, Indian states, etc. Hong Kong's constitutional document, the Basic Law, for example, specifies
the Chief Executive as the head of the special administrative region, in addition to his role as the head of
government. These non-sovereign-state heads, nevertheless, have limited or no role in diplomatic affairs, depending
on the status and the norms and practices of the territories concerned.
Head of state
113
Constitutional models
In protocolary terms, states are distinguished as monarchy or republic depending on the style (and usually mode of
accession, see below) of their head of state, a typical constitutional provision, but as such this is not defining for the
actual political system, which often evolves significantly, or can remain unaltered in other respects despite a
transition from monarchy to republic (or, rarer, vice versa).
Different state constitutions (fundamental laws) establish different political systems, but four major types of heads of
state can be distinguished:
1. The non-executive head of state system, in which the head of state does not hold any executive power and mainly
plays a symbolic role on behalf of the state;
2. The parliamentary system, in which the head of state possesses executive power but the exercise of this power is
done on the advice of a cabinet;
3. The semi-presidential system, in which the head of state shares exercise with a head of government; and
4. The presidential system, in which the head of state is also the head of government and actively exercises
executive power.
Non-executive head of state
Its holders are excluded completely from the executive: they do not possess even theoretical executive powers or any
role, even formal, within the government. Hence their states' governments are not referred to by the traditional
parliamentary model head of state styles of "His/Her Majesty's Government" or "His/Her Excellency's Government."
Within this general category, variants in terms of powers and functions may exist. The King of Sweden, since the
passage of the modern Swedish constitution (the 1974 Instrument of Government), no longer has any of the
parliamentary system head of state functions that had previously belonged to Swedish kings, but still receives formal
cabinet briefings monthly in the royal palace. In contrast, the only contact the Irish president has with the Irish
government is through a formal briefing session given by the Taoiseach (prime minister) to the President. However,
he or she has no access to documentation and all access to ministers goes through the Department of the Taoiseach
(prime minister's office). The President does however hold reserve powers, such as referring a bill to the Supreme
Court to test its constitutionality, which are used under the president's discretion.
Head of state
114
Parliamentary system
Queen Elizabeth II, one of the world's
best-known and longest-serving heads of state
In parliamentary systems the head of state may be merely the nominal
chief executive officer of the state, possessing executive power (hence
the description of the monarch's governments in the UK
Commonwealth realms as His/Her Majesty's Government; a term
indicating that all power belongs to the sovereign and the government
acts on Her Majesty's behalf, not parliament's). In reality however,
following a process of constitutional evolution, powers are usually
only exercised by direction of a cabinet, presided over by a prime
minister who is answerable to the legislature. This accountability
requires that someone be chosen from parliament who has parliament's
support (or, at least, not parliament's opposition - a subtle but important
difference). It also gives parliament the right to vote down the
government, forcing it either to resign or seek a parliamentary
dissolution. Governments are thus said to be responsible (or
answerable) to parliament, with the government in turn accepting
constitutional responsibility for offering constitutional advice to the
head of state.
In parliamentary constitutional monarchies, the legitimacy of the
unelected head of state typically derives from the tacit approval of the people via the elected representatives.
Accordingly, at the time of the Glorious Revolution, the English Parliament acted of its own authority to name a new
king and queen (joint monarchs Mary II and William III); likewise, Edward VIII's abdication required the approval
of the parliament in each of Edward's six independent realms. In monarchies with a written constitution, the position
of monarch is a creature of the constitution and could quite properly be abolished through a democratic procedure of
constitutional amendment, although there are often significant procedural hurdles imposed on such a procedure (as in
the Constitution of Spain).
In republics with a parliamentary system (such as India, Germany, Austria, Italy and Israel) the head of state is
usually titled "president" or its equivalent, but the main functions of such a president are ceremonial, as opposed to
the president in a presidential or semi-presidential system.
In reality, numerous variants exist to the position of a head of state within a parliamentary system. The older the
constitution, the more constitutional leeway tends to exist for a head of state to exercise greater powers over
government, as many older parliamentary system constitutions in fact give heads of state powers and functions akin
to presidential or semi-presidential systems, in some cases without containing reference to modern democratic
principles of accountability to parliament or even to modern governmental offices. Usually, the King had the power
of declaring war without previous consent of the Parliament.
For example, under the 1848 constitution of the Kingdom of Italy, the "Statuto Albertino", the parliamentary
approval to the government appointed by the King was customary, but not required by law. So, Italy had a de facto
parliamentarian system, but a de jure "presidential" system.
Some Commonwealth parliamentary systems combine a body of written constitutional law, unwritten constitutional
precedent, Orders in Council, letters patent, etc. that may give a head of state or their representative additional
powers in unexpected circumstances (such as the dismissal of Australian prime minister Gough Whitlam by
Governor-General Sir John Kerr.)
Other examples of heads of state in parliamentary systems using greater powers than usual, either because of
ambiguous constitutions or unprecedented national emergencies, include the decision by King Lopold III of the
Belgians to surrender on behalf of his state to the invading German army in 1940, against the will of his government.
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Judging that his responsibility to the nation by virtue of his coronation oath required him to act, he believed that his
government's decision to fight rather than surrender was mistaken and would damage Belgium. (Leopold's decision
proved highly controversial. After World War II, Belgium voted in a referendum to allow him back on the throne,
but because of the ongoing controversy he ultimately abdicated.)
Semi-presidential systems
President Charles de Gaulle established the
semi-presidential system of France.
Semi-presidential systems combine features of presidential and
parliamentary systems, notably a requirement that the government be
answerable to both the president and the legislature. The constitution of
the Fifth French Republic provides for a prime minister who is chosen
by the president, but who nevertheless must be able to gain support in
the National Assembly. Should a president be of one side of the
political spectrum and the opposition be in control of the legislature,
the president is usually obliged to select someone from the opposition
to become prime minister, a process known as Cohabitation. President
Franois Mitterrand, a Socialist, for example, was forced to cohabit
with the neo-Gaullist (right wing) Jacques Chirac, who became his
prime minister from 1986 to 1988. In the French system, in the event
of cohabitation, the president is often allowed to set the policy agenda
in foreign affairs and the prime minister runs the domestic agenda.
Other countries evolve into something akin to a semi-presidential
system or indeed a full presidential system. Weimar Germany, for
example, in its constitution provided for a popularly elected president
with theoretically dominant executive powers that were intended to be
exercised only in emergencies, and a cabinet appointed by him from
the Reichstag, which was expected, in normal circumstances, to be answerable to the Reichstag. Initially, the
President was merely a symbolic figure with the Reichstag dominant; however, persistent political instability, in
which governments often lasted only a few months, led to a change in the power structure of the republic, with the
president's emergency powers called increasingly into use to prop up governments challenged by critical or even
hostile Reichstag votes. By 1932, power had shifted to such an extent that the German President, Paul von
Hindenburg, was able to dismiss a chancellor and select his own person for the job, even though the outgoing
chancellor possessed the confidence of the Reichstag while the new chancellor did not. Subsequently President von
Hindenburg used his power to appoint Adolf Hitler as Chancellor without consulting the Reichstag.
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Presidential system
George Washington, the first president of the United
States, set the precedent for an executive head of state
in republican governments.
Note: The head of state in a "presidential" system may not actually
hold the title of "president" - the name of the system refers to any
head of state who actually governs and is independent of the
legislature.
Some constitutions or fundamental laws provide for a head of state
who is not just in theory but in practice chief executive, operating
separately from, and independent from, the legislature. This
system is known as a "presidential system" and sometimes called
the "imperial model", because the executive officials of the
government are answerable solely and exclusively to a presiding,
acting head of state, and is selected by and on occasion dismissed
by the head of state without reference to the legislature. It is
notable that some presidential systems, while not providing for
collective executive answerability to the legislature, may require
legislative approval for individuals prior to their assumption of
cabinet office and empower the legislature to remove a president
from office (for example, in the United States of America). In this
case the debate centres on the suitability of the individual for
office, not a judgement on them when appointed, and does not
involve the power to reject or approve proposed cabinet members
en bloc, so it is not answerability in the sense understood in a
parliamentary system.
Presidential systems are a notable feature of constitutions in the
Americas, including those of the United States, Brazil, Colombia and Mexico; this is generally attributed to the
influence of the United States Constitution, as the United States served as an inspiration and model for the Latin
American wars of independence of the early 19th century. Most presidents in such countries are selected by
democratic means (popular direct or indirect election); however, like all other systems, the presidential model also
encompasses people who become head of state by other means, notably through military dictatorship or coup d'tat,
as often seen in Latin American, Middle Eastern and other presidential regimes. Some of the characteristics of a
presidential system (i.e., a strong dominant political figure with an executive answerable to them, not the legislature)
can also be found among absolute monarchies, parliamentary monarchies and single party (e.g. Communist) regimes,
but in most cases of dictatorship apply their stated constitutional models in name only and not in political theory or
practice.
In the 1870s in the United States, in the aftermath of the impeachment of President Andrew Johnson and his
near-removal from office, it was speculated that the United States, too, would move from a presidential system to a
semi-presidential or even parliamentary one, with the Speaker of the House of Representatives becoming the real
center of government as a quasi-prime minister. This did not happen and the presidency, having been damaged by
three late nineteenth and early twentieth century assassinations (Lincoln, Garfield and McKinley) and one
impeachment (Johnson), reasserted its political dominance by the early twentieth century through such figures as
Theodore Roosevelt and Woodrow Wilson. In a sense, elected monarchies, such as the Holy Roman Empire, can be
regarded as 'crowned' presidential systems.
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Single-party states
Leonid Brezhnev twice was the head of state of
the Soviet Union
Since real political power belongs to the head of the sole legal party, in
certain states under Marxist constitutions of the constitutionally
socialist state type inspired by the former USSR and its constitutive
Soviet republics, there was no formal office of head of state, but rather
the head of the legislative "soviet" branch of power was considered the
head of state. In the Soviet Union this office carried such titles as
Chairman of the Central Executive Committee of the USSR; Chairman
of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet; and in the case of the Soviet
Russia Chairman of the Central Executive Committee of the
All-Russian Congress of Soviets (pre-1922), and Chairman of the
Bureau of the Central Committee of the Russian SFSR (19561966).
This position may or may not have been held by the de facto Soviet
leader at the moment. For example, Nikita Khrushchev never headed
the Supreme Soviet but ruled as Secretary General of party and prime
minister.
This may even lead to an institutional variability, as in North Korea,
where, after the presidency of party leader Kim Il-Sung, the office was
vacant for years, the late president being granted the posthumous title
(akin to some ancient Far Eastern traditions to give posthumous names and titles to royalty) of president "in eternity"
(while all real power, as party leader, itself not formally created for 4 years, was inherited by his son Kim Jong Il,
initially without any formal office) until it was formally replaced on 5 September 1998, for ceremonial purposes, by
the office of Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme People's Assembly, while the party leader's post as
Chairman of the National Defense Commission was simultaneously declared "the highest post of the state", not
unlike Deng Xiaoping earlier in the People's Republic of China.
Complications with categorisation
While clear categories do exist, it is sometimes difficult to choose which category some individual heads of state
belong to. Constitutional change in Liechtenstein in 2003 gave its head of state, the Prince, constitutional powers that
included a veto over legislation and power to dismiss the cabinet. It could be argued that the strengthening of the
Prince's powers, vis-a-vis the legislature, has moved Liechtenstein into the semi-presidential category. Similarly the
original powers given to the Greek President under the 1974 Hellenic Republic constitution moved Greece closer to
the French semi-presidential model. In reality, the category to which each head of state belongs is assessed not by
theory but by practice.
Another complication exists with South Africa, in which the President is in fact elected by the legislature (similar, in
principle, to a prime minister) but also holds the title of President, serves for a fixed term, and is expected to be the
nation's head of state. Nauru and Botswana are similar.
Panama, during the military dictatorships of Omar Torrijos and Manuel Noriega, was nominally a presidential
republic. However, the elected civilian presidents were effectively figureheads with real political power being
exercised by the chief of the military.
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Roles of heads of state
Often depending on which constitutional category (above) a head of state belongs to, they may have some or all of
the roles listed below, and various other ones.
Symbolic role
A large portrait of Queen Elizabeth II, with Prince Philip,
hanging in a Canadian courthouse
One of the most important roles of the modern head of state is
being a living national symbol of the state; in monarchies this
extends to the sovereign being a symbol of the unbroken
continuity of the state. For instance, the Canadian monarch is
described by the government as being the personification of
the Canadian state and is described by the Department of
Canadian Heritage as the "personal symbol of allegiance,
unity and authority for all Canadians".
[1]

[2]
In many countries, official portraits of the head of state can be
found in government offices, courts of law, even airports,
libraries, and other public buildings. The idea, sometimes
regulated by law, is to use these portraits to make the public
aware of the symbolic connection to the government, a
practice that dates back to mediaeval times. Sometimes this
practice is taken to excess, and the head of state begins to
believe that he is the only symbol of the nation, resulting in
the emergence of a personality cult where the image of the
head of state is the only visual representation of the country,
surpassing other symbols such as the flag, constitution,
founding father(s) etc. Modern champions in this field include
Adolf Hitler, Mao Zedong and Kim Jong Il, whose tenures as
heads of state were or are accompanied by a significant cult of
personality. Other common iconic presences, especially of monarchs, are on coins, stamps and banknotes; more
discreet variations see them represented by a mention and/or signature. Furthermore, various institutions, monuments
and the like, are named for current or previous heads of state, such as streets and squares, schools, charitable and
other organizations; in monarchies (e.g. Belgium) there can even be a practice to attribute the adjective 'royal' on
demand based on existence for a given number of years. However, such political techniques can also be used by
leaders without the formal rank of head of state, even party - and other revolutionary leaders without formal state
mandate.
In general, the active duties amount to a ceremonial role. Thus in diplomatic affairs, heads of state are often the first
person to greet an important foreign visitor. They may also assume a sort of informal host role during the VIP's visit,
inviting the visitor to a state dinner at his or her mansion or palace, or some other equally hospitable affair.
At home, they are expected to render luster to various occasions by their presence, such as by attending artistic or
sports performances or competitions, expositions, celebrations, military parades and remembrances, prominent
funerals, visiting parts of the country, enterprises, care facilities (often in a theatrical honour box, on a platform, on
the front row, at the honours table etc.), sometimes performing a symbolic act such as cutting a ribbon or pushing a
button at an opening, christening something with champagne, laying the first stone, and so on. Some parts of national
life receive their regular attention, often on an annual basis, or even in the form of official patronage.
As the potential for such invitations is enormous, such duties are often in part delegated: to such persons as a spouse,
other members of the dynasty, a vice-president for whom this is often the core of their public role or in other
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cases (possibly as a message, for instance, to distance themselves without giving protocollary offence) just a military
or other aide.
For non-executive heads of state there is often a degree of censorship by the politically responsible government (such
as the prime minister), discreetly approving agenda and speeches, especially where the constitution (or customary
law) assumes all political responsibility by granting the crown inviolability (in fact also imposing political
emasculation) as in the Kingdom of Belgium from its very beginning; in a monarchy this may even be extended to
some degree to other members of the dynasty, especially the heir to the throne.
Chief diplomatic officer
The head of state accredits (i.e. formally validates) his or her country's ambassadors, High Commissioners or rarer
equivalent diplomatic mission chiefs (such as papal nuncio), through sending formal Letter of Credence to other
heads of state and, conversely, receives the letters of their foreign counterparts. Without that accreditation, they
cannot take up a role and receive the highest diplomatic status. However, there are provisions in international law to
perform the same diplomatic functions, or at least part of them, such as accrediting, with a lower title with the head
of government, or functioning within another mission.
The head of state also signs international treaties on behalf of the state, or has them signed in his/her name by
ministers (government members or diplomats); subsequent ratification, when necessary, usually rests with the
legislature.
In Canada, these head of state powers belong to the sovereign as part of the Royal Prerogative,
[3]

[4]

[5]

[6]
but the
governor general has been permitted to exercise them since 1947 and has done so since the 1970s.
[6]

[7]
In Australia
and New Zealand, they have been assumed by the Governor-General.
Example 1: Article 59 (1) of the Basic Law of the Federal Republic of Germany states:
The Federal President shall represent the Federation in its international relations. He shall
conclude treaties with foreign states on behalf of the Federation. He shall accredit and receive
envoys.
Example 2: Section 2, Article 81 of the Constitution of the People's Republic of China states:
The President of the People's Republic of China receives foreign diplomatic representatives on
behalf of the People's Republic of China and, in pursuance of decisions of the Standing Committee
of the National People's Congress, appoints and recalls plenipotentiary representatives abroad,
and ratifies and abrogates treaties and important agreements concluded with foreign states.
Chief executive officer
In the majority of states, whether republics or monarchies, executive authority is vested, at least notionally, in the
head of state. In presidential systems the head of state is the actual, de facto chief executive officer. Under
parliamentary systems the executive authority is exercised by the head of state, but in practice is done so on the
advice of the cabinet of ministers. This produces such terms as "Her Majesty's Government" and "His Excellency's
Government." Examples of parliamentary systems in which the head of state is notional chief executive include
Australia, Austria, Canada, Denmark, Italy and the United Kingdom. The few exceptions include the Czech
Republic, Ireland and Sweden, where executive authority is explicitly vested in the cabinet.
Example 1 (presidential system): Article 2, Section 1 of the United States Constitution states:
The executive Power shall be vested in a President of the United States of America.
Example 2 (constitutional monarchy): According to Section 12 of the Constitution of Denmark 1953:
Subject to the limitations laid down in this Constitution Act the King shall have the supreme
authority in all the affairs of the Realm, and he shall exercise such supreme authority through the
Ministers.
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Example 3 (constitutional monarchy): Under Chapter II, Section 61 of the Commonwealth of
Australia Constitution Act 1900:
The executive power of the Commonwealth is vested in the Queen and is exercisable by the
Governor-General as the Queen's representative, and extends to the execution and maintenance
of this Constitution, and of the laws of the Commonwealth.
Example 4 (republican parliamentary system): According to Article 26 (2) of the 1975 Constitution
of Greece:
The executive power shall be exercised by the President of the Republic and by the government.
Chief appointments officer
The head of state appoints most or all the key officials in the government and civil service, including members of the
cabinet, the prime minister or equivalent, key judicial figures, and all major office holders. In many parliamentary
systems, the head of government (e.g. prime minister) is appointed with the consent (in practice often decisive) of
the legislature, and other figures are appointed on the head of government's advice. Some countries have alternative
provisions: under Article 4 of the Instrument of Government, 1974, the constitution of Sweden grants to the
parliamentary speaker the role of formally appointing the prime minister.
In practice, these decisions are often a formality. The last time a British monarch unilaterally selected the UK's prime
minister was in 1963, when Queen Elizabeth II appointed Sir Alec Douglas-Home on the advice of the outgoing
prime minister Harold Macmillan. In Canada, a similar situation took place in 1925 wherein Governor General Lord
Byng of Vimy appointed Arthur Meighen after William Lyon Mackenzie King refused to resign the premiership
(known as the King-Byng Affair). Governor-General of Australia Sir John Kerr appointed Malcolm Fraser as
caretaker prime minister after dismissing Gough Whitlam.
In presidential systems, such as that of the United States, appointments are nominated by the President's sole
discretion, but this nomination is often subject to parliamentary confirmation (in the case of the US, the Senate has to
approve cabinet nominees and judicial appointments by simple majority).
The head of state may also dismiss office-holders. There are many variants on how this can be done. For example,
members of the Irish Cabinet are dismissed by the President on the advice of the Taoiseach (prime minister); in other
instances, the head of state may be able to dismiss an office holder unilaterally; other heads of state, or their
representatives, have the theoretical power to dismiss any office-holder, while it is exceptionally rarely used. In
France, while the president cannot force the prime minister to tender the resignation of his government, he can, in
practice, request it if the prime minister is from his own majority. In presidential systems, the president often has the
power to fire ministers at his sole discretion. In the United States, convention calls for cabinet secretaries to resign on
their own initiative when called to do so.
Example 1 (semi-presidential system): Chapter 4, Section 2 of the Constitution of the Republic of
Korea states:
The Prime Minister is appointed by the President with the consent of the National Assembly.
Example 2 (parliamentary system): Article 13.1.1 of the Constitution of Ireland:
The President shall, on the nomination of Dil ireann [the lower house], appoint the Taoiseach
[prime minister].
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Legislative roles
President Obama signing the Lilly Ledbetter Fair Pay Act of
2009 into law; to his right is the new law's namesake, Lilly
Ledbetter.
Most countries require that all bills passed by the house or
houses of the legislature be signed into law by the head of
state. In some states, such as the United Kingdom, Belgium
and Ireland, the head of state is, in fact, formally considered a
tier of parliament. However, in most parliamentary systems,
the head of state cannot refuse to sign a bill, and, in granting a
bill their assent, indicate that it was passed in accordance with
the correct procedures. The signing of a bill into law is
formally known as promulgation. Some monarchical states
call this procedure Royal Assent.
Example 1 (presidential system): Article 1,
Section 7 of the United States Constitution states:
Every Bill which shall have passed the House of Representatives and the Senate, shall, before it
become a Law, be presented to the President of the United States; If he approves he shall sign it,
but if not he shall return it, with his Objections to that House in which it shall have originated...
Example 2 (parliamentary system): Section 11.a.1. of the Basic Laws of Israel states:
The President of the State shall sign every Law, other than a Law relating to its powers.
In some parliamentary systems, the head of state retains certain powers in relation to bills to be exercised at his or
her discretion. They may have authority to veto a bill until the houses of the legislature have reconsidered it, and
approved it a second time; reserve a bill to be signed later, or suspend it indefinitely (generally in states with the
Royal Prerogative; this power is rarely used); refer a bill to the courts to test its constitutionality; refer a bill to the
people in a referendum.
If he or she is also chief executive, he or she can thus politically control the necessary executive measures without
which a proclaimed law can remain dead letter, sometimes for years or even forever.
Military role
United States President Ronald Reagan reviews a line of
Marines at the recommissioning ceremony for the USS New
Jersey.
A head of state is generally the literal, or notional,
commander-in-chief of a state's armed forces, holding the
highest office in all military chains of command.
Example 1: Article II, Section 2 of the United
States Constitution states:
The President shall be Commander in
Chief of the Army and Navy of the United
States, and of the Militia of the several
States, when called into the actual Service
of the United States.
Example 2: Article III, Section 15 of the
Constitution Act, 1867, a part of the Constitution
of Canada, states:
The Command-in-Chief of the Land and Naval Militia, and of all Naval and Military Forces, of
and in Canada, is hereby declared to continue to be vested in the Queen.
[8]
In a constitutional monarchy or non-executive presidency the head of state may hold the ultimate authority over the
armed forces but will only normally, as per either written or conventional laws, exercise their authority on the advice
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of their ministers, meaning de facto decision making on military manoeuvers lies with the cabinet. The monarch or
president will, however, perform ceremonial duties related to the country's armed forces, and will sometimes appear
in military uniform for these purposes; in the case of a female sovereign her consort and other members of the royal
family may also appear in military garb. This is generally the only time a head of state of a stable, democratic
country will appear dressed in such a manner, as statesmen and public are eager to assert the primacy of (civilian,
elected) politics over the armed forces.
In military dictatorships, or governments which have arisen from coups-d'etat, the position of commander-in-chief is
obvious, as all authority in such a government derives from the application of military force; occasionally a power
vacuum created by war is filled by a head of state stepping beyond his or her normal constitutional role, as King
Albert I of Belgium did during World War I. In these and in revolutionary regimes, the head of state, and often
executive ministers whose offices are legally civilian, will frequently appear in military uniform.
Summoning and dissolving the legislature
A head of state is often empowered to summon and dissolve the country's legislature. In most parliamentary systems,
this is done on the advice of the head of government (e.g. Prime Minister) or cabinet. In some parliamentary systems,
and in some presidential systems, however, the head of state may do so on their own initiative. Some states have
fixed term parliaments, with no option of bringing forward elections (e.g. Article II, Section 3, of the U.S.
Constitution). In other systems there are usually fixed terms, but the head of state retains authority to dissolve the
legislature in certain circumstances. Where a head of government has lost the confidence of parliament, some heads
of state may refuse a parliamentary dissolution, where one is requested, forcing the head of government's resignation.
Example: Article 13.2.2. of the Constitution of Ireland states:
The President may in absolute discretion refuse to dissolve Dil ireann on the advice of a
Taoiseach [Prime Minister] who has ceased to retain the support of a majority in Dil ireann
Other prerogatives
Right of pardon
Granting nobility, knighthood and various titles and other honours
Selection and various types and styles of Heads of State
Various heads of state use a multitude of different styles and titles, often with many variations in content under
diverse constitutions, even in a given state. In numerous cases, two or more of the following peculiar types apply, not
counting the primary duo monarchy-republic. There are also several methods of head of state succession in the event
of the removal or death of a sitting head of state.
In a monarchy, the Monarch is the Head of State. This is a relatively recent phenomenon; until the last few decades a
sovereign was seen as the personal embodiment of the state ("L'etat c'est moi", so to speak), and therefore could not
be head of himself or herself (hence many constitutions from the 19th century and earlier make no mention of a
"head of state"). Though some still maintain that calling a Monarch Head of State is incorrect, it has now become a
widespread political convention to attach the label to Monarchs, regardless of their political position. The Emperor
of Japan is defined as a symbol, not head, of state by the post-war constitution (contrasting with the former divine
status) but is treated as an imperial head of state under diplomatic protocol (even ranking above kings) and retains
Shinto mystique.
For the numerous styles in past and present monarchies, in most cases commonly -though often not quite accurately-
rendered as King or Emperor, but also many other (e.g. Grand duke, Sultan), see Prince, princely state and
monarchy.
Head of state
123
In a republic, the head of state is nowadays usually styled President, and usually their permanent constitutions
provide for election, but many have or had other titles and even specific constitutional positions (see below), and
some have used simply 'head of state' as their only formal title.
Shared and substitute heads of state
Interim
Whenever a head of state is not available for any reason, constitutional provisions may allow the role to fall
temporarily to an assigned person or collective body. In a republic, this is - depending on provisions outlined by the
constitution or improvised - a vice-president, the chief of government, the legislature or its presiding officer. In a
monarchy, this is usually a regent or collegial regency (council). For example, in the United States the
Vice-President acts when the President is incapacitated, and in the United Kingdom the Queen's powers may be
delegated to Counsellors of State when she is abroad or unavailable.
Delegation
Where one person is head of state of multiple sovereign countries (such as in a personal union), there may be need to
appoint a permanent representative in each (or excepting in the head of state's country of primary residence).
Examples include Commonwealth realms where the individual who acts as their respective monarch resides in the
oldest realm, the United Kingdom, and so is represented in the others by an appointed governor-general
(unhyphenated in Canada as governor general) and Andorra which is headed by two non-resident co-princes,
one of which is also the President of France.
A Commonwealth realm's governor-general may fulfil many of the roles of a head of state, but is typically not, either
legally or conventionally, regarded as the head of state, but rather as an appointed representative of the head of state
mandated to act in his or her place, even when the monarch is present in the country. Some governors-general are
considered de facto heads of state because, though not the de jure (juridical or legal) head of state, in practice they
function like a head of state in most or all jurisdictions. In diplomatic situations, governors-general are sometimes
accorded a status akin to a head of state, but that is by tradition and on a case by case and person by person basis, not
automatic. At state banquets, for example, toasts are made to the head of state, not to a governor-general, except
insofar as a personal toast may be proposed subsequently to "Governor-General and Mrs. X" as hosts of, or guests at,
the banquet. Similarly, letters of credence may contain the name of the head of state, not the governor-general, even
if it is the latter who signs and receives them; in 2005, Canada, Australia and New Zealand changed their policies
and now all letters of credence solely address the governor-general of the relevant nation, not to the sovereign. There
has been debate in Australia and Canada as to which person is actually considered head of state.
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Sir Paulias Matane, Governor-General of Papua
New Guinea, was the viceregal representative of
Queen Elizabeth II, Queen of Papua New Guinea
In the case of Andorra, two Co-Princes act as the principality's heads of
state; one is also simultaneously the President of France, residing in
France, and the other is the Bishop of Urgell, residing in Spain. Each
Co-Prince is represented in Andorra by a delegate, though these
persons hold no formal title.
As a colony or other dependent state or territory lacks the authority to
vest in a true head of state of its own, it either has no comparable
office, simply receiving those roles exercised by the paramount powers
(in person or, most of the time, through an appointed representative,
often styled governor or lieutenant-governor, but also various other
titles, on the Cook Islands even simply King/Queen's Representative)
or has one, such as a formerly sovereign dynasty, but under a form of
metropolitan guardianship, such as protection, vassal or tributary
status.
Extraordinary arrangements
In exceptional situations, such as war, occupation, revolution or a coup
d'tat, constitutional institutions, including the symbolically crucial
head of state, may be reduced to a figurehead or be suspended in favor of an emergency office (such as the original
Roman Dictator) or eliminated by a new 'provisionary' regime, such as a collective of the junta type, or removed by
an occupying force, such as a military governor (an early example being the Spartan Harmost).
Theocratic, ecclesiocratic and other 'pious' Heads of State
Pope Benedict XVI
Since Antiquity, various dynastiesor individual rulersclaimed to
have received the right to rule by divine authority, such as a mandate
of heaven.
Some monarchs even claimed divine ancestry, e.g. both the Egyptian
Pharaoh and the Great Inca claimed descent from their respective sun
gods, and often maintained this legitimating bloodline by incestuous
marriages with predecessors' female descandants. In pagan Rome,
during the Principate, the title divus ('divine') was conferred, notably
posthumously, on the Princeps (commonly rendered as Emperor after
the separate, not reserved title Imperator, but constitutionally a
republican office; formally the two eponymous consuls remained the
joint heads of state), a symbolically crucial legitimating element in
establishing a de facto dynasty.
In Christianity (Roman Catholicism, and in some cases continued by
Protestant faiths):
The Pope as Sovereign Pontiff, first, of the politically important Papal States; after the Italian unification
ultimately just over Vatican City.
Various lower clerics (but mainly prelates) qualified as prince of the church (see there, e.g., prince-bishop); one
case of a grand master of a sovereign order remains, but it has been vested ex officio in the pope.
In the Church of England, the reigning monarch also holds the title Defender of the Faith and acts as Supreme
Governor of the Church of England, but that is pure caesaropapism (ironically anti-papist in origin): the state
commands the church, which has no power over the state.
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In Islam:
Caliphs were the spiritual and temporal, absolute successors of the Prophet Mohammed, but gradually lost
political power. Various political Muslim leaders since styled themselves Caliph and served as dynastic heads of
state, sometimes in addition to another title, such as the Ottoman Sultan.
Imam of rare theocratic Muslim states known as imamates; notably:
the present sultanate of Oman ('Uman) was ruled 661 - 1811/1821 by the Ibadi community under a religious
leader styled Imam al-Muslimin "Imam of the Muslims"), a member of the Azd clan, with several interruptions
under foreign rulers; in 1784 while Imam rule continued, Muscat and Oman became a de facto sovereign state
under a secular Al Bu Sa'id ruler; 3 October 1868 - January 1871 Imam rule was briefly restored.
in Yemen, and with suzerainty over other parts of the Arabian peninsula
in (Lower) 'Asir, under the Idris dynasty, the religious style of Imam was combined with the temporal ruler
style of Sheikh from 1830. Since 1909 the higher style (assumed by the last of four Shaikhs) of Emir was used
until 20 November 1930 when the shaikhdom was incorporated into Hejaz-Nejd (which became modern Saudi
Arabia)
in Nejd the Emirs (17441817) were, from 15 January 1902, also Imams and Protectors of the Wahhabis
(fundamentalist sect of Sunni Islam)
the Adal Imams 1526 - 1548 ruled the later British Somalia and Somaliland (an interlude between Ottoman
and other foreign regimes).
In some of the 19th-century Jihad states of the upper Niger (Mali), the Massina/Sise Jihad state, its successor
states in Segu and Massina after its conquest, and the Tijaniyya Jihad state (though these leaders had a variety
of actual powers, and were also often styled Almamy or Caliph; the last fama of the Samori Empire (formerly
Wassulu) till its extinction by French colonization.
after the 1813 annexation into tsarist Russia by the Treaty of Gulistan, there was a nationalist 1828 - 1859
Imamate of Daghestan until its 1859 reincorporatation into the Russian Empire.
Sheikh, e.g., of the Sunni Sanusi order in Cyrenaica (Libya) since 1843, styled Emir since 25 October 1920
In the Islamic Republic of Iran the rahbar (Supreme Leader, at present Ali Khamenei) and a council of guardians,
all Shiah clerics, hold the highest offices in terms of political power (hence some consider it a theocracy), above
the elected (sometimes lay) President, who is formally the constitutional head of government.
The Aga Khans, a unique dynasty of temporal/religious leadership, leading an offshoot of Shiite Islam in Central
and South Asia, once ranking among British India's princely states, continues to the present day.
In Hinduism, certain dynasties adopted a title expressing their positions as 'servant' of a patron deity of the state, but
in the sense of a (prime) minister under a figure head of state, ruling 'in the name of' the patron god(ess), e.g.,
Patmanabha Dasa (i.e., servant of Vishnu) in the case of the Maharaja of Travancore.
In Buddhism:
Some later Dalai Lamas (reincarnations of the Buddha) were both political and spiritual leader ("god-king") of
some parts of Tibet in Late Imperial China to the People's Republic of China, where the powers were gradually
reduced until the 14th's flight into exile in 1959.
Outer Mongolia, the former homeland of the imperial Genghis Khan-dynasty, was another lamaist theocracy from
1585, using various styles in several languages, see Khutughtu; replaced on 20 May 1924 by a Communist
republic of Mongolia (which assigned the Head of State role to chairmanships), later democratised.
Head of state
126
City states and crowned republics
The polis in Greek Antiquity and the equivalent city states in the feudal era and later, (many in Italy, the Holy
Roman Empire, the Moorish taifa in Iberia, essentially tribal-type but urbanized regions throughout the world in
the Maya civilization, etc.) offer a wide spectrum of styles, either monarchic (mostly identical to homonyms in
larger states) or republican, see Chief magistrate.
Doges were elected by their Italian aristocratic republics from a patrician nobility, but 'reigned' as sovereign
dukes.
The paradoxical term crowned republic refers to various state arrangements that combine 'republican' and
'monarchic' characteristics.
The Netherlands historically had officials called stadholders and stadholders-general, titles meaning 'lieutenant' or
'governor', originally for the Habsburg monarchs.
Multiple or collective Heads of State
The 2011 Swiss Federal Council, the seven-member
collective Head of State of the Swiss Confederation
(the Federal Chancellor is also depicted, at the
right)
A collective head of state can exist in republics (internal complexity):
e.g. nominal triumvirates; the Directoire; the seven-member Swiss
Federal Council, where each member acts in turn as ceremonial chief
of state); Bosnia and Herzegovina (three member presidium, from
three different nations); San Marino (two "Captains-regent"), which
maintains the tradition of Italian medieval republics, where there
always was an even number of consuls.
In condominiums, sovereignty is shared between two external
powers: e.g. Andorra (president of France and bishop of Urgell,
Spain, co-princes), and the former Anglo-French New Hebrides (each
nation's head of state was represented by a high commissioner).
In the Roman Republic there were two heads of state, styled Consul,
both of whom alternated months of authority during their year in
office, similarly there was an even number of supreme magistrates in
the Italic republics of Ancient Age. In the Athenian Republic there
were nine supreme magistrates, styled archons. In Carthage there
were two supreme magistrates, styled kings or suffetes (judges). In
ancient Sparta there were two hereditary kings, belonging to two
different dynasties.
Such arrangements are not to be confused with supranational entities
which are not states and are not defined by a common monarchy but may (or not) have a symbolic, essentially
protocollary, titled highest office, e.g. Head of the Commonwealth (held by the British crown, but not legally
reserved for it) or 'Head of the Arab Union' (14 February - 14 July 1958, held by the Hashemite King of Iraq, during
its short-lived Federation with Jordan, its Hashemite sister-realm).
Head of state
127
Unique cases and titles
Though "president" and various monarchic titles are most commonly used for heads of state, in some nationalistic
regimes (usually republics), the leader adopts, formally or de facto, a unique style simply meaning "leader" in the
national language, such as Nazi Germany's single party chief and head of state and government, Adolf Hitler Fhrer
(see that article for equivalents).
In 1959, when former British crown colony Singapore gained self-government, it adopted the Malay style Yang
di-Pertuan Negara (literally means "head of state" in Malay) for its governor (the actual head of state remained the
British monarch). The second and last incumbent of the office, Yusof bin Ishak, kept the style at the 31 August 1963
unilateral declaration of independence and after the 16 September 1963 accession to Malaysia as a state (so now as a
constitutive part of the federation, a non-sovereign level). After expulsion from Malaysia on 9 August 1965,
Singapore became a sovereign Commonwealth republic and installed Yusof bin Ishak as its first President.
There are also a few nations in which the exact title and definition of the office of head of state have been vague.
During the Cultural Revolution, following the downfall of Liu Shaoqi, who was Chairman of the People's Republic
of China, no successor was named, so the duties of the head of state were transferred collectively to the Standing
Committee of the National People's Congress. This situation was later changed: the Head of State of the PRC is now
the President of the People's Republic of China.
In North Korea, Kim Il-sung was named "eternal president" following his death and the presidency was abolished.
As a result, the duties of the head of state are constitutionally delegated to the Supreme People's Assembly whose
chairman is "Head of State for foreign affairs" and performs some of the roles of a Head of State, such as accrediting
foreign ambassadors. However, the symbolic role of a Head of State is generally performed by Kim Jong-il, who as
the leader of the party and military, is the most powerful person in North Korea.
There is debate as to whether Samoa is/was an elective monarchy or an aristocratic republic, given the comparative
ambiguity of the title O le Ao o le Malo and the nature of the head of state's office.
In some states the office of head of state is not expressed in a specific title reflecting that role, but constitutionally
awarded to a post of another formal nature. Thus in March 1979 Colonel Muammar Gaddafi, who kept absolute
power (until his overthrow in 2011 referred to as "Guide of the Revolution"), after ten years as combined Head of
State and Head of government of the Libyan Jamahiriya ("state of the masses"), styled Chairman of the
Revolutionary Command Council, formally transferred both qualities to the General secretaries of the General
People's Congress (comparable to a Speaker) respectively to a Prime Minister, in political reality both were his
creatures.
Sometimes a head of state assumes office as a state becomes legal and political reality, before a formal title for the
highest office is determined; thus in the since 1 January 1960 independent republic Cameroon (Cameroun, a former
French colony), the first President, Ahmadou Babatoura Ahidjo, was at first not styled prsident but 'merely' known
as Chef d'tat (literal French for 'Head of State') until 5 May 1960; in Uganda, military coup leader since 25 January
1971 Idi Amin was formally styled military head of State till 21 February 1971, only from then on regular (but
unconstitutional, not elected) President.
In certain cases a special style is needed to accommodate imperfect statehood, e.g. the title Sardar-i-Riyasat was used
in Kashmir after its accession to India, and PLO-leader Yasser Arafat was styled the first "President of the
Palestinian National Authority" in 1994.
Head of state
128
Legitimacy and term in office
The position of head of state (within, or as well as, the state) can be established in different ways, and based on
different sources of legitimacy.
Force is often the true origin of power, but formal legitimacy must be found, even if by fictitious claim of continuity
such as forged descent or legacy from a previous dynasty. There has also been cases of granting sovereignty, such as
dynastic splits, not just by laws of succession but also by deliberate acts. This is usually forced, such as
self-determination granted after nationalist revolts, or as with the last Attalid king of Hellenistic Pergamon by
testament leaving his realm to Rome to avoid a disastrous conquest.
Under theocracy, divine status (as the Pharaoh's, Roman divus and mandate of heaven as in imperial China) can
render earthly authority under divine law, which is theoretically unchallengeable. On the other hand, it can take the
form of supreme divine authority above the state's, granting a tool for political influence to a priesthood that voices
and interprets such authority. A priesthood can gain control or even dominance, for example Pharaoh Echnaton's
reforms were reversed by the Amun-priesthood after his death. Often there is no clear model, so over time power can
be disputed, as between the Pope and Holy Roman emperor in the Investiture conflict, as the temporal power seeks
to guarantee its legitimacy, including a formal ceremony during the coronation (such as unction; often crucial for
popular support), by controlling key nominations in the clergy.
The notion of a social contract holds that the nation (the whole people, or just the electorate) gives a mandate, as
through acclamation or election.
Individual heads of state may acquire their position in a number of constitutional ways.
The position of a monarch is usually hereditary, but often with constitutional restrictions, or even considerable
liberty for the incumbent or some body convening after his demise to choose from eligible members of the ruling
house, often limited to legal descendants of the state religion or even parliamentary permission. Election usually is
the constitutional way to choose the head of state of a republic, and some monarchies, either directly through popular
election, indirectly by members of the legislature or of a special college of electors, as in the United States, or as an
exclusive prerogative. Exclusive prerogative is where the heads of states of the constitutive monarchies of a
federation choose the head of state for the federation as a whole from among themselves, as in the United Arab
Emirates and Malaysia. The Pope, head of the Roman Catholic Church (as such the 'Holy See' is diplomatically
recognised) and also monarchic head of state of Vatican City, is chosen by cardinals (appointed by previous Popes)
under 80 years of age (in practice from among themselves) in a papal conclave.
Direct popular election can be made a fiction under the formula of popular acclamation. The electorate can be very
selective, such as the patrician families and/or the professional corporations of a city state, or by the warriors in the
case of a 'tribal' type war chief or a Roman general proclaimed by his legions.
A head of state can be entitled to designate his successor, such as Lord Protector of the Commonwealth Oliver
Cromwell who was succeeded by his son Richard.
A head of state may seize power by force or revolution. This is not to be confused with the notion of an authoritarian
or other totalitarian ruler, which rather concerns the oppressive nature of power once acquired, and therefore applies
only if he is the true chief executive. Dictators often use democratic titles, though some proclaim themselves
monarchs. Examples of the latter include Emperor Napoleon III of France and King Zog of Albania. In Spain,
general Francisco Franco adopted the formal title Jefe del Estado, or Chief of State, and established himself as regent
for a vacant monarchy. Uganda's Idi Amin was one of several who made themselves President for Life, and even
later adopted an additional monarchic title.
Another type of extra-constitutional imposition, often also changing the constitution, is by a foreign power (state or
alliance) establishing a branch of their own or a friendly dynasty.
Apart from violent ousting, a head of state's position can also be lost in several ways. One is by death, another is by
expiration of the term of office under various (nearly always republican and/or elective) constitutions. Abdication or
Head of state
129
resignation is legally a voluntary act, although it can be the result of overpowering political or other pressure. In
some cases, an abdication cannot occur unilaterally, but comes into effect only when approved by an act of
parliament as in the case of British King Edward VIII.
The post can be abolished by constitutional change of the institutions. Occasionally on the contrary, a transitory
clause provides that the last incumbent may end his term. Or even the state may cease to exist.
While generally a head of state enjoys the widest form of inviolability, in some states the exceptions to this includes
impeachment, or a similar constitutional procedure by which the highest legislative and/or judicial authorities are
empowered to revoke his mandate on exceptional grounds. This may be a common crime, a political sin, or an act by
which he violates such provisions as the established religion which is mandatory for the monarch. By similar
procedure his original mandate may be declared invalid.
A referendum can either provided in the constitution or simply considered the sovereign will of the people.
If the state does not enjoy full and true sovereignty, he may be validly discarded by a protector or suzerain liege.
Serious violation of certain fundamental treaty obligations is sometimes considered a (disputable) valid reason for
the relevant international community to depose a head of state, as the Security Council of the UN or certain alliances
may do.
Formal declaration of incapacity to rule, usually on such medical grounds as insanity or coma, may either result in
suspension (see below) or termination of the mandate.
All ways of ending a head of state's term may carry a risk for the next incumbent, usually by contesting the validity
of the procedure, but sometimes even after death in the case of pretenders.
Head of state
130
Former heads of state
Puyi, the last emperor of China, abdicated from the
throne in 1912 (and was briefly restored in 1917), but
was allowed to keep his titles and palace until 1924. He
worked as a gardener in his later life as an ordinary
Chinese citizen in Communist China.
A monarch may retain his style and certain prerogatives after
abdication, as King Leopold III of Belgium who left the throne to
his son after winning (but not in both linguistic communities of the
country) a referendum; he retained a full royal household but no
constitutional or representative role at all. In the case of Napoleon
I Bonaparte, the Italian principality of Elba, chosen for his
luxurious imprisonment after the remains of his Grande Arme
(following the disastrous Russian campaign) had finally been
defeated in 1814, was transformed into a miniature version of his
First Empire, with most trappings of a sovereign monarchy, until
his Cent Jours ('100 days' escape and reseizure of power in
France) convinced the allies, reconvening the Vienna Congress in
1815, to revoke those gratuitous privileges and send him to die in
exile on barren Saint Helena.
By tradition a deposed monarch who has not freely abdicated,
though no longer head of state, is allowed to use their monarchical
title as a courtesy title for their lifetime. Hence, though he ceased
to be Greek king in 1973 (in a disputed referendum during the
Regime of the Colonels), or in 1974 (in a referendum after the
reestablishment of democracy), it is still standard to refer to the
deposed king as Constantine II of Greece. However none of his
descendants will be entitled to be called King of the Hellenes (not
King of Greece) after his death. Some states dispute the
international acceptance of the right of their deposed monarchs to
be referred to by their former title. It remains however the
generally accepted formula, with most states declining to get involved in disputes between governments and deposed
monarchs and simply stating that they are doing no more than recognising tradition, not supporting claims to a
defunct throne. Other states have no problem with deposed monarchs being so referred to by former title, and even
allow them to travel internationally on the state's diplomatic passport.
Former Presidents of the United States, while holding no legitimate power as the U.S. adheres to a rational-legal
system of government, continue to exert great influence in national and world affairs after they leave their post.
Statistics
Main article: Records of heads of state
Current
(as in early 2011)
World's longest serving current monarchical head of state: King Rama IX of Thailand (since 9 June 1946:
(65years, 204days)).
History
Oldest Head of State (elected by legislature): Sandro Pertini elected President of Italy in 1978. He left office in
1985, aged 88 and 9 months.
Head of state
131
Oldest Head of State elected in a popular election: amon de Valera, President of Ireland until 1973 aged 90 and
8 months.
Longest serving Head of State of the 20th century: King Sobhuza II of Swaziland, reigned for 82 years and 254
days (18991982).
Notes
[1] "The Crown in Canada" (http:/ / www.pch. gc. ca/ special/ royalvisit/ ENGLISH. pdf) (PDF). Department of Canadian Heritage. . Retrieved
2008-05-21.
[2] Buckingham Palace: The Queen and Commonwealth: Canada: The Queen's role in Canada (http:/ / www. royal. gov. uk/ output/ Page5179.
asp)
[3] Alston, Philip (1995). Treaty-making and Australia: globalisation versus sovereignty? (http:/ / books. google. ca/
books?id=4_HQYFoPCewC& printsec=frontcover& source=gbs_ge_summary_r& cad=0#v=onepage& q& f=false). Annandale: Federation
Press. p.254. ISBN9781862871953. .
[4] Bayefsky, Anne F. (1993), "International Human Rights Law in Canadian Courts" (http:/ / books. google. ca/ books?id=_7XwU1EvIsAC&
printsec=frontcover& source=gbs_ge_summary_r& cad=0#v=onepage& q& f=false), in Kaplan, William; McRae, Donald Malcolm; Cohen,
Maxwell, Law, policy and international justice: essays in honour of Maxwell Cohen, Montreal: McGill-Queen's Press, p.112,
ISBN9780773511149, , retrieved 16 January 2011
[5] Flemming, Brian (1965). "Canadian Practice in International Law" (http:/ / books. google. ca/ books?id=9LPT_7nv8_IC&
printsec=frontcover#v=onepage& q& f=false). The Canadian Yearbook of International Law (Vancouver: University of British Columbia
Press) III: 337. . Retrieved 16 January 2011.
[6] George VI (1 October 1947), Letters Patent Constituting the Office of Governor General of Canada (http:/ / www. solon. org/ Constitutions/
Canada/ English/ LettersPatent. html), I, Ottawa: King's Printer for Canada, , retrieved 29 May 2009
[7] Office of the Governor General of Canada. "The Governor General - the evolution of Canada's oldest public institution" (http:/ / archive. gg.
ca/ gg/ fgg/ bios/ 03/ 02e_e. asp). Queen's Printer for Canada. . Retrieved 16 January 2011.
[8] Constitution Act, 1867 (http:/ / www.solon. org/ Constitutions/ Canada/ English/ ca_1867. html)
Sources, references and external links
List of Current Heads of State (http:/ / www. planetrulers. com)
Pauly-Wissowa in German, on Antiquity
Rulers.org (http:/ / www. rulers. org/ ) List of rulers throughout time and places
WorldStatesmen (http:/ / www. worldstatesmen. org/ ) History and incumbents of states and minor polities
worldwide
Regnal Chronologies (http:/ / ellone-loire. net/ obsidian/ regindex. html) King lists worldwide (this link is not
working, 9/27/08)
RoyalArk (http:/ / 4dw. net/ royalark/ ) quite elaborate on many non-European monarchies
Westermann, Groer Atlas zur Weltgeschichte (in German)
132
Democracy
Democracy
A woman casts her vote in the second round of the French
presidential election of 2007.
Democracy in its purest or most ideal form would be a
society in which all adult citizens have an equal say in
the decisions that affect their lives.
[1]
In practice,
nations and smaller political units ascribing to this ideal
generally have been organized such that by far, most of
these decisions are made by a select few. Smaller units
such as towns in Vermont use a form of "direct
democracy", while larger units such as U.S. states or
the modern democracies of the industrialized West use
various forms of "indirect democracy". Usually, this
includes equal (and more or less direct) participation in
the proposal, development and passage of legislation
into law.
[1]
It can also encompass social, economic and
cultural conditions that enable the free and equal practice of political self-determination.
The term comes from the word Greek: (dmokrata) "rule of the people",
[2]
which was coined from
- (dmos) "people" and (Kratos) "power", in the middle of the 5th-4th century BC to denote the
political systems then existing in some Greek city-states, notably Athens following a popular uprising in 508 BC.
[3]
According to some theories of democracy, popular sovereignty is the founding principle of such a system.
[4]
However, the democratic principle has also been expressed as "the freedom to call something into being which did
not exist before, which was not given and which therefore, strictly speaking, could not be known."
[5]
This type of
freedom, which is connected to human "natality," or the capacity to begin anew, sees democracy as "not only a
political system [but] an ideal, an aspiration, really, intimately connected to and dependent upon a picture of what
it is to be humanof what it is a human should be to be fully human."
[6]
While there is no universally accepted definition of 'democracy',
[7]
equality and freedom have both been identified as
important characteristics of democracy since ancient times.
[8]
These principles are reflected in all citizens being
equal before the law and having equal access to legislative processes. For example, in a representative democracy,
every vote has equal weight, no unreasonable restrictions can apply to anyone seeking to become a representative,
and the freedom of its citizens is secured by legitimized rights and liberties which are generally protected by a
constitution.
[9]

[10]
There are several varieties of democracy, some of which provide better representation and more freedom for their
citizens than others.
[11]

[12]
However, if any democracy is not structured so as to prohibit the government from
excluding the people from the legislative process, or any branch of government from altering the separation of
powers in its own favor, then a branch of the system can accumulate too much power and destroy the democracy.
[13]
[14]

[15]
Representative Democracy, Consensus Democracy, and Deliberative Democracy are all major examples of
attempts at a form of government that is both practical and responsive to the needs and desires of citizens.
Many people use the term "democracy" as shorthand for liberal democracy, which may include elements such as
political pluralism; equality before the law; the right to petition elected officials for redress of grievances; due
process; civil liberties; human rights; and elements of civil society outside the government. In the United States,
separation of powers is often cited as a central attribute, but in other countries, such as the United Kingdom, the
Democracy
133
dominant principle is that of parliamentary sovereignty (though in practice judicial independence is generally
maintained). In other cases, "democracy" is used to mean direct democracy. Though the term "democracy" is
typically used in the context of a political state, the principles are applicable to private organizations and other
groups as well.
Majority rule is often listed as a characteristic of democracy. However, it is also possible for a minority to be
oppressed by a "tyranny of the majority" in the absence of governmental or constitutional protections of individual or
group rights. An essential part of an "ideal" representative democracy is competitive elections that are fair both
substantively
[16]
and procedurally.
[17]
Furthermore, freedom of political expression, freedom of speech, and freedom
of the press are considered to be essential, so that citizens are adequately informed and able to vote according to their
own best interests as they see them.
[18]

[19]
It has also been suggested that a basic feature of democracy is the
capacity of individuals to participate freely and fully in the life of their society.
[20]
With its emphasis on notions of
social contract and the collective will of the people, democracy can also be characterized as a form of political
collectivism because it is defined as a form of government in which all adult citizens have an equal say in the
decisions that affect their lives.
[1]
Democracy has its formal origins in Ancient Greece,
[21]

[22]
but democratic practices are evident in earlier societies
including Mesopotamia, Phoenicia and India.
[23]
Other cultures since Greece have significantly contributed to the
evolution of democracy such as Ancient Rome,
[21]
Europe,
[21]
and North and South America.
[24]
The concept of
representative democracy arose largely from ideas and institutions that developed during the European Middle Ages
and the Age of Enlightenment and in the American and French Revolutions.
[25]
Democracy has been called the "last
form of government" and has spread considerably across the globe.
[26]
The right to vote has been expanded in many
jurisdictions over time from relatively narrow groups (such as wealthy men of a particular ethnic group), with New
Zealand the first nation to grant universal suffrage for all its citizens in 1893. Democracy is often confused with the
republic form of government. In some definitions of "republic," a republic is a form of democracy. Other definitions
make "republic" a separate, unrelated term.
[27]
History of democracy
Ancient origins
The term Democracy first appeared in ancient Greek political and philosophical thought. The Greek city state of
Athens, led by Cleisthenes, established what is generally held as the first democracy in 507 BCE. Cleisthenes is
referred to as "the father of Athenian democracy".
[28]
The Athenian philosopher Plato contrasted democracy, the
system of "rule by the governed", with the alternative systems of monarchy (rule by one individual), oligarchy (rule
of the wealthy) and timocracy (rule by an elite class valuing honor as opposed to wealth). Today Classical Athenian
democracy is considered by many to have been a direct democracy. Originally it had two distinguishing features:
first the allotment (selection by lot) of ordinary citizens to the few government offices and the courts,
[29]
and
secondarily the assembly of all the citizens.
[30]
All citizens were eligible to speak and vote in the assembly, which set
the laws of the city state. However, Athenian citizens were all-male, born from parents who were born in Athens,
and excluded women, slaves, foreigners ( / metoikoi) and males under 20 years old. Of the estimated
200,000 to 400,000 inhabitants there were between 60,000 to 30,000 citizens. The (elected) generals often held
influence in the assembly. Pericles was, during his many years of de-facto political leadership, once elected general
15 years in a row.
Even though the Roman Republic contributed significantly to certain aspects of democracy, only a minority of
Romans were citizens with votes in elections for representatives. The votes of the powerful were given more weight
through a system of Gerrymandering, so most high officials, including members of the Senate, came from a few
wealthy and noble families.
[31]
However, many notable exceptions did occur.
Democracy
134
Middle Ages
During the Middle Ages, there were various systems involving elections or assemblies, although often only
involving a small amount of the population, the election of Gopala in Bengal, the Polish-Lithuanian
Commonwealth(10% of population), the Althing in Iceland, the Lgting in the Faroe Islands, certain medieval Italian
city-states such as Venice, the tuatha system in early medieval Ireland, the Veche in Novgorod and Pskov Republics
of medieval Russia, Scandinavian Things, The States in Tirol and Switzerland and the autonomous merchant city of
Sakai in the 16th century in Japan. However, participation was often restricted to a minority, and so may be better
classified as oligarchy. Most regions in medieval Europe were ruled by clergy or feudal lords.
The Kouroukan Fouga or Kurukan Fuga is purported to be the constitution of the Mali Empire (mid-thirteenth
century to c. 1645 CE), created after the Battle of Krina by an assembly of notables to create a government for the
newly established empire. It was first alluded to in print in Djibril Tamsir Niane's book, Soundjata, ou la Epoupe
Mandingue.
[32]
The Kouroukan Fouga divided the new empire into ruling clans (lineages) that were represented at a
great assembly called the Gbara. However, the charter made Mali more similar to a constitutional monarchy than a
democratic republic.
A little closer to modern democracy were the Cossack republics of Ukraine in the 16th17th centuries: Cossack
Hetmanate and Zaporizhian Sich. The highest post the Hetman was elected by the representatives from the
country's districts. Because these states were very militarised, the right to participate in Hetman's elections was
largely restricted to those who served in the Cossack Army and over time was curtailed effectively limiting these
rights to higher army ranks.
Magna Carta, 1215, England
The Parliament of England had its roots in the restrictions on the
power of kings written into Magna Carta, which explicitly
protected certain rights of the King's subjects, whether free or
fettered and implicitly supported what became English writ of
habeas corpus, safeguarding individual freedom against unlawful
imprisonment with right to appeal. The first elected parliament
was De Montfort's Parliament in England in 1265.
However only a small minority actually had a voice; Parliament
was elected by only a few percent of the population, (less than 3%
as late as 1780
[33]
), and the power to call parliament was at the
pleasure of the monarch (usually when he or she needed funds). The power of Parliament increased in stages over the
succeeding centuries. After the Glorious Revolution of 1688, the English Bill of Rights of 1689 was enacted, which
codified certain rights and increased the influence of Parliament.
[33]
The franchise was slowly increased and
Parliament gradually gained more power until the monarch became largely a figurehead.
[34]
As the franchise was
increased, it also was made more uniform, as many so-called rotten boroughs, with a handful of voters electing a
Member of Parliament, were eliminated in the Reform Act of 1832.
Band societies, such as the Bushmen, which usually number 20-50 people in the band often do not have leaders and
make decisions based on consensus among the majority. In Melanesia, farming village communities have
traditionally been egalitarian and lacking in a rigid, authoritarian hierarchy. Although a "Big man" or "Big woman"
could gain influence, that influence was conditional on a continued demonstration of leadership skills, and on the
willingness of the community. Every person was expected to share in communal duties, and entitled to participate in
communal decisions. However, strong social pressure encouraged conformity and discouraged individualism.
[35]
Democracy
135
18th and 19th centuries
Number of nations 18002003 scoring 8 or higher on Polity IV scale, another widely used
measure of democracy.
The first nation in modern history to
adopt a democratic constitution was
the short-lived Corsican Republic in
1755. This Corsican Constitution was
the first based on Enlightenment
principles and even allowed for female
suffrage, something that was granted in
other democracies only by the
twentieth century. Although not
described as a democracy by the
founding fathers, the United States
founders also shared a determination to
root the American experiment in the
principle of natural freedom and
equality.
[36]
The United States
Constitution, adopted in 1788, provided for an elected government and protected civil rights and liberties for some.
In the colonial period before 1776, and for some time after, often only adult white male property owners could vote;
enslaved Africans, most free black people and most women were not extended the franchise. On the American
frontier, democracy became a way of life, with widespread social, economic and political equality.
[37]

[38]
However,
slavery was a social and economic institution, particularly in eleven states in the American South, that a variety of
organizations were established advocating the movement of black people from the United States to locations where
they would enjoy greater freedom and equality.
[39]
During the 1820s and 1830s the American Colonization Society (A.C.S.) was the primary vehicle for proposals to
return black Americans to freedom in Africa, and in 1821 the A.C.S. established the colony of Liberia, assisting
thousands of former African-American slaves and free black people to move there from the United States.
[39]
By the
1840s almost all property restrictions were ended and nearly all white adult male citizens could vote; and turnout
averaged 6080% in frequent elections for local, state and national officials. The system gradually evolved, from
Jeffersonian Democracy to Jacksonian Democracy and beyond. In the 1860 United States Census the slave
population in the United States had grown to four million,
[40]
and in Reconstruction after the Civil War (late 1860s)
the newly freed slaves became citizens with (in the case of men) a nominal right to vote. Full enfranchisement of
citizens was not secured until after the African-American Civil Rights Movement (19551968) gained passage by
the United States Congress of the Voting Rights Act of 1965.
Democracy
136
The establishment of universal male suffrage in France in 1848 was an important
milestone in the history of democracy.
In 1789, Revolutionary France adopted the
Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the
Citizen and, although short-lived, the
National Convention was elected by all
males in 1792.
[41]
Universal male suffrage
was definitely established in France in
March 1848 in the wake of the French
Revolution of 1848.
[42]
In 1848, several
revolutions broke out in Europe as rulers
were confronted with popular demands for
liberal constitutions and more democratic
government.
[43]
The Australian colonies became democratic
during the mid-19th century, with South
Australia being the first government in the
world to introduce women's suffrage in
1861. (It was argued that as women would vote the same as their husbands, this essentially gave married men two
votes, which was not unreasonable.)
New Zealand granted suffrage to (native) Mori men in 1867, white men in 1879, and women in 1893, thus
becoming the first major nation to achieve universal suffrage. However, women were not eligible to stand for
parliament until 1919.
Liberal democracies were very few and often short-lived before the late 19th century, and various nations and
territories have also claimed to be the first with universal suffrage.
20th and 21st centuries
20th century transitions to liberal democracy have come in successive "waves of democracy," variously resulting
from wars, revolutions, decolonization, religious and economic circumstances
[44]
. World War I and the dissolution
of the Ottoman and Austro-Hungarian empires resulted in the creation of new nation-states from Europe, most of
them at least nominally democratic.
In the 1920s democracy flourished, but the Great Depression brought disenchantment, and most of the countries of
Europe, Latin America, and Asia turned to strong-man rule or dictatorships. Fascism and dictatorships flourished in
Nazi Germany, Italy, Spain and Portugal, as well as nondemocratic regimes in the Baltics, the Balkans, Brazil, Cuba,
China, and Japan, among others.
[45]
World War II brought a definitive reversal of this trend in western Europe. The successful democratization of the
American, British, and French sectors of occupied Germany (disputed
[46]
), Austria, Italy, and the occupied Japan
served as a model for the later theory of regime change.
However, most of Eastern Europe, including the Soviet sector of Germany was forced into the non-democratic
Soviet bloc. The war was followed by decolonization, and again most of the new independent states had nominally
democratic constitutions. India emerged as the world's largest democracy and continues to be so.
[47]
By 1960, the vast majority of country-states were nominally democracies, although the majority of the world's
populations lived in nations that experienced sham elections, and other forms of subterfuge (particularly in
Communist nations and the former colonies.)
Democracy
137
This graph shows Freedom House's evaluation of the number of nations in the different
categories given above for the period for which there are surveys, 19722005
A subsequent wave of democratization
brought substantial gains toward true
liberal democracy for many nations.
Spain, Portugal (1974), and several of
the military dictatorships in South
America returned to civilian rule in the
late 1970s and early 1980s (Argentina
in 1983, Bolivia, Uruguay in 1984,
Brazil in 1985, and Chile in the early
1990s). This was followed by nations
in East and South Asia by the
mid-to-late 1980s.
Economic malaise in the 1980s, along
with resentment of communist oppression, contributed to the collapse of the Soviet Union, the associated end of the
Cold War, and the democratization and liberalization of the former Eastern bloc countries. The most successful of
the new democracies were those geographically and culturally closest to western Europe, and they are now members
or candidate members of the European Union . Some researchers consider that contemporary Russia is not a true
democracy and instead resembles a form of dictatorship.
[48]
The Economist Intelligence Unit's Democracy Index as published in December 2010. The
palest blue countries get a score above 9 out of 10 (with Norway being the most
democratic country at 9.80), while the black countries score below 3 (with North Korea
being the least democratic at 1.08).
The liberal trend spread to some
nations in Africa in the 1990s, most
prominently in South Africa. Some
recent examples of attempts of
liberalization include the Indonesian
Revolution of 1998, the Bulldozer
Revolution in Yugoslavia, the Rose
Revolution in Georgia, the Orange
Revolution in Ukraine, the Cedar
Revolution in Lebanon, the Tulip
Revolution in Kyrgyzstan, and the
Jasmine Revolution in Tunisia.
According to Freedom House, in 2007
there were 123 electoral democracies (up from 40 in 1972).
[49]
According to World Forum on Democracy, electoral
democracies now represent 120 of the 192 existing countries and constitute 58.2 percent of the world's population.
At the same time liberal democracies i.e. countries Freedom House regards as free and respectful of basic human
rights and the rule of law are 85 in number and represent 38 percent of the global population.
[50]
As such, it has been speculated that this trend may continue in the future to the point where liberal democratic
nation-states become the universal standard form of human society. This prediction forms the core of Francis
Fukayama's "End of History" controversial theory. These theories are criticized by those who fear an evolution of
liberal democracies to post-democracy, and others who point out the high number of illiberal democracies.
Democracy
138
Forms
Democracy has taken a number of forms, both in theory and practice. The following kinds are not exclusive of one
another: many specify details of aspects that are independent of one another and can co-exist in a single system.
Political ratings of countries according to Freedom Houses Freedom in the World survey,
2011:FreePartly freeNot free
Countries highlighted in blue are designated "electoral democracies" in Freedom House's
2010 survey Freedom in the World
[52]
Representative
Representative democracy involves the
selection of government officials by
the people being represented. If the
head of state is also democratically
elected then it is called a democratic
republic.
[53]
The most common
mechanisms involve election of the
candidate with a majority or a plurality
of the votes.
Representatives may be elected or
become diplomatic representatives by
a particular district (or constituency),
or represent the entire electorate
proportionally proportional systems,
with some using a combination of the
two. Some representative democracies
also incorporate elements of direct
democracy, such as referendums. A
characteristic of representative
democracy is that while the
representatives are elected by the
people to act in the people's interest,
they retain the freedom to exercise
their own judgment as how best to do
so.
Parliamentary
Parliamentary democracy is a representative democracy where government is appointed by representatives as
opposed to a 'presidential rule' wherein the President is both head of state and the head of government and is elected
by the voters. Under a parliamentary democracy, government is exercised by delegation to an executive ministry and
subject to ongoing review, checks and balances by the legislative parliament elected by the people.
[54]

[55]

[56]

[57]

[58]
[59]

[60]

[61]
Parliamentary systems have the right to dismiss a Prime Minister at any point in time that they feel he or
she is not doing their job to the expectations of the legislature. This is done through a Vote of No Confidence where
the legislature decides whether or not to remove the Prime Minister from office by a majority support for his or her
dismissal.
[62]
In some countries, the Prime Minister can also call an election whenever he or she so chooses, and
typically the Prime Minister will hold an election when he or she knows that they are in good favor with the public
as to get re-elected. In other parliamentary democracies extra elections are virtually never held, a minority
government being preferred until the next ordinary elections.
Democracy
139
Presidential
Presidential Democracy is a system where the public elects the president through free and fair elections. The
president serves as both the head of state and head of government controlling most of the executive powers. The
president serves for a specific term and cannot exceed that amount of time. By being elected by the people, the
president can say that he is the choice of the people and for the people.
[62]
Elections typically have a fixed date and
arent easily changed. Combining head of state and head of government makes the president not only the face of the
people but as the head of policy as well.
[62]
The president has direct control over the cabinet, the members of which
are specifically appointed by the president himself. The president cannot be easily removed from office by the
legislature. While the president holds most of the executive powers, he cannot remove members of the legislative
branch any more easily than they could remove him from office. This increases separation of powers. This can also
create discord between the president and the legislature if they are of separate parties, allowing one to block the
other. This type of democracy is not common around the world today due to the conflicts to which it can lead, but
most countries in the Americas, from USA to South America, use this system.
Semi-presidential
A semi-presidential system is a system of democracy in which the government includes both a prime minister and a
president. This form of democracy is even less common than a presidential system. This system has both a prime
minister with no fixed term and a president with a fixed term. Depending on the country, the separation of powers
between the prime minister and president varies. In one instance, the president can hold more power than the prime
minister, with the prime minister accountable to both the legislature and president.
[62]
On the other hand, the prime
minister can hold more power than the president. The president and prime minister share power, while the president
holds powers separate from those of the legislature.
[62]
The president holds the role of commander in chief, controls
foreign policy, and is head of state ("the face of the people"). The prime minister is expected to formulate the
Presidents policies into legislature.
[62]
The prime minister is the head of government and as such he is expected to
formulate the policies of the party that won the election into legislature. This type of government can also create
issues over who holds what responsibilities.
Constitutional
A Constitutional democracy is a representative democracy in which the ability of the elected representatives to
exercise decision-making power is subject to the rule of law, and usually moderated by a constitution that
emphasizes the protection of the rights and freedoms of individuals, and which places constraints on the leaders and
on the extent to which the will of the majority can be exercised against the rights of minorities (see civil liberties). In
a constitutional democracy, it is possible for some large-scale decisions to emerge from the many individual
decisions that citizens are free to make. In other words, citizens can "vote with their feet" or "vote with their dollars",
resulting in significant informal government-by-the-masses that exercises many "powers" associated with formal
government elsewhere.
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140
Liberal constitutional
See: Liberal democracy
Direct
Direct democracy is a political system where the citizens participate in the decision-making personally, contrary to
relying on intermediaries or representatives. The supporters of direct democracy argue that democracy is more than
merely a procedural issue. A direct democracy gives the voting population the power to:
1. Change constitutional laws,
2. Put forth initiatives, referendums and suggestions for laws,
3. Give binding orders to elective officials, such as revoking them before the end of their elected term, or initiating a
lawsuit for breaking a campaign promise.
Of the three measures mentioned, most operate in developed democracies today. This is part of a gradual shift
towards direct democracies. Examples of this include the extensive use of referendums in California with more than
20 million voters, and (i.e., voting).
[63]
in Switzerland, where five million voters decide on national referendums and
initiatives two to four times a year; direct democratic instruments are also well established at the cantonal and
communal level. Vermont towns have been known for their yearly town meetings, held every March to decide on
local issues. No direct democracy is in existence outside the framework of a different overarching form of
government. Most direct democracies to date have been practiced on a large scale, but rather have been practiced in
relatively small communities, usually city-states.
See: List of direct democracy parties
Inclusive democracy
Inclusive democracy is a political theory and political project that aims for direct democracy in all fields of social
life: political democracy in the form of face-to-face assemblies which are confederated, economic democracy in a
stateless, moneyless and marketless economy, democracy in the social realm, i.e.self-management in places of work
and education, and ecological democracy which aims to reintegrate society and nature. The theoretical project of
inclusive democracy emerged from the work of political philosopher Takis Fotopoulos in "Towards An Inclusive
Democracy" and was further developed in the journal Democracy & Nature' and its successor The International
Journal of Inclusive Democracy.
The basic unit of decision making in an inclusive democracy is the demotic assembly, i.e. the assembly of demos, the
citizen body in a given geographical area which may encompass a town and the surrounding villages, or even
neighbourhoods of large cities. An inclusive democracy today can only take the form of a confederal democracy that
is based on a network of administrative councils whose members or delegates are elected from popular face-to-face
democratic assemblies in the various demoi. Thus, their role is purely administrative and practical, not one of
policy-making like that of representatives in representative democracy.The citizen body is advised by experts but it
is the citizen body which functions as the ultimate decision-taker . Authority can be delegated to a segment of the
citizen body to carry out specific duties, for example to serve as members of popular courts, or of regional and
confederal councils. Such delegation is made, in principle, by lot, on a rotation basis, and is always recallable by the
citizen body. Delegates to regional and confederal bodies should have specific mandates.
Democracy
141
Participatory
A Parpolity or Participatory Polity is a theoretical form of democracy that is ruled by a Nested Council structure. The
guiding philosophy is that people should have decision making power in proportion to how much they are affected
by the decision. Local councils of 2550 people are completely autonomous on issues that affect only them, and
these councils send delegates to higher level councils who are again autonomous regarding issues that affect only the
population affected by that council.
A council court of randomly chosen citizens serves as a check on the tyranny of the majority, and rules on which
body gets to vote on which issue. Delegates can vote differently than their sending council might wish, but are
mandated to communicate the wishes of their sending council. Delegates are recallable at any time. Referendums are
possible at any time via votes of the majority of lower level councils, however, not everything is a referendum as this
is most likely a waste of time. A parpolity is meant to work in tandem with a participatory economy.
Socialist
"Democracy cannot consist solely of elections that are nearly always fictitious and managed by rich
landowners and professional politicians."
Che Guevara, Marxist revolutionary
[64]
Socialist thought has several different views on democracy. Social democracy, democratic socialism, and the
dictatorship of the proletariat (usually exercised through Soviet democracy) are some examples. Many democratic
socialists and social democrats believe in a form of participatory democracy and workplace democracy combined
with a representative democracy.
Within Marxist orthodoxy there is a hostility to what is commonly called "liberal democracy", which they simply
refer to as parliamentary democracy because of its often centralized nature. Because of their desire to eliminate the
political elitism they see in capitalism, Marxists, Leninists and Trotskyists believe in direct democracy implemented
through a system of communes (which are sometimes called soviets). This system ultimately manifests itself as
council democracy and begins with workplace democracy. (See Democracy in Marxism)
Anarchist
Anarchists are split in this domain, depending on whether they believe that a majority-rule is tyrannic or not. The
only form of democracy considered acceptable to many anarchists is direct democracy. Pierre-Joseph Proudhon
argued that the only acceptable form of direct democracy is one in which it is recognized that majority decisions are
not binding on the minority, even when unanimous.
[65]
However, anarcho-communist Murray Bookchin criticized
individualist anarchists for opposing democracy,
[66]
and says "majority rule" is consistent with anarchism.
[67]
Some anarcho-communists oppose the majoritarian nature of direct democracy, feeling that it can impede individual
liberty and opt in favour of a non-majoritarian form of consensus democracy, similar to Proudhon's position on direct
democracy.
[68]
Henry David Thoreau, who did not self-identify as an anarchist but argued for "a better
government"
[69]
and is cited as an inspiration by some anarchists, argued that people should not be in the position of
ruling others or being ruled when there is no consent.
Iroquois
Iroquois society had a form of participatory democracy and representative democracy.
[70]
Elizabeth Tooker, a
Temple University professor of anthropology and an authority on the culture and history of the Northern Iroquois,
has reviewed the claims that the Iroquois inspired the American Confederation and concluded they are myth rather
than fact. The relationship between the Iroquois League and the Constitution is based on a portion of a letter written
by Benjamin Franklin and a speech by the Iroquois chief Canasatego in 1744. Tooker concluded that the documents
only indicate that some groups of Iroquois and white settlers realized the advantages of uniting against a common
Democracy
142
enemy, and that ultimately there is little evidence to support the idea that 18th century colonists were knowledgeable
regarding the Iroquois system of governance. What little evidence there is regarding this system indicates chiefs of
different tribes were permitted representation in the Iroquois League council, and this ability to represent the tribe
was hereditary. The council itself did not practice representative government, and there were no elections; deceased
chiefs' successors were selected by the most senior woman within the hereditary lineage, in consultation with other
women in the clan. Decision making occurred through lengthy discussion and decisions were unanimous, with topics
discussed being introduced by a single tribe. Tooker concludes that "...there is virtually no evidence that the framers
[of the Constitution] borrowed from the Iroquois" and that the myth that this was the case is the result of
exaggerations and misunderstandings of a claim made by Iroquois linguist and ethnographer J.N.B. Hewitt after his
death in 1937.
[71]
Sortition
Sometimes called "democracy without elections", sortition is the process of choosing decision makers via a random
process. The intention is that those chosen will be representative of the opinions and interests of the people at large,
and be more fair and impartial than an elected official. The technique was in widespread use in Athenian Democracy
and is still used in modern jury selection.
Consensus
Consensus democracy requires varying degrees of consensus rather than just a mere democratic majority. It typically
attempts to protect minority rights from domination by majority rule.
Supranational
Qualified majority voting (QMV) is designed by the Treaty of Rome to be the principal method of reaching
decisions in the European Council of Ministers. This system allocates votes to member states in part according to
their population, but heavily weighted in favour of the smaller states. This might be seen as a form of representative
democracy, but representatives to the Council might be appointed rather than directly elected.
Some might consider the "individuals" being democratically represented to be states rather than people, as with
many other international organizations. European Parliament members are democratically directly elected on the
basis of universal suffrage, may be seen as an example of a supranational democratic institution.
Cosmopolitan
Democracy is not only a political system It is an ideal, an aspiration, really, intimately connected to and
dependent upon a picture of what it is to be humanof what it is a human should be to be fully human.
Nikolas Kompridis
[6]
Cosmopolitan democracy, also known as Global democracy or World Federalism, is a political system in which
democracy is implemented on a global scale, either directly or through representatives. An important justification for
this kind of system is that the decisions made in national or regional democracies often affect people outside the
constituency who, by definition, cannot vote. By contrast, in a cosmopolitan democracy, the people who are affected
by decisions also have a say in them.
[72]
According to its supporters, any attempt to solve global problems is
undemocratic without some form of cosmopolitan democracy. The general principle of cosmopolitan democracy is
to expand some or all of the values and norms of democracy, including the rule of law; the non-violent resolution of
conflicts; and equality among citizens, beyond the limits of the state. To be fully implemented, this would require
reforming existing international organizations, e.g. the United Nations, as well as the creation of new institutions
such as a World Parliament, which ideally would enhance public control over, and accountability in, international
politics.
Democracy
143
Cosmopolitan Democracy has been promoted, among others, by physicist Albert Einstein,
[73]
writer Kurt Vonnegut,
columnist George Monbiot, and professors David Held and Daniele Archibugi.
[74]
The creation of the International Criminal Court in 2003 was seen as a major step forward by many supporters of this
type of cosmopolitan democracy.
Non-governmental
Aside from the public sphere, similar democratic principles and mechanisms of voting and representation have been
used to govern other kinds of communities and organizations.
Many non-governmental organizations decide policy and leadership by voting.
Most trade unions choose their leadership through democratic elections.
Cooperatives are enterprises owned and democratically controlled by their customers or workers.
Corporations are controlled by shareholders on the principle, one share, one vote; most have a board of directors
elected by the shareholders which in turn vote to determine high-level company policy and leadership.
Theory
Aristotle
A marble statue of Aristotle.
Aristotle contrasted rule by the many (democracy/polity), with rule by
the few (oligarchy/aristocracy), and with rule by a single person
(tyranny or today autocracy/monarchy). He also thought that there was
a good and a bad variant of each system (he considered democracy to
be the degenerate counterpart to polity).
[75]

[76]
For Aristotle the underlying principle of democracy is freedom, since
only in a democracy the citizens can have a share in freedom. In
essence, he argues that this is what every democracy should make its
aim. There are two main aspects of freedom: being ruled and ruling in
turn, since everyone is equal according to number, not merit, and to be
able to live as one pleases.
Now a fundamental principle of the democratic form of
constitution is libertythat is what is usually asserted, implying
that only under this constitution do men participate in liberty, for
they assert this as the aim of every democracy. But one factor of
liberty is to govern and be governed in turn; for the popular
principle of justice is to have equality according to number, not
worth, and if this is the principle of justice prevailing, the multitude must of necessity be sovereign and the
decision of the majority must be final and must constitute justice, for they say that each of the citizens ought to
have an equal share; so that it results that in democracies the poor are more powerful than the rich, because
there are more of them and whatever is decided by the majority is sovereign. This then is one mark of liberty
which all democrats set down as a principle of the constitution. And one is for a man to live as he likes; for
they say that this is the function of liberty, inasmuch as to live not as one likes is the life of a man that is a
slave. This is the second principle of democracy, and from it has come the claim not to be governed,
preferably not by anybody, or failing that, to govern and be governed in turns; and this is the way in which the
second principle contributes to egalitarian liberty.
[8]
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144
Conceptions
Among political theorists, there are many contending conceptions of democracy.
Aggregative democracy uses democratic processes to solicit citizens preferences and then aggregate them
together to determine what social policies society should adopt. Therefore, proponents of this view hold that
democratic participation should primarily focus on voting, where the policy with the most votes gets
implemented. There are different variants of this:
Under minimalism, democracy is a system of government in which citizens give teams of political leaders the
right to rule in periodic elections. According to this minimalist conception, citizens cannot and should not
rule because, for example, on most issues, most of the time, they have no clear views or their views are not
well-founded. Joseph Schumpeter articulated this view most famously in his book Capitalism, Socialism, and
Democracy.
[77]
Contemporary proponents of minimalism include William H. Riker, Adam Przeworski,
Richard Posner.
Direct democracy, on the other hand, holds that citizens should participate directly, not through their
representatives, in making laws and policies. Proponents of direct democracy offer varied reasons to support
this view. Political activity can be valuable in itself, it socializes and educates citizens, and popular
participation can check powerful elites. Most importantly, citizens do not really rule themselves unless they
directly decide laws and policies.
Governments will tend to produce laws and policies that are close to the views of the median voter with half
to his left and the other half to his right. This is not actually a desirable outcome as it represents the action of
self-interested and somewhat unaccountable political elites competing for votes. Downs suggests that
ideological political parties are necessary to act as a mediating broker between individual and governments.
Anthony Downs laid out this view in his 1957 book An Economic Theory of Democracy.
[78]
Robert A. Dahl argues that the fundamental democratic principle is that, when it comes to binding collective
decisions, each person in a political community is entitled to have his/her interests be given equal
consideration (not necessarily that all people are equally satisfied by the collective decision). He uses the term
polyarchy to refer to societies in which there exists a certain set of institutions and procedures which are
perceived as leading to such democracy. First and foremost among these institutions is the regular occurrence
of free and open elections which are used to select representatives who then manage all or most of the public
policy of the society. However, these polyarchic procedures may not create a full democracy if, for example,
poverty prevents political participation.
[79]
Some see a problem with the wealthy having more influence and
therefore argue for reforms like campaign finance reform. Some may see it as a problem that the majority of
the voters decide policy, as opposed to majority rule of the entire population. This can be used as an argument
for making political participation mandatory, like compulsory voting or for making it more patient
(non-compulsory) by simply refusing power to the government until the full majority feels inclined to speak
their minds.
Deliberative democracy is based on the notion that democracy is government by discussion. Deliberative
democrats contend that laws and policies should be based upon reasons that all citizens can accept. The political
arena should be one in which leaders and citizens make arguments, listen, and change their minds.
Radical democracy is based on the idea that there are hierarchical and oppressive power relations that exist in
society. Democracy's role is to make visible and challenge those relations by allowing for difference, dissent and
antagonisms in decision making processes.
Democracy
145
Republic
In contemporary usage, the term democracy refers to a government chosen by the people, whether it is direct or
representative.
[80]
The term republic has many different meanings, but today often refers to a representative
democracy with an elected head of state, such as a president, serving for a limited term, in contrast to states with a
hereditary monarch as a head of state, even if these states also are representative democracies with an elected or
appointed head of government such as a prime minister.
[81]
The Founding Fathers of the United States rarely praised and often criticized democracy, which in their time tended
to specifically mean direct democracy; James Madison argued, especially in The Federalist No. 10, that what
distinguished a democracy from a republic was that the former became weaker as it got larger and suffered more
violently from the effects of faction, whereas a republic could get stronger as it got larger and combats faction by its
very structure.
What was critical to American values, John Adams insisted,
[82]
was that the government be "bound by fixed laws,
which the people have a voice in making, and a right to defend." As Benjamin Franklin was exiting after writing the
U.S. constitution, a woman asked him "Well, Doctor, what have we gota republic or a monarchy?". He replied "A
republicif you can keep it."
[83]
Constitutional monarchs and upper chambers
Initially after the American and French revolutions, the question was open whether a democracy, in order to restrain
unchecked majority rule, should have an lite upper chamber, the members perhaps appointed meritorious experts or
having lifetime tenures, or should have a constitutional monarch with limited but real powers. Some countries (as
Britain, the Netherlands, Belgium, Scandinavian countries, Thailand, Japan and Bhutan) turned powerful monarchs
into constitutional monarchs with limited or, often gradually, merely symbolic roles.
Often the monarchy was abolished along with the aristocratic system (as in France, China, Russia, Germany, Austria,
Hungary, Italy, Greece and Egypt). Many nations had lite upper houses of legislatures which often had lifetime
tenure, but eventually these lost power (as in Britain) or else became elective and remained powerful (as in the
United States).
Development of democracy
Several philosophers and researchers outlined historical and social factors supporting the evolution of democracy.
Cultural factors like Protestantism influenced the development of democracy, rule of law, human rights and political
liberty (the faithful elected priests, religious freedom and tolerance has been practiced).
Others mentioned the influence of wealth (e.g. S. M. Lipset, 1959). In a related theory, Ronald Inglehart suggests
that the increase in living standards has convinced people that they can take their basic survival for granted, and led
to increased emphasis on self-expression values, which is highly correlated to democracy.
[84]
Recently established theories stress the relevance of education and human capital and within them of cognitive
ability to increasing tolerance, rationality, political literacy and participation. Two effects of education and cognitive
ability are distinguished: a cognitive effect (competence to make rational choices, better information processing) and
an ethical effect (support of democratic values, freedom, human rights etc.), which itself depends on intelligence
(cognitive development being a prerequisite for moral development; Glaeser et al., 2007; Deary et al., 2008;
Rindermann, 2008).
[85]
Evidence that is consistent with conventional theories of why democracy emerges and is sustained has been hard to
come by. Recent statistical analyses have challenged modernization theory by demonstrating that there is no reliable
evidence for the claim that democracy is more likely to emerge when countries become wealthier, more educated, or
less unequal (Albertus and Menaldo, Forthcoming).
[86]
Neither is there convincing evidence that increased reliance
on oil revenues prevents democratization, despite a vast theoretical literature called "The Resource Curse" that
Democracy
146
asserts that oil revenues sever the link between citizen taxation and government accountability, the key to
representative democracy (Haber and Menaldo, Forthcoming).
[87]
The lack of evidence for these conventional
theories of democratization have led researchers to search for the "deep" determinants of contemporary political
institutions, be they geographical or demographic (Engerman and Sokoloff 1997; Acemoglu and Robinson 2008;
Haber and Menaldo 2010).
[88]
In the 21st century, democracy has become such a popular method of reaching decisions that its application beyond
politics to other areas such as entertainment, food and fashion, consumerism, urban planning, education, art,
literature, science and theology has been criticized as "the reigning dogma of our time".
[89]
The argument is that
applying a populist or market-driven approach to art and literature for example, means that innovative creative work
goes unpublished or unproduced. In education, the argument is that essential but more difficult studies are not
undertaken. Science, which is a truth-based discipline, is particularly corrupted by the idea that the correct
conclusion can be arrived at by popular vote.
In a 2010 news story, Der Spiegel reported, "A study by a German military think tank has analyzed how "peak oil"
might change the global economy. ... The Bundeswehr study also raises fears for the survival of democracy itself.
Parts of the population could perceive the upheaval triggered by peak oil "as a general systemic crisis." This would
create "room for ideological and extremist alternatives to existing forms of government."
[90]
Election misconducts
In practice it may not pay the incumbents to conduct fair elections in countries that have no history of democracy. A
study showed that incumbents who rig elections stay in office 2.5 times as long as those who permit fair elections.
[91]
Above $2,700 per capita democracies have been found to be less prone to violence, but below that threshold, more
violence.
[91]
The same study shows that election misconduct is more likely in countries with low per capita incomes,
small populations, rich in natural resources, and a lack of institutional checks and balances. Sub-Saharan countries,
as well as Afghanistan, all tend to fall into that category.
[91]
Governments that have frequent elections averaged over the political cycle have significantly better economic
policies than those who don't. This does not apply to governments with fraudulent elections, however.
[91]
Opposition to democracy
Democracy in modern times has almost always faced opposition from the existing government. The implementation
of a democratic government within a non-democratic state is typically brought about by democratic revolution.
Monarchy had traditionally been opposed to democracy, and to this day remains opposed to its abolition, although
often political compromise has been reached in the form of shared government.
Post-Enlightenmentideologies such as Marxism-Leninism, Fascism, Nazismand Neo-Fundamentalismoppose
liberal democracy on different grounds, generally citing that the concept of democracy as a constant process is
flawed and detrimental to a preferrable course of development.
Democracy
147
Criticism of democracy
Economists since Milton Friedman have strongly criticized the efficiency of democracy. They base this on their
premise of the irrational voter. Their argument is that voters are highly uninformed about many political issues,
especially relating to economics, and have a strong bias about the few issues on which they are fairly knowledgeable.
Popular rule as a faade
The 20th Century Italian thinkers Vilfredo Pareto and Gaetano Mosca (independently) argued that democracy was
illusory, and served only to mask the reality of elite rule. Indeed, they argued that elite oligarchy is the unbendable
law of human nature, due largely to the apathy and division of the masses (as opposed to the drive, initiative and
unity of the elites), and that democratic institutions would do no more than shift the exercise of power from
oppression to manipulation.
[92]
Mob rule
Plato's The Republic presents a critical view of democracy through the narration of Socrates: "Democracy, which is a
charming form of government, full of variety and disorder, and dispensing a sort of equality to equals and unequaled
alike."
[93]
In his work, Plato lists 5 forms of government from best to worst. Assuming that the Republic was
intended to be a serious critique of the political thought in Athens, Plato argues that only Kallipolis, an aristocracy
led by the unwilling philosopher-kings (the wisest men) is a just form of government.
[94]
Political instability
More recently, democracy is criticised for not offering enough political stability. As governments are frequently
elected on and off there tends to be frequent changes in the policies of democratic countries both domestically and
internationally. Even if a political party maintains power, vociferous, headline grabbing protests and harsh criticism
from the mass media are often enough to force sudden, unexpected political change. Frequent policy changes with
regard to business and immigration are likely to deter investment and so hinder economic growth. For this reason,
many people have put forward the idea that democracy is undesirable for a developing country in which economic
growth and the reduction of poverty are top priority.
[95]
This opportunist alliance not only has the handicap of having to cater to too many ideologically opposing factions,
but it is usually short lived since any perceived or actual imbalance in the treatment of coalition partners, or changes
to leadership in the coalition partners themselves, can very easily result in the coalition partner withdrawing its
support from the government.
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Further reading
Appleby, Joyce. (1992). Liberalism and Republicanism in the Historical Imagination. Harvard University Press.
Archibugi, Daniele, The Global Commonwealth of Citizens. Toward Cosmopolitan Democracy, Princeton
University Press (http:/ / press. princeton. edu/ titles/ 8737. html) ISBN 978-0691134901
Becker, Peter, Heideking, Juergen, & Henretta, James A. (2002). Republicanism and Liberalism in America and
the German States, 17501850. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0521800662
Benhabib, Seyla. (1996). Democracy and Difference: Contesting the Boundaries of the Political. Princeton
University Press. ISBN 978-0691044781
Blattberg, Charles. (2000). From Pluralist to Patriotic Politics: Putting Practice First, Oxford University Press,
ISBN 978-0198296881.
Birch, Anthony H. (1993). The Concepts and Theories of Modern Democracy. London: Routledge. ISBN
978-0415414630
Castiglione, Dario. (2005). " Republicanism and its Legacy (http:/ / www. huss. ex. ac. uk/ politics/ research/
readingroom/ CastiglioneRepublicanism. pdf#search="republicanism historiography")." European Journal of
Political Theory. pp 45365.
Copp, David, Jean Hampton, & John E. Roemer. (1993). The Idea of Democracy. Cambridge University Press.
ISBN 978-0521432542
Caputo, Nicholas. (2005). America's Bible of Democracy: Returning to the Constitution. SterlingHouse Publisher,
Inc. ISBN 978-1585010929
Dahl, Robert A. (1991). Democracy and its Critics. Yale University Press. ISBN 978-0300049381
Dahl, Robert A. (2000). On Democracy. Yale University Press. ISBN 978-0300084559
Democracy
151
Dahl, Robert A. Ian Shapiro & Jose Antonio Cheibub. (2003). The Democracy Sourcebook. MIT Press. ISBN
978-0262541473
Dahl, Robert A. (1963). A Preface to Democratic Theory. University of Chicago Press. ISBN 978-0226134260
Davenport, Christian. (2007). State Repression and the Domestic Democratic Peace. Cambridge University Press.
ISBN 978-0521864909
Diamond, Larry & Marc Plattner. (1996). The Global Resurgence of Democracy. Johns Hopkins University Press.
ISBN 978-0801853043
Diamond, Larry & Richard Gunther. (2001). Political Parties and Democracy. JHU Press. ISBN
978-0801868634
Diamond, Larry & Leonardo Morlino. (2005). Assessing the Quality of Democracy. JHU Press. ISBN
978-0801882876
Diamond, Larry, Marc F. Plattner & Philip J. Costopoulos. (2005). World Religions and Democracy. JHU Press.
ISBN 978-0801880803
Diamond, Larry, Marc F. Plattner & Daniel Brumberg. (2003). Islam and Democracy in the Middle East. JHU
Press. ISBN 978-0801878473
Elster, Jon. (1998). Deliberative Democracy. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0521596961
Fotopoulos, Takis. (2006). " Liberal and Socialist Democracies versus Inclusive Democracy (http:/ / www.
inclusivedemocracy. org/ journal/ vol2/ vol2_no2_Takis_liberal_socialist. htm)", The International Journal Of
Inclusive Democracy. 2(2)
Fotopoulos, Takis. (1992). "Direct and Economic Democracy in Ancient Athens and its Significance Today"
(http:/ / www. democracynature. org/ dn/ vol1/ fotopoulos_athens. htm), Democracy & Nature, 1(1)
Gabardi, Wayne. (2001). Contemporary Models of Democracy. Polity.
Griswold, Daniel. (2007). Trade, Democracy and Peace: The Virtuous Cycle (http:/ / www. freetrade. org/ node/
681)
Halperin, M. H., Siegle, J. T. & Weinstein, M. M. (2005). The Democracy Advantage: How Democracies
Promote Prosperity and Peace. Routledge. ISBN 978-0415950527
Hansen, Mogens Herman. (1991). The Athenian Democracy in the Age of Demosthenes. Oxford: Blackwell. ISBN
978-0631180173
Held, David. (2006). Models of Democracy. Stanford University Press. ISBN 978-0804754729
Inglehart, Ronald. (1997). Modernization and Postmodernization. Cultural, Economic, and Political Change in
43 Societies. Princeton University Press. ISBN 978-0691011806
Isakhan, Ben and Stockwell, Stephen (co-editors). (2011) The Secret History of Democracy. Palgrave MacMillan.
ISBN 978-0-230-24421-4
Khan, L. Ali. (2003). A Theory of Universal Democracy: Beyond the End of History. Martinus Nijhoff Publishers.
ISBN 978-9041120038
Kchler, Hans. (1987). The Crisis of Representative Democracy. Peter Lang. ISBN 978-3820488432
Lijphart, Arend. (1999). Patterns of Democracy: Government Forms and Performance in Thirty-Six Countries.
Yale University Press. ISBN 978-0300078930
Lipset, Seymour Martin. (1959). "Some Social Requisites of Democracy: Economic Development and Political
Legitimacy". American Political Science Review 53 (1): 69105. doi:10.2307/1951731. JSTOR1951731.
Macpherson, C. B. (1977). The Life and Times of Liberal Democracy. Oxford University Press. ISBN
978-0192891068
Morgan, Edmund. (1989). Inventing the People: The Rise of Popular Sovereignty in England and America.
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978-0801865688
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Plattner, Marc F. & Joo Carlos Espada. (2000). The Democratic Invention. Johns Hopkins University Press.
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University of California Press. ISBN 978-0520245624
Riker, William H.. (1962). The Theory of Political Coalitions. Yale University Press.
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doi:10.1353/jod.1999.0055.
Tannsjo, Torbjorn. (2008). Global Democracy: The Case for a World Government. Edinburgh University Press.
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global problems it is also, pace Kant and Rawls, desirable in its own right.
Weingast, Barry. (1997). "The Political Foundations of the Rule of Law and Democracy". American Political
Science Review 91 (2): 245263. doi:10.2307/2952354. JSTOR2952354.
Weatherford, Jack. (1990). Indian Givers: How the Indians Transformed the World. New York: Fawcett
Columbine. ISBN 978-0449904961
Whitehead, Laurence. (2002). Emerging Market Democracies: East Asia and Latin America. JHU Press. ISBN
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External links
Democracy vs. Republic (http:/ / video. google. com/ videoplay?docid=-5959251658237547562&
ei=H5KlSdvRHZTWqAKtjsCZBw)
Democracy (http:/ / www. dmoz. org/ Society/ Politics/ Democracy/ / ) at the Open Directory Project
Center for Democratic Network Governance (http:/ / www. ruc. dk/ demnetgov/ )
Democracy (http:/ / plato. stanford. edu/ entries/ democracy) at the Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy
Dictionary of the History of Ideas: Democracy (http:/ / etext. lib. virginia. edu/ cgi-local/ DHI/ dhi.
cgi?id=dv1-78)
Ethical Democracy Journal (http:/ / www. ethicaldemocracy. org)
The Economist Intelligence Units index of democracy (http:/ / a330. g. akamai. net/ 7/ 330/ 25828/
20081021185552/ graphics. eiu. com/ PDF/ Democracy Index 2008. pdf)
Alexis de Tocqueville, Democracy in America (http:/ / xroads. virginia. edu/ ~HYPER/ DETOC/ home. html)
Full hypertext with critical essays on America in 183132 from American Studies at the University of Virginia
Democracy Watch (Canada) (http:/ / www. dwatch. ca) Leading democracy monitoring organization
Democratic Audit (UK) (http:/ / www. democraticaudit. com) Independent research organisation which
produces evidence-based reports that assess democracy and human rights in the UK
Prof David Beetham (2011), Corporate and Financial Dominance in Britains Democracy (http:/ / filestore.
democraticaudit. com/ file/ de232c951e8286baa79af208ac250112-1311676243/ oligarchy. pdf)
Easy-to-understand, evidence-based evaluation of how rich corporations have hijacked democracy in Britain.
Noam Chomsky (1989 lecture video), Thought Control in a Democratic Society (http:/ / thefilmarchived.
blogspot. com/ 2010/ 08/ noam-chomsky-on-necessary-illusions. html) How the mainstream media and other
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Democracy
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"Democracy Conference" (http:/ / www. innertemple. org. uk/ index. php?option=com_content& view=article&
id=250& Itemid=198). Innertemple.org.uk.
Critique
Erik von Kuehnelt-Leddihn, Liberty or Equality (http:/ / www. conservativeclassics. com/ books/ libertybk/
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com/ english/ state/ toc. html)
nso:Democracy
Election
A ballot box
An election is a formal decision-making process by which a population
chooses an individual to hold public office.
[1]
Elections have been the
usual mechanism by which modern representative democracy has
operated since the 17th century.
[1]
Elections may fill offices in the
legislature, sometimes in the executive and judiciary, and for regional
and local government. This process is also used in many other private
and business organisations, from clubs to voluntary associations and
corporations.
The universal use of elections as a tool for selecting representatives in
modern democracies is in contrast with the practice in the democratic
archetype, ancient Athens. As the Elections were considered an oligarchic institution and most political offices were
filled using sortition, also known as allotment, by which officeholders were chosen by lot.
Electoral reform describes the process of introducing fair electoral systems where they are not in place, or improving
the fairness or effectiveness of existing systems. Psephology is the study of results and other statistics relating to
elections (especially with a view to predicting future results).
To elect means "to choose or make a decision"
[2]
and so sometimes other forms of ballot such as referendums are
referred to as elections, especially in the United States.
Election
154
History
Roman coin depicting election
Elections were used as early in history as ancient Greece and ancient
Rome, and throughout the Medieval period to select rulers such as the
Holy Roman Emperor and the Pope.
[1]
In ancient India, around 920
AD, in Tamil Nadu, Palm leaves were used for village assembly
elections. The palm leaves with candidate names, will be put inside a
mud pot, for counting. This was called Kudavolai system.
[3]

[4]

[5]
Elections were also used to select rajas by the gana. Ancient Arabs
also used election to choose their caliph, Uthman and Ali, in the early
medieval Rashidun Caliphate;
[6]
and to select the Pala king Gopala in
early medieval Bengal.
[7]
The modern "election", which consists of
public elections of government officials, didn't emerge until the
beginning of the 17th century when the idea of representative
government took hold in North America and Europe.
[1]
Further information: Suffrage
Questions of suffrage, especially suffrage for minority groups, have dominated the history of elections. Males, the
dominate cultural group in North America and Europe, often dominated the electorate and continue to do so in many
countries.
[1]
Early elections in countries such as the United Kingdom and the United States were dominated by
landed or ruling class males.
[1]
However, by 1920 all Western European and North American democracies had
universal male suffrage (except Switzerland) and many countries began to consider women's suffrage.
[1]
Despite
legally mandated universal suffrage for males, political barriers were sometimes erected to prevent fair access to
elections (See Civil Rights movement).
[1]
Characteristics
Suffrage
Further information: Suffrage
The question of who may vote is a central issue in elections. The electorate does not generally include the entire
population; for example, many countries prohibit those judged mentally incompetent from voting, and all
jurisdictions require a minimum age for voting.
Historically, other groups of people have also been excluded from voting. For instance, the democracy of ancient
Athens did not allow women, foreigners, or slaves to vote, and the original United States Constitution left the topic
of suffrage to the states; usually only white male property owners were able to vote. Much of the history of elections
involves the effort to promote suffrage for excluded groups. The women's suffrage movement gave women in many
countries the right to vote, and securing the right to vote freely was a major goal of the American civil rights
movement. Extending voting rights to excluded groups (such as convicted felons, members of certain minorities, and
the economically disadvantaged) continues to be a goal of voting rights advocates.
Suffrage is typically only for citizens of the country, though further limits may be imposed. However, in the
European Union, one can vote in municipal elections if one lives in the municipality and is an EU citizen; the
nationality of the country of residence is not required.
Election
155
Campaigners working on posters in Milan, Italy,
2004
In some countries, voting is required by law; if an eligible voter does
not cast a vote, he or she may be subject to punitive measures such as a
small fine.
Nomination
A representative democracy requires a procedure to govern nomination
for political office. In many cases, nomination for office is mediated
through preselection processes in organized political parties.
[8]
Non-partisan systems tend to differ from partisan systems as concerns
nominations. In a direct democracy, one type of non-partisan
democracy, any eligible person can be nominated. In some non-partisan representative systems no nominations (or
campaigning, electioneering, etc.) take place at all, with voters free to choose any person at the time of votingwith
some possible exceptions such as through a minimum age requirementin the jurisdiction. In such cases, it is not
required (or even possible) that the members of the electorate be familiar with all of the eligible persons, though such
systems may involve indirect elections at larger geographic levels to ensure that some first-hand familiarity among
potential electees can exist at these levels (i.e., among the elected delegates).
As far as partisan systems, in some countries, only members of a particular political party can be nominated. Or, an
eligible person can be nominated through a petition; thus allowing him or her to be listed on a ballot.
Electoral systems
Electoral systems are the detailed constitutional arrangements and voting systems that convert the vote into political
decision. The first step is to tally the votes, for which various vote counting systems and ballot types are used.
Voting systems then determine the result on the basis of the tally. Most systems can be categorized as either
proportional or majoritarian. Among the former are party-list proportional representation and additional member
system. Among the latter are First Past the Post (FPP) (relative majority) and absolute majority. Many countries have
growing electoral reform movements, which advocate systems such as approval voting, single transferable vote,
instant runoff voting or a Condorcet method; these methods are also gaining popularity for lesser elections in some
countries where more important elections still use more traditional counting methods.
While openness and accountability are usually considered cornerstones of a democratic system, the act of casting a
vote and the content of a voter's ballot are usually an important exception. The secret ballot is a relatively modern
development, but it is now considered crucial in most free and fair elections, as it limits the effectiveness of
intimidation.
Scheduling
The nature of democracy is that elected officials are accountable to the people, and they must return to the voters at
prescribed intervals to seek their mandate to continue in office. For that reason most democratic constitutions
provide that elections are held at fixed regular intervals. In the United States, elections are held between every three
and six years in most states, with exceptions such as the U.S. House of Representatives, which stands for election
every two years. There is a variety of schedules, for example presidents: the President of Ireland is elected every
seven years, the President of Russia and the President of Finland every six years, the President of France every five
years, President of United States every four years.
Pre-determined or fixed election dates have the advantage of fairness and predictability. However, they tend to
greatly lengthen campaigns, and make dissolving the legislature (parliamentary system) more problematic if the date
should happen to fall at time when dissolution is inconvenient (e.g. when war breaks out). Other states (e.g., the
United Kingdom) only set maximum time in office, and the executive decides exactly when within that limit it will
Election
156
actually go to the polls. In practice, this means the government remains in power for close to its full term, and choose
an election date it calculates to be in its best interests (unless something special happens, such as a motion of
no-confidence). This calculation depends on a number of variables, such as its performance in opinion polls and the
size of its majority.
Elections are usually held on one day. There are also advance polls and absentee voting, which have a more flexible
schedule. In Europe, a substantial proportion of votes are cast in advance voting.
Election campaigns
When elections are called, politicians and their supporters attempt to influence policy by competing directly for the
votes of constituents in what are called campaigns. Supporters for a campaign can be either formally organized or
loosely affiliated, and frequently utilize It is common for political scientists to attempt to predict elections via
Political Forecasting methods.
Lack of open political debate or an informed electorate
The electorate may be poorly informed about issues or candidates due to lack of freedom of the press, lack of
objectivity in the press due to state or corporate control, or lack of access to news and political media.
Freedom of speech may be curtailed by the state, favoring certain viewpoints or state propaganda.
Unfair rules
This can include Gerrymandering, exclusion of opposition candidates from eligibility for office, and
manipulating thresholds for electoral success are some of the ways the structure of an election can be changed
to favor a specific faction or candidate.
Interference with campaigns
Those in power may arrest or assassinate candidates, suppress or even criminalize campaigning, close
campaign headquarters, harass or beat campaign workers, or intimidate voters with violence.
Tampering with the election mechanism
This can include confusing or misleading voters about how to vote, violation of the secret ballot, ballot
stuffing, tampering with voting machines, destruction of legitimately cast ballots, voter suppression, voter
registration fraud, failure to validate voter residency, fraudulent tabulation of results, and use of physical force
or verbal intimation at polling places.
References
[1] "Election (political science)," (http:/ / www.britannica. com/ EBchecked/ topic/ 182308/ election) Encyclpoedia Britanica Online. Accessed
August 18, 2009
[2] Wiktionary - Elect (http:/ / en. wiktionary.org/ wiki/ elect)
[3] "Panchayat Raj, Policy notes 2011-2012" (http:/ / www. tn. gov. in/ policynotes/ pdf/ rural_development. pdf). Rural development &
panchayat raj department, TN Government, India. . Retrieved 3 November 2011.
[4] "Pre-Independence Method of Election" (http:/ / tnsec.tn. nic. in/ historical/ Pre Independence. html). Tamil Nadu State Election
Commission, India. . Retrieved 3 November 2011.
[5] "Handbook on Kongu archaeological treasures" (http:/ / www. hindu. com/ lf/ 2005/ 06/ 27/ stories/ 2005062701170200. htm). The Hindu
(Coimbatore, India). 27 June 2005. .
[6] Encyclopedia of Islam and the Muslim World (2004), vol. 1, p. 116-123.
[7] History of Buddhism in India, Translation: A. Shiefner.
[8] Reuven Hazan, 'Candidate Selection', in Lawrence LeDuc, Richard Niemi and Pippa Norris (eds), Comparing Democracies 2, Sage
Publications, London, 2002
Election
157
Bibliography
Arrow, Kenneth J. 1963. Social Choice and Individual Values. 2nd ed. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press.
Benoit, Jean-Pierre and Lewis A. Kornhauser. 1994. "Social Choice in a Representative Democracy." American
Political Science Review 88.1: 185-192.
Corrado Maria, Daclon. 2004. US elections and war on terrorism Interview with professor Massimo Teodori
Analisi Difesa, n. 50
Farquharson, Robin. 1969. A Theory of Voting. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press.
Mueller, Dennis C. 1996. Constitutional Democracy. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Owen, Bernard, 2002. "Le systme lectoral et son effet sur la reprsentation parlementaire des partis: le cas
europen.", LGDJ;
Riker, William. 1980. Liberalism Against Populism: A Confrontation Between the Theory of Democracy and the
Theory of Social Choice. Prospect Heights, IL: Waveland Press.
Ware, Alan. 1987. Citizens, Parties and the State. Princeton: Princeton University Press.
External links
PARLINE database on national parliaments. Results for all parliamentary elections since 1966 (http:/ / www. ipu.
org/ parline-e/ parlinesearch. asp)
ElectionGuide.org Worldwide Coverage of National-level Elections (http:/ / www. electionguide. org)
parties-and-elections.de: Database for all European elections since 1945 (http:/ / www. parties-and-elections. de)
ACE Electoral Knowledge Network (http:/ / www. aceproject. org) electoral encyclopedia and related
resources from a consortium of electoral agencies and organizations.
Angus Reid Global Monitor: Election Tracker (http:/ / www. angus-reid. com/ tracker/ )
IDEA's Table of Electoral Systems Worldwide (http:/ / www. idea. int/ esd/ world. cfm)
European Election Law Association (Eurela) (http:/ / www. eurela. org)
List of Local Elected Offices in the United States (http:/ / www. killercampaigning. com/
local-elections-list-political-campaign-candidate-offices/ )
Voting system
158
Voting system
A voting system or electoral system is a method by which voters make a choice between options, often in an
election or on a policy referendum.
A voting system contains rules for valid voting, and how votes are counted and aggregated to yield a final result.
Since voting involves counting, it is algorithmic in nature, and, since it involves polling the sentiments of a person,
this represents affective data. Together, with the exception of proxy voting, this corresponds to in-degree centrality
in graph theory and social network analysis, with votes as directed edges, and voters and candidates as nodes.
[1]
Common voting systems are majority rule, proportional representation or plurality voting with a number of
variations and methods such as first-past-the-post or preferential voting. The study of formally defined voting
systems is called voting theory, a subfield of political science, economics, or mathematics.
With majority rule, those who are unfamiliar with voting theory are often surprised that another voting system exists,
or that disagreements may exist over the definition of what it means to be supported by a majority . Depending on
the meaning chosen, the common "majority rule" systems can produce results that the majority does not support. If
every election had only two choices, the winner would be determined using majority rule alone. However, when
there are three or more options, there may not be a single option that is most liked or most disliked by a majority. A
simple choice does not allow voters to express the ordering or the intensity of their feeling. Different voting systems
may give very different results, particularly in cases where there is no clear majority preference.
Aspects of voting systems
A voting system specifies the form of the ballot, the set of allowable votes, and the tallying method, an algorithm for
determining the outcome. This outcome may be a single winner, or may involve multiple winners such as in the
election of a legislative body. The voting system may also specify how voting power is distributed among the voters,
and how voters are divided into subgroups (constituencies) whose votes are counted independently.
The real-world implementation of an election is generally not considered part of the voting system. For example,
though a voting system specifies the ballot abstractly, it does not specify whether the actual physical ballot takes the
form of a piece of paper, a punch card, or a computer display. A voting system also does not specify whether or how
votes are kept secret, how to verify that votes are counted accurately, or who is allowed to vote. These are aspects of
the broader topic of elections and election systems.
The Electoral Reform Society is a political pressure group based in the United Kingdom, believed to be the oldest
organisation concerned with electoral systems in the world. The Society advocates scrapping First Past the Post
(FPTP) for all National and local elections arguing that the system is 'bad for voters, bad for government and bad for
democracy'.
Voting system
159
The ballot
In a simple plurality ballot, the voter is expected
to mark only one selection.
Different voting systems have different forms for allowing the
individual to express his or her vote. In ranked ballot or "preference"
voting systems, such as Instant-runoff voting, the Borda count, or a
Condorcet method, voters order the list of options from most to least
preferred. In range voting, voters rate each option separately on a scale.
In plurality voting (also known as "first-past-the-post"), voters select
only one option, while in approval voting, they can select as many as
they want. In voting systems that allow "plumping", like cumulative
voting, voters may vote for the same candidate multiple times.
Some voting systems include additional choices on the ballot, such as
write-in candidates, a none of the above option, or a no confidence in
that candidate option.
Candidates
Some methods call for a primary election first to determine which
candidates will be on the ballot.
Weight of votes
Many elections are held to the ideal of "one person, one vote," meaning that every voter's votes should be counted
with equal weight. This is not true of all elections, however. Corporate elections, for instance, usually weight votes
according to the amount of stock each voter holds in the company, changing the mechanism to "one share, one vote".
Votes can also be weighted unequally for other reasons, such as increasing the voting weight of higher-ranked
members of an organization.
Voting weight is not the same thing as voting power. In situations where certain groups of voters will all cast the
same vote (for example, political parties in a parliament), voting power measures the ability of a group to change the
outcome of a vote. Groups may form coalitions to maximize voting power.
In some German states, most notably Prussia and Sachsen, there was before 1918 a weighted vote system known as
the Prussian three-class franchise, where the electorate would be divided into three categories based on the amount
of income tax paid. Each category would have equal voting power in choosing the electors.
[2]
they are known as
candidates
Status quo
Some voting systems are weighted in themselves, for example if a supermajority is required to change the status quo.
An extreme case of this is unanimous consent, where changing the status quo requires the support of every voting
member. If the decision is whether to accept a new member into an organization, failure of this procedure to admit
the new member is called blackballing.
A different mechanism that favors the status quo is the requirement for a quorum, which ensures that the status quo
remains if not enough voters participate in the vote. Quorum requirements often depend only on the total number of
votes rather than the number of actual votes cast for the winning option; however, this can sometimes encourage
dissenting voters to refrain from voting entirely to prevent a quorum.
Voting system
160
Constituencies
Often the purpose of an election is to choose a legislative body made of multiple winners. This can be done by
running a single election and choosing the winners from the same pool of votes, or by dividing up the voters into
constituencies that have different options and elect different winners.
Some countries, like Israel, fill their entire parliament using a single multiple-winner district (constituency), while
others, like the Republic of Ireland or Belgium, break up their national elections into smaller multiple-winner
districts, and yet others, like the United States or the United Kingdom, hold only single-winner elections. The
Australian bicameral Parliament has single-member electorates for the legislative body (lower house) and
multi-member electorates for its Senate (upper house). Some systems, like the Additional member system, embed
smaller districts (constituencies) within larger ones.
The way constituencies are created and assigned seats can dramatically affect the results. Apportionment is the
process by which states, regions, or larger districts are awarded seats, usually according to population changes as a
result of a census. Redistricting is the process by which the borders of constituencies are redrawn once apportioned.
Both procedures can become highly politically contentious due to the possibility of both malapportionment, where
there are unequal representative to population ratios across districts, and gerrymandering, where electoral districts
are manipulated for political gain. An example of this were the UK Rotten and pocket boroughs, parliamentary
constituencies that had a very small electorate - e.g. an abandoned town - and could thus be used by a patron to gain
undue and unrepresentative influence within parliament. This was a feature of the unreformed House of Commons
before the Great Reform Act of 1832.
Multiple-winner methods
Seats won by each party in the 2005 German federal election, an
example of a proportional voting system.
Most Western democracies use some form of
multiple-winner voting system, with the United States
and the United Kingdom being notable exceptions.
A vote with multiple winners, such as the election of a
legislature, has different practical effects than a
single-winner vote. Often, participants in a multiple
winner election are more concerned with the overall
composition of the legislature than exactly which
candidates get elected. For this reason, many
multiple-winner systems aim for proportional
representation, which means that if a given party (or
any other political grouping) gets X% of the vote, it
should also get approximately X% of the seats in the legislature. Not all multiple-winner voting systems are
proportional.
Voting system
161
Proportional methods
Truly proportional methods make some guarantee of proportionality by making each winning option represent
approximately the same number of voters. This number is called a quota. For example, if the quota is 1000 voters,
then each elected candidate reflects the opinions of 1000 voters, within a margin of error. This can be measured
using the Gallagher Index.
Most proportional systems in use are based on party-list proportional representation, in which voters vote for parties
instead of for individual candidates.
[3]
For each quota of votes a party receives, one of their candidates wins a seat on
the legislature. The methods differ in how the quota is determined or, equivalently, how the proportions of votes are
rounded off to match the number of seats.
The methods of seat allocation can be grouped overall into highest averages methods and largest remainder methods.
Largest remainder methods set a particular quota based on the number of voters, while highest averages methods,
such as the Sainte-Lagu method and the d'Hondt method, determine the quota indirectly by dividing the number of
votes the parties receive by a sequence of numbers.
Independently of the method used to assign seats, party-list systems can be open list or closed list. In an open list
system, voters decide which candidates within a party win the seats. In a closed list system, the seats are assigned to
candidates in a fixed order that the party chooses. The Mixed Member Proportional system is a mixed method that
only uses a party list for a subset of the winners, filling other seats with the winners of regional elections, thus having
features of open list and closed list systems.
In contrast to party-list systems, the Single Transferable Vote is a proportional representation system in which voters
rank individual candidates in order of preference. Unlike party-list systems, STV does not depend on the candidates
being grouped into political parties. Votes are transferred between candidates in a manner similar to instant runoff
voting, but in addition to transferring votes from candidates who are eliminated, excess votes are also transferred
from candidates who already have a quota.
Semiproportional methods
An alternative method called Cumulative voting (CV) is a semiproportional voting system in which each voter has n
votes, where n is the number of seats to be elected (or, in some potential variants, a different number, e.g. 6 votes for
each voter where there are 3 seats). Voters can distribute portions of their vote between a set of candidates, fully
upon one candidate, or a mixture. It is considered a proportional system in allowing a united coalition representing a
m/(n+1) fraction of the voters to be guaranteed to elect m seats of an n-seat election. For example in a 3-seat
election, 3/4 of the voters (if united on 3 candidates) can guarantee control over all three seats. (In contrast, plurality
at large, which allows a united coalition (majority) (50%+1) to control all the seats.)
Voting system
162
This ballot design, used in cumulative voting,
allows a voter to split his vote among multiple
candidates.
Cumulative voting is a common way of holding elections in which the
voters have unequal voting power, such as in corporate governance
under the "one share, one vote" rule. Cumulative voting is also used as
a multiple-winner method, such as in elections for a corporate board.
Cumulative voting is not fully proportional because it suffers from the
same spoiler effect of the plurality voting system without a run-off
process. A group of like-minded voters divided among "too many"
candidates may fail to elect any winners, or elect fewer than they
deserve by their size. The level of proportionality depends on how
well-coordinated the voters are.
Limited voting is a multi-winner system that gives voters fewer votes
than the number of seats to be decided. The simplest and most common
form of limited voting is Single Non-Transferable Vote (SNTV). It can
be considered a special variation of cumulative voting where a full vote
cannot be divided among more than one candidate. It depends on a
statistical distributions of voters to smooth out preferences that CV can
do by individual voters.
For example, in a 4-seat election a candidate needs 20% to guarantee election. A coalition of 40% can guarantee
2-seats in CV by perfectly splitting their votes as individuals between 2 candidates. In comparison, SNTV tends
towards collectively dividing 20% between each candidate by assuming every coalition voter flipped a coin to decide
which candidate to support with their single vote. This limitation simplifies voting and counting, at the cost of more
uncertainty of results.
Nonproportional and semiproportional methods
Many multiple-winner voting methods are simple extensions of single-winner methods, without an explicit goal of
producing a proportional result. Bloc voting, or plurality-at-large, has each voter vote for N options and selects the
top N as the winners. Because of its propensity for landslide victories won by a single winning slate of candidates,
bloc voting is nonproportional. Two similar plurality-based methods with multiple winners are the Single
Non-Transferable Vote or SNTV method, where the voter votes for only one option, and cumulative voting,
described above. Unlike bloc voting, elections using the Single Nontransferable Vote or cumulative voting may
achieve proportionality if voters use tactical voting or strategic nomination.
Because they encourage proportional results without guaranteeing them, the Single Nontransferable Vote and
cumulative voting methods are classified as semiproportional. Other methods that can be seen as semiproportional
are mixed methods, which combine the results of a plurality election and a party-list election (described below).
Parallel voting is an example of a mixed method because it is only proportional for a subset of the winners.
Voting system
163
Single-winner methods
Single-winner systems can be classified based on their ballot type. In one vote systems, a voter picks one choice at a
time. In ranked voting systems, each voter ranks the candidates in order of preference. In rated voting systems,
voters give a score to each candidate.
Single or sequential vote methods
An example of runoff voting. Runoff voting involves two rounds of
voting. Only two candidates continue to the second round.
The most prevalent single-winner voting method, by
far, is plurality (also called "first-past-the-post",
"relative majority", or "winner-take-all"), where each
voter votes for one choice, and the choice that receives
the most votes wins, even if it receives less than a
majority of votes.
Runoff methods hold multiple rounds of plurality
voting to ensure that the winner is elected by a
majority. Top-two runoff voting, the second most
common method used in elections, holds a runoff
election between the two highest polling options if
there is no absolute majority (50% plus one). In
elimination runoff elections, the weakest candidate(s)
are eliminated until there is a majority.
A primary election process is also used as a two round runoff voting system. The two candidates or choices with the
most votes in the open primary ballot progress to the general election. The difference between a runoff and an open
primary is that a winner is never chosen in the primary, while the first round of a runoff can result in a winner if one
candidate has over 50% of the vote.
In the Random ballot method, each voter votes for one option and a single ballot is selected at random to determine
the winner. This is mostly used as a tiebreaker for other methods.
Ranked voting methods
Voting system
164
In a typical ranked ballot, a voter is instructed to
place the candidates in order of preference.
Also known as preferential voting methods, these methods allow each
voter to rank the candidates in order of preference. Often it is not
necessary to rank all the candidates: unranked candidates are usually
considered to be tied for last place. Some ranked ballot methods also
allow voters to give multiple candidates the same ranking.
The most common ranked voting method is instant-runoff voting
(IRV), also known as the "alternative vote" or simply preferential
voting, which uses voters' preferences to simulate an elimination runoff
election without multiple voting events. As the votes are tallied, the
option with the fewest first-choice votes is eliminated. In successive
rounds of counting, the next preferred choice still available from each
eliminated ballot is transferred to candidates not yet eliminated. The
least preferred option is eliminated in each round of counting until
there is a majority winner, with all ballots being considered in every
round of counting.
The Borda count is a simple ranked voting method in which the
options receive points based on their position on each ballot. A class of
similar methods is called positional voting systems.
Other ranked methods include Coombs' method, Supplementary voting, Bucklin voting, and Condorcet method.
Condorcet methods, or pairwise methods, are a class of ranked voting methods that meet the Condorcet criterion.
These methods compare every option pairwise with every other option, one at a time, and an option that defeats
every other option is the winner. An option defeats another option if a majority of voters rank it higher on their ballot
than the other option.
These methods are often referred to collectively as Condorcet methods because the Condorcet criterion ensures that
they all give the same result in most elections, where there exists a Condorcet winner. The differences between
Condorcet methods occur in situations where no option is undefeated, implying that there exists a cycle of options
that defeat one another, called a Condorcet paradox or Smith set. Considering a generic Condorcet method to be an
abstract method that does not resolve these cycles, specific versions of Condorcet that select winners even when no
Condorcet winner exists are called Condorcet completion methods.
A simple version of Condorcet is Minimax: if no option is undefeated, the option that is defeated by the fewest votes
in its worst defeat wins. Another simple method is Copeland's method, in which the winner is the option that wins
the most pairwise contests, as in many round-robin tournaments.
The Kemeny-Young method, the Schulze method (also known as "Schwartz sequential dropping", "cloneproof
Schwartz sequential dropping" or the "beatpath method") and Ranked pairs are recently designed Condorcet methods
that satisfy a large number of voting system criteria. These three Condorcet methods either fully rank, or can be used
to fully rank, all the candidates from most popular to least popular.
Voting system
165
Rated voting methods
On a rated ballot, the voter may rate each choice
independently.
Rated ballots allow even more flexibility than ranked ballots, but few
methods are designed to use them. Each voter gives a score to each
option; the allowable scores could be numeric (for example, from 0 to
100) or could be "grades" like A/B/C/D/F.
An approval voting ballot does not require
ranking or exclusivity.
Rated ballots can be used for ranked voting methods, as long as the
ranked method allows tied rankings. Some ranked methods assume that
all the rankings on a ballot are distinct, but many voters would be
likely to give multiple candidates the same rating on a rated ballot.
In range voting, voters give numeric ratings to each option, and the
option with the highest total or average score wins. In majority
judgment, similar ballots are used, but the winner is the candidate with
the highest median score.
Approval voting, where voters may vote for as many candidates as
they like, can be seen as an instance of range voting (or majority
judgment) where the allowable ratings are 0 and 1. It has recently been
studied by, among others Brams 2003
[4]
who notes that 'The chief
reason for its nonadoption in public elections, and by some societies,
seems to be a lack of key "insider" support.'
There are variants within cumulative voting. In the points form, each
voter has as many votes as there are choices, and can distribute those
votes as desired: all on one choice or spread in any other pattern.
Cumulative voting is used in a number of communities as well as corporate boards. It was examined and developed
perhaps most thoroughly by Lani Guinier
[5]
(1994).
Voting system
166
Evaluating voting systems using criteria
In the real world, attitudes toward voting systems are highly influenced by the systems' impact on groups that one
supports or opposes. This can make the objective comparison of voting systems difficult.
There are several ways to address this problem. Criteria can be defined mathematically, such that any voting system
either passes or fails. This gives perfectly objective results, but their practical relevance is still arguable. Another
approach is to define ideal criteria that no voting system passes perfectly, and then see how often or how close to
passing various systems are over a large sample of simulated elections. This gives results which are practically
relevant, but the method of generating the sample of simulated elections can still be arguably biased. A final
approach is to create imprecisely defined criteria, and then assign a neutral body to evaluate each system according
to these criteria. This approach can look at aspects of voting systems which the other two approaches miss, but both
the definitions of these criteria and the evaluations of the methods are still inevitably subjective.
Mathematical criteria
To compare systems fairly and independently of political ideologies, voting theorists use voting system criteria,
which define potentially desirable properties of voting systems mathematically.
It is impossible for one voting system to pass all criteria in common use. Economist Kenneth Arrow proved Arrow's
impossibility theorem, which demonstrates that several desirable features of voting systems are mutually
contradictory. For this reason, someone implementing a voting system has to decide which criteria are important for
the election.
Using criteria to compare systems does not make the comparison completely objective. For example, it is relatively
easy to devise a criterion that is met by one's preferred voting method, and by very few other methods. Doing this,
one can then construct a biased argument for the criterion, instead of arguing directly for the method. There is no
ultimate authority on which criteria should be considered, but the following are some criteria that are accepted and
considered to be desirable by many voting theorists:
Majority criterionIf there exists a majority that ranks (or rates) a single candidate at the top, higher than all
other candidates, does that candidate always win?
Mutual majority criterion (MMC)If there exists a majority that ranks (or rates) a group of candidates higher
than all others, does one of those candidates always win? This also implies the Majority loser criterionif a
majority of voters prefers every other candidate over a given candidate, then does that candidate not win?
Therefore, of the systems listed, all pass neither or both criteria, except for Borda, which passes Majority Loser
while failing Mutual Majority.
Monotonicity criterion (Monotone)Is it impossible to cause a winning candidate to lose by ranking him higher,
or to cause a losing candidate to win by ranking him lower?
Consistency criterionIf the electorate is divided in two and a choice wins in both parts, does it always win
overall?
Participation criterionIs voting honestly always better than not voting at all? (This is grouped with the distinct
but similar Consistency Criterion in the table below.
[6]
)
Condorcet criterionIf a candidate beats every other candidate in pairwise comparison, does that candidate
always win? (This implies the majority criterion, above)
Condorcet loser criterion (Cond. loser)If a candidate loses to every other candidate in pairwise comparison,
does that candidate always lose?
Independence of irrelevant alternatives (IIA)If a candidate is added or removed, do the relative rankings of the
remaining candidates stay the same?
Independence of clones criterion (Cloneproof)Is the outcome the same if candidates identical to existing
candidates are added?
Reversal symmetryIf individual preferences of each voter are inverted, does the original winner never win?
Voting system
167
Polynomial time (Polytime)Can the winner be calculated in a runtime that is polynomial in the number of
candidates and the number of voters?
Summability (Summable)How much information must be transmitted from each polling station to a central
location in order to determine the winner? This is expressed as an order function of the number of candidates N.
Slower-growing functions such as O(N) or O(N
2
) make for easier counting, while faster-growing functions such
as O(N!) might make it harder to catch fraud by election administrators.
Allows equal rankingsCan a voter choose whether to rank any two candidates equally at any position on the
ballot? This can reduce the prevalence of spoiled ballots due to overvotes, and can give a less-dishonest
alternative to some tactical voting strategies.
Allows later preferences (later prefs)Can a voter indicate different levels of support through ranking or rating
candidates?
Later-no-harm criterion and Later-no-help criterionCan adding a later preference to a ballot harm/help any
candidate already listed? Note that these criteria are not applicable to methods which do not allow later
preferences; although such methods technically pass, they can be said to fail from a voter's perspective.
[7]
Note on terminology: A criterion is said to be "weaker" than another when it is passed by more voting systems.
Frequently, this means that the conditions for the criterion to apply are stronger. For instance, the majority criterion
(MC) is weaker than the multiple majority criterion (MMC), because it requires that a single candidate, rather than a
group of any size, should win. That is, any system which passes the MMC also passes the MC, but not vice versa;
while any required winner under the MC must win under the MMC, but not vice versa.
Compliance of selected systems (table)
The following table shows which of the above criteria are met by several single-winner systems.
Majority/
MMC
Monotone Consistency/
Participation
Condorcet Cond.
loser
IIA Cloneproof Reversal
symmetry
Polytime Summable Equal
rankings
can
exist
Later
prefs
Later-no-help/
Later-no-harm
Resolvable
Approval
[8] Ambiguous Yes
Yes
[9]
No
[9] No Ambiguous
Ambig.
[10] Yes Yes O(N) Yes
No
[11] Yes
Borda count No Yes Yes No Yes No No
(teaming)
Yes Yes O(N) No Yes No Yes
Copeland Yes Yes No Yes Yes No (but
ISDA)
No
(crowding)
Yes Yes
O(N
2
)
Yes Yes No No
IRV (AV) Yes No No No Yes No Yes No Yes
O(N!)
[12] No Yes Yes Yes
Kemeny-Young Yes Yes No Yes Yes No (but
ISDA)
No
(teaming)
Yes No
O(N
2
)
[13] Yes Yes No Yes
Majority
Judgment
[14]
Yes
[15] Yes
No
[16]
No
[9]
No
[17] Yes Yes
No
[18] Yes
O(N)
[19] Yes Yes Yes/No Yes
Minimax Yes/No Yes No
Yes
[20] No No No
(spoilers)
No Yes
O(N
2
)
Some
variants
Yes
No
[20] Yes
Plurality Yes/No Yes Yes No No No No
(spoilers)
No Yes O(N) No
No
[11] Yes
Range
voting
[8]
No Yes
Yes
[9]
No
[9] No
Yes
[21]
Ambig.
[10] Yes Yes O(N) Yes Yes No Yes
Ranked pairs Yes Yes No Yes Yes No (but
ISDA)
Yes Yes Yes
O(N
2
)
Yes Yes No Yes
Voting system
168
Runoff voting Yes/No No No No Yes No No
(spoilers)
No Yes
O(N)
[22] No
No
[23]
Yes
[24] Yes
Schulze Yes Yes No Yes Yes No (but
ISDA)
Yes Yes Yes
O(N
2
)
Yes Yes No Yes
Random
winner/
arbitrary
winner
[25]
No NA Yes No No Yes No NA Yes O(1) No No No
Random
ballot
[26]
No Yes Yes No No Yes Yes Yes Yes O(N) No No No
"Yes/No", in a column which covers two related criteria, signifies that the given system passes the first criterion and not the second one.
Experimental criteria
It is possible to simulate large numbers of virtual elections on a computer and see how various voting systems
compare in practical terms. Since such investigations are more difficult than simply proving that a given system does
or does not satisfy a given mathematical criterion, results are not available for all systems. Also, these results are
sensitive to the parameters of the model used to generate virtual elections, which can be biased either deliberately or
accidentally.
One desirable feature that can be explored in this way is maximum voter satisfaction, called in this context minimum
Bayesian regret. Such simulations are sensitive to their assumptions, particularly with regard to voter strategy, but by
varying the assumptions they can give repeatable measures that bracket the best and worst cases for a voting
system.
[27]
To date, the only such simulation to compare a wide variety of voting systems was run by a range-voting
advocate and has not been peer-reviewed.
[28]

[29]
It found that Range voting consistently scored as either the best
system or among the best across the various conditions studied.
[30]
Another aspect which can be compared through such Monte Carlo simulations is strategic vulnerability. According
to the Gibbard-Satterthwaite theorem, no voting system can be immune to strategic manipulation in all cases, but
certainly some systems will have this problem more often than others. M. Balinski and R. Laraki, the inventors of the
majority judgment system, performed such an investigation using a set of simulated elections based on the results
from a poll of the 2007 French presidential election which they had carried out using rated ballots. Comparing range
voting, Borda count, plurality voting, approval voting with two different absolute approval thresholds, Condorcet
voting, and majority judgment, they found that range voting had the highest (worst) strategic vulnerability, while
their own system majority judgment had the lowest (best).
[31]
Balinski and Laraki also used the same data to investigate how likely it was that each of those systems, as well as
runoff voting, would elect a centrist. Opinions differ on whether this is desirable or not. Some argue that systems
which favor centrists are better because they are more stable; others argue that electing ideologically purer
candidates gives voters more choice and a better chance to retrospectively judge the relative merits of those
ideologies; while Balinski and Laraki argue that both centrist extremist candidates should have a chance to win, to
prevent forcing candidates into taking either position. Their data showed that plurality, runoff voting, and approval
voting with a higher approval threshold tended to elect extremists (100%, 98%, and 94% of the time, respectively);
majority judgement elected both centrists and extremists (56% extremists); and range, Borda, and approval voting
with a lower approval threshold elected centrists (6%; 0.25%-13% depending on the number of candidates; and 6%
extremists; respectively).
[32]
Simulated elections in a two-dimensional issue space can also be graphed to visually compare election methods; this
illustrates issues like nonmonotonicity, clone-independence, and tendency to elect centrists vs extremists.
[33]
Voting system
169
"Soft" criteria
In addition to the above criteria, voting systems are judged using criteria that are not mathematically precise but are
still important, such as simplicity, speed of vote-counting, the potential for fraud or disputed results, the opportunity
for tactical voting or strategic nomination, and, for multiple-winner methods, the degree of proportionality produced.
The New Zealand Royal Commission on the Electoral System listed ten criteria for their evaluation of possible new
electoral systems for New Zealand. These included fairness between political parties, effective representation of
minority or special interest groups, political integration, effective voter participation and legitimacy.
History
Early democracy
Voting has been used as a feature of democracy since the 6th century BC, when democracy was introduced by the
Athenian democracy. However, in Athenian democracy, voting was seen as the least democratic among methods
used for selecting public officials, and was little used, because elections were believed to inherently favor the
wealthy and well-known over average citizens. Viewed as more democratic were assemblies open to all citizens, and
selection by lot (known as sortition), as well as rotation of office. One of the earliest recorded elections in Athens
was a plurality vote that it was undesirable to "win": in the process called ostracism, voters chose the citizen they
most wanted to exile for ten years. Most elections in the early history of democracy were held using plurality voting
or some variant, but as an exception, the state of Venice in the 13th century adopted the system we now know as
approval voting to elect their Great Council.
[34]
The Venetians' system for electing the Doge was a particularly convoluted process, consisting of five rounds of
drawing lots (sortition) and five rounds of approval voting. By drawing lots, a body of 30 electors was chosen, which
was further reduced to nine electors by drawing lots again. An electoral college of nine members elected 40 people
by approval voting; those 40 were reduced to form a second electoral college of 12 members by drawing lots again.
The second electoral college elected 25 people by approval voting, which were reduced to form a third electoral
college of nine members by drawing lots. The third electoral college elected 45 people, which were reduced to form
a fourth electoral college of 11 by drawing lots. They in turn elected a final electoral body of 41 members, who
ultimately elected the Doge. Despite its complexity, the system had certain desirable properties such as being hard to
game and ensuring that the winner reflected the opinions of both majority and minority factions.
[35]
This process was
used with little modification from 1268 until the end of the Republic of Venice in 1797, and was one of the factors
contributing to the durability of the republic.
Jean-Charles de Borda, an early
voting theorist
Foundations of voting theory
Voting theory became an object of academic study around the time of the French
Revolution.
[34]
Jean-Charles de Borda proposed the Borda count in 1770 as a
method for electing members to the French Academy of Sciences. His system
was opposed by the Marquis de Condorcet, who proposed instead the method of
pairwise comparison that he had devised. Implementations of this method are
known as Condorcet methods. He also wrote about the Condorcet paradox,
which he called the intransitivity of majority preferences.
[36]
While Condorcet and Borda are usually credited as the founders of voting theory,
recent research has shown that the philosopher Ramon Llull discovered both the
Borda count and a pairwise method that satisfied the Condorcet criterion in the
13th century. The manuscripts in which he described these methods had been lost
to history until they were rediscovered in 2001.
[37]
Voting system
170
The Marquis de Condorcet, another
early voting theorist
Later in the 18th century, the related topic of apportionment began to be studied.
The impetus for research into fair apportionment methods came, in fact, from the
United States Constitution, which mandated that seats in the United States House
of Representatives had to be allocated among the states proportionally to their
population, but did not specify how to do so.
[38]
A variety of methods were
proposed by statesmen such as Alexander Hamilton, Thomas Jefferson, and
Daniel Webster. Some of the apportionment methods discovered in the United
States were in a sense rediscovered in Europe in the 19th century, as seat
allocation methods for the newly proposed system of party-list proportional
representation. The result is that many apportionment methods have two names:
for instance, Jefferson's method is equivalent to the d'Hondt method, as is
Webster's method to the Sainte-Lagu method, while Hamilton's method is
identical to the Hare largest remainder method.
[38]
The Single Transferable Vote system was devised by Carl Andrae in Denmark in 1855, and also in England by
Thomas Hare in 1857. Their discoveries may or may not have been independent. STV elections were first held in
Denmark in 1856, and in Tasmania in 1896 after its use was promoted by Andrew Inglis Clark. Party-list
proportional representation was first implemented to elect European legislatures in the early 20th century, with
Belgium implementing it first in 1899. Since then, proportional and semi-proportional methods have come to be used
in almost all democratic countries, with most exceptions being former British colonies.
[39]
The single-winner revival
Perhaps influenced by the rapid development of multiple-winner voting methods, theorists began to publish new
findings about single-winner methods in the late 19th century. This began around 1870, when William Robert Ware
proposed applying STV to single-winner elections, yielding instant runoff voting.
[40]
Soon, mathematicians began to
revisit Condorcet's ideas and invent new methods for Condorcet completion. Edward J. Nanson combined the newly
described instant runoff voting with the Borda count to yield a new Condorcet method called Nanson's method.
Charles Dodgson, better known as Lewis Carroll, published pamphlets on voting theory, focusing in particular on
Condorcet voting. He introduced the use of matrices to analyze Condorcet elections, though this, too, had already
been done in some form in the then-lost manuscripts of Ramon Llull. He also proposed the straightforward
Condorcet method known as Dodgson's method.
Ranked voting systems eventually gathered enough support to be adopted for use in government elections. In
Australia, IRV was first adopted in 1893, and continues to be used along with STV today. In the United States in the
early 20th century, various municipalities began to use Bucklin voting. Bucklin is no longer used in any government
elections, and has even been declared unconstitutional in Minnesota.
[41]
Influence of game theory
After John von Neumann and others developed the mathematical field of game theory in the 1940s, new
mathematical tools were available to analyze voting systems and strategic voting. This led to significant new results
that changed the field of voting theory.
[34]
The use of mathematical criteria to evaluate voting systems was
introduced when Kenneth Arrow showed in Arrow's impossibility theorem that certain intuitively desirable criteria
were actually mutually contradictory, demonstrating the inherent limitations of voting theorems. These circumscribe
nonetheless to ordinal voting systems, and do not apply to cardinal ones like range voting, as John Harsanyi pointed
out. Arrow's theorem is easily the single most cited result in voting theory, and it inspired further significant results
such as the Gibbard-Satterthwaite theorem, which showed that strategic voting is unavoidable in certain common
circumstances.
Voting system
171
The use of game theory to analyze voting systems also led to discoveries about the emergent strategic effects of
certain systems. Duverger's law is a prominent example of such a result, showing that plurality voting often leads to
a two-party system. Further research into the game theory aspects of voting led Steven Brams and Peter Fishburn to
formally define and promote the use of approval voting in 1977. While approval voting had been used before that, it
had not been named or considered as an object of academic study, particularly because it violated the assumption
made by most research that single-winner methods were based on preference rankings.
[42]
Post-1980 developments
Voting theory has come to focus on voting system criteria almost as much as it does on particular voting systems.
Now, any description of a benefit or weakness in a voting system is expected to be backed up by a mathematically
defined criterion. Recent research in voting theory has largely involved devising new criteria and new methods
devised to meet certain criteria.
Political scientists of the 20th century published many studies on the effects that the voting systems have on voters'
choices and political parties,
[43]

[44]

[45]
and on political stability.
[46]

[47]
A few scholars also studied what effects
caused a nation to change for a particular voting system.
[48]

[49]

[50]

[51]

[52]

[53]
One prominent current voting theorist
is Nicolaus Tideman, who formalized concepts such as strategic nomination and the spoiler effect in the
independence of clones criterion. Tideman also devised the ranked pairs method, a Condorcet method that is not
susceptible to clones. Also, Donald G. Saari has brought renewed interest to the Borda count with the books he has
published since 2001. Saari uses geometric models of positional voting systems to promote the Borda count.
The increased availability of computer processing has increased the practicality of using the Kemeny-Young, ranked
pairs, and Schulze methods that fully rank all the choices from most popular to least popular.
The advent of the Internet has increased the interest in voting systems. Unlike many other mathematical fields,
voting theory is generally accessible enough to non-experts that new results can be discovered by amateurs, and
frequently are.
The study of voting systems has influenced a new push for electoral reform that is going on today, with proposals
being made to replace plurality voting in governmental elections with other methods. Various municipalities in the
United States have begun to adopt instant-runoff voting in the 2000s. New Zealand adopted Mixed Member
Proportional for Parliamentary elections in 1993 and Single Transferable Vote for some local elections in 2004 (see
Electoral reform in New Zealand). The Canadian province of British Columbia held two unsuccessful referendums
(in 2005 and 2009) to adopt an STV system, and Ontario, another Canadian province, held an unsuccessful
referendum on October 10, 2007 on whether to adopt a Mixed Member Proportional system. An even wider range of
voting systems is now seen in non-governmental organizations.
It has been argued and shown that more in-depth and fine-tuned voting systems lie at the core of the development of
e-democracy,
[54]
which consists of the digitization of democratic processes, including voting.
[55]
References
Notes on systems comparison table
nb:
[1] http:/ / polisci2. ucsd.edu/ denemark/ papers/ all_centrality_is_local. pdf
[2] Ludwig Windthorst, Speech in Favor of Reforming the Prussian Suffrage (http:/ / www. h-net. org/ ~german/ gtext/ kaiserreich/ windhorst.
html), in the Prussian House of Deputies, 26 November 1873
[3] Douglas J. Amy, "HOW PROPORTIONAL REPRESENTATION ELECTIONS WORK" (http:/ / www. mtholyoke. edu/ acad/ polit/ damy/
BeginnningReading/ howprwor.htm), PR Library
[4] http:/ / www. nyu. edu/ gsas/ dept/ politics/ faculty/ brams/ theory_to_practice. pdf
[5] http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=aRF7XdcCLq0C& q=inauthor:%22Lani+ Guinier%22& dq=inauthor:%22Lani+ Guinier%22& hl=en&
ei=9i4FTbTjOISisAOZ_tWBDQ& sa=X& oi=book_result& ct=result& resnum=2& ved=0CC4Q6AEwAQ
Voting system
172
[6] Consistency implies participation, but not vice versa. For example, range voting complies with participation and consistency, but median
ratings satisfies participation and fails consistency.
[7] Woodall, Douglas, Properties of Preferential Election Rules, Voting Matters, Issue 3, December 1994 (http:/ / www. votingmatters. org. uk/
ISSUE3/ P5.HTM)
[8] These criteria assume that all voters vote their true preference order. This is problematic for Approval and Range, where various votes are
consistent with the same order. See approval voting for compliance under various voter models.
[9] In Approval, Range, and Majority Judgment, if all voters have perfect information about each other's true preferences and use rational
strategy, any Condorcet or Majority winner will win in the Nash equilibrium. In particular if every voter knows that "A or B are the two
most-likely to win" and places their "approval threshold" between the two, then the Condorcet winner, if one exists and is in the set {A,B},
will always win. These systems also satisfy the majority criterion in the weaker sense that any majority can force their candidate to win, if it so
desires. (However, as the Condorcet criterion is incompatible with the participation criterion and the consistency criterion, these systems
cannot satisfy these criteria in the Nash equilibrium. Laslier, J.-F. (2006) "Strategic approval voting in a large electorate," (http:/ / halshs.
archives-ouvertes.fr/ docs/ 00/ 12/ 17/ 51/ PDF/ stratapproval4. pdf) IDEP Working Papers No. 405 (Marseille, France: Institut D'Economie
Publique).)
While these arguments would apply to Plurality voting as well, Plurality suffers from such a profusion of Nash
equilibria that they are irrelevant, and so this table ignores them in that connection.
[10] The original independence of clones criterion applied only to ranked voting methods. (T. Nicolaus Tideman, "Independence of clones as a
criterion for voting rules", Social Choice and Welfare Vol. 4, No. 3 (1987), pp. 185206.) There is some disagreement about how to extend it
to unranked methods, and this disagreement affects whether approval and range voting are considered independent of clones. If the definition
of "clones" is that "every voter scores them within in the limit 0+", then range voting is immune to clones.
[11] Approval and Plurality do not allow later preferences. Technically speaking, this means that they pass the technical definition of the LNH
criteria - if later preferences or ratings are impossible, then such preferences can not help or harm. However, from the perspective of a voter,
these systems do not pass these criteria. Approval, in particular, encourages the voter to give the same ballot rating to a candidate who, in
another voting system, would get a later rating or ranking. Thus, for approval, the practically meaningful criterion would be not
"later-no-harm" but "same-no-harm" - something neither approval nor any other system satisfies.
[12] The number of piles that can be summed from various precincts is floor((e-1) N!) - 1.
[13] Each prospective Kemeny-Young ordering has score equal to the sum of the pairwise entries that agree with it, and so the best ordering can
be found using the pairwise matrix.
[14] Bucklin voting, with skipped and equal-rankings allowed, meets the same criteria as Majority Judgment; in fact, Majority Judgment may be
considered a form of Bucklin voting. Without allowing equal rankings, Bucklin's criteria compliance is worse; in particular, it fails
Independence of Irrelevant Alternatives, which for a ranked method like this variant is incompatible with the Majority Criterion.
[15] Majority judgment passes the rated majority criterion (a candidate rated solo-top by a majority must win). It does not pass the ranked
majority criterion, which is incompatible with Independence of Irrelevant Alternatives.
[16] Balinski and Laraki, Majority Judgment's inventors, point out that it meets a weaker criterion they call "grade consistency": if two
electorates give the same rating for a candidate, then so will the combined electorate. Majority Judgment explicitly requires that ratings be
expressed in a "common language", that is, that each rating have an absolute meaning. They claim that this is what makes "grade consistency"
significant. MJ. Balinski M. and R. Laraki (2007) A theory of measuring, electing and ranking. Proceedings of the National Academy of
Sciences USA, vol. 104, no. 21, 8720-8725.
[17] Majority judgment passes the "majority condorcet loser" criterion; that is, a candidate who loses to all others by a majority cannot win.
However, if some of the losses are not by a majority (including equal-rankings), the Condorcet loser can, theoretically, win in MJ, although
such scenarios are rare.
[18] Majority judgment can actually pass or fail reversal symmetry depending on the rounding method used to find the median when there are
even numbers of voters. For instance, in a two-candidate, two-voter race, if the ratings are converted to numbers and the two central ratings are
averaged, then MJ meets reversal symmetry; but if the lower one is taken, it does not, because a candidate with ["fair","fair"] would beat a
candidate with ["good","poor"] with or without reversal. However, for rounding methods which do not meet reversal symmetry, the chances of
breaking it are on the order of the inverse of the number of voters; this is comparable with the probability of an exact tie in a two-candidate
race, and when there's a tie, any method can break reversal symmetry.
[19] Majority Judgment is summable at order KN, where K, the number of ranking categories, is set beforehand.
[20] A variant of Minimax that counts only pairwise opposition, not opposition minus support, fails the Condorcet criterion and meets
later-no-harm.
[21] Range satisfies the mathematical definition of IIA, that is, if each voter scores each candidate independently of which other candidates are in
the race. However, since a given range score has no agreed-upon meaning, it is thought that most voters would either "normalize" or
exaggerate their vote such that it votes at least one candidate each at the top and bottom possible ratings. In this case, Range would not be
independent of irrelevant alternatives. Balinski M. and R. Laraki (2007) A theory of measuring, electing and ranking. Proceedings of the
National Academy of Sciences USA, vol. 104, no. 21, 8720-8725.
[22] Once for each round.
[23] Later preferences are only possible between the two candidates who make it to the second round.
[24] That is, second-round votes cannot harm candidates already eliminated.
Voting system
173
[25] Random winner: Uniformly randomly chosen candidate is winner. Arbitrary winner: some external entity, not a voter, chooses the winner.
These systems are not, properly speaking, voting systems at all, but are included to show that even a horrible system can still pass some of the
criteria.
[26] Random ballot: Uniformly random-chosen ballot determines winner. This and closely related systems are of mathematical interest because
they are the only possible systems which are truly strategy-free, that is, your best vote will never depend on anything about the other voters.
They also satisfy both consistency and IIA, which is impossible for a deterministic ranked system. However, this system is not generally
considered as a serious proposal for a practical method.
[27] Poundstone, William, Gaming the Vote: Why Elections Aren't Fair (and What We Can Do About It), Hill and Young, New York, 2008,
p.239
[28] Results are available in an appendix of his unpublished paper here: (http:/ / math. temple. edu/ ~wds/ homepage/ rangevote. pdf).
[29] Poundstone, William, Gaming the Vote: Why Elections Aren't Fair (and What We Can Do About It), Hill and Young, New York, 2008,
p.257: "Range voting is still largely a samizdat enterprise on the fringes of social choice theory. The most glaring example must be Smith's
pivotal 2000 paper. It has never been published in a journal."
[30] Poundstone, William, Gaming the Vote: Why Elections Aren't Fair (and What We Can Do About It), Hill and Young, New York, 2008,
p.240
[31] Balinski M. and R. Laraki (2007) Election by Majority Judgement: Experimental Evidence. Cahier du Laboratoire dEconomtrie de
lEcole Polytechnique 2007-28. Chapter in the book: In Situ and Laboratory Experiments on Electoral Law Reform: French Presidential
Elections, Edited by Bernard Dolez, Bernard Grofman and Annie Laurent. Springer, to appear in 2011.
[32] Ibid.
[33] These two-dimensional graphs are called Yee diagrams after their inventor, Ka-Ping Yee. His website includes some sample graphs (http:/ /
zesty. ca/ voting/ sim/ ).
[34] J. J. O'Connor and E. F. Robertson. "The history of voting" (http:/ / www-groups. dcs. st-and. ac. uk/ ~history/ HistTopics/ Voting. html).
The MacTutor History of Mathematics Archive. . Retrieved October 12, 2005.
[35] Miranda Mowbray and Dieter Gollmann. "Electing the Doge of Venice: Analysis of a 13th Century Protocol" (http:/ / www. hpl. hp.com/
techreports/ 2007/ HPL-2007-28R1. html). . Retrieved July 12, 2007.
[36] J. J. O'Connor and E. F. Robertson. "Marie Jean Antoine Nicolas de Caritat Condorcet" (http:/ / www-groups. dcs. st-and. ac. uk/ ~history/
Mathematicians/ Condorcet. html). The MacTutor History of Mathematics Archive. . Retrieved October 12, 2005.
[37] G. Hgele and F. Pukelsheim (2001). "Llull's writings on electoral systems" (http:/ / www. math. uni-augsburg. de/ stochastik/ pukelsheim/
2001a. html). Studia Lulliana 3: 338. .
[38] Joseph Malkevitch. "Apportionment" (http:/ / www.ams. org/ featurecolumn/ archive/ apportion1. html). AMS Feature Columns. . Retrieved
October 13, 2005.
[39] "Proportional Voting Around the World" (http:/ / www. fairvote. org/ ?page=53). FairVote.org. . Retrieved October 13, 2005.
[40] "The History of IRV" (http:/ / www. fairvote.org/ irv/ vt_lite/ history. htm). FairVote.org. . Retrieved November 9, 2005.
[41] Tony Anderson Solgrd and Paul Landskroener. "Municipal Voting System Reform: Overcoming the Legal Obstacles" (http:/ / www2.
mnbar. org/ benchandbar/ 2002/ oct02/ voting.htm). Bench & Bar of Minnesota. . Retrieved November 16, 2005.
[42] Poundstone, William, Gaming the Vote, p.198
[43] Duverger 1954
[44] Rae 1971
[45] Taagapera & Shugart 1989
[46] Hermens 1941
[47] Lijphart 1994
[48] Lijphart 1985
[49] Lijphart 1992
[50] Rokkan 1970
[51] Rogowski 1987
[52] Boix 1999
[53] Cox 1997, pp. 15-16
[54] Martin Hilbert (April, 2009). The Maturing Concept of E-Democracy: From E-Voting and Online Consultations to Democratic Value Out of
Jumbled Online Chatter (http:/ / www.informaworld.com/ smpp/ content~db=all~content=a911066517). Journal of Information Technology
and Politics. . Retrieved February 24, 2010.
[55] Hilbert, Martin. "DIGITAL PROCESSES AND DEMOCRATIC THEORY: Dynamics, risks and opportunities that arise when democratic
institutions meet digital information and communication technologies." open-access online book 2007
<http://www.martinhilbert.net/democracy.html>
Voting system
174
General references
Arrow, Kenneth J. (1951, 2nd ed., 1963) Social Choice and Individual Values. New Haven: Yale University
Press. ISBN 0-300-01364-7
Boix, Carles (1999). "Setting the Rules of the Game: The Choice of Electoral Systems in Advanced Democracies"
(http:/ / papers. ssrn. com/ sol3/ papers. cfm?abstract_id=159213). American Political Science Review 93 (3):
609624. doi:10.2307/2585577. JSTOR2585577.
Colomer, Josep M., ed (2004). Handbook of Electoral System Choice. London and New York: Palgrave
Macmillan. ISBN9781403904546.
Cranor, Lorrie. "Vote Aggregation Methods" (http:/ / lorrie. cranor. org/ pubs/ diss/ node4. html).
Declared-Strategy Voting: An Instrument for Group Decision-Making. Retrieved October 3, 2005.
Farrell, David M. (2001). Electoral Systems: A Comparative Introduction. New York: St. Martin's Press.
ISBN0-333-80162-8.
Dummett, Michael (1997). Principles of Electoral Reform. New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN
0-19-829246-5.
Duverger, Maurice (1954). Political Parties. New York: Wiley. ISBN0416683207.
Hermens, Ferdinand A. (1941). Democracy or Anarchy? A Study of Proportional Representation. Notre Dame,
Indiana: University of Notre Dame.
Lijphart, Arend
Lijphart (1985). "The Field of Electoral Systems Research: A Critical Survey". Electoral Studies 4.
Lijphart, A. (1992). "Democratization and Constitutional Choices in Czecho-Slovakia, Hungary and Poland,
1989-1991". Journal of Theoretical Politics 4 (2): 207223. doi:10.1177/0951692892004002005.
Lijphart (1994). Electoral Systems and Party Systems: A Study of Twenty-Seven Democracies, 1945-1990.
Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN0-19-828054-8.
Owen, Bernard, 2002. "Le systme lectoral et son effet sur la reprsentation parlementaire des partis: le cas
europen." LGDJ.
Rae, Douglas W. (1971). The Political Consequences of Electoral Laws. New Haven: Yale University Press.
ISBN0300015178.
Reynolds, Andrew, Reilly, Benjamin and Ellis, Andrew, The New International IDEA Handbook of Electoral
System Design, International IDEA, Stockholm 2005.
Rogowski, Ronald (1987). Trade and the Variety of Democratic Institutions. 41. International Organization. pp.
203224.
Rokkan, Stein (1970). Citizens, Elections, Parties: Approaches to the Comparative Study of the Process of
Development. Oslo: Universitetsforlaget.
Taagapera, Rein; Shugart, Matthew S. (1989). Seats and Votes: The Effects and Determinants of Electoral
Systems.. New Haven: Yale University Press.
Voting system
175
References
External links
Handbook of Electoral System Choice (http:/ / works. bepress. com/ josep_colomer/ 3/ )
ACE Electoral Knowledge Network (http:/ / www. aceproject. org) Site on electoral systems and management
A handbook of electoral system Design (http:/ / www. idea. int/ publications/ esd/ index. cfm)
Proportional Representation Society of Australia (http:/ / prsa. org. au) Electoral reform NGO
Accurate Democracy (http:/ / www. accuratedemocracy. com/ ): electoral and legislative voting rules
Electowiki (http:/ / wiki. electorama. com/ wiki/ Main_Page) A wiki that focuses on voting theory
Evaluating Voting Methods (http:/ / theorem. ca/ ~mvcorks/ code/ voting_methods. html) by Matt Corks
OpenSTV (http:/ / www. openstv. org/ ) Software for computing a variety of voting systems including IRV, STV,
and Condorcet.
Ranked Ballot Voting Methods (http:/ / userfs. cec. wustl. edu/ ~rhl1/ rbvote/ ): tutorial, evaluation, and calculator
Student's Social Choice (http:/ / www. maa. org/ editorial/ knot/ LiberalArts. html) by Alex Bogomolny.
Illustrates various concepts of choice using Java applets.
Voting, Arbitration, and Fair Division (http:/ / xaravve. trentu. ca/ pivato/ Teaching/ voting. pdf) by Marcus
Pivato
Voting and Election Reform (http:/ / bolson. org/ voting/ ): election calculator and other resources
Voting Systems (http:/ / pj. freefaculty. org/ Ukraine/ PJ3_VotingSystemsEssay. pdf) by Paul E. Johnson. A
textbook-style overview of voting methods and their mathematical properties.
The Center for Election Science (http:/ / www. electology. org/ )
Center for Range Voting (http:/ / rangevoting. org/ )
Center for Voting and Democracy (http:/ / fairvote. org/ ) Advocates using IRV in the United States.
Practical multi-candidate election system (http:/ / portal. acm. org/ citation. cfm?id=383962. 384044)
Electoral Reform Society (http:/ / www. electoral-reform. org. uk/ ) - Pushing to reform democracy in the United
Kingdom
Political campaign
176
Political campaign
"Electioneering" redirects here. For the Radiohead song, see OK Computer.
Presidential campaign button for Abraham Lincoln, 1860. The
reverse side of the button shows a portrait of his running mate
Hannibal Hamlin.
A political campaign is an organized effort which
seeks to influence the decision making process within a
specific group. In democracies, political campaigns
often refer to electoral campaigns, wherein
representatives are chosen or referendums are decided.
In modern politics, the most high profile political
campaigns are focused on candidates for head of state
or head of government, often a President or Prime
Minister.
Campaign message
The message of the campaign contains the ideas that
the candidate wants to share with the voters. The
message often consists of several talking points about
policy issues. The points summarize the main ideas of
the campaign and are repeated frequently in order to
create a lasting impression with the voters. In many
elections, the opposition party will try to get the
candidate "off message" by bringing up policy or
personal questions that are not related to the talking points. Most campaigns prefer to keep the message broad in
order to attract the most potential voters. A message that is too narrow can alienate voters or slow the candidate
down with explaining details. For example, in the 2008 American presidential election John McCain originally used
a message that focused on his patriotism and political experience: "Country First"; later the message was changed to
shift attention to his role as "The Original Maverick" within the political establishment. Barack Obama ran on a
consistent, simple message of "change" throughout his campaign. If the message is crafted carefully, it will assure
the candidate a victory at the polls. For a winning candidate, the message is refined and then becomes his or her
political agenda in office...
Campaign finance
Fundraising techniques include having the candidate call or meet with large donors, sending direct mail pleas to
small donors, and courting interest groups who could end up spending millions on the race if it is significant to their
interests.
Organization
In a modern political campaign, the campaign organization (or 'machine') will have a coherent structure of personnel
in the same manner as any business of similar size.
Campaign manager
Successful campaigns usually require a campaign manager to coordinate the campaign's operations. Apart from a
candidate, they are often a campaign's most visible leader. Modern campaign managers may be concerned with
executing strategy rather than setting it - particularly if the senior strategists are typically outside political consultants
Political campaign
177
such as primarily pollsters and media consultants.
Political consultants
Political consultants advise campaigns on virtually all of their activities, from research to field strategy. Consultants
conduct candidate research, voter research, and opposition research for their clients.
Activists
Activists are the 'foot soldiers' loyal to the cause, the true believers who will carry the run by volunteer activists.
Such volunteers and interns may take part in activities such as canvassing door-to-door and making phone calls on
behalf of the campaign.
Campaign Ethics and Campaign Time
Modern political campaigns have set new standards for how successful campaigns are conducted day-to-day. The
campaign is conducted in what would seem to the public like pseudo-military style, with a strict chain of command,
zero tolerance for certain prohibited actions, and an extended daily schedule that starts early and ends much later
than most "day jobs."
Prohibited actions may include, but are not limited to: lying about numbers generated (e.g. phone calls made, doors
knocked, volunteers recruited, etc.) - this is increasingly an issue in offices that are wirelessly connected, without
direct oversight; going outside the chain of command (e.g. talking to a superior's superior who happens to be a friend
in order to get special favors or report information); non-press-shop members talking to the press; blogging
(considered another form of "talking to the press," which can interfere with message discipline); and being arrested
(or otherwise becoming a potential easy target for opponent smear campaigns).
The daily schedule of a political campaign is hyperextended, and often has no definite beginning or end, only a
series of tasks to be completed by certain benchmark times, or, most often, "COB" ("Close of Business"). COB for
political campaigns is generally defined as "the time at night at which your supervisor is required to report his/her
numbers" (or shortly beforehand), so that your numbers reporting (generally the last action a political campaigner
takes before COB) can be factored into theirs. For example, a Field Organizer may have collected 9 new committed
volunteers for an event during the day; he will be required to report this at 8:45pm to his Regional Field Director, so
that the Regional can report that all Field Organizers in the region recruited 52 total volunteers for said event; which
needs to be reported to the Deputy State Field Director by 9:00, so that THEY can speak to the State Field Director
at 9:15 and report that 827 volunteers have been recruited for events around the state; and so on, up the chain of
command.
Once each of these reporting sequences is finished, organizers at all levels may do paperwork, send emails, call
friends, and do other things which are not effective to do during business hours or "voter contact time." Political
campaigns are generally about contacting voters and volunteers at the nuts-and-bolts level; and so dependent on state
law, local peculiarities and the preferences of campaign organizers and volunteers, a certain block of time (usually
ending at 8pm or 9pm) is set aside each night for "voter/volunteer contact." (Violation of this block of time to
conduct other activities often cannot happen or needs a strong justification, such as attending an important meeting.)
Only a very small fraction of campaign workers (such as people who deal with vendors) do the bulk of their work
during traditional business hours.
Political campaign
178
Techniques
Democrat John Edwards makes a campaign speech in
Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania in 2007.
A campaign team (which may be as small as one inspired
individual, or a heavily-resourced group of professionals) must
consider how to communicate the message of the campaign,
recruit volunteers, and raise money. Campaign advertising draws
on techniques from commercial advertising and propaganda. The
avenues available to political campaigns when distributing their
messages is limited by the law, available resources, and the
imagination of the campaigns' participants. These techniques are
often combined into a formal strategy known as the campaign
plan. The plan takes account of a campaign's goal, message, target
audience, and resources available. The campaign will typically
seek to identify supporters at the same time as getting its message
across.
Campaign advertising
Campaign advertising is the use of paid media (newspapers, radio, television, etc.) to influence the decisions made
for and by groups. These ads are designed by political consultants and the campaign's staff.
Media management
The public media (in US parlance 'free media' or 'earned media') may run the story that someone is trying to get
elected or to do something about such and such.
Mass meetings, rallies and protests
Holding protests, rallies and other similar public events (if enough people can be persuaded to come) may be a very
effective campaign tool. Holding mass meetings with speakers is powerful as it shows visually, through the number
of people in attendance, the support that the campaign has.
Modern technology and the internet
The internet is now a core element of modern political campaigns. Communication technologies such as e-mail, web
sites, and podcasts for various forms of activism to enable faster communications by citizen movements and deliver
a message to a large audience. These Internet technologies are used for cause-related fundraising, lobbying,
volunteering, community building, and organizing. Individual political candidates are also using the internet to
promote their election campaign.
Signifying the importance of internet political campaigning, Barack Obamas presidential campaign relied heavily on
social media, and new media channels to engage voters, recruit campaign volunteers, and raise campaign funds. The
campaign brought the spotlight on the importance of using internet in new-age political campaigning by utilizing
various forms of social media and new media (including Facebook, YouTube and a custom generated social engine)
to reach new target populations. The campaign's social website, my.BarackObama.com, utilized a low cost and
efficient method of mobilizing voters and increasing participation among various voter populations.
[1]
This new
media was incredibly successful at reaching the younger population while helping all populations organize and
promote action.
Political campaign
179
Husting
A husting, or the hustings, was originally a physical platform from which representatives presented their views or
cast votes before a parliamentary or other election body. By metonymy, the term may now refer to any event, such as
debates or speeches, during an election campaign where one or more of the representative candidates are present.
Other techniques
NDP leader Jack Layton and Bloc Qubcois
leader Gilles Duceppe greet babies - a traditional
campaign activity - at the Fte nationale du
Qubec in Montreal
Writing directly to members of the public (either via a professional
marketing firm or, particularly on a small scale, by volunteers)
By distributing leaflets or selling newspapers
Through websites, online communities, and solicited or unsolicited
bulk email
[2]
Through a new technique known as Microtargeting that helps
identify and target small demographic slices of voters
Through a whistlestop tour - a series of brief appearances in several
small towns
Hampering the ability of political competitors to campaign, by such
techniques as counter-rallies, picketing of rival parties meetings, or
overwhelming rival candidates offices with mischievous phone
calls (most political parties in representative democracies publicly
distance themselves from such disruptive and morale-affecting tactics, with the exception of those parties
self-identifying as activist
Organizing political house parties
Using endorsements of other celebrated party members to boost support (see coattail effect)
Remaining close to or at home to make speeches to supporters who come to visit as part of a front porch
campaign
Vote-by-mail, previously known as 'absentee ballots' have grown significantly in importance as an election tool.
Today, campaigns in most states must have a strategy in place to impact early voting
Sale of official campaign merchandise (colloquially known as chum, in reference to the baiting technique) as a
way of commuting a competitor's popularity into campaign donations, volunteer recruitment, and free
advertising
[3]
Campaign types
Informational campaign
An informational campaign is a political campaign designed to raise public awareness and support for the positions
of a candidate (or his party).
[4]
It is more intense than a paper campaign, which consists of little more than filing the
necessary papers to get on the ballot, but is less intense than a competitive campaign, which aims to actually win
election to the office. An informational campaign typically focuses on low-cost outreach such as news releases,
getting interviewed in the paper, making a brochure for door to door distribution, organizing poll workers, etc.
[5]
Political campaign
180
Modern election campaigns in the United States
Types of elections
Walter Faulkner, candidate for U.S.
Congress in 1938, campaigns in
person with a farmer in Crossville,
Tennessee (photo by Dorothea
Lange)
The United States is unusual in that dozens of different offices are filled by
election, from drain commissioner to the President of the United States. Elections
happen every year on many different dates in many different areas of the country.
All federal elections (that is, elections for President and Vice President as well as
elections to the House of Representatives and Senate, are partisan. Elections to
most (but not all) statewide offices are partisan as well, and all state legislatures
except for Nebraska are partisan.
Some state and local offices are non-partisan - these often include judicial
elections, special district elections (the most common of which are elections to
the school board, and elections to municipal (town council, city commission,
mayor) and county (county commission, district attorney, sheriff) office. In some
cases, candidates of the same political party challenging each other and in many
cases without any campaign references to political parties, while in other cases,
even non-partisan races may take on partisan overtones.
Process of campaigning
U.S. President Richard Nixon campaigns in 1972 by "working the
crowd" and shaking hands with supporters.
Major campaigns in the United States are often much
longer than those in other democracies.
Campaigns start anywhere from several months to
several years before election day. The first part of any
campaign for a candidate is deciding to run.
Prospective candidates will often speak with family,
friends, professional associates, elected officials,
community leaders, and the leaders of political parties
before deciding to run. Candidates are often recruited
by political parties and lobby groups interested in
electing like-minded politicians. During this period,
people considering running for office will consider
their ability to put together the money, organization,
and public image needed to get elected. Many campaigns for major office do not progress past this point as people
often do not feel confident in their ability to win. However, some candidates lacking the resources needed for a
competitive campaign proceed with an inexpensive paper campaign or informational campaign designed to raise
public awareness and support for their positions.
Once a person decides to run, they will make a public announcement. This announcement could consist of anything
from a simple press release to concerned media outlets to a major media event followed by a speaking tour. It is
often well-known to many people that a candidate will run prior to an announcement being made. Campaigns will
often be announced and then only officially "kicked off" months after active campaigning has begun. Being coy
about whether a candidacy is planned is often a deliberate strategy by a prospective candidate, either to "test the
waters" or to keep the media's attention.
One of the most important aspects of the major American political campaign is the ability to raise large sums of
money, especially early on in the race. Political insiders and donors often judge candidates based on their ability to
Political campaign
181
raise money. Not raising enough money early on can lead to problems later as donors are not willing to give funds to
candidates they perceive to be losing, a perception based on their poor fundraising performance.
Also during this period, candidates travel around the area they are running in and meet with voters; speaking to them
in large crowds, small groups, or even one-on-one. This allows voters to get a better picture of who a candidate is
than that which they read about in the paper or see on television. Campaigns sometimes launch expensive media
campaigns during this time to introduce the candidate to voters, although most wait until closer to election day.
Campaigns often dispatch volunteers into local communities to meet with voters and persuade people to support the
candidate. The volunteers are also responsible for identifying supporters, recruiting them as volunteers or registering
them to vote if they are not already registered. The identification of supporters will be useful later as campaigns
remind voters to cast their votes.
Late in the campaign, campaigns will launch expensive television, radio, and direct mail campaigns aimed at
persuading voters to support the candidate. Campaigns will also intensify their grassroots campaigns, coordinating
their volunteers in a full court effort to win votes.
Voting in the United States often starts weeks before election day as mail-in ballots are a commonly used voting
method. Campaigns will often run two persuasion programs, one aimed at mail-in voters and one aimed at the more
traditional poll voters.
Campaigns for minor office may be relatively simple and inexpensive - talking to local newspapers, giving out
campaign signs, and greeting people in the local square.
Political consultants
Political campaigns in the United States are not merely a civic ritual and occasion for political debate, but a
multi-billion dollar industry, dominated by professional political consultants using sophisticated campaign
management tools, to an extent far greater than elsewhere in the world. Though the quadrennial presidential election
attracts the most attention, the United States has a huge number of elected offices and there is wide variation
between different states, counties, and municipalities on which offices are elected and under what procedures.
Moreover, unlike democratic politics in much of the rest of the world, the US has relatively weak parties. While
parties play a significant role in fundraising and occasionally in drafting people to run, campaigns are ultimately
controlled by the individual candidates themselves.
Other issues and criticisms
Cost of campaign advertising
American political campaigns have become heavily reliant on broadcast media and direct mail advertising (typically
designed and purchased through specialized consultants). Though virtually all campaign media are sometimes used
at all levels (even candidates for local office have been known to purchase cable TV ads), smaller, lower-budget
campaigns are typically more focused on direct mail, low-cost advertising (such as lawn signs), and direct voter
contact. This reliance on expensive advertising is a leading factor behind the rise in the cost of running for office in
the United States. This rising cost is considered by some to discourage those without well-monied connections, or
money themselves, from running for office.
Independent expenditures
Money is raised and spent not only by candidate's campaign, but also by party committees, political action
committees, and other groups (in the 2004 election cycle, much controversy has focused on a new category of
organization, 527 groups). This is sometimes done through independent expenditures made in support or opposition
of specific candidates but without any candidate's cooperation or approval. The lack of an overt connection between
a candidate and third party groups allows one side of a campaign to attack the other side while avoiding criticism for
Political campaign
182
going negative. A memorable example are the Swift Boat Veterans who criticized John Kerry in the 2004
Presidential campaign.
[6]
Future developments
Many political players and commentators agree that American political campaigns are currently undergoing a period
of change, due to increased use of the internet (which has become a valuable fundraising tool) and the apparently
declining effectiveness of television advertising.
However, as modern technology continues to adapt to changes in society, Internet campaigning will never be able to
serve as a complete replacement for traditional political campaigning without reducing the significant barriers to
entry.
[7]
Internet political campaigning leaves out entire portions of each population because it only is accessible to a
certain portion of the population, leaving those without this access disconnected.
For example, during Obamas recent presidential campaign, Internet political campaigning was effective at reaching
the younger population, as they remain engaged with social websites and new media.
[8]
Because of the limits of
technology, Obamas Internet campaign failed to reach older generations who didnt use this new media, as well as
significant amounts of the population who didnt have access.
History
A whistle stop train tour in Keyser, West
Virginia, in 1948. From left to right: President
Harry S. Truman at the microphone,
Congressional candidate Harley Orrin Staggers,
and vice presidential candidate Alben W.
Barkley.
Political campaigns have existed as long as there have been informed
citizens to campaign amongst. Often mass campaigns are started by the
less privileged or anti-establishment viewpoints (as against more
powerful interests whose first resort is lobbying). The phenomenon of
political campaigns are tightly tied to lobby groups and political
parties. The first 'modern' campaign is thought to be William Ewart
Gladstone's Midlothian campaign in the 1880s, although there may be
earlier recognizably modern examples from the 19th century.
Democratic societies have regular election campaigns, but political
campaigning can occur on particular issues even in non-democracies so
long as freedom of expression is allowed.
American election campaigns in the 19th century created the first
mass-base political parties and invented many of the techniques of
mass campaigning. In the 1790-1820s, the Federalist Party and the
Democratic-Republican Party battled it out in the so-called "First Party System".
Alternatives to campaigning
Not all democratic elections involve political campaigning. Indeed, some democratic elections specifically rule out
campaigning on the grounds that campaigning may compromise the democratic character of the elections,
[9]
perhaps
because of campaigns' susceptibility to the influence of money, or to the influence of special interest groups.
Political campaign
183
Sources
World
Abizadeh, Arash. "Democratic Elections without Campaigns?
[10]
Normative Foundations of National Baha'i
Elections." World Order 37.1 (2005): 7-49.
Barnes, S. H., and M. Kaase Political Action: Mass Participation in Five Western Democracies.Sage, 1979.
Blewett, Neal. The Peers, the Parties and the People: The General Elections of 1910. London: Macmillan, 1972.
Hix, S. The Political System of the European Union. St. Martin's Press, 1999.
Katz, Richard S., and P. Mair (eds.), How Parties Organize: Change and Adaptation in Party Organizations in
Western Democracies. Sage Publications, 1994.
Katz, Richard S., and Peter Mair, "Changing Models of Party Organization and Party Democracy: The Emergence
of the Cartel Party," Party Politics, Vol. 1, No. 1, 5-28 (1995) DOI: 10.1177/1354068895001001001 online
abstract
[11]
LaPalombara, Joseph and Myron Wiener (eds.), Political Parties and Political Development. Princeton University
Press, 1966.
Panebianco, A. Political Parties: Organization and Power. Cambridge University Press, 1988.
Paquette, Laure. Campaign Strategy. New York: Nova, 2006.
Poguntke, Thomas, and Paul Webb, eds. The Presidentialization of Politics: A Comparative Study of Modern
Democracies. Oxford University Press. 2005 online
[12]
Ware, Alan. Citizens, Parties and the State: A Reappraisal. Princeton University Press, 1987.
Webb, Paul, David Farrell, and Ian Holliday, Political Parties in Advanced Industrial Democracies Oxford
University Press, 2002 online
[13]
USA
Robert J. Dinkin. Campaigning in America: A History of Election Practice. Westport: Greenwood, 1989.
John Gerring, Party Ideologies in America, 1828-1996. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1998.
Lewis L. Gould, Grand Old Party: A History of the Republicans. NY: Random House, 2003.
Gary C. Jacobson. The Politics of Congressional Elections (5th Edition) NY: Longman, 2000.
Richard Jensen, The Winning of the Midwest: Social and Political Conflict, 1888-1896. Chicago: University of
Chicago Press, 1971.
L. Sandy Meisel, ed. Political Parties and Elections in the United States: An Encyclopedia New York: Garland,
1991.
Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr., ed. History of American Presidential Elections. 4 vols. New York: Chelsea House,
1971.
James A. Thurber, Campaigns and Elections American Style. NY Westview Press; 2nd edition, 2004.
Kirsten A. Foot and Steven M. Schneider, Web Campaigning
[14]
. The MIT Press, 2006.
Bruce A. Bimber and Richard Davis, Campaigning Online: the Internet in U.S. Elections. Oxford UP, 2003.
Political campaign
184
References
[1] Lyons, Daniel (2008-11-22). "President 2.0" (http:/ / www. newsweek. com/ 2008/ 11/ 21/ president-2-0. html). Newsweek.com. . Retrieved
2010-05-11. "Obama harnessed the grass-roots power of the Web to get elected. How will he use that power now?"
[2] Campaign TV (http:/ / www. campaigntv. org)
[3] Diane Tucker, Dawn Teo (3 November 2008). "Off The Bus: Obama Campaign Rewrites Fundraising Rules by Selling Merchandise" (http:/ /
www.huffingtonpost. com/ off-the-bus-reporter/ obama-campaign-rewrites-f_b_140616. html). Huffington Post. . Retrieved 20 May 2009.
[4] sisr.net (http:/ / www.sisr. net/ publications/ 0706fletcher. pdf)
[5] "Changing Focus/Priorities" (http:/ / www.lppa.org/ component/ option,com_smf/ Itemid,60/ topic,9. 0/ ). Lppa.org. . Retrieved 2008-11-08.
[6] Jim Rassmann (August 10, 2004). "Shame on the Swift Boat Veterans for Bush" (http:/ / www. opinionjournal. com/ editorial/ feature.
html?id=110005460). Wall Street Journal. . Retrieved 2007-02-17.
[7] "New media and the Election: Thus Far and No Farther" (http:/ / www. economist. com/ world/ britain/ displaystory.
cfm?story_id=15719160). The Economist. 2010-03-18. . Retrieved 2010-04-18. "The potentialand limitsof the internet in political
campaigning"
[8] Schmidt/Washington, Tracy (2007-07-03). "Reaching Out Early for the Youth Vote" (http:/ / www. time. com/ time/ politics/ article/
0,8599,1639707,00.html). Time.com. . Retrieved 2010-05-07.
[9] profs-polisci.mcgill.ca (http:/ / www. profs-polisci.mcgill. ca/ abizadeh/ Bahai-elections. htm), Abizadeh 2005
[10] http:/ / www.profs-polisci.mcgill. ca/ abizadeh/ Bahai-elections. htm
[11] http:/ / ppq. sagepub. com/ cgi/ content/ abstract/ 1/ 1/ 5
[12] http:/ / www.questia. com/ PM. qst?a=o& d=110133557
[13] http:/ / www.questia. com/ PM. qst?a=o& d=109863433
[14] http:/ / mitpress. mit.edu/ webcampaigning
External links
United States Federal Election Commission (http:/ / www. fec. gov)
Long Distance Voter - resources for first-time and absentee voters (http:/ / www. longdistancevoter. org)
Campaign - Non Partisan Voter Education Site (http:/ / www. campaign. com)
The American Association of Political Consultants (http:/ / www. theaapc. org)
CampaignGuide (http:/ / www. completecampaigns. com/ CampaignGuide. asp)
PoliticsOnline (http:/ / www. PoliticsOnline. com)
IRS: Taxes for Political Organizations (http:/ / www. irs. gov/ charities/ political/ index. html)
An in-depth look at the campaign of Lewis Lehrman for NY Governor in 1982 (http:/ / www. lew82. com/ )
The National Institute on Money in State Politics (http:/ / www. followthemoney. org/ )
Center for American Women and Politics Ready to Run Campaign Training for Women (http:/ / www. cawp.
rutgers. edu/ Programs/ RtoRinfo. html)
Australian Electoral Commission (http:/ / www. aec. gov. au/ )
Worst Attack Ads (http:/ / www. apoliticus. com/ 2008/ 10/ top-5-attack-ads/ )
Political Advertising UK (http:/ / www. politicaladvertising. co. uk)
Political party
185
Political party
A political party is a political organization that typically seeks to influence government policy, usually by
nominating their own candidates and trying to seat them in political office. Parties participate in electoral campaigns,
educational outreach or protest actions. Parties often espouse an expressed ideology or vision bolstered by a written
platform with specific goals, forming a coalition among disparate interests.
Regulation of political parties
The freedom to form, declare membership in, or campaign for candidates from a political party is considered a
measurement of a state's adherence to liberal democracy as a political value. Regulation of parties may run from a
crackdown on or repression of all opposition parties, a norm for authoritarian governments, to the repression of
certain parties which hold or promote ideals which run counter to the general ideology of the state's incumbents (or
possess membership by-laws which are legally unenforceable).
Furthermore, in the case of far-right, far-left and regionalist parties in the national parliaments of much of the
European Union, mainstream political parties may form an informal cordon sanitaire which applies a policy of
non-cooperation towards those "Outsider Parties" present in the legislature which are viewed as 'anti-system' or
otherwise unacceptable for government. Cordon Sanitaires, however, have been increasingly abandoned over the
past two decades in multi-party democracies as the pressure to construct broad coalitions in order to win elections -
along with the increased willingness of outsider parties themselves to participate in government - has led to many
such parties entering electoral and government coalitions.
[1]
Starting in the second half of the 20th century modern democracies have introduced rules for the flow of funds thru
party coffers, e.g. the Canada Election Act 1976, the PPRA in the U.K. or the FECA in the U.S.. Such political
finance regimes stipulate a variety of regulations for the transparency of fundraising and expenditure, limit or ban
specific kinds of activity and provide public subsidies for party activity, including campaigning.
Voting systems
The type of electoral system is a major factor in determining the type of party political system. In countries with first
past the post voting systems there is an increased likelihood for the establishment of a two party system. Countries
that have a proportional representation voting system, as exists throughout Europe, or to a greater extent preferential
voting systems, such as in Australia or Ireland, three or more parties are often elected to public office.
Dysfunctionality of the Party System
Filipino Political Scientist Ramon Merza Ignacio espouses the idea that once a President or a Prime Minister is
elected to office, he should renounce party affiliation. Membership in any political party is dysfunctional as it
becomes divisive - among the legislative branch and to the general electorate. The Presidency or the Prime
Ministership should not be for the party but for the people, irrespective of party affiliation.
Political party
186
Partisan style
Partisan style varies from government to government, depending on how many parties there are, and how much
influence each individual party has.
Nonpartisan
In a nonpartisan system, no official political parties exist, sometimes reflecting legal restrictions on political parties.
In nonpartisan elections, each candidate is eligible for office on his or her own merits. In nonpartisan legislatures,
there are no typically formal party alignments within the legislature. The administration of George Washington and
the first few sessions of the United States Congress were nonpartisan. Washington also warned against political
parties during his Farewell Address.
[2]
In the United States, the unicameral legislature of Nebraska is nonpartisan. In
Canada, the territorial legislatures of the Northwest Territories and Nunavut are nonpartisan. In New Zealand,
Tokelau has a nonpartisan parliament. Many city and county governments are nonpartisan. Nonpartisan elections and
modes of governance are common outside of state institutions.
[3]
Unless there are legal prohibitions against political
parties, factions within nonpartisan systems often evolve into political parties.
Single dominant party
In single-party systems, one political party is legally allowed to hold effective power. Although minor parties may
sometimes be allowed, they are legally required to accept the leadership of the dominant party. This party may not
always be identical to the government, although sometimes positions within the party may in fact be more important
than positions within the government. China is an example; others can be found in Fascist states, such as Nazi
Germany between 1934 and 1945. The single-party system is thus usually equated with dictatorships and tyranny.
In dominant-party systems, opposition parties are allowed, and there may be even a deeply established democratic
tradition, but other parties are widely considered to have no real chance of gaining power. Sometimes, political,
social and economic circumstances, and public opinion are the reason for others parties' failure. Sometimes, typically
in countries with less of an established democratic tradition, it is possible the dominant party will remain in power by
using patronage and sometimes by voting fraud. In the latter case, the definition between Dominant and single-party
system becomes rather blurred. Examples of dominant party systems include the People's Action Party in Singapore,
the African National Congress in South Africa, the Human Rights Protection Party in Samoa, and the Democratic
Party of Socialists of Montenegro in Montenegro. One party dominant systems also existed in Mexico with the
Institutional Revolutionary Party until the 1990s, in the southern United States with the Democratic Party from the
late 19th century until the 1970s, in Indonesia with the Golongan Karya (Party of the Functional Groups) from the
early 1970s until 1998, and in Japan with the Liberal Democratic Party until 2009.
Two political parties
Two-party systems are states such as Jamaica, and Ghana in which there are two political parties dominant to such
an extent that electoral success under the banner of any other party is almost impossible. One right wing coalition
party and one left wing coalition party is the most common ideological breakdown in such a system but in two-party
states political parties are traditionally catch all parties which are ideologically broad and inclusive.
The United States is widely considered a two-party system. Since the birth of the republic a conservative (such as the
Republican Party) and liberal (such as the Democratic Party) party have usually been the status quo within American
politics, with some exception. Third parties often receive little support and are not often the victors in many races.
Despite this, there have been several examples of third parties siphoning votes from major parties that were expected
to win (such as Theodore Roosevelt in the election of 1912 and Ross Perot in the election of 1992).
The United Kingdom is widely considered a two-party state, as historically power has alternated between two
dominant parties (currently the Labour Party and the Conservative Party). However, the 2010 General Election
Political party
187
resulted in a coalition government led by the Conservative Party and including the Liberal Democrats. There are also
numerous other parties that hold a number of seats in Parliament.
A plurality voting system usually leads to a two-party system, a relationship described by Maurice Duverger and
known as Duverger's Law.
[4]
Multiple political parties
A poster for the European Parliament election
2004 in Italy, showing party lists
Multi-party systems are systems in which more than two parties are
represented and elected to public office.
Australia, Canada, Pakistan, India, Ireland, United Kingdom and
Norway are examples of countries with two strong parties and
additional smaller parties that have also obtained representation. The
smaller or "third" parties may form a part of a coalition government
together with one of the larger parties or act independently from the
other dominant parties.
More commonly, in cases where there are three or more parties, no one
party is likely to gain power alone, and parties work with each other to
form coalition governments. This has been an emerging trend in the
politics of the Republic of Ireland since the 1980s and is almost always
the case in Germany on national and state level, and in most
constituencies at the communal level. Furthermore since the forming of
the Republic of Iceland there has never been a government not led by a
coalition (usually of the Independence Party and one other often the
Social Democratic Alliance. Political change is often easier with a coalition government than in one-party or
two-party dominant systems.
Party funding
Political parties are funded by contributions from
party members and other individuals,
organizations which share their political ideas or who stand to benefit from their activities or
governmental public funding.
[5]
Political parties, still called factions by some, especially those in government, are lobbied vigorously by
organizations, businesses and special interest groups such as trades unions. Money and gifts-in-kind to a party, or its
leading members, may be offered as incentives. Such donations are the traditional source of funding for all
right-of-centre cadre parties. Starting in the late 19th century these parties were opposed by the new founded
left-of-centre workers' parties. They started a new party type, the mass membership party, and a new source of
political fundraising, membership dues.
From the second half of the 20th century on parties which continued to rely on donations ran into mounting
problems. Along with the increased scrutiny of donations there has been a long term contraction in party
memberships in most western democracies which itself places more strains on funding. For example in the United
Kingdom and Australia membership of the two main parties in 2006 is less than an 1/8 of what it was in 1950,
despite significant increases in population over that period.
In some parties, such as the post-communist parties of France and Italy or the Sinn Fin party and the Socialist Party
(Ireland), elected representatives of take only the average industrial wage from their salary as a representative or
their entire earnings, while the rest goes into party coffers. Although these examples may be rare nowadays,
Political party
188
"rent-seeking" continues to be a feature of many political parties around the world.
[6]
In the United Kingdom, it has been alleged that peerages have been awarded to contributors to party funds, the
benefactors becoming members of the Upper House of Parliament and thus being in a position to participate in the
legislative process. Famously, Lloyd George was found to have been selling peerages. To prevent such corruption in
the future, Parliament passed the Honours (Prevention of Abuses) Act 1925 into law. Thus the outright sale of
peerages and similar honours became a criminal act. However, some benefactors are alleged to have attempted to
circumvent this by cloaking their contributions as loans, giving rise to the 'Cash for Peerages' scandal.
Such activities as well as assumed "influence peddling" have given rise to demands that the scale of donations should
be capped. As the costs of electioneering escalate, so the demands made on party funds increase. In the UK some
politicians are advocating that parties should be funded by the state; a proposition that promises to give rise to
interesting debate in a country that was the first to regulate campaign expenses (in 1883)..
In many other democracies such subsidies for party activity (in general or just for campaign purposes) have been
introduced decades ago. Public financing for parties and candidates (during election timess and beyond) has several
permutations and is increasingly common. Germany, Sweden, Israel, Canada, Austria and Spain are cases in point.
More recently among others France, Japan, Mexico, the Netherlands and Poland have followed suit.
[7]
There are two broad categories of funding, direct, which entails a montetary transfer to a party, and indirect, which
includes broadcast time on state media, use of the mail service or supplies. According to the Comparative Data from
the ACE Electoral Knowledge Network, out of a sample of over 180 nations, 25% of nations provide no direct or
indirect public funding, 58% provide direct public funding and 60% of nations provide indirect public funding.
[8]
Some countries provide both direct and indirect public funding to political parties. Funding may be equal for all
parties or depend on the results of previous campaigns or the number of candidates participating in an election.
[9]
Frequently parties rely on a mix of private and public funding and are required to disclose their finances to the
Election management body.
[10]
Funding can also be provided by foreign aid. International donors provide financing to political parties in
developing countries as a means to promote democracy and good governance.
[6]
Support can be purely financial or
otherwise frequently is provided as capacity development activities including the development of party manifestos,
party constitutions and campaigning skills.
[6]
Developing links between ideologically linked parties is another
common feature of international support for a party.
[6]
Sometimes this can be perceived as directly supporting the
political aims of political party, such as the support of the US government to the Georgian party behind the Rose
Revolution. Other donors work on a more neutral basis, where multiple donors provide grants in countries accessible
by all parties for various aims defined by the recipients.
[6]
There have been calls by leading development think-tanks,
such as the Overseas Development Institute, to increase support to political parties as part of developing the capacity
to deal with the demands of donors to improve governance.
[6]
Colors and emblems for parties
Main article: see Political colour and List of political party symbols
Generally speaking, over the world, political parties associate themselves with colors, primarily for identification,
especially for voter recognition during elections. Conservative parties generally use blue or black. Pink sometimes
signifies moderate socialist. Yellow is often used for libertarianism or classical liberalism, due to yellow being the
color of gold, which signifies the gold standard. Red usually signifies communist or socialist parties except in
Uruguay where the "Partido Colorado" (red party) is a (politically) conservative party. In this case, the use of the
color red comes from the origins of the party. Similarly the Republican Party in America is generally designated by
the colour red. Green is the color for green parties, Islamist parties and Irish republican parties. Orange is sometimes
a color of nationalism, such as in the Netherlands, in Israel with the Orange Camp or with Ulster Loyalists in
Northern Ireland; it is also a color of reform such as in Ukraine. In the past, Purple was considered the color of
royalty (like white), but today it is sometimes used for feminist parties. White also is associated with nationalism.
Political party
189
"Purple Party" is also used as an academic hypothetical of an undefined party, as a centralist party in the United
States (because purple is created from mixing the main parties' colours of red and blue) and as a highly idealistic
"peace and love" party [11]-- in a similar vein to a Green Party, perhaps. Black is generally associated with fascist
parties, going back to Benito Mussolini's blackshirts, but also with Anarchism. Similarly, brown is sometimes
associated with Nazism, going back to the Nazi Party's tan-uniformed storm troopers.
Color associations are useful for mnemonics when voter illiteracy is significant. Another case where they are used is
when it is not desirable to make rigorous links to parties, particularly when coalitions and alliances are formed
between political parties and other organizations, for example: Red Tory, "Purple" (Red-Blue) alliances, Red-green
alliances, Blue-green alliances, Traffic light coalitions, Pan-green coalitions, and Pan-blue coalitions.
Political color schemes in the United States diverge from international norms. Since 2000, red has become associated
with the right-wing Republican Party and blue with the left-wing Democratic Party. However, unlike political color
schemes of other countries, the parties did not choose those colors; they were used in news coverage of 2000 election
results and ensuing legal battle and caught on in popular usage. Prior to the 2000 election the media typically
alternated which color represented which party each presidential election cycle. The color scheme happened to get
inordinate attention that year, so the cycle was stopped lest it cause confusion the following election.
The emblem of socialist parties is often a red rose held in a fist. Communist parties often use a hammer to represent
the worker, a sickle to represent the farmer, or both a hammer and a sickle to refer to both at the same time.
The emblem of Nazism, the swastika or "hakenkreuz", has been adopted as a near-universal symbol for almost any
organized white supremacist group, even though it dates from more ancient times.
Symbols can be very important when the overall electorate is illiterate. In the Kenyan constitutional referendum,
2005, supporters of the constitution used the banana as their symbol, while the "no" used an orange.
International organizations of political parties
During the 19th and 20th century, many national political parties organized themselves into international
organizations along similar policy lines. Notable examples are the International Workingmen's Association (also
called the First International), the Socialist International (also called the Second International), the Communist
International (also called the Third International), and the Fourth International, as organizations of working class
parties, or the Liberal International (yellow), Hizb ut-Tahrir, Christian Democratic International and the International
Democrat Union (blue). Organized in Italy in 1945, the International Communist Party, since 1974 headquartered in
Florence and with sections in six countries, is an expanding global party. Worldwide green parties have recently
established the Global Greens. The Socialist International, the Liberal International, and the International Democrat
Union are all based in London. Some administrations (e.g. Hong Kong) outlaw formal linkages between local and
foreign political organizations, effectively outlawing international political parties.
Types of political parties
The French political scientist Maurice Duverger drew a distinction between cadre parties and mass parties. Cadre
parties were political elites that were concerned with contesting elections and restricted the influence of outsiders,
who were only required to assist in election campaigns. Mass parties tried to recruit new members who were a
source of party income and were often expected to spread party ideology as well as assist in elections. Socialist
parties are examples of mass parties, while the British Conservative Party and the German Christian Democratic
Union are examples of hybrid parties. In the United States, where both major parties were cadre parties, the
introduction of primaries and other reforms has transformed them so that power is held by activists who compete
over influence and nomination of candidates.
[12]
Klaus von Beyme categorized European parties into nine families, which described most parties. He was able to
arrange seven of them from left to right: communist, socialist, green, liberal, Christian democratic, conservative and
Political party
190
libertarian. The position of two other types, agrarian and regional/ethnic parties varied.
[13]
Another category he
failed to mention are Islamic political parties, such as Hizb ut-Tahrir.
References
[1] McDonnell and Newell (2011) 'Outsider Parties'.
[2] Redding 2004
[3] Abizadeh 2005.
[4] Duverger 1954
[5] See Heard, Alexander, 'Political financing'. In: Sills, David I. (ed.) International Emcyclopedia of the Social Sciences, vol. 12. New York,
NY: Free Press - Macmillan, 1968, pp.235241; Paltiel, Khayyam Z., 'Campaign finance - contrasting practices and reforms'. In: Butler,
David et al. (eds.), Democracy at the polls - a comparative study of competitive national elections. Washiongton, DC: AEI, 1981, pp. 138-172;
Paltiel, Khayyam Z., 'Political finance'. In: Bogdanor, Vernon (ed.), The Blackwell Encyclopedia of Political Institutions. Oxford, UK:
Blackwell, 1987, pp.454456; 'Party finance', in: Kurian, George T. et al. (eds.) The encyclopedia of political science. vol 4, Washington,
DC: CQ Press, 2011, pp. 1187-1189.
[6] Foresti and Wild 2010. Support to political parties: a missing piece of the governance puzzle (http:/ / www. odi. org. uk/ resources/ details.
asp?id=5143& title=political-parties-governance-politics). London: Overseas Development Institute
[7] For details you may want to consult specific articles on Campaign finance in the United States, Federal political financing in Canada, Party
finance in Germany, Political donations in Australia, Political finance, Political funding in Japan, Political funding in the United Kingdom.
[8] ACEproject.org (http:/ / aceproject. org/ epic-en/ CDMap?question=PC12) ACE Electoral Knowledge Network: Comparitive Data: Political
Parties and Candidates
[9] ACEproject.org (http:/ / aceproject. org/ epic-en/ CDMap?question=PC15) ACE Electoral Knowledge Network: Comparitive Data: Political
Parties and Candidates
[10] ACEproject.org (http:/ / aceproject. org/ ace-en/ focus/ core/ crb/ crb05/ ?searchterm=party funding) ACE Encyclopaedia: Public funding of
political parties
[11] http:/ / www.purpleparty. com
[12] Ware, Political parties, pp. 65-67
[13] Ware, Political parties, p. 22
Bibliography
Abizadeh, Arash, 2005. MCgill.ca (http:/ / www. profs-polisci. mcgill. ca/ abizadeh/ Bahai-elections. htm),
"Democratic Elections without Campaigns? Normative Foundations of National Baha'i Elections." World Order
Vol. 37, No. 1, pp.749.
Duverger, Maurice. 1954. Political Parties. London: Methuen.
Gunther, Richard and Larry Diamond. 2003. "Species of Political Parties: A New Typology," Party Politics, Vol.
9, No. 2, pp.167199.
McDonnell, Duncan and James Newell. 2011. 'Outsider Parties', Special edition of Party Politics, Vol. 17, No. 4.
Neumann, Sigmund (ed.). 1956. Modern Political Parties. IL: University of Chicago Press.
Redding, Robert. 2004. Hired Hatred. RCI.
Smith, Steven S. 2007. Party Influence in Congress. Cambridge University Press.
Sutherland, Keith. 2004. The Party's Over. Imprint Academic. ISBN 0-907845-51-7
Ware, Alan. 1987. Citizens, Parties and the State: A Reappraisal. Princeton University Press.
Ware, Alan. Political Parties and Party Systems. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996. ISBN 0-19-878076-1
Political party
191
External links
U.S. Party Platforms from 1840-2004 at The American Presidency Project: UC Santa Barbara (http:/ / www.
presidency. ucsb. edu/ platforms. php)
Political resources on the net (http:/ / www. politicalresources. net/ )
Liberals Vs Conservatives (http:/ / www. liberalsvsconservatives. com) Non partisan community where both sides
of the fence may enter into debate.
Do political parties do more harm than good? Theotalks.net (http:/ / www. theotalks. net/ 2008/ 03/
do-political-parties-do-more-harm-than-good/ )
192
Political Behaviour
Theories of political behaviour
Theories of political behavior, as an aspect of political science, attempt to quantify and explain the influences that
define a person's political views, ideology, and levels of political participation. Theorists who have had an influence
on this field include Karl Deutsch and Theodor Adorno.
Long-term influences on political orientation
There are three main sources of influence that shape political orientation which creates long-term effects. Generally,
the primary influence originates from family. As stated previously, children will often adopt their parents' ideological
values. Some theorists have argued that family tends to be the strongest, most influential force which exists over the
lifetime; one essay has credited the majority of the student activism of the 1930s to the influence of parents.
[1]
Secondly, teachers and other educational authority figures have a significant impact on political orientation. From as
early as age 4 up until 18, children spend about 25% of their time involved in educational processes. Post-secondary
education significantly raises the impact of political awareness and orientation; an October 2004 study of 1,202
college undergraduates across the United States showed that 87% of college students were registered to vote,
compared to a national average of 64% of American adults.
[2]
A study at Santa Clara University also showed that
84% of students there were registered to vote.
[2]
Also consider that childhood and adolescent stages of personal
growth have the highest level of impressionability.
Thirdly, peers also affect political orientation. Friends often, but not necessarily, have the advantage of being part of
the same generation, which collectively develops a unique set of societal issues; Eric L. Dey has argued that
"socialisation is the process through which individuals acquire knowledge, habits, and value orientations that will be
useful in the future."
[3]
The ability to relate on this common level is where the means to shape ideological growth.
Short-term influences on political orientation
Short-term factors also affect voting behavior; the media and the impact of individual election issues are among
these factors. These factors differ from the long-term factors as they are often short-lived. However, they can be just
as crucial in modifying political orientation. The ways in which these two sources are interpreted often relies on the
individuals specific political ideology formed by the long-term factors.
Most political scientists agree that the mass media have a profound impact on voting behavior. One author asserts
that "few would argue with the notion that the institutions of the mass media are important to contemporary politics
... in the transition to liberal democratic politics in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe the media was a key
battleground."
Second, there are election issues. These include campaign issues, debates and commercials. Election years and
political campaigns can shift certain political behaviors based on the candidates involved, which have different
degrees of effectiveness in influencing voters.
Theories of political behaviour
193
The influence of social groups on political outcomes
Recently, some political scientists have been interested in many studies which aimed to analyze the relation between
the behavior of social groups and the political outcomes. Some of the social groups included in their studies have
been age demographics, gender, and ethnic groups.
For example, in U.S. politics, the effect of ethnic groups and gender has a great influence on the political outcomes.
Latin Americans have a profound social impact on the political outcome of their vote and are emerging as a strong
up-and-coming political force. The most noticeable increase in Latin American voting was in the 2000 presidential
election, although the votes did not share a socially common political view at that time. In the 2006 election, the
Latin American vote aided tremendously in the election of Florida Senator Mel Martinez, although in the 2004
presidential election, about 44% of Latin Americans voted for Republican President George W. Bush. Latin
Americans have been seen to be showing an increasing trend in the issues on which they vote for, causing them to
become more united when faced with political views. Currently illegal immigration has been claiming most attention
and Latin Americans, although not completely unanimous, are concerned with the education, employment and
deportation of illegal immigrants in the United States.
Over seven decades ago, women earned the right to vote and since then they have been making a difference in the
outcomes of political election. Given that the right to be politically active has granted them the opportunity to expand
their knowledge and influence in current affairs, they are now considered one of the main components in the
country's decision-making in both politics and economy. According to The American Political Science Association,
over the past 2004 presidential election, the women's vote may have well decided the outcome of the race. Susan
Carroll, the author of Women Voters and the Gender Gap, states that the increase of women influence on political
behaviors is due to four main categories: women outnumber men among voters; significant efforts are underway to
increase registration and turnout among women; a gender gap is evident in the 2004 election as it has been in every
presidential election since 1980; and women constitute a disproportionately large share of the undecided voters who
will make their decision late in the campaign.
References
[1] Activist Impulses: Campus Radicalism in the 1930s (Cohen) (http:/ / newdeal. feri. org/ students/ essay02. htm)
[2] Ethics and Political Behavior: A Portrait of the Voting Decisions of Santa Clara Students (http:/ / www. scu. edu/ ethics/ publications/
submitted/ simas/ politicalbehaviour. html)
[3] Dey, Eric L., Undergraduate Political Attitudes: Peer Influence in Changing Social Contexts, Journal of Higher Education, Vol. 68, 1997
Ideology
194
Ideology
An ideology is a set of ideas that constitute one's goals, expectations, and actions. An ideology can be thought of as a
comprehensive vision, as a way of looking at things (compare worldview), as in several philosophical tendencies
(see Political ideologies), or a set of ideas proposed by the dominant class of a society to all members of this society
(a "received consciousness" or product of socialization). The main purpose behind an ideology is to offer either
change in society, or adherence to a set of ideals where conformity already exists, through a normative thought
process. Ideologies are systems of abstract thought applied to public matters and thus make this concept central to
politics. Implicitly every political or economic tendency entails an ideology whether or not it is propounded as an
explicit system of thought. It is how society sees things.
(For the Marxist definition of ideology, see Ideology as an instrument of social reproduction below.)
History
The term "ideology" was born in the highly controversial philosophical and political debates and fights of the French
Revolution and acquired several other meanings from the early days of the First French Empire to the present. The
word was coined by Destutt de Tracy in 1796,
[1]

[2]
assembling the parts idea (near to the Lockean sense) and -logy.
He used it to refer to one aspect of his "science of ideas" (to the study itself, not the subject of the study). He
separated three aspects, namely: ideology, general grammar, and logic, considering respectively the subject, the
means, and the reason of this science.
[3]
He argues that among these aspects ideology is the most generic term,
because the science of ideas also contains the study of their expression and deduction.
According to Karl Mannheim's historical reconstruction of the shifts in the meaning of ideology, the modern
meaning of the word was born when Napoleon Bonaparte (as a politician) used it in an abusive way against "the
ideologues" (a group which included Cabanis, Condorcet, Constant, Daunou, Say, Madame de Stal, and Tracy), to
express the pettiness of his (liberal republican) political opponents.
Perhaps the most accessible source for the near-original meaning of ideology is Hippolyte Taine's work on the
Ancien Regime (the first volume of "Origins of Contemporary France"). He describes ideology as rather like
teaching philosophy by the Socratic method, but without extending the vocabulary beyond what the general reader
already possessed, and without the examples from observation that practical science would require. Taine identifies
it not just with Destutt De Tracy, but also with his milieu, and includes Condillac as one of its precursors. (Tracy
read the works of Locke and Condillac while he was imprisoned during the Reign of Terror.)
The word "ideology" was coined long before the Russians coined "intelligentsia", or before the adjective
"intellectual" referred to a sort of person (see substantive), i.e. an intellectual. Thus these words were not around
when the hard-headed, driven Napoleon Bonaparte took the word "ideologues" to ridicule his intellectual opponents.
Gradually, however, the term "ideology" has dropped some of its pejorative sting, and has become a neutral term in
the analysis of differing political opinions and views of social groups.
[4]
While Karl Marx situated the term within
class struggle and domination,
[5]

[6]
others believed it was a necessary part of institutional functioning and social
integration.
[7]
Analysis
Meta-ideology is the study of the structure, form, and manifestation of ideologies. Meta-ideology posits that ideology
is a coherent system of ideas, relying upon a few basic assumptions about reality that may or may not have any
factual basis, but are subjective choices that serve as the seed around which further thought grows. According to this
perspective, ideologies are neither right nor wrong, but only a relativistic intellectual strategy for categorizing the
world. The pluses and minuses of ideology range from the vigor and fervor of true believers to ideological
infallibility. Excessive need for certitude lurks at fundamentalist levels in politics and religions.
Ideology
195
The works of George Walford and Harold Walsby, done under the heading of systematic ideology, are attempts to
explore the relationships between ideology and social systems. Charles Blattberg has offered an account which
distinguishes political ideologies from political philosophies.
[8]
David W. Minar describes six different ways in which the word "ideology" has been used:
1. As a collection of certain ideas with certain kinds of content, usually normative;
2. As the form or internal logical structure that ideas have within a set;
3. By the role in which ideas play in human-social interaction;
4. By the role that ideas play in the structure of an organization;
5. As meaning, whose purpose is persuasion; and
6. As the locus of social interaction, possibly.
For Willard A. Mullins, an ideology is composed of four basic characteristics:
1. it must have power over cognition
2. it must be capable of guiding one's evaluations;
3. it must provide guidance towards action;
4. and, as stated above, it must be logically coherent.
Mullins emphasizes that an ideology should be contrasted with the related (but different) issues of utopia and
historical myth.
The German philosopher Christian Duncker
[9]
called for a "critical reflection of the ideology concept" (2006). In his
work, he strove to bring the concept of ideology into the foreground, as well as the closely connected concerns of
epistemology and history. In this work, the term ideology is defined in terms of a system of presentations that
explicitly or implicitly claim to absolute truth.
Though the word "ideology" is most often found in political discourse, there are many different kinds of ideology:
political, social, epistemological, ethical, etc.
Ideology as an instrument of social reproduction
Karl Marx posits that a societys
dominant ideology is integral to its
superstructure.
In the Marxist economic base and superstructure model of society, base
denotes the relations of production, and superstructure denotes the dominant
ideology (religious, legal, political systems). The economic base of
production determines the political superstructure of a society. Ruling
class-interests determine the superstructure and the nature of the justifying
ideologyactions feasible because the ruling class control the means of
production. For example, in a feudal mode of production, religious ideology
is the most prominent aspect of the superstructure, while in capitalist
formations, ideologies such as liberalism and social democracy dominate.
Hence the great importance of the ideology justifying a society; it politically
confuses the alienated groups of society via false consciousness, such as in
the case of commodity fetishismthe belief that value is inherent to a
commodity, rather than external, added to it via labor.
The ruling class affect their social reproduction by the dominant ideology's
representingto every social-economic classthat the economic interests of the ruling class are the economic
interests of the entire society. Some explanations have been presented. Gyrgy Lukcs proposes ideology as a
projection of the class consciousness of the ruling class. Antonio Gramsci uses cultural hegemony to explain why the
working-class have a false ideological conception of what are their best interests.
Chronologically, the dominant ideologies in Capitalism are:
Ideology
196
1. classical liberalism
2. modern liberalism
[10]
3. social democracy
4. neo-liberalism
corresponding to these three capitalist stages of development:
1. extensive stage
2. intensive stage
3. contemporary capitalism (late capitalism)
The Marxist formulation of "ideology as an instrument of social reproduction" is conceptually important to the
sociology of knowledge, viz. Karl Mannheim, Daniel Bell, and Jrgen Habermas et al. Moreover, Mannheim has
developed, and progressed, from the "total" but "special" Marxist conception of ideology to a "general" and "total"
ideological conception acknowledging that all ideology (including Marxism) resulted from social life, an idea
developed by the sociologist Pierre Bourdieu.
Louis Althusser's Ideological State Apparatuses
Louis Althusser proposed a materialistic conception of ideology, which made use of a special type of discourse: the
lacunar discourse. A number of propositions, which are never untrue, suggest a number of other propositions, which
are. In this way, the essence of the lacunar discourse is what is not told (but is suggested).
For example, the statement "All are equal before the law," which is a theoretical groundwork of current legal
systems, suggests that all people may be of equal worth or have equal "opportunities". This is not true, for the
concept of private property and power over the means of production results in some people being able to own more
(much more) than others. This power disparity contradicts the claim that all share both practical worth and future
opportunity equally; for example, the rich can afford better legal representation, which practically privileges them
before the law.
Althusser also proffered the concept of the Ideological State Apparatus to explain his theory of ideology. His first
thesis was "ideology has no history": while individual ideologies have histories, interleaved with the general class
struggle of society, the general form of ideology is external to history. His second thesis, "Ideas are material",
explains his materialistic attitude, which he illustrates with the "scandalous advice" of Pascal toward unbelievers:
"kneel and pray, and then you will believe". For Althusser, beliefs and ideas are the products of social practices, not
the reverse. What is ultimately important for Althusser are not the subjective beliefs held in the "minds" of human
individuals, but rather the material institutions, rituals, and discourses that produce these beliefs.
Feminism as critique of ideology
Naturalizing socially constructed patterns of behavior has always been an important mechanism in the production
and reproduction of ideologies. Feminist theorists have paid close attention to these mechanisms. Adrienne Rich, for
example, has shown how to understand motherhood as a social institution. However, feminism is not a homogeneous
whole, and some corners of feminist thought criticize the critique of social constructionism, by advocating that it
disregards too much of human nature and natural tendencies. The debate, they say, is about the normative/naturalistic
fallacythe idea that just something "being" natural does not necessarily mean it "ought" to be the case.
Ideology
197
Political ideologies
Many political parties base their political action and program on an ideology. In social studies, a Political Ideology is
a certain ethical set of ideals, principles, doctrines, myths, or symbols of a social movement, institution, class, or
large group that explains how society should work, and offers some political and cultural blueprint for a certain
social order. A political ideology largely concerns itself with how to allocate power and to what ends it should be
used. Some parties follow a certain ideology very closely, while others may take broad inspiration from a group of
related ideologies without specifically embracing any one of them.
Political ideologies have two dimensions:
1. Goals: how society should work
2. Methods: the most appropriate ways to achieve the ideal arrangement.
An ideology is a collection of ideas. Typically, each ideology contains certain ideas on what it considers to be the
best form of government (e.g. democracy, theocracy, etc.), and the best economic system (e.g. capitalism, socialism,
etc.). Sometimes the same word is used to identify both an ideology and one of its main ideas. For instance,
"socialism" may refer to an economic system, or it may refer to an ideology which supports that economic system.
Ideologies also identify themselves by their position on the political spectrum (such as the left, the center or the
right), though this is very often controversial. Finally, ideologies can be distinguished from political strategies (e.g.
populism) and from single issues that a party may be built around (e.g. legalization of marijuana). Philosopher
Michael Oakeshott provides a good definition of ideology as "the formalized abridgment of the supposed
sub-stratum of the rational truth contained in the tradition."
Studies of the concept of ideology itself (rather than specific ideologies) have been carried out under the name of
systematic ideology.
Political ideologies are concerned with many different aspects of a society, some of which are: the economy,
education, health care, labor law, criminal law, the justice system, the provision of social security and social welfare,
trade, the environment, minors, immigration, race, use of the military, patriotism, and established religion.
There are many proposed methods for the classification of political ideologies. See the political spectrum article for
a more in-depth discussion of these different methods (each of whom generates a specific political spectrum).
Today, many commentators claim that we are living in a post-ideological age,
[11]
in which redemptive,
all-encompassing ideologies have failed, and this is often associated with Francis Fukuyama's writings on "the end of
history".
[12]
LANGUAGE & IDEOLOGY Andrew Goatly, the contemporary cognitive scholar? reminds us in his 'Washing the
Brain' (2007) that ideologies are always maitained in language. Resisting ideolologies involves resisting the
conceptual metaphors which an ideology adopts and imposes upon us, Goatly argues, following George Lakoff and
his critique of conceptual metaphors in contemporary politics. But does ideology take root in language or in
languages? James W. Underhill, in 'Creating Worldviews: ideology, metaphor & language' (2011, Edinburgh UP)
investigates the way ideolgies encrust within different languages, harnessing key concepts such as 'the people' and
'struggle' and 'history'. But he also demonstrates the way Czechs resisted the conceptual constraints being foisted
upon them, and the way Germans resisted the Hitlerdeutsch being promoted by the fascists. These studies are
revealing in that they show that ideologies must take root within the worldview of the language, but, at the same
time, individuals resist the appropriation of concepts and the new emerging patterns of thought by thinking, speaking
and writing. Propaganda belongs to the Party and the State, but, to a large extent, the language always belongs to the
people. Underhill's multilingual studies of key concepts, truth, love, hate & war, (in 'Ethnolinguistics & Cultural
Concepts', Cambridge UP 2012) investigate the uniqueness of each of these concepts in different languages (English,
French, German and Czech). These studies also trace the ways in which ideological discourse spreads to other
languages via translation (see the spread of neoconservative worldview and the discourse of the War on Terror).
Ideology
198
Epistemological ideologies
Even when the challenging of existing beliefs is encouraged, as in scientific theories, the dominant paradigm or
mindset can prevent certain challenges, theories, or experiments from being advanced.
A special case of science adopted as ideology is that of ecology, which studies the relationships among living things
on Earth. Perceptual psychologist James J. Gibson believed that human perception of ecological relationships was
the basis of self-awareness and cognition itself. Linguist George Lakoff has proposed a cognitive science of
mathematics wherein even the most fundamental ideas of arithmetic would be seen as consequences or products of
human perceptionwhich is itself necessarily evolved within an ecology.
Deep ecology and the modern ecology movement (and, to a lesser degree, Green parties) appear to have adopted
ecological sciences as a positive ideology.
Some accuse ecological economics of likewise turning scientific theory into political economy, although theses in
that science can often be tested. The modern practice of green economics fuses both approaches and seems to be part
science, part ideology.
This is far from the only theory of economics to be raised to ideology statussome notable economically based
ideologies include mercantilism, mixed economy, social Darwinism, communism, laissez-faire economics, and free
trade. There are also current theories of safe trade and fair trade which can be seen as ideologies.
Psychological research
Psychological research
[13]
increasingly suggests that ideologies reflect motivational processes, as opposed to the
view that political convictions always reflect independent and unbiased thinking. Research in 2008
[13]
proposed that
ideologies may function as prepackaged units of interpretation that spread because of basic human motives to
understand the world, avoid existential threat, and maintain valued interpersonal relationships. The authors conclude
that such motives may lead disproportionately to the adoption of system-justifying worldviews. Psychologists have
generally found that personality traits, individual difference variables, needs, and ideological beliefs seem to have a
common thread.
Ideology and semiotic theory
According to the semiotician Bob Hodge, ideology "identifies a unitary object that incorporates complex sets of
meanings with the social agents and processes that produced them. No other term captures this object as well as
'ideology'. Foucault's 'episteme' is too narrow and abstract, not social enough. His 'discourse', popular because it
covers some of ideology's terrain with less baggage, is too confined to verbal systems. 'Worldview' is too
metaphysical, 'propaganda' too loaded. Despite or because of its contradictions, 'ideology' still plays a key role in
semiotics oriented to social, political life".
[14]
Authors such as Michael Freeden have also recently incorporated a
semantic analysis to the study of ideologies.
Ideology
199
Notes
[1] Kennedy, Emmet (1979) "Ideology" from Destutt De Tracy to Marx, Journal of the History of Ideas, Vol. 40, No. 3 (Jul.Sep., 1979), pp.
353-368 (article consists of 16 pages) http:/ / www.jstor. org/ pss/ 2709242
[2] Hart, David M. (2002) Destutt De Tracy: Annotated Bibliography http:/ / www. econlib. org/ library/ Tracy/ DestuttdeTracyBio. html
[3] De Tracy, Destutt (1801) Les lments d'idologie, 3rd ed. (1817), p. 4, cited by: Mannheim, Karl (1929) Ideologie und Utopie, 2nd footnote
in the chapter The problem of "false consciousness"
[4] Eagleton, Terry (1991) Ideology. An introduction, Verso, pg. 2
[5] Tucker, Robert C (1978). The Marx-Engels Reader, W. W. Norton & Company, pg. 3.
[6] Marx, MER, pg. 154
[7] Susan Silbey, "Ideology" (http:/ / www.credoreference. com/ entry/ cupsoc/ ideology) at Cambridge Dictionary of Sociology.
[8] Blattberg, Charles, "Political Philosophies and Political Ideologies," in Patriotic Elaborations: Essays in Practical Philosophy, Montreal and
Kingston: McGill-Queen's University Press, 2009. (http:/ / papers. ssrn. com/ sol3/ papers. cfm?abstract_id=1755117)
[9] http:/ / www. ideologieforschung.de/ web/ Christian_Duncker. html
[10] Clark, B. (1998). Political economy: A comparative approach. Westport, CT: Preager.
[11] Bell, D. The End of Ideology: On the Exhaustion of Political Ideas in the Fifties (2000) (2nd ed.). Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University
Press, pg. 393
[12] Fukuyama, F. (1992)The End of History and the Last Man. USA: The Free Press, xi
[13] Jost, John T., Ledgerwood, Alison, & Hardin, Curtis D. (2008). Shared reality, system justification, and the relational basis of ideological
beliefs. Social and Personality Psychology Compass, 2,171-186
[14] Bob Hodge, "Ideology" (http:/ / www.semioticon.com/ seo/ I/ ideology. html#), at Semiotics Encyclopedia Online.
References
Christian Duncker (Hg.): Ideologiekritik Aktuell Ideologies Today. Bd. 1. London 2008, (http:/ /
ideologieforschung. de/ web/ Welcome. html). ISBN 978-1-84790-015-9
Christian Duncker (http:/ / www. philosophieportal. net/ Ideologiekritik. htm): Kritische Reflexionen Des
Ideologiebegriffes, 2006, ISBN 1-903343-88-7
Minar, David M. (1961) "Ideology and Political Behavior", Midwest Journal of Political Science. Midwest
Political Science Association.
Mullins, Willard A. (1972) "On the Concept of Ideology in Political Science." The American Political Science
Review. American Political Science Association.
Pinker, Steven. (2002) "The Blank Slate: The Modern Denial of Human Nature." New York: Penguin Group, Inc.
ISBN 0-670-03151-8
Further reading
Marx, Karl ([1845-46] 1932) The German Ideology (http:/ / www. marxists. org/ archive/ marx/ works/ 1845/
german-ideology/ index. htm)
Lukcs, Georg (191923) History and Class Consciousness (http:/ / www. marxists. org/ archive/ lukacs/ works/
history/ index. htm)
Mannheim, Karl (1936) Ideology and Utopia Routledge
Althusser, Louis (1971) 'Ideology and Ideological State Apparatuses' Lenin and Philosophy and Other Essays
Monthly Review Press ISBN 1583670394
Minogue, Kenneth (1985) Alien Powers: The Pure Theory of Ideology, Palgrave Macmillan, ISBN 0-312-01860-6
Zizek, Slavoj (1989) The Sublime Object of Ideology Verso ISBN 0-86091-97-14 (http:/ / www. amazon. com/
Sublime-Object-Ideology-Phronesis/ dp/ 0860919714)
Eagleton, Terry (1991) Ideology. An introduction, Verso, ISBN 0-86091-319-8
Ellul, Jacques. Propaganda: The Formation of Men's Attitudes. Trans. Konrad Kellen & Jean Lerner. New York:
Knopf, 1965. New York: Random House/ Vintage 1973
Freeden, Michael. 1996. Ideologies and Political Theory: A Conceptual Approach. Oxford: Oxford University
Press. ISBN 978-0198294146 (http:/ / www. oup. com/ us/ catalog/ general/ subject/ Politics/ PoliticalTheory/
ContemporaryPoliticalThought/ ?view=usa& ci=9780198294146)
Ideology
200
Hawkes, David (2003) Ideology (2nd ed.), Routledge, ISBN 0-415-29012-0
Sorce Keller, Marcello. Why is Music so Ideological, Why Do Totalitarian States Take It So Seriously: A
Personal View from History, and the Social Sciences, Journal of Musicological Research, XXVI(2007), no. 2-3,
pp.91122.
Malesevic, Sinisa and Iain Mackenzie (ed). Ideology after Poststructuralism. London: Pluto Press.
Owen, John (2011) "The Clash of Ideas in World Politics: Transnational Networks, States, and Regime Change,
1510-2010" (http:/ / www. themontrealreview. com/ 2009/ The-clash-of-ideas-in-world-politics-john-owen. php),
Princeton University Press, ISBN 0691142394
External links
Ideology Study Guide (http:/ / www. autodidactproject. org/ guidideo. html)
Louis Althusser's "Ideology and Ideological State Apparatuses" (http:/ / www. marx2mao. com/ Other/ LPOE70ii.
html#s5)
Ideology and Symbolic Power: Between Althusser and Bourdieu (http:/ / dostoevskiansmiles. blogspot. com/
2009/ 06/ ideology-and-symbolic-power-between. html)
201
International relations
International relations
International relations (IR) (occasionally referred to as international studies (IS)) is the study of relationships
between countries, including the roles of states, inter-governmental organizations (IGOs), international
nongovernmental organizations (INGOs), non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and multinational corporations
(MNCs). It is both an academic and public policy field, and can be either positive or normative as it both seeks to
analyze as well as formulate the foreign policy of particular states. It is often considered a branch of political science
(especially after 1988 UNESCO nomenclature), but an important sector of academia prefer to treat it as an
interdisciplinary field of study. Aspects of international relations have been studied for thousands of years, since the
time of Thucydides, but IR became a separate and definable discipline in the early 20th century.
[1]
Apart from political science, IR draws upon such diverse fields as economics, history, international law, philosophy,
geography, social work, sociology, anthropology, psychology, women's studies/gender studies, and cultural studies /
culturology. It involves a diverse range of issues including but not limited to: globalization, state sovereignty,
international security, ecological sustainability, nuclear proliferation, nationalism, economic development, global
finance, terrorism, organized crime, human security, foreign interventionism and human rights.
History
The history of international relations can be traced thousands of years ago; Barry Buzan and Richard Little, for
example, consider the interaction of ancient Sumerian city-states, starting in 3,500 BC, as the first fully-fledged
international system.
[2]
The history of international relations based on nation-states is often traced back to the Peace of Westphalia of 1648,
where the modern state system was developed. Prior to this, the European medieval organization of political
authority was based on a vaguely hierarchical religious order. Westphalia instituted the legal concept of sovereignty,
that didn't exist in classical and medieval times, which essentially meant that rulers, or the legitimate sovereigns, had
no internal equals within a defined territory and no external superiors as the ultimate authority within the territory's
sovereign borders. A simple way to view this is that sovereignty says, "I'm not allowed to tell you what to do and
you are not allowed to tell me what to do."
Westphalia encouraged the rise of the independent nation-state, the institutionalization of diplomacy and armies.
This particular European system was exported to the Americas, Africa, and Asia via colonialism and the "standards
of civilization". The contemporary international system was finally established through decolonization during the
Cold War. However, this is somewhat over-simplified. While the nation-state system is considered "modern", many
states have not incorporated the system and are termed "pre-modern".
Further, a handful of states have moved beyond the nation-state system and can be considered "post-modern". The
ability of contemporary IR discourse to explain the relations of these different types of states is disputed. "Levels of
analysis" is a way of looking at the international system, which includes the individual level, the domestic
nation-state as a unit, the international level of transnational and intergovernmental affairs, and the global level.
What is explicitly recognized as International Relations theory was not developed until after World War I, and is
dealt with in more detail below. IR theory, however, has a long tradition of drawing on the work of other social
sciences. The use of capitalizations of the "I" and "R" in International Relations aims to distinguish the academic
discipline of International Relations from the phenomena of international relations. Many cite Sun Tzu's The Art of
War (6th century BC), Thucydides' History of the Peloponnesian War (5th century BC), Chanakya's Arthashastra
International relations
202
(4th century BC), as the inspiration for realist theory, with Hobbes' Leviathan and Machiavelli's The Prince
providing further elaboration.
Similarly, liberalism draws upon the work of Kant and Rousseau, with the work of the former often being cited as
the first elaboration of democratic peace theory. Though contemporary human rights is considerably different than
the type of rights envisioned under natural law, Francisco de Vitoria, Hugo Grotius and John Locke offered the first
accounts of universal entitlement to certain rights on the basis of common humanity. In the twentieth century, in
addition to contemporary theories of liberal internationalism, Marxism has been a foundation of international
relations.
Study of IR
Flags of the member states of the United Nations
Initially, international relations as a distinct field of study was almost
entirely British-centered. IR only emerged as a formal academic
discipline in 1918 with the founding of the first chair (professorship)
in IR - the Woodrow Wilson Chair at Aberystwyth, University of
Wales (now Aberystwyth University
[3]
), from an endowment given by
David Davies, became the first academic position dedicated to IR. This
was rapidly followed by establishment of IR at US universities and
Geneva, Switzerland. In the early 1920s, the London School of
Economics' department of International Relations was founded at the
behest of Nobel Peace Prize winner Philip Noel-Baker.
The first university entirely dedicated to the study of IR was the Graduate Institute of International Studies (now the
Graduate Institute of International and Development Studies), which was founded in 1927 to form diplomats
associated to the League of Nations, established in Geneva some years before. The Graduate Institute of
International Studies offered one of the first Ph.D. degrees in international relations. Georgetown University's
Edmund A. Walsh School of Foreign Service is the oldest international relations faculty in the United States,
founded in 1919. The Committee on International Relations at the University of Chicago was the first to offer a
graduate degree, in 1928.
Theory
Epistemology and IR theory
IR theories can be roughly divided into one of two epistemological camps: "positivist" and "post-positivist".
Positivist theories aim to replicate the methods of the natural sciences by analysing the impact of material forces.
They typically focus on features of international relations such as state interactions, size of military forces, balance
of powers etc. Post-positivist epistemology rejects the idea that the social world can be studied in an objective and
value-free way. It rejects the central ideas of neo-realism/liberalism, such as rational choice theory, on the grounds
that the scientific method cannot be applied to the social world and that a 'science' of IR is impossible.
A key difference between the two positions is that while positivist theories, such as neo-realism, offer causal
explanations (such as why and how power is exercised), post-positivist theories focus instead on constitutive
questions, for instance what is meant by 'power'; what makes it up, how it is experienced and how it is reproduced.
Often, post-positivist theories explicitly promote a normative approach to IR, by considering ethics. This is
something which has often been ignored under 'traditional' IR as positivist theories make a distinction between 'facts'
and normative judgments, or 'values'.
During the late 1980s/1990 debate between positivists and post-positivists became the dominant debate and has been
described as constituting the Third "Great Debate" (Lapid 1989).
International relations
203
Positivist Theories
Realism
Realism focuses on state security and power above all else. Early realists such as E.H. Carr and Hans Morgenthau
argued that states are self-interested, power-seeking rational actors, who seek to maximize their security and chances
of survival. Cooperation between states is a way to maximize each individual state's security (as opposed to more
idealistic reasons). Similarly, any act of war must be based on self-interest, rather than on idealism. Many realists
saw World War II as the vindication of their theory.
It should be noted that classical writers such as Thucydides, Machiavelli, Hobbes and Theodore Roosevelt, are often
cited as "founding fathers" of realism by contemporary self-described realists. However, while their work may
support realist doctrine, it is not likely that they would have classified themselves as realists (in this sense of the
term). Realists are often split up into two groups: Classical or Human Nature Realists (as described here) and
Structural or Neorealists (below).
Political realism believes that politics, like society in general, is governed by objective laws that have their roots in
human nature. To improve society, it is first necessary to understand the laws by which society lives. The operation
of these laws being impervious to our preferences, persons will challenge them only at the risk of failure. Realism,
believing as it does in the objectivity of the laws of politics, must also believe in the possibility of developing a
rational theory that reflects, however imperfectly and one-sidedly, these objective laws. It believes also, then, in the
possibility of distinguishing in politics between truth and opinion-between what is true objectively and rationally,
supported by evidence and illuminated by reason, and what is only a subjective judgment, divorced from the facts as
they are and informed by prejudice and wishful thinking.
The placement of Realism under positivism is far from unproblematic however. E.H. Carr's 'What is History' was a
deliberate critique of positivism, and Hans Morgenthau's aim in 'Scientific Man vs Power Politics' - as the title
implies - was to demolish any conception that international politics/power politics can be studied scientifically.
Liberalism/idealism/Liberal Internationalism
Liberal international relations theory arose after World War I in response to the inability of states to control and
limit war in their international relations. Early adherents include Woodrow Wilson and Norman Angell, who argued
vigorously that states mutually gained from cooperation and that war was so destructive to be essentially futile.
Liberalism was not recognized as a coherent theory as such until it was collectively and derisively termed idealism
by E. H. Carr. A new version of "idealism" that focused on human rights as the basis of the legitimacy of
international law was advanced by Hans Kchler.
Further information: liberal internationalism
Neoliberalism
Neoliberalism seeks to update liberalism by accepting the neorealist presumption that states are the key actors in
international relations, but still maintains that non-state actors (NSAs) and intergovernmental organizations (IGOs)
matter. Proponents such as Maria Chattha argue that states will cooperate irrespective of relative gains, and are thus
concerned with absolute gains. This also means that nations are, in essence, free to make their own choices as to how
they will go about conducting policy without any international organizations blocking a nation's right to sovereignty.
Neoliberalism also contains an economic theory that is based on the use of open and free markets with little, if any,
government intervention to prevent monopolies and other conglomerates from forming. The growing
interdependence throughout and after the Cold War through international institutions led to neo-liberalism being
defined as institutionalism, this new part of the theory being fronted by Robert Keohane and also Joseph Nye.
Further information: complex interdependence
International relations
204
Regime Theory
Regime theory is derived from the liberal tradition that argues that international institutions or regimes affect the
behavior of states (or other international actors). It assumes that cooperation is possible in the anarchic system of
states, indeed, regimes are by definition, instances of international cooperation.
While realism predicts that conflict should be the norm in international relations, regime theorists say that there is
cooperation despite anarchy. Often they cite cooperation in trade, human rights and collective security among other
issues. These instances of cooperation are regimes. The most commonly cited definition of regimes comes from
Stephen Krasner. Krasner defines regimes as "institutions possessing norms, decision rules, and procedures which
facilitate a convergence of expectations."
Not all approaches to regime theory, however are liberal or neoliberal; some realist scholars like Joseph Greico have
developed hybrid theories which take a realist based approach to this fundamentally liberal theory. (Realists do not
say cooperation never happens, just that it is not the norm; it is a difference of degree).
Post-positivist/reflectivist theories
International society theory (the English school)
International society theory, also called the English School, focuses on the shared norms and values of states and
how they regulate international relations. Examples of such norms include diplomacy, order, and international law.
Unlike neo-realism, it is not necessarily positivist. Theorists have focused particularly on humanitarian intervention,
and are subdivided between solidarists, who tend to advocate it more, and pluralists, who place greater value in order
and sovereignty. Nicholas Wheeler is a prominent solidarist, while Hedley Bull and Robert H. Jackson are perhaps
the best known pluralists.
Social Constructivism
Social Constructivism encompasses a broad range of theories that aim to address questions of ontology, such as the
Structure and agency debate, as well as questions of epistemology, such as the "material/ideational" debate that
concerns the relative role of material forces versus ideas. Constructivism is not a theory of IR in the manner of
neo-realism, but is instead a social theory which is used to better explain the actions taken by states and other major
actors as well as the identities that guide these states and actors.
Constructivism in IR can be divided into what Hopf (1998) calls 'conventional' and 'critical' constructivism.
Common to all varieties of constructivism is an interest in the role that ideational forces play. The most famous
constructivist scholar, Alexander Wendt noted in a 1992 article in International Organization (later followed up by a
book, Social Theory of International Politics (1999)), that "anarchy is what states make of it". By this he means that
the anarchical structure that neo-realists claim governs state interaction is in fact a phenomenon that is socially
constructed and reproduced by states.
For example, if the system is dominated by states that see anarchy as a life or death situation (what Wendt terms a
"Hobbesian" anarchy) then the system will be characterised by warfare. If on the other hand anarchy is seen as
restricted (a "Lockean" anarchy) then a more peaceful system will exist. Anarchy in this view is constituted by state
interaction, rather than accepted as a natural and immutable feature of international life as viewed by neo-realist IR
scholars.
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205
Critical Theory
Critical international relations theory is the application of 'critical theory' to international relations. Proponents
such as Andrew Linklater, Robert W. Cox and Ken Booth focus on the need for human emancipation from States.
Hence, it is "critical" of mainstream IR theories that tend to be state-centric.
Marxism
Marxist and Neo-Marxist theories of IR reject the realist/liberal view of state conflict or cooperation; instead
focusing on the economic and material aspects. It makes the assumption that the economy trumps other concerns;
allowing for the elevation of class as the focus of study. Marxists view the international system as an integrated
capitalist system in pursuit of capital accumulation. Thus, the period of colonialism brought in sources for raw
materials and captive markets for exports, while decolonialization brought new opportunities in the form of
dependence.
Linked in with Marxist theories is dependency theory which argues that developed countries, in their pursuit of
power, penetrate developing states through political advisors, missionaries, experts, and MNCs to integrate them into
the capitalist system in order to appropriate natural resources and foster dependence.
Marxist theories receive scant attention in the United States where no significant socialist party ever existed. It is
more common in parts of Europe and is one of the most important theoretic contributions of Latin American
academia, for example through Liberation theology.
Leadership Theories
Interest Group perspective
Interest Group theory posits that the driving force behind state behavior is sub-state interest groups. Examples of
interest groups include political lobbyists, the military, and the corporate sector. Group theory argues that although
these interest groups are constitutive of the state, they are also causal forces in the exercise of state power.
Strategic Perspective
Strategic Perspective is a theoretical approach that views individuals as choosing their actions by taking into account
the anticipated actions and responses of others with the intention of maximizing their own welfare.
Inherent bad faith model in international relations and political psychology
Further information: Bad faithandinherent bad faith model
The "inherent bad faith model" of information processing is a theory in political psychology that was first put forth
by Ole Holsti to explain the relationship between John Foster Dulles beliefs and his model of information
processing.
[4]
It is the most widely studied model of one's opponent.
[5]
A state is presumed to be implacably hostile,
and contra-indicators of this are ignored. They are dismissed as propaganda ploys or signs of weakness. Examples
are John Foster Dulles position regarding the Soviet Union, or Israels initial position on the Palestinian Liberation
Organization.
[6]
Poststructuralist theories
Poststructuralist theories of IR developed in the 1980s from postmodernist studies in political science.
Post-structuralism explores the deconstruction of concepts traditionally not problematic in IR, such as 'power' and
'agency' and examines how the construction of these concepts shapes international relations. The examination of
'narratives' plays an important part in poststructuralist analysis, for example feminist poststructuralist work has
examined the role that 'women' play in global society and how they are constructed in war as 'innocent' and
'civilians'.
International relations
206
Examples of post-positivist research include:
Feminisms ("gendering" war)
Postcolonialism (challenges the euro-centrism of IR)
Post-realism (focuses on IR theory as scientific and political rhetoric)
Concepts in international relations
Conjuncture
In decision making in international relations, the concept of Conjuncture (international relations), together with
freedom of action and equality are important elements. Decision makers must take into account the set of
international conditions in taking initiatives that would create different types of responses.
Systemic level concepts
International relations is often viewed in terms of levels of analysis. The systemic level concepts are those broad
concepts that define and shape an international milieu, characterised by Anarchy.
Power
Darkest blue countries most often considered to be superpowers, dark blue
countries most often considered to be great powers, pale blue countries most often
considered to be middle powers, and palest blue countries also sometimes
considered to be middle powers.
[7]
The concept of power in international
relations can be described as the degree of
resources, capabilities, and influence in
international affairs. It is often divided up
into the concepts of hard power and soft
power, hard power relating primarily to
coercive power, such as the use of force, and
soft power commonly covering economics,
diplomacy and cultural influence. However,
there is no clear dividing line between the
two forms of power.
Polarity
Polarity in International Relations refers to the arrangement of power within the international system. The concept
arose from bipolarity during the Cold War, with the international system dominated by the conflict between two
superpowers, and has been applied retrospectively by theorists. However, the term bipolar was notably used by
Stalin who said he saw the international system as a bipolar one with two opposing powerbases and ideologies.
Consequently, the international system prior to 1945 can be described as multi-polar, with power being shared
among Great powers.
International relations
207
Empires of the world in 1910.
The collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991
had led to what some would call unipolarity,
with the United States as a sole superpower.
However, due to China's continued rapid
economic growth (in 2010 it became the
world's second largest economy), combined
with the respectable international position
they hold within political spheres and the
power that the Chinese Government exerts
over their people (consisting of the largest
population in the world), there is debate over whether China is now a superpower or a possible candidate in the
future.
Several theories of international relations draw upon the idea of polarity.
The balance of power was a concept prevalent in Europe prior to the First World War, the thought being that by
balancing power blocs it would create stability and prevent war. Theories of the balance of power gained prominence
again during the Cold War, being a central mechanism of Kenneth Waltz's Neorealism. Here, the concepts of
balancing (rising in power to counter another) and bandwagonning (siding with another) are developed.
Hegemonic stability theory (developed by Robert Gilpin) also draws upon the idea of Polarity, specifically the state
of unipolarity. Hegemony is the preponderance of power at one pole in the international system, and the theory
argues this is a stable configuration because of mutual gains by both the dominant power and others in the
international system. This is contrary to many Neorealist arguments, particularly made by Kenneth Waltz, stating
that the end of the Cold War and the state of unipolarity is an unstable configuration that will inevitably change.
This can be expressed in Power transition theory, which states that it is likely that a great power would challenge a
hegemon after a certain period, resulting in a major war. It suggests that while hegemony can control the occurrence
of wars, it also results in the creation of one. Its main proponent, A.F.K. Organski, argued this based on the
occurrence of previous wars during British, Portuguese and Dutch hegemony.
Interdependence
Many advocate that the current international system is characterized by growing interdependence; the mutual
responsibility and dependency on others. Advocates of this point to growing globalization, particularly with
international economic interaction. The role of international institutions, and widespread acceptance of a number of
operating principles in the international system, reinforces ideas that relations are characterized by interdependence.
Dependency
NATO International Security Assistance Force in
Afghanistan.
Dependency theory is a theory most commonly associated with
Marxism, stating that a set of Core states exploit a set of weaker
Periphery states for their prosperity. Various versions of the theory
suggest that this is either an inevitability (standard dependency theory),
or use the theory to highlight the necessity for change (Neo-Marxist).
Systemic tools of international relations
Diplomacy is the practice of communication and negotiation
between representatives of states. To some extent, all other tools of
international relations can be considered the failure of diplomacy.
International relations
208
Keeping in mind, the use of other tools are part of the communication and negotiation inherent within diplomacy.
Sanctions, force, and adjusting trade regulations, while not typically considered part of diplomacy, are actually
valuable tools in the interest of leverage and placement in negotiations.
Sanctions are usually a first resort after the failure of diplomacy, and are one of the main tools used to enforce
treaties. They can take the form of diplomatic or economic sanctions and involve the cutting of ties and
imposition of barriers to communication or trade.
War, the use of force, is often thought of as the ultimate tool of international relations. A widely accepted
definition is that given by Clausewitz, with war being "the continuation of politics by other means". There is a
growing study into 'new wars' involving actors other than states. The study of war in International Relations is
covered by the disciplines of 'War Studies' and 'Strategic studies'.
The mobilization of international shame can also be thought of as a tool of International Relations. This is
attempting to alter states' actions through 'naming and shaming' at the international level. This is mostly done by
the large human rights NGOs such as Amnesty International (for instance when it called Guantanamo Bay a
"Gulag"),
[8]
or Human Rights Watch. A prominent use of was the UN Commission on Human Rights 1235
procedure, which publicly exposes state's human rights violations. The current Human Rights Council has yet to
use this Mechanism
The allotment of economic and/or diplomatic benefits. An example of this is the European Union's enlargement
policy. Candidate countries are allowed entry into the EU only after the fulfillment of the Copenhagen criteria.
Unit-level concepts in international relations
As a level of analysis the unit level is often referred to as the state level, as it locates its explanation at the level of
the state, rather than the international system.
Regime type
It is often considered that a state's form of government can dictate the way that a state interacts with others in the
international system.
Democratic Peace Theory is a theory that suggests that the nature of democracy means that democratic countries
will not go to war with each other. The justifications for this are that democracies externalise their norms and only go
to war for just causes, and that democracy encourages mutual trust and respect.
Communism justifies a world revolution, which similarly would lead to peaceful coexistence, based on a proletarian
global society.
Revisionism/Status quo
States can be classified by whether they accept the international status quo, or are revisionist, i.e. want change.
Revisionist states seek to fundamentally change the rules and practices of international relations, feeling
disadvantaged by the status quo. They see the international system as a largely western creation which serves to
reinforce current realities. Japan is an example of a state that has gone from being a revisionist state to one that is
satisfied with the status quo, because the status quo is now beneficial to it.
International relations
209
Religion
It is often considered that religion can have an effect on the way a state acts within the international system. Religion
is visible as an organising principle particularly for Islamic states, whereas secularism sits at the other end of the
spectrum, with the separation of state and religion being responsible for the Liberal international relations theory.
Individual or sub-unit level concepts
The level beneath the unit (state) level can be useful both for explaining factors in International Relations that other
theories fail to explain, and for moving away from a state-centric view of international relations.
Psychological factors in International Relations - Evaluating psychological factors in international relations
comes from the understanding that a state is not a 'black box' as proposed by Realism, and that there may be other
influences on foreign policy decisions. Examining the role of personalities in the decision making process can
have some explanatory power, as can the role of misperception between various actors. A prominent application
of sub-unit level psychological factors in international relations is the concept of Groupthink, another is the
propensity of policymakers to think in terms of analogies.
Bureaucratic politics - Looks at the role of the bureaucracy in decision making, and sees decisions as a result of
bureaucratic in-fighting, and as having been shaped by various constraints.
Religious, Ethnic, and secessionist groups - Viewing these aspects of the sub-unit level has explanatory power
with regards to ethnic conflicts, religious wars, transnational diaspora (diaspora politics) and other actors which
do not consider themselves to fit with the defined state boundaries. This is particularly useful in the context of the
pre-modern world of weak states.
Science, Technology and International Relations- How science and technology impact the global health,
business, environment, technology, and development.
International political economy, and economic factors in international relations.
[9]
International political culturology Looks at how culture and cultural variables impact in international
relations
[10]

[11]
.
[12]
Institutions in international relations
The United Nations Secretariat
Building at the United Nations
headquarters in New York City.
International institutions form a vital part of contemporary International
Relations. Much interaction at the system level is governed by them, and they
outlaw some traditional institutions and practices of International Relations, such
as the use of war (except in self-defence).
As humanity enters the Planetary phase of civilization, some scientists and
political theorists see a global hierarchy of institutions replacing the existing
system of sovereign nation-states as the primary political community. They argue
that nations are an imagined community that cannot resolve such modern
challenges as the Dogville effect (strangers in a homogeneous community), the
legal and political status of stateless people and refugees, and the need to address
worldwide concerns like climate change and pandemics.
Futurist Paul Raskin has hypothesized that a new, more legitimate form of global
politics could be based on constrained pluralism. This principle guides the
formation of institutions based on three characteristics: irreducibility, where
some issues must be adjudicated at the global level; subsidiarity, which limits the scope of global authority to truly
global issues while smaller-scope issues are regulated at lower levels; and heterogeneity, which allows for diverse
forms of local and regional institutions as long as they meet global obligations.
International relations
210
Generalist Inter-State Organizations
United Nations
The United Nations (UN) is an international organization that describes itself as a "global association of
governments facilitating co-operation in international law, international security, economic development, and social
equity"; It is the most prominent international institution. Many of the legal institutions follow the same
organizational structure as the UN.
African Union
ASEAN
Arab League
CIS
European Union
G8
G20
League of Nations
Organization of American States
Economic institutions
The World Bank headquarters in Washington,
D.C.
Asian Development Bank
African Development Bank
Inter-American Development Bank
International Monetary Fund
World Bank
World Trade Organization
International legal bodies
Human rights
European Court of Human Rights
Human Rights Committee
Inter-American Court of Human Rights
International Criminal Court
International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda
International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia
United Nations Human Rights Council
International relations
211
Legal
African Court of Justice
European Court of Justice
International Court of Justice
International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea
Regional security arrangements
NATO E-3A flying with USAF F-16s in a NATO
exercise.
CSCAP
GUAM
Maritime security regime
NATO
SCO
SAARC
UNASUR
References
Notes
[1] Columbia Encyclopedia: international relations
[2] Barry Buzan, Richard Little. International Systems in World History: Remaking the Study of International Relations. published 2000
[3] http:/ / www. aber. ac. uk/ en/ interpol/ Department of International Politics, Aberystwyth University
[4] The Inherent Bad Fatih Model Reconsidered: Dulles, Kennedy, and Kissinger, Douglas Stuart and Harvey Starr, Political Psychology,
(http:/ / www. jstor.org/ pss/ 3791139)
[5] the most widely studied is the inherent bad faith model of ones opponent...", The handbook of social psychology, Volumes 1-2, edited by
Daniel T. Gilbert, Susan T. Fiske, Gardner Lindzey
[6] the most widely studied is the inherent bad faith model of ones opponent, The handbook of social psychology, Volumes 1-2, edited by
Daniel T. Gilbert, Susan T. Fiske, Gardner Lindzey
[7] Adam Chapnick, The Middle Power (http:/ / post.queensu. ca/ ~nossalk/ pols369/ readings/ chapnick_middle. pdf).
[8] http:/ / www. amnesty. org/ en/ library/ info/ POL10/ 014/ 2005/ en>
[9] Eg, Donald Markwell, John Maynard Keynes and International Relations: Economic Paths to War and Peace, Oxford University Press,
2006. Donald Markwell, Keynes and International Economic and Political Relations, Trinity Paper 33, Trinity College, University of
Melbourne. (http:/ / www. trinity. unimelb. edu. au/ publications/ trinity_papers/ paper33)
[10] [[Fabrice Rivault (http:/ / www.culturology. com/ definition/ )], (1999) Culturologie Politique Internationale : Une approche systmique et
matrialiste de la culture et du systme social global, McGill Dissertation, Montral, publie par Culturology Press]
[11] Xintian, Yu (2005) Cultural Factors In International Relations, Chinese Philosophical Studies. (http:/ / www. crvp. org/ book/ Series03/
III-21/ chapter-1. htm)
[12] Xintian, Yu (2009),"Combining Research on Cultural Theory and International Relations"
Further reading
Theory
Norman Angell The Great Illusion (London: Heinemann, 1910)
Hedley Bull Anarchical Society (New York: Columbia University Press, 1977)
Robert Cooper The Post-Modern State
Goodin, Robert E., and Hans-Dieter Klingemann, eds. A New Handbook of Political Science (1998) ch 16-19 pp
40178 excerpt and text search (http:/ / www. amazon. com/ dp/ 0198294719/ )
Robert Keohane After Hegemony
Hans Kchler, Democracy and the International Rule of Law. Vienna/New York: Springer, 1995
Andrew Linklater Men and citizens in the theory of international relations
Reinhold Niebuhr Moral Man and Immoral Society 1932
International relations
212
Joseph Nye Soft Power: The Means to Success in World Politics, Public Affairs Ltd 2004
Paul Raskin The Great Transition Today: A Report from the Future
J. Ann Tickner Gender in International Relations (New York: Columbia University Press, 1992)
Kenneth Waltz Man, the State, and War
Kenneth Waltz Theory of International Politics (1979), examines the foundation of By Bar
Michael Walzer Just and Unjust Wars 1977
Alexander Wendt Social Theory of International Politics 1999
J. Martin Rochester (http:/ / www. umsl. edu/ ~polisci/ faculty/ profiles. html) Fundamental Principles of
International Relations (http:/ / www. amazon. com/ dp/ 0813344182) (Westview Press, 2010)
Textbooks
Baylis, John, Steve Smith, and Patricia Owens. The Globalization of World Politics: An Introduction to
International Relations (2011)
Mingst, Karen A., and Ivan M. Arregun-Toft. Essentials of International Relations (5tyh ed. 2010)
Nau, Henry R. Perspectives on International Relations: Power, Institutions, Ideas (2008)
Roskin, Michael G., and Nicholas O. Berry. IR: The New World of International Relations (8th ed. 2009)
History of international relations
New Cambridge Modern History (13 vol 1957-79), thorough coverage from 1500 to 1900
Black, Jeremy. A History of Diplomacy (2010)
Calvocoressi, Peter. World Politics since 1945 (9th Edition, 2008) 956pp excerpt and text search (http:/ / www.
amazon. com/ dp/ 1405899387/ )
E. H. Carr Twenty Years Crisis (1940), 191939
Kennedy, Paul. The Rise and Fall of the Great Powers Economic Change and Military Conflict From 1500-2000
(1987), stress on economic and military factors
Kissinger, Henry. Diplomacy (1995), not a memoir but an interpretive history of international diplomacy since the
late 18th century
Schroeder, Paul W. The Transformation of European Politics 1763-1848 (Oxford History of Modern Europe)
(1994) 920pp; history and analysis of major diplomacy
Taylor, A.J.P. The Struggle for Mastery in Europe 18481918 (1954) (Oxford History of Modern Europe) 638pp;
history and analysis of major diplomacy
International relations theory
213
International relations theory
This article refers to the theoretical discipline. For international studies see International relations
International relations theory is the study of international relations from a theoretical perspective; it attempts to
provide a conceptual framework upon which international relations can be analyzed.
[1]
Ole Holsti describes
international relations theories act as a pair of coloured sunglasses, allowing the wearer to see only the salient events
relevant to the theory. An adherent of realism may completely disregard an event that a constructivist might pounce
upon as crucial, and vice versa. The three most popular theories are realism, liberalism and constructivism.
[2]
International relations theories can be divided into "positivist/rationalist" theories which focus on a principally
state-level analysis, and "post-positivist/reflectivist" ones which incorporate expanded meanings of security, ranging
from class, to gender, to postcolonial security. Many often conflicting ways of thinking exist in IR theory, including
constructivism, institutionalism, Marxism, neo-Gramscianism, and others. However, two positivist schools of
thought are most prevalent: realism and liberalism; though increasingly, constructivism is becoming mainstream
[3]
and postpositivist theories are increasingly popular, particularly outside the United States.
Introduction
Further information: Great Debates (international relations theory)
The study of International relations as theory can be traced to E.H. Carr's "The Twenty Years' Crisis" which was
published in 1939 and to Hans Morgenthau's "Politics Among Nations" published in 1948.
[4]
International relations
as a discipline is believed to have emerged after the First World War with the establishment of a Chair of
International Relations at the University of Wales, Aberystwyth.
[5]
Early international relations scholarship in the
Interwar years focused on the need for the balance of power system to be replaced with a system of collective
security. These thinkers were later described as "Idealists".
[6]
The leading critique of this school of thinking was the
"realist" analysis offered by Carr.
International relations theory
214
Realism
Further information: Classical realism in international relations theory,Neorealism (international
relations),Offensive realism,Defensive realism,Liberal realism,Neoclassical realism,Postclassical
realism,Relative gains,andAbsolute gains
Thucydides author of The Peloponnesian War is
considered one of the earliest "realist"
thinkers.
[7]
Realism or political realism
[8]
has been the dominant theory of
international relations since the conception of the discipline.
[9]
The
theory claims to rely upon an ancient tradition of thought which
includes writers such as Thucydides, Machiavelli, and Rousseau. Early
realism can be characterized as a reaction against interwar idealist
thinking. The outbreak of World War II was seen by realists as
evidence of the deficiencies of idealist thinking. There are various
strands of modern day realist thinking. However, the main tenets of the
theory have been identified as statism, survival, and self-help.
[9]
Statism: Realists believe that nation states are the main actors in
international politics.
[10]
As such it is a state-centric theory of
international relations. This contrasts with liberal international
relations theories which accommodate roles for non-state actors and
international institutions. This difference is sometimes expressed by
describing a realist world view as one which sees nation states as
billiard balls, liberals would consider relationships between states to
be more of a cobweb.
Survival: Realists believe that the international system is governed
by anarchy, meaning that there is no central authority.
[8]
Therefore,
international politics is a struggle for power between self-interested
states.
[11]
Self-help: Realists believe that no other nation states can be relied
upon to help guarantee the state's survival.
Realism makes several key assumptions. It assumes that nation-states are unitary, geographically-based actors in an
anarchic international system with no authority above capable of regulating interactions between states as no true
authoritative world government exists. Secondly, it assumes that sovereign states, rather than IGOs, NGOs or MNCs,
are the primary actors in international affairs. Thus, states, as the highest order, are in competition with one another.
As such, a state acts as a rational autonomous actor in pursuit of its own self-interest with a primary goal to maintain
and ensure its own securityand thus its sovereignty and survival. Realism holds that in pursuit of their interests,
states will attempt to amass resources, and that relations between states are determined by their relative levels of
power. That level of power is in turn determined by the state's military and economic capabilities.
Some realists (human nature realists)
[12]
believe that states are inherently aggressive, that territorial expansion is
constrained only by opposing powers, while others (offensive/defensive realists)
[13]
believe that states are obsessed
with the security and continuation of the state's existence. The defensive view can lead to a security dilemma where
increasing one's own security can bring along greater instability as the opponent(s) builds up its own arms, making
security a zero-sum game where only relative gains can be made.
International relations theory
215
Neorealism
Further information: Anarchy in international relationsandNeo-neo synthesis
Neorealism or structural realism
[14]
is a development of realism advanced by Kenneth Waltz in Theory of
International Politics. It is, however, only one strand of neorealism. Joseph Grieco has combined neo-realist thinking
with more traditional realists. This strand of theory is sometimes called "modern realism".
[15]
Waltz's neorealism
contends that the effect of structure must be taken into account in explaining state behavior. Structure is defined
twofold as a) the ordering principle of the international system which is anarchy and b) the distribution of
capabilities across units. Waltz also challenges traditional realism's emphasis on traditional military power, instead
characterizing power in terms of the combined capabilities of the state.
[16]
Liberalism
Further information: Democratic Peace Theory,List of wars between democracies,Commercial
liberalism,Sociological liberalism,Republican liberalism,Institutional liberalism,andNeoliberalism
Kant's writings on perpetual peace were an early
contribution to Democratic peace theory.
[17]
The precursor to liberal international relations theory was "idealism".
Idealism (or utopianism) was a term applied in a critical manner by
those who saw themselves as 'realists', for instance E. H. Carr.
[18]
Idealism in international relations usually refers to the school of
thought personified in American diplomatic history by Woodrow
Wilson, such that it is sometimes referred to as "Wilsonianism."
Idealism holds that a state should make its internal political philosophy
the goal of its foreign policy. For example, an idealist might believe
that ending poverty at home should be coupled with tackling poverty
abroad. Wilson's idealism was a precursor to liberal international
relations theory, which would arise amongst the "institution-builders"
after World War II.
Liberalism holds that state preferences, rather than state capabilities,
are the primary determinant of state behavior. Unlike realism, where
the state is seen as a unitary actor, liberalism allows for plurality in
state actions. Thus, preferences will vary from state to state, depending
on factors such as culture, economic system or government type.
Liberalism also holds that interaction between states is not limited to the political/security ("high politics"), but also
economic/cultural ("low politics") whether through commercial firms, organizations or individuals. Thus, instead of
an anarchic international system, there are plenty of opportunities for cooperation and broader notions of power,
such as cultural capital (for example, the influence of films leading to the popularity of the country's culture and
creating a market for its exports worldwide). Another assumption is that absolute gains can be made through
co-operation and interdependencethus peace can be achieved.
The democratic peace theory argues that liberal democracies have never (or almost never) made war on one another
and have fewer conflicts among themselves. This is seen as contradicting especially the realist theories and this
empirical claim is now one of the great disputes in political science. Numerous explanations have been proposed for
the democratic peace. It has also been argued, as in the book Never at War, that democracies conduct diplomacy in
general very differently from nondemocracies. (Neo)realists disagree with Liberals over the theory, often citing
structural reasons for the peace, as opposed to the state's government. Sebastian Rosato, a critic of democratic peace
theory points to America's behavior towards left-leaning democracies in Latin America during the Cold War to
challenge democratic peace.
[19]
One argument is that economic interdependence makes war between trading partners
less likely.
[20]
In contrast realists claim that economic interdependence increases rather than decreases the likelihood
International relations theory
216
of conflict.
Neoliberalism
Neoliberalism, liberal institutionalism or neo-liberal institutionalism
[21]
is an advancement of liberal thinking. It
argues that international institutions can allow nations to successfully cooperate in the international system.
Post-Liberalism
Post-liberal theory argues that within the modern, globalized world, states in fact are driven to cooperate, in order to
ensure security and sovereign interests. The departure from classical liberal theory is most notably felt in the
re-interpretation of the concepts of Sovereignty and Autonomy. Autonomy becomes a problematic concept, shifting
away from a notion of freedom of self-determination and agency to a heavily responsibility and duty laden concept.
Importantly, autonomy is linked to a capacity for good governance. Similarly, sovereignty also experiences a shift
from a right to a duty. In the global economy, International organisations hold sovereign states to account, leading to
a situation where sovereignty is co-produced among 'sovereign' states. The concept becomes a variable capacity of
good governance and can no longer be accepted as an absolute right. One possible way to interpret this theory, is the
idea that in order to maintain global stability and security and solve the problem of the anarchic world system in
International Relations, no overarching, global, sovereign authority is created. Instead, states collectively abandon
some rights for full autonomy and sovereignty.
[22]
Constructivism
Further information: Feminist constructivism,Ontology,andAnarchy is What States Make of It
The standing of constructivism as an international relations theory increased after the
fall of the Berlin wall (pictured) and Communism in Eastern Europe
[23]
as this was
something not predicted by the existing mainstream theories.
[24]
Constructivism or social
constructivism
[25]
has been described as a
challenge to the dominance of neo-liberal
and neo-realist international relations
theories.
[26]
Michael Barnett describes
constructivist international relations
theories as being concerned with how
ideas define international structure, how
this structure defines the interests and
identities of states and how states and
non-state actors reproduce this
structure.
[27]
The key tenet of
constructivism is the belief that
"International politics is shaped by
persuasive ideas, collective values,
culture, and social identities."
Constructivism argues that international
reality is socially constructed by cognitive
structures which give meaning to the material world.
[28]
The theory emerged out of debates concerning the scientific
method of international relations theories and theories role in the production of international power.
[29]
Emanuel
Adler states that constructivism occupies a middle ground between rationalist and interpretative theories of
international relations.
[28]
The failure of either realism or liberalism to predict the end of the Cold War boosted the credibility of constructivist
theory. Constructivist theory criticises the static assumptions of traditional international relations theory and
International relations theory
217
emphasize that international relations is a social construction. Constructivism is a theory critical of the
ontological
[30]
basis of rationalist theories of international relations. Whereas realism deals mainly with security and
material power, and liberalism looks primarily at economic interdependence and domestic-level factors,
constructivism most concerns itself with the role of ideas in shaping the international system (indeed it is possible
there is some overlap between constructivism and realism or liberalism, but they remain separate schools of
thought). By "ideas" constructivists refer to the goals, threats, fears, identities, and other elements of perceived
reality that influence states and non-state actors within the international system. Constructivists believe that these
ideational factors can often have far-reaching effects, and that they can trump materialistic power concerns. For
example, constructivists note that an increase in the size of the US military is likely to be viewed with much greater
concern in Cuba, a traditional antagonist of the US, than in Canada, a close US ally. Therefore, there must be
perceptions at work in shaping international outcomes. As such, constructivists do not see anarchy as the invariable
foundation of the international system,
[31]
but rather argue, in the words of Alexander Wendt, that "anarchy is what
states make of it".
[32]
Constructivists also believe that social norms shape and change foreign policy over time rather
than security which realists cite.
Marxism and Critical Theory
Antonio Gramsci's writings on the
hegemony of capitalism have inspired
Marxist international relations
scholarship
Marxist and Neo-Marxist international relations theories are structuralist
paradigms which reject the realist/liberal view of state conflict or cooperation;
instead focusing on the economic and material aspects. Marxist approaches
argue the position of historical materialism and make the assumption that the
economic concerns transcend others; allowing for the elevation of class as the
focus of study. Marxists view the international system as an integrated
capitalist system in pursuit of capital accumulation. A sub-discipline of
Marxist IR is Critical Security Studies. Gramscian approaches rely on the
ideas of Italian Antonio Gramsci whose writings concerned the hegemony
that capitalism holds as an ideology. Marxist approaches have also inspired
Critical Theorists such as Robert W. Cox who argues that "Theory is always
for someone and for some purpose".
[33]
One notable Marxist approach to international relations theory is Immanuel
Wallerstein's World-system theory which can be traced back to the ideas
expressed by Lenin in Imperialism: The Highest Stage of capitalism.
World-system theory argues that globalized capitalism has created a core of
modern industrialized countries which exploit a periphery of exploited "Third
World" countries. These ideas were developed by the Latin American Dependency School. "Neo-Marxist" or "New
Marxist" approaches have return to the writings of Karl Marx for their inspiration. Key "New Marxists" include
Justin Rosenberg and Benno Teschke. Marxist approaches have enjoyed a renaissance since the collapse of
communism in Eastern Europe.
Criticisms of Marxists approaches to international relations theory include the narrow focus on material and
economic aspects of life.
International relations theory
218
Feminism
Further information: Bananas, Beaches and BasesandInternational Feminist Journal of Politics
Feminist approaches to international relations became popular in the early 1990s. Such approaches emphasises that
women's experiences continue to be excluded from the study of international relations.
[34]
International Relations
Feminists who argue that gender relations are integral to international relations focus on the role of diplomatic wives
and marital relationship that facilitate sex trafficking. Early feminist IR approaches were part of the "Third Great
Debate" between positivists and post-positivists. They argued against what they saw as the positivism and
state-centrism of mainstream international relations. Christian Reus-Smit argues that these approaches did not
describe what a feminist perspective on world politics would look like.
The feminist international relations scholar Jacqui True differentiates between empirical feminism, analytical
feminism and normative feminism. Empirical feminism sees women and gender relations as empirical aspects of
international relations. It is argued that mainstream international relations emphasis on anarchy and statecraft mean
that areas of study that make the reproduction of the state system possible are marginalized.
[35]
Analytical feminism
claims that the theoretical framework of international relations has a gender bias. Here gender refers not to the
"biological" differences between men and women but the social constructs of masculine and feminine identity.
[36]
It
is claimed that in mainstream international relations masculinity is associated with objectivity. Analytical feminists
would see neo-realisms dislike of domestic explanations for explaining interstate behaviour as an example of this
bias. Normative feminist sees theorizing as part of an agenda for change.
Criticisms of feminist international relations theory include its portrayal of third world women.
[37]
Alternative approaches
Further information: Foundationalism in international relations theory,Anti-foundationalism,Positivism in
international relations theory,Post-positivism in international relations theory,andPost-realism
English School
The 'English School' of international relations theory, also known as International Society, Liberal Realism,
Rationalism or the British institutionalists, maintains that there is a 'society of states' at the international level,
despite the condition of 'anarchy' (literally the lack of a ruler or world state). Despite being called the English School
many of the academics from this school were neither English or from the United Kingdom. A great deal of the work
of the English School concerns the examination of traditions of past international theory, casting it, as Martin Wight
did in his 1950s-era lectures at the London School of Economics, into three divisions: 1. Realist or Hobbesian (after
Thomas Hobbes), 2. Rationalist (or Grotian, after Hugo Grotius), 3. Revolutionist (or Kantian, after Immanuel
Kant).In broad terms, the English School itself has supported the rationalist or Grotian tradition, seeking a middle
way (or via media) between the 'power politics' of realism and the 'utopianism' of revolutionism. The English School
reject behavioralist approaches to international relations theory.
Functionalism
Functionalism is a theory of international relations that arose principally from the experience of European
integration. Rather than the self-interest that realists see as a motivating factor, functionalists focus on common
interests shared by states. Integration develops its own internal dynamic: as states integrate in limited functional or
technical areas, they increasingly find that momentum for further rounds of integration in related areas. This
"invisible hand" of integration phenomenon is termed "spill-over." Although integration can be resisted, it becomes
harder to stop integration's reach as it progresses. This usage, and the usage in functionalism in international
relations, is the less commonly used meaning of the term functionalism.
International relations theory
219
More commonly, however, functionalism is a term used to describe an argument which explains phenomena as
functions of a system rather than an actor or actors. Immanuel Wallerstein employed a functionalist theory when he
argued that the Westphalian international political system arose to secure and protect the developing international
capitalist system. His theory is called "functionalist" because it says that an event was a function of the preferences
of a system and not the preferences of an agent. Functionalism is different from structural or realist arguments in that
while both look to broader, structural causes, realists (and structuralists more broadly) say that the structure gives
incentives to agents, while functionalists attribute causal power to the system itself, bypassing agents entirely.
State Cartel Theory
State cartel theory in international relations is derived from an old institutional theory of economics, from the theory
of private or enterprise cartels. It has a German background, because Germany was formerly the land of highest
developed economic cartels and the motherland of classical cartel theory. State cartel theory uses a mix of methods
ranging from positivist data evaluation to critical socioeconomic analyses or reflexive methods like criticism of
thinking or ideology. Among the other theories of International Relations, State cartel theory has most in common
with Functionalism in international relations. A bit more than the latter, state cartel theory has its focus on a theory
of international organizations.
Post-structuralism
Post-structuralism differs from most other approaches to international politics because it does not see itself as a
theory, school or paradigm which produces a single account of the subject matter. Instead, post-structuralism is an
approach, attitude, or ethos that pursues critique in particular way. Post-structuralism sees critique as an inherently
positive exercise that establishes the conditions of possibility for pursuing alternatives.
Post-modernism
Post-modernist approaches to international relations are critical of metanarratives and denounces traditional IR's
claims to truth and neutrality.
[38]
Postcolonialism
Postcolonial International relations scholarship posits a critical theory approach to International relations (IR), and is
a non-mainstream area of international relations scholarship. Post-colonialism focuses on the persistence of colonial
forms of power and the continuing existence of racism in world politics.
[39]
References
[1] http:/ / www. irtheory. com/
[2] Snyder, Jack, 'One World, Rival Theories, Foreign Policy, 145 (November/December 2004), p.52
[3] Reus-Smit, Christian. "Constructivism." Theories of International Relations, ed. Scott Burchill ... [et al.], pp.209, 216. Palgrave, 2005.
[4] Burchill, Scott and Linklater, Andrew "Introduction" Theories of International Relations, ed. Scott Burchill ... [et al.], p.1. Palgrave, 2005.
[5] Burchill, Scott and Linklater, Andrew "Introduction" Theories of International Relations, ed. Scott Burchill ... [et al.], p.6. Palgrave, 2005.
[6] Burchill, Scott and Linklater, Andrew "Introduction" Theories of International Relations, ed. Scott Burchill ... [et al.], p.7. Palgrave, 2005.
[7] See Forde,Steven,(1995), 'International Realism and the Science of Politics:Thucydides, Machiavelli and Neorealism,' International Studies
Quarterly 39(2):141-160
[8] http:/ / www. iep. utm. edu/ polreal/
[9] Dunne, Tim and Schmidt, Britain, The Globalisation of World Politics, Baylis, Smith and Owens, OUP, 4th ed, p
[10] Snyder, Jack, 'One World, Rival Theories, Foreign Policy, 145 (November/December 2004), p.59
[11] Snyder, Jack, 'One World, Rival Theories, Foreign Policy, 145 (November/December 2004), p.55
[12] Mearsheimer, John (2001). The Tragedy of Great Power Politics. New York: W.W. Norton & Company. pp.2526.
ISBN978-0-393-07624-0.
International relations theory
220
[13] Mearsheimer, John (2001). The Tragedy of Great Power Politics. New York: W.W. Norton & Company. pp.2526.
ISBN978-0-393-07624-0.
[14] http:/ / www.oup. com/ uk/ orc/ bin/ 9780199298334/ dunne_chap04. pdf
[15] Lamy,Steven, Contemporary Approches:Neo-realism and neo-liberalism in "The Globalisation of World Politics, Baylis, Smith and Owens,
OUP, 4th ed,p127
[16] Lamy, Steven, Contemporary mainstream approaches: neo-realism and neo-liberalism, The Globalisation of World Politics, Smith, Baylis
and Owens, OUP, 4th ed, pp.127-128
[17] E Gartzk, Kant we all just get along? Opportunity, willingness, and the origins of the democratic peace, American Journal of Political
Science, 1998
[18] Brian C. Schmidt, The political discourse of anarchy: a disciplinary history of international relations, 1998, p.219
[19] Rosato, Sebastian, The Flawed Logic of Democratic Peace Theory, American Political Science Review, Volume 97, Issue 04, November
2003, pp.585-602
[20] Copeland, Dale, Economic Interdependence and War: A Theory of Trade Expectations, International Security, Vol. 20, No. 4 (Spring,
1996), pp.5-41
[21] Sutch, Peter, Elias, 2006, Juanita, International Relations: The Basics, Routledge p.11
[22] Chandler, David (2010). International Statebuilding - The Rise of the Post-Liberal Paradigm. Abingdon, Oxon: Routledge. pp.4390.
ISBN978-0-415-42118-8.
[23] Stephen M. Walt, Foreign Policy, No. 110, Special Edition: Frontiers of Knowledge. (Spring, 1998), p.41: "The end of the Cold War played
an important role in legitimizing contructivist theories because realism and liberalism failed to anticipate this event and had trouble explaining
it.
[24] Hay, Colin (2002) Political Analysis: A Critical Introduction, Basingstoke: Palgrave, P. 198
[25] http:/ / www.oup. com/ uk/ orc/ bin/ 9780199285433/ jackson_chap06. pdf
[26] Hopf, Ted, The Promise of Constructivism in International Relations Theory, International Security, Vol. 23, No. 1 (Summer, 1998), p.171
[27] Michael Barnett, "Social Constructivism" in The Globalisation of World Politics, Baylis, Smith and Owens, 4th ed, OUP, p.162
[28] Alder, Emmanuel, Seizing the middle ground, European Journal of International Relations, Vol .3, 1997, p.319
[29] K.M. Ferike, International Relations Theories:Discipline and Diversity, Dunne, Kurki and Smith, OUP, p.167
[30] In international relations ontology refers to the basic unit of analysis that an international relations theory uses. For example for neorealists
humans are the basic unit of analysis
[31] http:/ / www.irtheory. com/ know.htm
[32] Wendt, Alexander, "Anarchy is what states make of it: the social construction of power politics" in International Organization, vol. 46, no.
2, 1992
[33] Cox, Robert, Social Forces, States and World Orders: Beyond International Relations Theory Cox Millennium - Journal of International
Studies.1981; 10: 126-155
[34] Zalewski, Marysia, Do We Understand Each Other Yet? Troubling Feminist Encounters With(in) British Journal of Politics & International
Relations, Volume 9, Issue 2 p.304
[35] Grant, R. and Newland, K. (eds) (1991) Gender and International Relations, (London).
[36] True, Jacqui, "Feminism" in Theories of International Relations, Scott Burchill et al., 3rd ed, Palgrave, p.221
[37] Mohanty, C, (1991) "Under Western Eyes:Feminist Scholarship and Colonial Discourses" in C. Mohanty, T.A. Russo and L.Torres (ed),
Third World Women and the Politics of Feminism, Bloomington
[38] Dornelles, F.K. (2010), Postmodernism and IR: From Disparate Critiques to a Coherent Theory of Global Politics, Global Politics Network
available at http:/ / asrudiancenter. files.wordpress.com/ 2010/ 01/ krause_dornelles1. pdf
[39] Baylis, Smith and Owens, The Globalisation of World Politics, OUP, 4th ed, p187-189
Further reading
Baylis, John; Steve Smith; and Patricia Owens. The Globalisation of World Politics, OUP, 4th ed 2008
Burchill, et al. eds. Theories of International Relations, 3rd edition, Palgrave 2005, ISBN 1403948666
Chernoff, Fred. Theory and Meta-Theory in International Relations: Concepts and Contending Accounts,
Palgrave Macmillan
Guilhot Nicolas, ed. The Invention of International Relations Theory: Realism, the Rockefeller Foundation, and
the 1954 Conference on Theory (2011)
Hedley Bull, The Anarchical Society, Columbia University Press.
Morgenthau, Hans. Politics Among Nations
Srenson, Robert, and Georg Sorensen (2006) Introduction to International Relations: theories and approaches.
Oxford, OUP, 3rd ed
Waltz, Kenneth. Theory of International Politics
International relations theory
221
Waltz, Kenneth. Man, the State, and War, Columbia University Press.
Weber, Cynthia. International Relations Theory. A Critical Introduction, 2nd edition, Taylor & Francis 2004,
ISBN 0415342082
Wendt, Alexander. Social Theory of International Politics, Cambridge University Press
External links
Articles by IR Theorists (http:/ / internationalrelationstheory. googlepages. com/ articles_by_ir_theorists. htm)
Theory Talks (http:/ / www. theory-talks. org/ ) Interviews with key IR theorists
The Martin Institute (http:/ / www. class. uidaho. edu/ martin_archives/ )
A Discussion and Overview of IR Theory and its Historical Roots at American University (http:/ /
auirtheoryspring2009. wetpaint. com/ )
Sovereign state
Sovereign states in Europe
A sovereign state, or simply, state, is a state with a defined territory
on which it exercises internal and external sovereignty, a permanent
population, a government, and the capacity to enter into relations with
other sovereign states.
[1]
It is also normally understood to be a state
which is neither dependent on nor subject to any other power or
state.
[2]
While in abstract terms a sovereign state can exist without
being recognised by other sovereign states, unrecognised states will
often find it hard to exercise full treaty-making powers and engage in
diplomatic relations with other sovereign states.
The word "country" is often colloquially used to refer to sovereign
states, although it means, originally, only a geographic region, and
subsequently its meaning became extended to the sovereign polity which controls the geographic region.
The concept of sovereign state is the source of the term "statesman" and the name of the US State Department.
History
The first known states were created in ancient times in Egypt, Mesopotamia, India, China, Mexico (Maya), Peru and
others, but it is only in relatively modern times that states have almost completely displaced alternative "stateless"
forms of political organization of societies all over the planet.
[3]
Roving bands of hunter-gatherers and even fairly
sizable and complex tribal societies based on herding or agriculture have existed without any full-time specialized
state organization, and these "stateless" forms of political organization have in fact prevailed for all of the prehistory
and much of the history of the human species and civilization.
[3]
Initially states emerged over territories built by conquest in which one culture, one set of ideals and one set of laws
have been imposed by force or threat over diverse nations by a civilian and military bureaucracy.
[3]
Currently, that is
not aways the case and there are multinational states, federated states and autonomous areas within states.
Additionally multiculturalism is currently adopted in many unitary and nation states following different processes of
human migration such as population transfer, political migration, immigration and emigration.
Since the late 19th century, virtually the entirety of the world's inhabitable land has been parcelled up into areas with
more or less definite borders claimed by various states. Earlier, quite large land areas had been either unclaimed or
uninhabited, or inhabited by nomadic peoples who were not organised as states. However, even within present-day
states there are vast areas of wilderness, like the Amazon Rainforest, which are uninhabited or inhabited solely or
Sovereign state
222
mostly by indigenous people (and some of them remain uncontacted). Also, there are states which do not hold de
facto control over all of their claimed territory or where this control is challenged (as in Somalia).
Currently the international community comprises around 200 sovereign states, the vast majority of which are
represented in the United Nations. These states form what international relations theorists call a system, where each
state takes into account the behavior of other states when making their own calculations. From that point of view,
states embedded in an international system face internal and external security and legitimation dilemmas. Recently
the notion of an international community has been developed to refer to a group of states who have established rules,
procedures, and institutions for the conduct of their relations. In this way the foundation has been laid for
international law, diplomacy, formal regimes, and organizations.
Definition
Sovereignty is a term that is frequently misused.
[4]
Up until the 19th century, the radicalised concept of a "standard
of civilisation" was routinely deployed to determine that certain peoples in the world were "uncivilised", and lacking
organised societies. That position was reflected and constituted in the notion that their "sovereignty" was either
completely lacking, or at least of an inferior character when compared to that of "civilised" people."
[5]
Lassa
Oppenheim said "There exists perhaps no conception the meaning of which is more controversial than that of
sovereignty. It is an indisputable fact that this conception, from the moment when it was introduced into political
science until the present day, has never had a meaning which was universally agreed upon."
[6]
In the opinion of
Justice Evatt of the High Court of Australia "sovereignty is neither a question of fact, nor a question of law, but a
question that does not arise at all."
[7]
Sovereignty has taken on a different meaning with the development of the principle of self-determination and the
prohibition against the threat or use of force as jus cogens norms of modern international law. The UN Charter, the
Declaration on Rights and Duties of States, and the charters of regional international organisations express the view
that all states are juridically equal and enjoy the same rights and duties based upon the mere fact of their existence as
persons under international law.
[8]

[9]
The right of nations to determine their own political status and exercise
permanent sovereignty within the limits of their territorial jurisdictions is widely recognised.
[10]

[11]

[12]
In political science, sovereignty is usually defined as the most essential attribute of the state in the form of its
complete self-sufficiency in the frames of a certain territory, that is its supremacy in the domestic policy and
independence in the foreign one.
[13]
In casual usage, the terms "country", "nation", and "state" are often used as if they were synonymous; but in a more
strict usage they can be distinguished:
Nation denotes a people who are believed to or deemed to share common customs, religion, language, origins,
ancestry or history. However, the adjectives national and international are frequently used to refer to matters
pertaining to what are strictly sovereign states, as in national capital, international law.
State refers to the set of governing and supportive institutions that have sovereignty over a definite territory and
population.
Sovereign state
223
Recognition
State recognition signifies the decision of a sovereign state to treat another entity as also being a sovereign state.
[14]
Recognition can be either express or implied and is usually retroactive in its effects. It doesn't necessarily signify a
desire to establish or maintain diplomatic relations.
There is no definition that is binding on all the members of the community of nations on the criteria for statehood. In
actual practice, the criteria are mainly political, not legal.
[15]
L.C. Green cited the recognition of the unborn Polish
and Czech states in World War I and explained that "since recognition of statehood is a matter of discretion, it is
open to any existing State to accept as a state any entity it wishes, regardless of the existence of territory or of an
established government."
[16]
In international law, however, there are several theories of when a state should be recognized as sovereign.
[17]
Constitutive theory
The constitutive theory of statehood defines a state as a person of international law if, and only if, it is recognized as
sovereign by other states. This theory of recognition was developed in the 19th century. Under it, a state was
sovereign if another sovereign state recognized it as such. Because of this, new states could not immediately become
part of the international community or be bound by international law, and recognized nations did not have to respect
international law in their dealings with them.
[18]
In 1815 at the Congress of Vienna the Final Act only recognised 39
sovereign states in the European diplomatic system, and as a result it was firmly established that in future new states
would have to be recognized by other states, and that meant in practice recognition by one or more of the great
powers.
[19]
One of the major criticisms of this law is the confusion caused when some states recognize a new entity, but other
states do not. Hersch Lauterpacht, one of the theory's main proponents, suggested that it is a state's duty to grant
recognition as a possible solution. However, a state may use any criteria when judging if they should give
recognition and they have no obligation to use such criteria. Many states may only recognize another state if it is to
their advantage.
[18]
In 1912, L. F. L. Oppenheim had the following to say on constitutive theory:
...International Law does not say that a State is not in existence as long as it is not recognised, but it
takes no notice of it before its recognition. Through recognition only and exclusively a State becomes an
International Person and a subject of International Law.
[20]
Declarative theory
By contrast, the "declarative" theory defines a state as a person in international law if it meets the following criteria:
1) a defined territory; 2) a permanent population; 3) a government and 4) a capacity to enter into relations with other
states. According to declarative theory, an entity's statehood is independent of its recognition by other states. The
declarative model was most famously expressed in the 1933 Montevideo Convention.
Article 3 of the Convention declares that statehood is independent of recognition by other states. In contrast,
recognition is considered a requirement for statehood by the constitutive theory of statehood.
A similar opinion about "the conditions on which an entity constitutes a state" is expressed by the European
Economic Community Opinions of the Badinter Arbitration Committee. The Badinter Arbitration Committee found
that a state was defined by having a territory, a population, and a political authority.
Sovereign state
224
State practice
State practice relating the recognition states typically falls somewhere between the declaratory and constitutive
approaches.
[21]
International law does not require a state to recognise other states.
[22]
Recognition is often withheld when a new state is seen as illegitimate or has come about in breach of international
law. Almost universal non-recognition by the international community of Rhodesia and Northern Cyprus are good
examples of this. In the former case, recognition was widely withheld when the white minority seized power and
attempted to form a state along the lines of Apartheid South Africa, a move that the United Nations Security Council
described as the creation of an "illegal racist minority rgime".
[23]
In the latter case, recognition was widely withheld
from a state created in Northern Cyprus on land illegally invaded by Turkey in 1974.
[24]
De facto and de jure states
Most sovereign states are states de jure and de facto (i.e. they exist both in law and in reality). However, sometimes
states exist only as de jure states in that an organisation is recognised as having sovereignty over and being the
legitimate government of a territory over which they have no actual control. Many continental European states
maintained governments-in-exile during the Second World War which continued to enjoy diplomatic relations with
the Allies, notwithstanding that their countries were under Nazi occupation. A present day example is the State of
Palestine, which is recognized by multiple states, but doesn't have control over any of its claimed territory in
Palestine
[]

[25]
and possess only extraterritorial areas (i.e. embassies and consulates). Other states may have
sovereignty over a territory but lack international recognition; these are considered by the international community to
be only de facto states (they are considered de jure states only according to their own Law and by states that
recognize them). Somaliland is commonly considered to be such a state.
[26]

[27]

[28]

[29]
For a list of entities that wish
to be universally recognized as sovereign states, but do not have complete worldwide diplomatic recognition, see the
list of states with limited recognition.
Further reading
Chen, Ti-chiang. The International Law of Recognition, with Special Reference to Practice in Great Britain and
the United States. London, 1951.
Crawford, James. The Creation of States in International Law. Oxford University Press, 2005. ISBN
0-19-825402-4, pp.1524.
Lauterpacht, Sir Hersch. Recognition in International Law. Cambridge, U.K., 1947.
Rai, D. Statehood and the Law of Self-determination. Martinus Nijhoff Publishers, 2002. ISBN 9789041118905.
p 29 (with reference to Oppenheim in International Law Vol. 1 1905 p110)
External links
Opinions of the Badinter Arbitration Committee
[30]
at the European Journal of International Law
A Brief Primer on International Law
[31]
With cases and commentary. Nathaniel Burney, 2007.
References
[1] See the following:
Shaw, Malcolm Nathan (2003). International law. Cambridge University Press. p.178. "Article 1 of the Montevideo Convention on
Rights and Duties of States, 1933 lays down the most widely accepted formulation of the criteria of statehood in international law. It note
that the state as an international person should possess the following qualifications: '(a) a permanent population; (b) a defined territory; (c)
government; and (d) capacity to enter into relations with other states'"
Jasentuliyana, Nandasiri, ed (1995). Perspectives on international law. Kluwer Law International. p.20. "So far as States are concerned,
the traditional definitions provided for in the Montevideo Convention remain generally accepted."
[2] See the following:
Sovereign state
225
Wheaton, Henry (1836). Elements of international law: with a sketch of the history of the science. Carey, Lea & Blanchard. p.51. "A
sovereign state is generally defined to be any nation or people, whatever may be the form of its internal constitution, which governs itself
independently of foreign powers."
"sovereign" (http:/ / dictionary.reference. com/ browse/ sovereign), The American Heritage Dictionary of the English Language
(Houghton Mifflin Company), 2004, , retrieved 21 February 2010, "adj. 1. Self-governing; independent: a sovereign state."
"sovereign", The New Oxford American Dictionary (Oxford: Oxford University Press), ISBN0195170776, "adjective ... [ attrib. ] (of a
nation or state) fully independent and determining its own affairs."
[3] Nations Online, Countries of the World (http:/ / www.nationsonline. org/ oneworld/ states. htm)
[4] See "Sovereignty: organized hypocrisy, Stephen D. Krasner, Princeton University Press, 1999, ISBN 069100711X
[5] Ralph Wilde, 'From trusteeship to self-determination and back again: the role of the Hague Regulations in the evolution of international
trusteeship, and the framework of rights and duties of occupying powers,' Fall, 2009, 31 Loy. L.A. Int'l & Comp. L. Rev. 85, page 94, (http:/ /
ilr. lls.edu/ documents/ WILDEFINAL3-29.pdf)
[6] 1 Lassa Oppenheim, International Law 66 (Sir Arnold D. McNair ed., 4th ed. 1928)
[7] See Sovereignty in cases of Mandated Territories, in "International law and the protection of Namibia's territorial integrity", By S. Akweenda,
Martinus Nijhoff Publishers, 1997, ISBN 9041104127, page 40
[8] "Chapter IV Fundamental Rights and Duties of States" (http:/ / www. oas. org/ dil/
treaties_A-41_Charter_of_the_Organization_of_American_States. htm#ch4). Charter of the Organization of American States. Secretariat of
The Organization of American States. . Retrieved 21 November 2010.
[9] "Draft Declaration on Rights and Duties of States" (http:/ / untreaty. un. org/ ilc/ texts/ instruments/ english/ draft articles/ 2_1_1949. pdf).
UN Treaty Organization. 1949. . Retrieved 21 November 2010.
[10] "General Assembly resolution 1803 (XVII) of 14 December 1962, "Permanent sovereignty over natural resources"" (http:/ / www2. ohchr.
org/ english/ law/ resources. htm). United Nations. . Retrieved 21 November 2010.
[11] Schwebel, Stephen M., The Story of the U.N.'s Declaration on Permanent Sovereignty over Natural Resources, 49 A.B.A. J. 463 (1963)
[12] "International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights" (http:/ / www2. ohchr. org/ english/ law/ ccpr. htm). United Nations. . Retrieved 21
November 2010.
[13] Grinin L. E. Globalization and Sovereignty: Why do States Abandon their Sovereign Prerogatives? Age of Globalization. Number 1 / 2008
(http:/ / www. socionauki.ru/ journal/ articles/ 127716/ )
[14] "Recognition" (http:/ / www. answers. com/ topic/ recognition), Encyclopedia of American Foreign Policy.
[15] See B. Broms, "IV Recognition of States", pp 47-48 in International law: achievements and prospects, UNESCO Series, Mohammed
Bedjaoui(ed), Martinus Nijhoff Publishers, 1991, ISBN 9231027166 (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=jrTsNTzcY7EC& lpg=PA47&
client& pg=PA47#v=onepage& q& f=false)
[16] See Israel Yearbook on Human Rights, 1989, Yoram Dinstein, Mala Tabory eds., Martinus Nijhoff Publishers, 1990, ISBN 0-7923-0450-0,
page 135-136 (http:/ / books.google. com/ books?id=5okNqth8I9wC& lpg=PA136& ots=ARGGNDm7G-& dq=t& pg=PA136#v=onepage&
q& f=false)
[17] Thomas D. Grant, The recognition of states: law and practice in debate and evolution (Westport, Connecticut: Praeger, 1999), chapter 1.
[18] Hillier, Tim (1998). Sourcebook on Public International Law (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=Kr0sOuIx8q8C). Routledge. pp.2012.
ISBN1859410502. .
[19] Kalevi Jaakko Holsti Taming the Sovereigns p. 128 (http:/ / books. google. co. uk/ books?id=Jh6gjr-2ho8C& pg=PA128& dq=Final+ Act+
of+ the+ Congress+ of+ Vienna& lr=& sig=ACfU3U1FTkJPODAK8KkyGV5Nz6O-ke9_Ig)
[20] Lassa Oppenheim, Ronald Roxburgh (2005). International Law: A Treatise (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=vxJ1Jwmyw0EC&
pg=PA135). The Lawbook Exchange, Ltd.. pp.135. ISBN1584776099, 9781584776093. .
[21] Shaw, Malcolm Nathan (2003). International law. Cambridge University Press. p.369.
[22] Opinion No. 10. of the Yugoslav Arbitration Commission.
[23] s:United Nations Security Council Resolution 216
[24] s:United Nations Security Council Resolution 541
[25] Israel allows the PNA to execute some functions in the Palestinian territories, depending on special area classification. Israel maintains
minimal interference (retaining control of borders: air, Israel's control of the airspace and the territorial waters of the Gaza Strip (http:/ / www.
btselem. org/ english/ Gaza_Strip/ Control_on_Air_space_and_territorial_waters. asp) sea beyond internal waters, Map of Gaza fishing limits,
"security zones" (http:/ / dissidentvoice.org/ wp-content/ uploads/ 2009/ 12/ Gaza-map-08s-fishing-limits-20090119. jpg) land Israel's
Disengagement Plan: Renewing the Peace Process (http:/ / www. mfa. gov. il/ MFA/ Peace+ Process/ Guide+ to+ the+ Peace+ Process/
Israels+ Disengagement+ Plan-+ Renewing+ the+ Peace+ Process+ Apr+ 2005. htm): "Israel will guard the perimeter of the Gaza Strip,
continue to control Gaza air space, and continue to patrol the sea off the Gaza coast. ... Israel will continue to maintain its essential military
presence to prevent arms smuggling along the border between the Gaza Strip and Egypt (Philadelphi Route), until the security situation and
cooperation with Egypt permit an alternative security arrangement.") in the Gaza strip and maximum in "Area C".Gold, Dore; Institute for
Contemporary Affairs (26 August 2005). "Legal Acrobatics: The Palestinian Claim that Gaza is Still "Occupied" Even After Israel
Withdraws" (http:/ / www. jcpa.org/ brief/ brief005-3. htm). Jerusalem Issue Brief, Vol. 5, No. 3. Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs. .
Retrieved 2010-07-16.Bell, Abraham (28 January 2008). . Jerusalem Issue Brief, Vol. 7, No. 29. Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs. .
Retrieved 2010-07-16. "Address by Foreign Minister Livni to the 8th Herzliya Conference" (http:/ / www. mfa. gov. il/ MFA/ Government/
Speeches+ by+ Israeli+ leaders/ 2008/ Address+ by+ FM+ Livni+ to+ the+ 8th+ Herzliya+ Conference+ 22-Jan-2008.
Sovereign state
226
htm?DisplayMode=print) (Press release). Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Israel. 22 January 2008. . Retrieved 2010-07-16.Salih, Zak M. (17
November 2005). "Panelists Disagree Over Gazas Occupation Status" (http:/ / www. law. virginia. edu/ html/ news/ 2005_fall/ gaza. htm).
University of Virginia School of Law. . Retrieved 2010-07-16. "Israel: 'Disengagement' Will Not End Gaza Occupation" (http:/ / www. hrw.
org/ english/ docs/ 2004/ 10/ 29/ isrlpa9577.htm). Human Rights Watch. 29 October 2004. . Retrieved 2010-07-16. See also Israeli-occupied
territories.
Staff writers (20 February 2008). "Palestinians 'may declare state'" (http:/ / news. bbc. co. uk/ 2/ hi/ 7254434. stm). BBC News (British
Broadcasting Corporation). . Retrieved 2011-01-22.:"Saeb Erekat, disagreed arguing that the Palestine Liberation Organisation had already
declared independence in 1988. "Now we need real independence, not a declaration. We need real independence by ending the occupation. We
are not Kosovo. We are under Israeli occupation and for independence we need to acquire independence".Gold, Dore; Institute for
Contemporary Affairs (26 August 2005). . Jerusalem Issue Brief, Vol. 5, No. 3. Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs. . Retrieved
2010-07-16.Bell, Abraham (28 January 2008). . Jerusalem Issue Brief, Vol. 7, No. 29. Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs. . Retrieved
2010-07-16. (Press release). Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Israel. 22 January 2008. . Retrieved 2010-07-16.Salih, Zak M. (17 November
2005). . University of Virginia School of Law. . Retrieved 2010-07-16.. Human Rights Watch. 29 October 2004. . Retrieved 2010-07-16.
[26] Arieff, Alexis (November 2008). "De facto Statehood? The Strange Case of Somaliland" (http:/ / yalejournal. org/ article/
de-facto-statehood-strange-case-somaliland). Yale Journal of International Affairs. . Retrieved 2010-01-04.
[27] "The List: Six Reasons You May Need A New Atlas Soon" (http:/ / www. foreignpolicy. com/ story/ cms. php?story_id=3903). Foreign
Policy Magazine. July 2007. . Retrieved 2010-01-04.
[28] "Overview of De-facto States" (http:/ / www. unpo.org/ content/ view/ 8418/ 244/ ). Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organization. July
2008. . Retrieved 2010-01-04.
[29] Wiren, Robert (April 2008). "France recognizes de facto Somaliland" (http:/ / www. lesnouvelles. org/ P10_magazine/ 15_grandentretien/
15055_mahamudsalahnur_eng. html). Les Nouvelles d'Addis Magazine. . Retrieved 2010-01-04.
[30] http:/ / ejil. oxfordjournals. org/ cgi/ reprint/ 3/ 1/ 178
[31] http:/ / www.burneylawfirm. com/ international_law_primer. htm
Federalism
A map showing current federal states (in green).
Federalism is a political concept in which a
group of members are bound together by
covenant (Latin: foedus, covenant) with a
governing representative head. The term
"federalism" is also used to describe a
system of the government in which
sovereignty is constitutionally divided
between a central governing authority and
constituent political units (like states or
provinces). Federalism is a system based
upon democratic rules and institutions in
which the power to govern is shared
between national and provincial/state governments, creating what is often called a federation. Proponents are often
called federalists.
In Europe, "federalist" is sometimes used to describe those who favor a common federal government, with
distributed power at regional, national and supranational levels. Most European federalists want this development to
continue within the European Union. European federalism originated in post-war Europe; one of the more important
initiatives was Winston Churchill's speech in Zurich in 1946.
[1]
In Canada, federalism typically implies opposition to sovereigntist movements (most commonly Quebec separatism).
In the United States, advocates of a very small federal government and stronger state governments are those that
generally favor confederation, often related to early "anti-federalists" and later the Confederacy in the United States.
Argentina, Australia, Brazil, India and Malaysia among others, are also federal countries.
Federalism
227
Federalism may encompass as few as two or three internal divisions, as is the case in Belgium or Bosnia and
Herzegovina. In general, two extremes of federalism can be distinguished: at one extreme, the federal state being
almost completely unitary, while at the other extreme, a federal state in name only, being a confederal union in
actuality.
In 1999, the Government of Canada established the Forum of Federations as an international network for exchange
of best practices among federal and federalizing countries. Headquartered in Ottawa, the Forum of Federations
partner governments include Australia, Brazil, Canada, Ethiopia, Germany, India, Mexico, Nigeria and Switzerland.
Ecclesiastic and theological federalism also exist within some Christian denominations.
Examples of federalism
Federalism in Europe
Several federal systems exist in Europe, such as in Switzerland, Austria, Germany, Belgium, Bosnia and
Herzegovina and the European Union. Germany and the EU are the only examples in the world where members of
the federal upper houses, (the Bundesrat and the Council), are neither elected nor appointed but are composed of the
governments of their constituents.
In Germany, federalism was abolished only during Nazism (19331945) and in East Germany during most of its
existence (19521990). Adolf Hitler viewed federalism as an obstacle to his goals. As he wrote in Mein Kampf,
"National Socialism must claim the right to impose its principles on the whole German nation, without regard to
what were hitherto the confines of federal states." Therefore the idea of a strong, centralized government has
negative associations in German politics, although prior to 1919 or 1933, many social democrats and liberals favored
centralization in principle.
In Britain, federalism has long been proposed as a solution to the "Irish Problem", and more lately, the "West
Lothian question".
[2]
European Union
Following the end of World War II, several movements began advocating a European federation, such as the Union
of European Federalists or the European Movement, founded in 1948. Those organizations were influential in the
European unification process, but never in a decisive way.
Although federalism was mentioned both in the drafts of the Maastricht treaty and the Treaty establishing a
Constitution for Europe, it was never accepted by the representatives of the member countries. The strongest
advocates of European federalism have been Germany, Italy, Belgium and Luxembourg while those historically
most strongly opposed have been the United Kingdom and France; while other countries that have never campaigned
specifically for a particular means of governance in Europe are considered as federalists. Some would consider this
to be the case with states such as Spain, Portugal, Greece, and Hungary. It is also remarkable that in recent times the
French government has become increasingly pro-European Union, while countries like the Czech Republic have
taken on the roles of primary opponents to a stronger EU.
Those uncomfortable using the F word in the EU context should feel free to refer to it as a quasi-federal or
federal-like system. Nevertheless, for the purposes of the analysis here, the EU has the necessary attributes of
a federal system. It is striking that while many scholars of the EU continue to resist analyzing it as a
federation, most contemporary students of federalism view the EU as a federal system (See for instance,
Bednar, Filippov et al., McKay, Kelemen, Defigueido and Weingast). (R. Daniel Kelemen)
[3]
Federalism
228
Australia
The States and Territories of Australia, consisting of The Australian
Capital Territory (red), New South Wales (pink), Northern Territory
(yellow, top), Queensland (blue), South Australia (purple), Tasmania
(yellow, bottom), Victoria (green), and Western Australia (orange).
On January 1, 1901 the Australian nation emerged as a
federation. The Australian continent was colonized by
the United Kingdom in 1788, who subsequently
established six self-governing colonies there. In the
1890s the government's of these colonies all held
referendums on becoming a unified, independent
nation. When all the colonies voted in favour of
federation, the Federation of Australia commenced,
resulting in the establishment of the Commonwealth of
Australia in 1901. The model of Australian federalism
adheres closely to the original model of the United
States of America, though through a Westminster
system.
Brazil
In Brazil, the fall of the monarchy in 1889 by a military coup d'tat led to the rise of the presidential system, headed
by Deodoro da Fonseca. Aided by well-known jurist Ruy Barbosa, Fonseca established federalism in Brazil by
decree, but this system of government would be confirmed by every Brazilian constitution since 1891, although
some of them would distort some of the federalist principles. The 1937 Constitution, for example, granted the federal
government the authority to appoint State Governors (called interventors) at will, thus centralizing power in the
hands of President Getlio Vargas. Brazil also uses the Fonseca system to regulate interstate trade.
The Brazilian Constitution of 1988 introduced a new component to the ideas of federalism, including municipalities
as federal entities. Brazilian municipalities are now invested with some of the traditional powers usually granted to
states in federalism, and although they are not allowed to have a Constitution, they are structured by an organic law.
Canada
Canada is divided into 10 separate provinces
and 3 territories.
In Canada, the system of federalism is described by the division of
powers between the federal parliament and the country's provincial
governments. Under the Constitution Act (previously known as the
British North America Act) of 1867, specific powers of legislation are
allotted. Section 91 of the constitution gives rise to federal authority for
legislation, whereas section 92 gives rise to provincial powers.
For matters not directly dealt with in the constitution, the federal
government retains residual powers; however, conflict between the two
levels of government, relating to which level has legislative jurisdiction
over various matters, has been a longstanding and evolving issue. Areas
of contest include legislation with respect to regulation of the economy,
taxation, and natural resources.
Federalism
229
Venezuela
The Federal War ended in 1863 with the signing of the Treaty of Coche by both the centralist government of the time
and the Federal Forces. The United States of Venezuela were subsequently incorporated under a "Federation of
Sovereign States" upon principles borrowed from the Articles of Confederation of the United States of America. In
this Federation, each State had a "President" of its own that controlled almost every issue, even the creation of "State
Armies," while the Federal Army was required to obtain presidential permission to enter any given state.
However, more than 140 years later, the original system has gradually evolved into a quasi-centralist form of
government. While the 1999 Constitution still defines Venezuela as a Federal Republic, it abolished the Senate,
transferred competences of the States to the Federal Government and granted the President of the Republic vast
powers to intervene in the States and Municipalities.
India
Indian state governments led by various political
parties as of March 2009
The Government of India (referred to as the Union Government) was
established by the Constitution of India, and is the governing authority
of a federal union of 28 states and 7 union territories.
The governance of India is based on a tiered system, where in the
Constitution of India appropriates the subjects on which each tier of
government has executive powers. The Constitution uses the Seventh
Schedule to delimit the subjects under three categories, namely the
Union list, the State list and the Concurrent list.
Asymmetric federalism
A distinguishing aspect of Indian federalism is that unlike many other
forms of federalism, it is asymmetric.
[4]
Article 370 makes special
provisions for the state of Jammu and Kashmir as per its Instrument of
Accession. Article 371 makes special provisions for the states of
Andhra Pradesh, Arunachal Pradesh, Assam, Goa, Mizoram, Manipur,
Nagaland and Sikkim as per their accession or state-hood deals. Also one more aspect of Indian federalism is system
of President's Rule in which the central government (through its appointed Governor) takes control of state's
administration for certain months when no party can form a government in the state or there is violent disturbance in
the state.
Coalition politics
Although the Constitution does not say so, India is now a multilingual federation.
[5]
India has a multi-party system,
with political allegiances frequently based on linguistic, regional and caste identities,
[6]
necessitating coalition
politics, especially at the Union level.Coalition politics have created a balance in the legislatures.
Russian Federation
The post-Imperial nature of Russian subdivision of government changed towards a generally autonomous model
which began with the establishment of the USSR (of which Russia was governed as part). It was liberalized in the
aftermath of the Soviet Union, with the reforms under Boris Yeltsin preserving much of the Soviet structure while
applying increasingly liberal reforms to the governance of the constituent republics and subjects (while also coming
into conflict with Chechen secessionist rebels during the Chechen War). Some of the reforms under Yeltsin were
scaled back by Vladimir Putin.
Federalism
230
All of Russia's subdivisional entities are known as subjects, with some smaller entities, such as the republics
enjoying more autonomy than other subjects on account of having an extant presence of a culturally non-Russian
ethnic minority.
United States
United States census statistical areas by state, district, or territory
AL
AK
AZ
AR
CA
CO
CT
DE
DC
FL
GA
HI
ID
IL
IN
IA
KS
KY
LA
ME
MD
Federalism
231
MA
MI
MN
MS
MO
MT
NE
NV
NH
NJ
NM
NY
NC
ND
OH
OK
OR
PA
RI
SC
SD
TN
TX
UT
VT
VA
WA
WV
WI
WY
AS
MP
PR
GU
VI
Federalism in the United States is the evolving relationship between state governments and the federal government
of the United States. American government has evolved from a system of dual federalism to one of associative
federalism. In "Federalist No. 46," James Madison asserted that the states and national government "are in fact but
different agents and trustees of the people, constituted with different powers." Alexander Hamilton, writing in
"Federalist No. 28," suggested that both levels of government would exercise authority to the citizens' benefit: "If
Federalism
232
their [the peoples'] rights are invaded by either, they can make use of the other as the instrument of redress." (1
[7]
)
Because the states were preexisting political entities, the U.S. Constitution did not need to define or explain
federalism in any one section. However, it contains numerous mentions of the rights and responsibilities of state
governments and state officials vis--vis the federal government. The federal government has certain express powers
(also called enumerated powers) which are powers spelled out in the Constitution, including the right to levy taxes,
declare war, and regulate interstate and foreign commerce. In addition, the Necessary and Proper Clause gives the
federal government the implied power to pass any law "necessary and proper" for the execution of its express
powers. Powers that the Constitution does not delegate to the federal government or forbid to the statesthe
reserved powersare reserved to the people or the states.
[8]
The power delegated to the federal government was
significantly expanded by the Supreme Court decision in McCulloch v. Maryland (1819), amendments to the
Constitution following the Civil War, and by some later amendmentsas well as the overall claim of the Civil War,
that the states were legally subject to the final dictates of the federal government.
The Federalist party of the United States was dissolved in 1824. They were heavily opposed by the
Democratic-Republicans, which included powerful figures such as Thomas Jefferson. The Democratic-Republicans
mainly believed that:
a) The Legislative had too much power (mainly because of the Necessary and Proper Clause) and that they were
unchecked.
b) The Executive branch had too much power, and that there was no check on him. A dictator would arise.
c) A bill of rights should be coupled with the constitution to prevent a dictator (then believed to eventually be the
president) from exploiting citizens. The federalists, on the other hand, argued that it was impossible to list all the
rights, and those that were not listed could be easily overlooked because they were not in the official bill of rights.
Rather, rights in specific cases were to be decided by the judicial system of courts.
Decades after the Civil War, the federal government increased greatly in size and influence, in terms of its influence
on everyday life and its size relative to the state governments. There are several reasons for this, including the need
to regulate businesses and industries that span state borders, attempts to secure civil rights, and the provision of
social services. The federal government acquired no substantial new powers until the acceptance by the Supreme
Court of the Sherman Anti-Trust Act in State of Minnesota v. Northern Securities Company.
Many people believe that the federal government has grown beyond the bounds permitted by the express powers.
From 1938 until 1995, the U.S. Supreme Court did not invalidate any federal statute as exceeding Congress' power
under the Commerce Clause for over fifty years until United States v. Lopez overturned the power of the Federal
government under the Commerce Clause (see also, challenging the Gun-Free School Zones Act). However, most
actions by the federal government can find some legal support among the express powers, such as the Commerce
Clause. The Commerce Clause is used by Congress to justify certain federal laws, but its applicability has been
narrowed by the Supreme Court in recent years. For example, the Supreme Court rejected the Gun-Free School
Zones Act in the aforementioned Lopez decision, and they also rejected the civil remedy portion of the Violence
Against Women Act of 1994 in the United States v. Morrison decision. Recently, the Commerce Clause was
interpreted to include marijuana laws in the Gonzales v. Raich decision.
Dual federalism holds that the federal government and the state governments are co-equals, each sovereign. In this
theory, parts of the Constitution are interpreted narrowly, such as the Tenth Amendment, the Supremacy Clause, the
Necessary and Proper Clause, and the Commerce Clause. Under this narrow interpretation, the federal government
has jurisdiction only if the Constitution clearly grants such. In this case, there is a large group of powers belonging to
the states or the people, and the federal government is limited to only those powers explicitly listed in the
Constitution.
[9]
However, since the Civil War Era, the national courts often interpret the federal government as the final judge of its
own powers under dual federalism. The establishment of Native American governments (which are separate and
Federalism
233
distinct from state and federal government) exercising limited powers of sovereignty, has given rise to the concept of
"bi-federalism."
Federalism with two components
Belgium
Main articles: Belgian federal government, Belgian federal parliament and Communities, regions and
language areas of Belgium
Federalism in the Kingdom of Belgium is an evolving system. Belgian federalism reflects both the linguistic
communities (French and Dutch, and to a lesser extent German) and the economic regions (Brussels, Flanders and
Wallonia). These correspond to the language areas in Belgium. Although officially there are three language areas, for
all practical purposes only two languages are relevant on the federal level, Dutch and French:
Brussels is officially a bilingual area, but it has a French-speaking majority.
[10]
Flanders is the region associated with the Belgium's Dutch-speaking majority, i.e. the Flemish Community.
Due to its relatively small size (approximately one percent) the German-speaking Community of Belgium does
not have much influence on national politics.
Wallonia is a French-speaking area, except for the East Cantons. French is the second most spoken first language
in Belgium, following Dutch. Within the French-speaking Community of Belgium, there is a geographical and
political distinction between Wallonia and Brussels for historical and sociological reasons.
[11]
On one hand, this means that the Belgian political landscape, generally speaking, consists of only two components:
the Dutch-speaking population represented by Dutch-language political parties, and the majority populations of
Wallonia and Brussels, represented by their French-speaking parties. The Brussels region emerges as a third
component.
[12]
This specific dual form of federalism, with the special position of Brussels, consequentially has a
number of political issueseven minor onesthat are being fought out over the Dutch/French-language political
division. With such issues, a final decision is possible only in the form of a compromise. This tendency gives this
dual federalism model a number of traits that generally are ascribed to confederalism, and makes the future of
Belgian federalism contentious.
[13]

[14]
On the other hand, Belgian federalism is federated with three components. An affirmative resolution concerning
Brussels' place in the federal system passed in the parliaments of Wallonia and Brussels.
[15]

[16]
These resolutions
passed against the desires of Dutch-speaking parties, who are generally in favour of a federal system with two
components (i.e. the Dutch and French Communities of Belgium). However, the Flemish representatives in the
Parliament of the Brussels Capital-Region voted in favour of the Brussels resolution, with the exception of one party.
The chairman of the Walloon Parliament stated on July 17, 2008 that, "Brussels would take an attitude".
[17]
Brussels'
parliament passed the resolution on July 18, 2008:
The Parliament of the Brussels-Capital Region approves with great majority a resolution claiming the
presence of Brussels itself at the negotiations of the reformation of the Belgian State.
[16]

July 18, 2008
This aspect of Belgian federalism helps to explain the difficulties of partition; Brussels, with its importance, is linked
to both Wallonia and Flanders and vice-versa. This situation, however, does not erase the traits of a confederation in
the Belgian system.
Federalism
234
Other examples
Official flag of Iraqi Kurdistan Ratio: 2:3
Current examples of two-sided federalism:
Bosnia and Herzegovina is a federation of two entities:
Republika Srpska and Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
Historical examples of two-sided federalism include:
Czechoslovakia, until the Czech Republic and Slovakia
separated in 1993.
The Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, from 1992 to 2003 when
it became a confederation titled the State Union of Serbia and
Montenegro. This confederation expired 2006 as Montenegro
declared its independence.
The 1960 Constitution of Cyprus was based on the same ideas, but the union of Greeks and Turks failed.
United Republic of Tanzania (formerly United Republic of Tanganyika and Zanzibar), which was the union of
Tanganika and Zanzibar.
Iraq adapted a federal system in 15 October 2005, and formally recognized the Kurdistan Region as the county's
first and currently only federal region. See Constitution of Iraq for more information regarding Iraq's method of
creating federal entities.
Federalism as the Anarchist Mode of Political Organization
Anarchists are against the State but are not against political organization or "governance" -- so long as it is
self-governance utilizing direct democracy. The mode of political organization preferred by anarchists, in general, is
federalism. However, the anarchist definition of federalism tends to differ from the definition of federalism assumed
by pro-state political scientists. The following is a brief description of federalism from section I.5 of An Anarchist
FAQ:
The social and political structure of anarchy is similar to that of the economic structure, i.e., it is based on a
voluntary federation of decentralised, directly democratic policy-making bodies. These are the neighbourhood
and community assemblies and their confederations. In these grassroots political units, the concept of
"self-management" becomes that of "self-government", a form of municipal organisation in which people take
back control of their living places from the bureaucratic state and the capitalist class whose interests it serves.
[...]
The key to that change, from the anarchist standpoint, is the creation of a network of participatory
communities based on self-government through direct, face-to-face democracy in grassroots neighbourhood
and community assemblies [meetings for discussion, debate, and decision making].
[...]
Since not all issues are local, the neighbourhood and community assemblies will also elect mandated and
recallable delegates to the larger-scale units of self-government in order to address issues affecting larger
areas, such as urban districts, the city or town as a whole, the county, the bio-region, and ultimately the entire
planet. Thus the assemblies will confederate at several levels in order to develop and co-ordinate common
policies to deal with common problems.
[...]
This need for co-operation does not imply a centralised body. To exercise your autonomy by joining
self-managing organisations and, therefore, agreeing to abide by the decisions you help make is not a denial of
that autonomy (unlike joining a hierarchical structure, where you forsake autonomy within the organisation).
In a centralised system, we must stress, power rests at the top and the role of those below is simply to obey (it
Federalism
235
matters not if those with the power are elected or not, the principle is the same). In a federal system, power is
not delegated into the hands of a few (obviously a "federal" government or state is a centralised system).
Decisions in a federal system are made at the base of the organisation and flow upwards so ensuring that
power remains decentralised in the hands of all. Working together to solve common problems and organise
common efforts to reach common goals is not centralisation and those who confuse the two make a serious
error -- they fail to understand the different relations of authority each generates and confuse obedience with
co-operation.
[18]
Christian Church
Federalism also finds expression in ecclesiology (the doctrine of the church). For example, presbyterian church
governance resembles parliamentary republicanism (a form of political federalism) to a large extent. In Presbyterian
denominations, the local church is ruled by elected elders, some of which are ministerial. Each church then sends
representatives or commissioners to presbyteries and further to a general assembly. Each greater level of assembly
has ruling authority over its constituent members. In this governmental structure, each component has some level of
sovereignty over itself. As in political federalism, in presbyterian ecclesiology there is shared sovereignty.
Other ecclesiologies also have significant representational and federalistic components, including the more anarchic
congregational ecclesiology, and even in more hierarchical episcopal ecclesiology.
Some Christians argue that the earliest source of political federalism (or federalism in human institutions; in contrast
to theological federalism) is the ecclesiastical federalism found in the Bible. They point to the structure of the early
Christian Church as described (and to many, prescribed) in the New Testament. This is particularly demonstrated in
the Council of Jerusalem, described in Acts chapter 15, where the Apostles and elders gathered together to govern
the Church; the Apostles being representatives of the universal Church, and elders being such for the local church.
To this day, elements of federalism can be found in almost every Christian denomination, some more than others.
Constitutional structure
Division of powers
In a federation, the division of power between federal and regional governments is usually outlined in the
constitution. It is in this way that the right to self-government of the component states is usually constitutionally
entrenched. Component states often also possess their own constitutions which they may amend as they see fit,
although in the event of conflict the federal constitution usually takes precedence.
In almost all federations the central government enjoys the powers of foreign policy and national defense. Were this
not the case a federation would not be a single sovereign state, per the UN definition. Notably, the states of Germany
retain the right to act on their own behalf at an international level, a condition originally granted in exchange for the
Kingdom of Bavaria's agreement to join the German Empire in 1871. Beyond this the precise division of power
varies from one nation to another. The constitutions of Germany and the United States provide that all powers not
specifically granted to the federal government are retained by the states. The Constitution of some countries like
Canada and India, on the other hand, state that powers not explicitly granted to the provincial governments are
retained by the federal government. Much like the US system, the Australian Constitution allocates to the Federal
government (the Commonwealth of Australia) the power to make laws about certain specified matters which were
considered too difficult for the States to manage, so that the States retain all other areas of responsibility. Under the
division of powers of the European Union in the Lisbon Treaty, powers which are not either exclusively of European
competence or shared between EU and state are retained by the constituent states.
Federalism
236
In Canada, the provincial governments derive all their powers
directly from the constitution. In contrast, the territories are
subordinate to the federal government and are delegated powers
by it.
Where every component state of a federation possesses
the same powers, we are said to find 'symmetric
federalism'. Asymmetric federalism exists where states
are granted different powers, or some possess greater
autonomy than others do. This is often done in
recognition of the existence of a distinct culture in a
particular region or regions. In Spain, "historical
communities" such as Navarre, Galicia, Catalonia, and
the Basque Country have more powers than other
autonomous communities, partly to deal with their
distinctness and to appease nationalist leanings, partly out
of respect of privileges granted earlier in history.
It is common that during the historical evolution of a
federation there is a gradual movement of power from the
component states to the centre, as the federal government
acquires additional powers, sometimes to deal with
unforeseen circumstances. The acquisition of new powers
by a federal government may occur through formal constitutional amendment or simply through a broadening of the
interpretation of a government's existing constitutional powers given by the courts.
Usually, a federation is formed at two levels: the central government and the regions (states, provinces, territories),
and little to nothing is said about second or third level administrative political entities. Brazil is an exception,
because the 1988 Constitution included the municipalities as autonomous political entities making the federation
tripartite, encompassing the Union, the States, and the municipalities. Each state is divided into municipalities
(municpios) with their own legislative council (cmara de vereadores) and a mayor (prefeito), which are partly
autonomous from both Federal and State Government. Each municipality has a "little constitution", called "organic
law" (lei orgnica). Mexico is an intermediate case, in that municipalities are granted full-autonomy by the federal
constitution and their existence as autonomous entities (municipio libre, "free municipality") is established by the
federal government and cannot be revoked by the states' constitutions. Moreover, the federal constitution determines
which powers and competencies belong exclusively to the municipalities and not to the constituent states. However,
municipalities do not have an elected legislative assembly.
Federations often employ the paradox of being a union of states, while still being states (or having aspects of
statehood) in themselves. For example, James Madison (author of the US Constitution) wrote in Federalist Paper No.
39 that the US Constitution "is in strictness neither a national nor a federal constitution; but a composition of both. In
its foundation, it is federal, not national; in the sources from which the ordinary powers of the Government are
drawn, it is partly federal, and partly national..." This stems from the fact that states in a federation maintain all
sovereignty that they do not yield to the federation by their own consent. This was reaffirmed by the Tenth
Amendment to the United States Constitution, which reserves all powers and rights that are not delegated to the
Federal Government as left to the States and to the people.
Organs of government
The structures of most federal governments incorporate mechanisms to protect the rights of component states. One
method, known as 'intrastate federalism', is to directly represent the governments of component states in federal
political institutions. Where a federation has a bicameral legislature the upper house is often used to represent the
component states while the lower house represents the people of the nation as a whole. A federal upper house may be
based on a special scheme of apportionment, as is the case in the senates of the United States and Australia, where
each state is represented by an equal number of senators irrespective of the size of its population.
Federalism
237
Alternatively, or in addition to this practice, the members of an upper house may be indirectly elected by the
government or legislature of the component states, as occurred in the United States prior to 1913, or be actual
members or delegates of the state governments, as, for example, is the case in the German Bundesrat and in the
Council of the European Union. The lower house of a federal legislature is usually directly elected, with
apportionment in proportion to population, although states may sometimes still be guaranteed a certain minimum
number of seats.
In Canada, the provincial governments represent regional interests and negotiate directly with the central
government. A First Ministers conference of the prime minister and the provincial premiers is the de facto highest
political forum in the land, although it is not mentioned in the constitution.
Federations often have special procedures for amendment of the federal constitution. As well as reflecting the federal
structure of the state this may guarantee that the self-governing status of the component states cannot be abolished
without their consent. An amendment to the constitution of the United States must be ratified by three-quarters of
either the state legislatures, or of constitutional conventions specially elected in each of the states, before it can come
into effect. In referendums to amend the constitutions of Australia and Switzerland it is required that a proposal be
endorsed not just by an overall majority of the electorate in the nation as a whole, but also by separate majorities in
each of a majority of the states or cantons. In Australia, this latter requirement is known as a double majority.
Some federal constitutions also provide that certain constitutional amendments cannot occur without the unanimous
consent of all states or of a particular state. The US constitution provides that no state may be deprived of equal
representation in the senate without its consent. In Australia, if a proposed amendment will specifically impact one
or more states, then it must be endorsed in the referendum held in each of those states. Any amendment to the
Canadian constitution that would modify the role of the monarchy would require unanimous consent of the
provinces. The German Basic Law provides that no amendment is admissible at all that would abolish the federal
system.
Other technical terms
Fiscal federalism federalism involving the transfer of funds between different levels of government.
Formal federalism (or 'constitutional federalism') the delineation of powers is specified in a written constitution.
Executive federalism (also known as 'administrative federalism').
Federalism as a political philosophy
The meaning of federalism, as a political movement, and of what constitutes a 'federalist', varies with country and
historical context. Movements associated with the establishment or development of federations can be either
centralising or decentralising. For example, at the time those nations were being established, factions known as
'federalists' in the United States and Australia were those who advocated the creation of strong central government.
Similarly, in European Union politics, federalists are mostly those who seek greater EU integration. In contrast, in
Spain and post-war Germany, federal movements have sought decentralisation: the transfer of power from central
authorities to local units. In Canada, where Quebec separatism has been a political force for several decades, the
'federalist' force is dedicated to keeping Quebec inside Canada.
Federalism
238
References
[1] http:/ / www. churchill-society-london.org.uk/ astonish.html Winston Churchill's speech in Zurich in 1946]
[2] "UK Politics: Talking Politics The West Lothian Question" (http:/ / news. bbc. co. uk/ 1/ hi/ uk_politics/ talking_politics/ 82358. stm). BBC
News. .
[3] Kelemen, R. Daniel (September 2005). "Built to Last? The durability of EU federalism" (http:/ / www. princeton. edu/ ~smeunier/ Kelemen
Memo.pdf) (pdf). Princeton University. . Retrieved 2011/11/28.
[4] Indian Constitution at Work (http:/ / www. ncert.nic.in/ book_publishing/ CLASS 11/ Indian Constitution at work/ chap10. pdf) The
Philosophy of the Constitution, NCERT, Pg. 232.
[5] Indian Constitution at Work (http:/ / www. ncert.nic.in/ book_publishing/ CLASS 11/ Indian Constitution at work/ chap10. pdf) The
Philosophy of the Constitution, NCERT, Pg. 233.
[6] Johnson, A "Federalism: The Indian Experience ", HSRC Press,1996, Pg 3, ISBN
[7] http:/ / www. learner. org/ courses/ democracyinamerica/ dia_3/ dia_3_topic. html
[8] "THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA With Explanatory Notes" (http:/ / usinfo. state. gov/ products/ pubs/
constitution/ supreme.htm). U.S. Department of State's Bureau of International Information Programs. .
[9] "Constitutional Topic: Federalism" (http:/ / www. usconstitution. net/ consttop_fedr. html). The U.S. Constitution Online. .
[10] (Dutch) Taalgebruik in Brussel en de plaats van het Nederlands. Enkele recente bevindingen (http:/ / www. brusselsstudies. be/ PDF/
NL_51_BruS13NL. pdf), Rudi Janssens, Brussels Studies, Nummer 13, 7 January 2008 (see page 4).
[11] Historically, the Walloons were for a federalism with three components and the Flemings for two. (See: Witte, Els & Craeybeckx, Jan.
Politieke geschiedenis van Belgi. Antwerpen, SWU, pp. 455, 459-460.) This difference is one of the elements which makes the Belgian issue
so complicated. The Flemings wanted to defend their language while the Walloons wanted to defend their economy: It is true that the Walloon
movement, which has never stopped affirming that Wallonia is part of the French cultural area, has never made this cultural struggle a
priority, being more concerned to struggle against its status as a political minority and the economic decline which was only a corollary to it.
( Wallonia today - The search for an identity without nationalist mania - (1995) (http:/ / www. wallonie-en-ligne. net/ Wallonie_Politique/
1995_Destatte_Philippe_Wallonia-Identity.htm)
[12] Charles Picqu, Minister-President of the Brussels-Capital Region said in a September, 2008 declaration in Namur at the National Walloon
Feast : It is, besides, impossible to have a debate about the institutions of Belgium in which Brussels would be excluded. (French Il n'est
d'ailleurs, pas question d'imaginer un dbat institutionnel dont Bruxelles serait exclu. (http:/ / www. actu24. be/ article/ regions/
regionbruxelles/ infosbxl/ fetes_de_wallonie_picque_emu_par_linvitation_lancee_a_bruxelles/ 182803. aspx)) The Brussels-Capital Region
has claimed and obtained a special place in the current negotiations about the reformation of the Belgian state. (French Pendant 18 ans,
Bruxelles est demeure sans statut (...) L'absence de statut pour Bruxelles s'expliquait par la diffrence de vision que partis flamands et partis
francophones en avaient: [les partis flamands taient] allergiques la notion de Rgion (...) les francophones (...) considraient que Bruxelles
devait devenir une Rgion part entire (...) Les partis flamands ont accept [en 1988] la cration d'une troisime Rgion et l'exercice par
celle-ci des mmes comptences que celles des deux autres... C.E. Lagasse, Les nouvelles institutions politiques de la Belgique et de l'Europe,
Erasme, Namur, 2003, pp. 177- 178 ISBN )
[13] "Brussels" (http:/ / concise. britannica.com/ dday/ print?articleId=106096& fullArticle=true& tocId=9680). Encyclopdia Britannica. .
[14] "Bruxelles dans l'oeil du cyclone" (http:/ / info.france2. fr/ dossiers/ europe/ 34025346-fr. php?page=2) (in French). France 2. .
[15] [[La Libre Belgique (http:/ / www.lalibre.be/ actu/ belgique/ article/ 434274/ les-wallons-pour-un-federalisme-a-trois. html)] 17 juillet
2008]
[16] [[La Libre Belgique (http:/ / www.lalibre.be/ actu/ belgique/ article/ 434733/ bruxelles-soutien-massif-pour-une-participation-de-la-region.
html)], 19 juillet 2008]
[17] Le Vif (http:/ / www.levif. be/ actualite/ belgique/ 72-56-20081/ jose-happart-demande-a-bruxelles-de-se--positionner-. html)
[18] Anarchist Writers. "I.5 What could the social structure of anarchy look like?" An Anarchist FAQ. http:/ / www. infoshop. org/ page/
AnarchistFAQSectionI5
Federalism
239
In Literature
In the futurist story On Deception Watch: A World Federation Novel (http:/ / www. ondeceptionwatch. com) by
David H. Spielberg, a plausible high-tech path is created to an economic-based new paradigm for the legitimacy
of governance. Leveraged off the successful development of laser fusion energy, the United States and The
People's Republic of China join forces to change the world.
External links
P.-J. Proudhon, The Principle of Federation (http:/ / www. ditext. com/ proudhon/ federation/ federation. html),
1863.
A Comparative Bibliography: Regulatory Competition on Corporate Law (http:/ / ssrn. com/ abstract=1103644)
A Rhetoric for Ratification: The Argument of the Federalist and its Impact on Constitutional Interpretation (http:/
/ ssrn. com/ abstract=943412)
National (http:/ / www. nationalbrainstorm. org)
Teaching about Federalism in the United States (http:/ / www. ericdigests. org/ 2003-1/ usa. htm) - From the
Education Resources Information Center Clearinghouse for Social Studies/Social Science Education
Bloomington, Indiana.
An Ottawa, Canada-based international organization for federal countries that share best practices among
countries with that system of government (http:/ / www. forumfed. org)
Tenth Amendment Center (http:/ / www. tenthamendmentcenter. com) Federalism and States Rights in the U.S.
BackStory Radio episode on the origins and current status of Federalism (http:/ / www. backstoryradio. org/ 2009/
02/ laboratories-of-democracy/ )
Constitutional law scholar Hester Lessard discusses Vancouver's Downtown Eastside and jurisdictional justice
(http:/ / legaleaseckut. wordpress. com/ 2011/ 07/ 01/ episode-20-mar-2011-downtown-eastside-vancouver/ )
McGill University, 2011
240
Public administration
Public administration
Public administration is both an academic discipline
and a field of practice; the latter is depicted in this
picture of US federal public servants at a meeting.
Public administration houses the implementation of government
policy and an academic discipline that studies this implementation
and that prepares civil servants for this work.
[1]
As a "field of
inquiry with a diverse scope" its "fundamental goal... is to advance
management and policies so that government can function."
[2]
Some of the various definitions which have been offered for the
term are: "the management of public programs";
[3]
the "translation
of politics into the reality that citizens see every day";
[4]
and "the
study of government decision making, the analysis of the policies
themselves, the various inputs that have produced them, and the
inputs necessary to produce alternative policies."
[5]
Public administration is "centrally concerned with the organization
of government policies and programmes as well as the behavior of officials (usually non-elected) formally
responsible for their conduct"
[6]
Many unelected public servants can be considered to be public administrators,
including heads of city, county, regional, state and federal departments such as municipal budget directors,
HRadministrators, city managers, Census managers, state [mental health]directors, and cabinet secretaries.
[4]
Public
administrators are public servants working in public departments and agencies, at all levels of government.
[4]
In the US, civil servants and academics such as Woodrow Wilson promoted American civil service reform in the
1880s, moving public administration into academia.
[7]
However, "until the mid-20th century and the dissemination
of the German sociologist Max Weber's theory of bureaucracy" there was not "much interest in a theory of public
administration."
[8]
The field is multidisciplinary in character; one of the various proposals for public administration's
sub-fields sets out five pillars, including human resources, organizational theory, policy analysis and statistics,
budgeting, and ethics.
[9]
Definitions
Even in the digital age, public servants tend to work
with both paper documents and computer files
(pictured here is Stephen C. Dunn, Deputy Comptroller
for the US Navy)
One scholar claims that "public administration has no generally
accepted definition", because the "scope of the subject is so great
and so debatable that it is easier to explain than define".
[10]
Public
administration is a field of study (i.e., a discipline) and an
occupation. There is much disagreement about whether the study
of public administration can properly be called a discipline, largely
because of the debate over whether public administration is a
subfield of political science or a subfield of administrative
science".
[10]
Scholar Donald Kettl is among those who view public
administration "as a subfield within political science".
[11]
Public administration
241
The North American Industry Classification System definition of the Public Administration (NAICS 91) sector states
that public administration "... comprises establishments primarily engaged in activities of a governmental nature, that
is, the enactment and judicial interpretation of laws and their pursuant regulations, and the administration of
programs based on them". This includes "Legislative activities, taxation, national defense, public order and safety,
immigration services, foreign affairs and international assistance, and the administration of government programs are
activities that are purely governmental in nature".
[12]
From the academic perspective, the National Center for Education Statistics (NCES) in the United States defines the
study of public administration as "A program that prepares individuals to serve as managers in the executive arm of
local, state, and federal government and that focuses on the systematic study of executive organization and
management. Includes instruction in the roles, development, and principles of public administration; the
management of public policy; executive-legislative relations; public budgetary processes and financial management;
administrative law; public personnel management; professional ethics; and research methods."
[13]
History
Antiquity to the 19th century
Dating back to Antiquity, Pharaohs, kings and emperors have required pages, treasurers, and tax collectors to
administer the practical business of government. Prior to the 19th century, staffing of most public administrations
was rife with nepotism, favoritism, and political patronage, which was often referred to as a "spoils system". Public
administrators have been the "eyes and ears" of rulers until relatively recently. In medieval times, the abilities to read
and write, add and subtract were as dominated by the educated elite as public employment. Consequently, the need
for expert civil servants whose ability to read and write formed the basis for developing expertise in such necessary
activities as legal record-keeping, paying and feeding armies and levying taxes. As the European Imperialist age
progressed and the militarily powers extended their hold over other continents and people, the need for a
sophisticated public administration grew.
The eighteenth-century noble, King Frederick William I of Prussia, created professorates in Cameralism in an effort
to train a new class of public administrators. The universities of Frankfurt an der Oder and University of Halle were
Prussian institutions emphasizing economic and social disciplines, with the goal of societal reform. Johann Heinrich
Gottlob Justi was the most well-known professor of Cameralism. Thus, from a Western European perspective,
Classic, Medieval, and Enlightenment-era scholars formed the foundation of the discipline that has come to be called
public administration.
Lorenz von Stein, an 1855 German professor from Vienna, is considered the founder of the science of public
administration in many parts of the world. In the time of Von Stein, public administration was considered a form of
administrative law, but Von Stein believed this concept too restrictive. Von Stein taught that public administration
relies on many prestablished disciplines such as sociology, political science, administrative law and public finance.
He called public administration an integrating science, and stated that public administrators should be concerned
with both theory and practice. He argued that public administration is a science because knowledge is generated and
evaluated according to the scientific method.
Modern American public administration is an extension of democratic governance, justified by classic and liberal
philosophers of the western world ranging from Aristotle to John Locke
[14]
to Thomas Jefferson
[15]

[16]
Public administration
242
Woodrow Wilson
In the United States of America, Woodrow Wilson is considered the father of
public administration. He first formally recognized public administration in
an 1887 article entitled "The Study of Administration." The future president
wrote that "it is the object of administrative study to discover, first, what
government can properly and successfully do, and, secondly, how it can do
these proper things with the utmost possible efficiency and at the least
possible cost either of money or of energy."
[7]
Wilson was more influential to
the science of public administration than Von Stein, primarily due to an
article Wilson wrote in 1887 in which he advocated four concepts:
Separation of politics and administration
Comparative analysis of political and private organizations
Improving efficiency with business-like practices and attitudes toward
daily operations
Improving the effectiveness of public service through management and by
training civil servants, merit-based assessment
The separation of politics and administration has been the subject of lasting debate. The different perspectives
regarding this dichotomy contribute to differentiating characteristics of the suggested generations of public
administration.
By the 1920s, scholars of public administration had responded to Wilson's solicitation and thus textbooks in this field
were introduced. A few distinguished scholars of that period were, Luther Gulick, Lyndall Urwick, Henri Fayol,
Frederick Taylor, and others. Frederick Taylor (1856-1915), another prominent scholar in the field of administration
and management also published a book entitled The Principles of Scientific Management (1911). He believed that
scientific analysis would lead to the discovery of the one best way to do things and /or carrying out an operation.
This, according to him could help save cost and time. Taylors technique was later introduced to private
industrialists, and later into the various government organizations (Jeong, 2007).
[17]
Taylor's approach is often referred to as Taylor's Principles, and/or Taylorism. Taylor's scientific management
consisted of main four principles (Frederick W. Taylor, 1911):
Replace rule-of-thumb work methods with methods based on a scientific study of the tasks.
Scientifically select, train, and develop each employee rather than passively leaving them to train themselves.
Provide Detailed instruction and supervision of each worker in the performance of that worker's discrete task
(Montgomery 1997: 250).
Divide work nearly equally between managers and workers, so that the managers apply scientific management
principles to planning the work and the workers actually perform the tasks.
Taylor had very precise ideas about how to introduce his system (approach): It is only through enforced
standardization of methods, enforced adoption of the best implements and working conditions, and enforced
cooperation that this faster work can be assured. And the duty of enforcing the adoption of standards and enforcing
this cooperation rests with management alone.
[18]
The American Society for Public Administration (ASPA) the leading professional group for public administration
was founded in 1939. ASPA sponsors the journal Public Administration Review, which was founded in 1940.
[19]
Public administration
243
US in the 1940s
The separation of politics and administration advocated by Wilson continues to play a significant role in public
administration today. However, the dominance of this dichotomy was challenged by second generation scholars,
beginning in the 1940s. Luther Gulick's fact-value dichotomy was a key contender for Wilson's proposed
politics-administration dichotomy. In place of Wilson's first generation split, Gulick advocated a "seamless web of
discretion and interaction".
[20]
Luther Gulick (18921993) was an
expert on public administration.
Luther Gulick and Lyndall Urwick are two second-generation scholars.
Gulick, Urwick, and the new generation of administrators built on the work of
contemporary behavioral, administrative, and organizational scholars
including Henri Fayol, Fredrick Winslow Taylor, Paul Appleby, Frank
Goodnow, and Willam Willoughby. The new generation of organizational
theories no longer relied upon logical assumptions and generalizations about
human nature like classical and enlightened theorists.
Gulick developed a comprehensive, generic theory of organization that
emphasized the scientific method, efficiency, professionalism, structural
reform, and executive control. Gulick summarized the duties of
administrators with an acronym; POSDCORB, which stands for planning,
organizing, staffing, directing, coordinating, reporting, and budgeting. Fayol
developed a systematic, 14-point, treatment of private management.
Second-generation theorists drew upon private management practices for administrative sciences. A single, generic
management theory bleeding the borders between the private and the public sector was thought to be possible. With
the general theory, the administrative theory could be focused on governmental organizations.
PostWorld War II to the 1970s
The mid-1940s theorists challenged Wilson and Gulick. The politics-administration dichotomy remained the center
of criticism. In the 1960s and 1970s, government itself came under fire as ineffective, inefficient, and largely a
wasted effort. The costly American intervention in Vietnam along with domestic scandals including the bugging of
Democratic party headquarters (the 1974 Watergate scandal) are two examples of self-destructive government
behavior that alienated citizens.
The costly Vietnam War alienated US citizens
from their government (pictured is Operation Arc
Light, a US bombing operation)
There was a call by citizens for efficient administration to replace
ineffective, wasteful bureaucracy. Public administration would have to
distance itself from politics to answer this call and remain effective.
Elected officials supported these reforms. The Hoover Commission,
chaired by University of Chicago professor Louis Brownlow, to
examine reorganization of government. Brownlow subsequently
founded the Public Administration Service (PAS) at the university, an
organization which has provided consulting services to all levels of
government until the 1970s.
Concurrently, after World War II, the whole concept of public
administration expanded to include policy-making and analysis, thus
the study of administrative policy making and analysis was introduced and enhanced into the government
decision-making bodies. Later on, the human factor became a predominant concern and emphasis in the study of
Public Administration. This period witnessed the development and inclusion of other social sciences knowledge,
predominantly, psychology, anthropology, and sociology, into the study of public administration (Jeong, 2007).
[17]
Public administration
244
Henceforth, the emergence of scholars such as, Fritz Morstein Marx with his book The Elements of Public
Administration (1946), Paul H. Appleby Policy and Administration (1952), Frank Marini Towards a New Public
Administration (1971), and others that have contributed positively in these endeavors.
1980s1990s
In the late 1980s, yet another generation of public administration theorists began to displace the last. The new theory,
which came to be called New Public Management, was proposed by David Osborne and Ted Gaebler in their book
Reinventing Government.
[21]
The new model advocated the use of private sector-style models, organizational ideas
and values to improve the efficiency and service-orientation of the public sector. During the Clinton Administration
(19932001), Vice President Al Gore adopted and reformed federal agencies using NPM approaches. In the 1990s,
new public management became prevalent throughout the bureaucracies of the US, the UK and, to a lesser extent, in
Canada.
Some modern authors define NPM as a combination of splitting large bureaucracies into smaller, more fragmented
agencies, encouraging competition between different public agencies, and encouraging competition between public
agencies and private firms and using economic incentives lines (e.g., performance pay for senior executives or
user-pay models).
[22]
NPM treats individuals as "customers" or "clients" (in the private sector sense), rather than as
citizens.
[23]
Some critics argue that the New Public Management concept of treating people as "customers" rather than "citizens"
is an inappropriate borrowing from the private sector model, because businesses see customers are a means to an end
(profit), rather than as the proprietors of government (the owners), opposed to merely the customers of a business
(the patrons). In New Public Management, people are viewed as economic units not democratic participants.
Nevertheless, the model is still widely accepted at all levels of government and in many OECD nations.
Late 1990s2000
In the late 1990s, Janet and Robert Denhardt proposed a new public service model in response to the dominance of
NPM.
[24]
A successor to NPM is digital era governance, focusing on themes of reintegrating government
responsibilities, needs-based holism (executing duties in cursive ways), and digitalization (exploiting the
transformational capabilities of modern IT and digital storage).One example of this is openforum.com.au, an
Australian non-for-profit eDemocracy project which invites politicians, senior public servants, academics, business
people and other key stakeholders to engage in high-level policy debate.
Another new public service model is what has been called New Public Governance, an approach which includes a
centralization of power; an increased number, role and influence of partisan-political staff; personal-politicization of
appointments to the senior public service; and, the assumption that the public service is promiscuously partisan for
the government of the day.
[25]
Approaches to the study of Public Administration
Behavioural Approach
System's Approach
Ecological Approach
Structural Functional Approach
Public Choice Approach
Contingency Approach
Public administration
245
Core branches
In academia, the field of public administration consists of a number of sub-fields. Scholars have proposed a number
of different sets of sub-fields. One of the proposed models uses five "pillars":
[9]
Human resource management is an in-house structure that ensures that public service staffing is done in an
unbiased, ethical and values-based manner. The basic functions of the HR system are employee benefits,
employee health care, compensation, etc.
Organizational Theory in Public Administration is the study of the structure of governmental entities and the
many particulars inculcated in them.
Ethics in public administration serves as a normative approach to decision making.
Policy analysis serves as an empirical approach to decision making.
Public budgeting is the activity within a government that seeks to allocate scarce resources among unlimited
demands.
Decision-making models
Given the array of duties public administrators find themselves performing, the professional administrator might
refer to a theoretical framework from which he or she might work. Indeed, many public and private administrative
scholars have devised and modified decision-making models.
Niskanen's budget-maximizing
In 1971, Professor William Niskanen proposed a rational choice variation which he called the "budget-maximizing
model". He claimed that rational bureaucrats will universally seek to increase the budgets of their units (to enhance
their stature), thereby contributing to state growth and increased public expenditure. Niskanen served on President
Reagan's Council of Economic Advisors; his model underpinned what has been touted as curtailed public spending
and increased privatization. However, budgeted expenditures and the growing deficit during the Reagan
administration is evidence of a different reality. A range of pluralist authors have critiqued Niskanen's universalist
approach. These scholars have argued that officials tend also to be motivated by considerations of the public interest.
Dunleavy's bureau-shaping
The bureau-shaping model, a modification of Niskanen, holds that rational bureaucrats only maximize the part of
their budget that they spend on their own agency's operations or give to contractors and interest groups. Groups that
are able to organize a "flowback" of benefits to senior officials would, according to this theory, receive increased
budgetary attention. For instance, rational officials will get no benefit from paying out larger welfare checks to
millions of low-income citizens because this does not serve a bureaucrats' goals. Accordingly, one might instead
expect a jurisdiction to seek budget increases for defense and security purposes in place programming. If we refer
back to Reagan once again, Dunleavy's bureau shaping model accounts for the alleged decrease in the "size" of
government while spending did not, in fact, decrease. Domestic entitlement programming was financially
de-emphasized for military research and personnel.
As an academic field
In the United States, the academic field of public administration draws heavily on political science and
administrative law. Some MPA programs include economics courses to give students a background in
microeconomic issues (markets, rationing mechanisms, etc.) and macroeconomic issues (e.g., national debt).
Scholars such as John A. Rohr write of a long history behind the constitutional legitimacy of government
bureaucracy. In Europe (notably in Britain and Germany), the divergence of the field from other disciplines can be
traced to the 1720s continental university curriculum. Formally, official academic distinctions were made in the
Public administration
246
1910s and 1890s, respectively.
The goals of the field of public administration are related to the democratic values of improving equality, justice,
security, efficiency, effectiveness of public services usually in a non-profit, non-taxable venue; business
administration, on the other hand, is primarily concerned with taxable profit. For a field built on concepts
(accountability, governance, decentralization, clientele), these concepts are often ill-defined and typologies often
ignore certain aspects of these concepts (Dubois & Fattore 2009).
[26]
One minor tradition that the more specific term "public management" refers to ordinary, routine or typical
management concerns, in the context of achieving public good. Others argue that "public management" refers to a
newer, market-driven perspective on the operation of government. This latter view is often called "new public
management" by its advocates. New Public Management represents a reform attempt, aimed at reemphasizing the
professional nature of the field. This will replace the academic, moral or disciplinary emphasis. Some theorists
advocate a bright line differentiation of the professional field from related academic disciplines like political science
and sociology; it remains interdisciplinary in nature.
One public administration scholar, Donald Kettl, argues that "...public administration sits in a disciplinary
backwater", because "...[f]or the last generation, scholars have sought to save or replace it with fields of study like
implementation, public management, and formal bureaucratic theory".
[11]
Kettl states that "public administration, as
a subfield within political science...is struggling to define its role within the discipline".
[11]
He notes two problems
with public administration: it "has seemed methodologically to lag behind" and "the fields theoretical work too often
seems not to define it"-indeed, "some of the most interesting recent ideas in public administration have come from
outside the field".
[11]
Public administration theory is the domain in which discussions of the meaning and purpose of government, the role
of bureaucracy in supporting democratic governments, budgets, governance, and public affairs takes place. In recent
years, public administration theory has periodically connoted a heavy orientation toward critical theory and
postmodern philosophical notions of government, governance, and power. However, many public administration
scholars support a classic definition of the term emphasizing constitutionality, public service, bureaucratic forms of
organization, and hierarchical government.
Comparative public administration
Comparative public administration is defined as the study of administrative systems in a comparative fashion or the
study of public administration in other countries.
[27]
Another definition for "comparative public administration" is
the "quest for patterns and regularities in administrative action and behavior".
[27]
There have been several issues
which have hampered the development of comparative public administration, including: the major differences
between Western countries and developing countries; the lack of curriculum on this subfield in public administration
programs; and the lack of success in developing theoretical models which can be scientifically tested.
[28]
Comparative public administration studies can compare different types of states at the same time, such as religious
states vs. secular states or authoritarian states vs. democratic states. Even though public administration systems vary
a great deal, there are some common elements which they all share which can be compared, such as the recruitment
of bureaucrats and common programs which all governments have (e.g., a taxation regime) and common roles (e.g.,
rule-making).
[29]
Public administration
247
Master's degrees
The Knapp-Sanders Building, the home of the School
of Government at the University of North Carolina.
As a field, public administration can be compared to business
administration, and the master of public administration (MPA)
viewed as similar to a master of business administration (MBA)
for those wishing to pursue governmental or non-profit careers. An
MPA often emphasizes substantially different ethical and
sociological criteria that are traditionally secondary to that of
profit for business administrators. The MPA is related to similar
graduate level government studies including MA programs in
public affairs, public policy, and political science. Differences
often include program emphases on policy analysis techniques or
other topical focuses such as the study of international affairs as
opposed to focuses on constitutional issues such as separation of powers, administrative law, problems of
governance and power, and participatory democracy.
Doctoral degrees
There are two types of doctoral degrees in public administration: the Doctor of Public Administration and the Ph.D.
in Public Administration. The Doctor of Public Administration (DPA) is an applied-research doctoral degree in the
field of public administration, focusing on practice. The DPA requires a dissertation and significant coursework
beyond the Masters level. Upon successful completion of the doctoral requirements, the title of "Doctor" is awarded
and the post-nominals of D.P.A. are often added. Some universities use the Ph.D. as their doctoral degree in public
administration (e.g., Carleton University in Ottawa, Canada).
Notable scholars
Notable scholars of public administration have come from a range of fields. In the period before public
administration existed as its own independent discipline, scholars contributing to the field came from economics,
sociology, management, political science, administrative law, and, other related fields. More recently, scholars from
public administration and public policy have contributed important studies and theories. For a longer list of
academics and theorists, see the List of notable public administration scholars article.
International public administration
There are several organizations that are active. The oldest is the International Association of Schools and Institutes
of Administration (IASIA). Based in Brussels, Belgium, IASIA is an association of organizations and individuals
whose activities and interests focus on public administration and management. The activities of its members include
education and training of administrators and managers. It is the only worldwide scholarly association in the field of
public management.
[30]
Also the International Committee of the US-based National Association of School of Public
Affairs and Administration (NASPAA) has developed a number of relationships around the world. They include sub
regional and National forums like CLAD, INPAE and NISPAcee, APSA, ASPA.
[31]
The Center for Latin American Administration for Development (CLAD), based in Caracas, Venezuela, this regional
network of schools of public administration set up by the governments in Latin America is the oldest in the
region.
[32]
The Institute is a founding member and played a central role in organizing the Inter-American Network of
Public Administration Education (INPAE). Created in 2000, this regional network of schools is unique in that it is
the only organization to be composed of institutions from North and Latin America and the Caribbean working in
public administration and policy analysis. It has more than 49 members from top research schools in various
countries throughout the hemisphere.
[33]
Public administration
248
NISPAcee is a network of experts, scholars and practitioners who work in the field of public administration in
Central and Eastern Europe, including the Russian Federation and the Caucasus and Central Asia.
[34]
The US public
administration and political science associations like NASPA, American Political Science Association (APSA)
[35]
and American Society of Public Administration (ASPA).
[36]
These organizations have helped to create the
fundamental establishment of modern public administration.
References
[1] Random House Unabridged Dictionary (http:/ / dictionary. infoplease. com/ public-administration)
[2] Handbook of Public Administration. Eds Jack Rabin, W. Bartley Hildreth, and Gerard J. Miller. 1989: Marcel Dekker, NY. p. iii
[3] Robert and Janet Denhardt. Public Administration: An Action Orientation. 6th Ed. 2009: Thomson Wadsworth, Belmont CA.
[4] Kettl, Donald and James Fessler. 2009. The Politics of the Administrative Process. Washington D.C.: CQ Press.
[5] Jerome B. McKinney and Lawrence C. Howard. Public Administration: Balancing Power and Accountability. 2nd Ed. 1998: Praeger
Publishing, Westport, CT. p. 62
[6] UN Economic and Social Council. Committee of Experts on Public Administration. Definition of basic concepts and terminologies in
governance and public administration. 2006
[7] Wilson, Woodrow. June, 1887. The Study of Administration, Political Science Quarterly 2.
[8] Public administration. (2010) In Encyclopaedia Britannica. Retrieved August 18, 2010, from Encyclopaedia Britannica Online.
[9] Shafritz, J.M., A.C. Hyde. 2007. Classics of Public Administration. Wadsworth: Boston.
[10] Kernaghan, Kenneth. "Public administration" in The Canadian Encyclopedia. Available online at: http:/ / thecanadianencyclopedia. com/
index. cfm?PgNm=TCE& Params=A1ARTA0006540Accessed August 20, 2010.
[11] THE FUTURE OF PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION by Donald F. Kettl. Available online at: http:/ / www. h-net. org/ ~pubadmin/ tfreport/
kettl.pdf Accessed on October 25, 2010.
[12] Definition Public Administration (NAICS 91). Available online at: http:/ / www. ic. gc. ca/ cis-sic/ cis-sic. nsf/ IDE/ cis-sic91defe. html
Accessed October 25, 2010
[13] http:/ / nces.ed. gov/ ipeds/ cipcode/ cipdetail.aspx?y=55& cipid=88560 accessed 09.03.2011
[14] Second Treatise on Government
[15] Declaration of Independence
[16] Ryan, M., Mejia, B., and Georgiev, M. (Ed). 2010. AM Gov 2010. McGraw Hill: New York.
[17] Jeong Chun Hai @Ibrahim, & Nor Fadzlina Nawi. (2007). Principles of Public Administration: An Introduction. Kuala Lumpur: Karisma
Publications. ISBN 978-983-195-2532
[18] Frederick W. Taylor. (1856-1915). 'Principles of Scientific Management.' New York & London: Harper Brothers; Also see, Jeong Chun Hai
@Ibrahim, & Nor Fadzlina Nawi. (2007). Principles of Public Administration: An Introduction. Kuala Lumpur: Karisma Publications. ISBN
978-983-195-2532
[19] http:/ / www.aspanet.org/ scriptcontent/ ASPAgeneral. cfm
[20] Fry, Brian R. 1989. Mastering Public Administration; from Max Weber to Dwight Waldo. Chatham, New Jersey: Chatham House
Publishers, Inc. page 80
[21] Public Administration Review, Vol. 56, No. 3 (May Jun., 1996), pp. 247255
[22] Patrick Dunleavy, Helen Margetts et al, 'New public management is dead: Long live digital era governance',Journal of Public
Administration Research and Theory, (July 2006).
[23] Diane Stone, (2008) 'Global Public Policy, Transnational Policy Communities and their Networks,' Journal of Policy Sciences.
[24] Denhardt , Robert B. and Janet Vinzant Denhardt (2000). "The New Public Service: Serving Rather than Steering." Public Administration
Review 60(6)
[25] Aucoin, Peter (2008). New Public Management and the Quality of Government: Coping with the New Political Governance in Canada,
Conference on "New Public Management and the Quality of Government", SOG and the Quality of Government Institute, University of
Gothenburg, Sweden, 1315 November 2008, p.14.
[26] Dubois, Hans F. W.; Fattore, Giovanni (2009). International Journal of Public Administration (http:/ / www. informaworld. com/ smpp/
content~db=all~content=a913084156). 32. Routledge Taylor & Francis Group. pp.704727. doi:10.1080/01900690902908760. . "The field of
public administration knows many concepts. By focusing on one such concept, this research shows how definitions can be deceptive..."
[27] Haroon A. Khan. Introduction to Public Administration. University Press of America, 2008. P. 33
[28] Haroon A. Khan. Introduction to Public Administration. University Press of America, 2008 p. 34
[29] www.powershow.com/view/.../Comparative_Public_Administratio
[30] www.iiasiisa.be/schools/aeacc.htm
[31] http:/ / www.GlobalMPA. net
[32] http:/ / www.clad. org.ve
[33] http:/ / www.ebape.fgv. br/ inpae
[34] http:/ / www.nispa. sk/ _portal/ homepage.php
[35] http:/ / www.apsanet.org
Public administration
249
[36] http:/ / www.aspanet.org
External links
Gov Monitor (http:/ / www. thegovmonitor. com/ ): A public administration, policy and public sector website
Public Administration Theory Network (PAT-Net) (http:/ / www. patheory. org/ ): This is an international
network of professionals concerned with the advancement of public administration theory.
The Global Public Administration Resource (http:/ / www. linkedin. com/ groups/
Global-Public-Administration-Resource-3818311): A forum where practitioners, academics and students can
discuss topics in public administration.
United Nations Public Administration Network (UNPAN) (http:/ / www. unpan. org/ ): A body which aims to
establish an Internet-based network that links regional and national institutions devoted to public administration.
Suggested reading
Dubois, H.F.W. & Fattore, G. (2009), 'Definitions and typologies in public administration research: the case of
decentralization', International Journal of Public Administration, 32(8): 704727.
Jeong Chun Hai @Ibrahim, & Nor Fadzlina Nawi. (2007). Principles of Public Administration: An Introduction.
Kuala Lumpur: Karisma Publications. ISBN 978-983-195-2532
Smith, Kevin B. and Licari, Michael J. Public Administration Power and Politics in the Fourth Branch of
Government, ISBN 1-933220-04-X
White,Jay D. and Guy B. Adams. Research in public administration: reflections on theory and practice.1994.
Donald Menzel and Harvey White (eds) 2011. The State of Public Administration: Issues, Challenges and
Opportunity. New York: M. E. Sharpe.
Norma M. Riccucci, Public Administration: Traditions of Inquiry and Philosophies of Knowledge Washington,
DC: Georgetown University Press, 2010.
http:/ / www. amazon. com/ Public-Administration-Traditions-Philosophies-Management/ dp/ 1589017048/
ref=sr_1_3?s=books& ie=UTF8& qid=1297903857& sr=1-3
Bureaucracy
250
Bureaucracy
A bureaucracy is an organization of non-elected officials of a government or organization who implement the rules,
laws, and functions of their institution,
[1]
and are occasionally characterized by officialism and red tape.
[2]
Development
Bureaucracies date back to ancient societies across the globe.
Ancient world
Further information: Mesopotamia,Ancient Rome,Ancient China,andAncient Egypt
Modern world
Weberian bureaucracy
The Weberian bureaucracy has its origin in the works by Max Weber (1864-1920), who was a notable German
sociologist, political economist and administrative scholar, who had contributed immensely to the study of
bureaucracy and administrative discourses and literatures, during the mid 1800s and early 1900s. Max Weber
belongs to the Scientific School of Thought, who among others, discussed intensely on subject-matters, such as,
specialization of job-scope, merit system, uniform principles, structure and hierarchy, to name a few. Among the
scholars of his contemporaries are, Frederick Taylor (1856-1915), Henri Fayol (1841-1925), Elton Mayo
(1880-1949), and later scholars, such as, Herbert Simon (1916-2001), Dwight Waldo (1913-2000), and others.
[3]
Bureaucratic administration means fundamentally domination through knowledge
Max Weber
[4]
Weber described many ideal types of public administration and government in his magnum opus Economy and
Society (1922). His critical study of the bureaucratisation of society became one of the most enduring parts of his
work.
[4]

[5]
It was Weber who began the studies of bureaucracy and whose works led to the popularization of this
term.
[6]
Many aspects of modern public administration go back to him, and a classic, hierarchically organized civil
service of the Continental type is called "Weberian civil service".
[7]
As the most efficient and rational way of
organizing, bureaucratization for Weber was the key part of the rational-legal authority, and furthermore, he saw it as
the key process in the ongoing rationalization of the Western society.
[4]

[5]
Weber listed several precondititions for the emergence of the bureaucracy.
[8]
The growth in space and population
being administered and the growth in complexity of the administrative tasks being carried out and the existence of a
monetary economy resulted in a need for a more efficient administrative system.
[8]
Development of communication
and transportation technologies made more efficient administration possible but also in popular demand, and
democratization and rationalization of culture resulted in demands that the new system treats everybody equally.
[8]
Weber's ideal bureaucracy is characterized by hierarchical organization, delineated lines of authority in a fixed area
of activity, action taken on the basis of and recorded in written rules, bureaucratic officials need expert training, rules
are implemented by neutral officials, career advancement depends on technical qualifications judged by
organization, not individuals.
[4]

[8]
The decisive reason for the advance of bureaucratic organization has always been its purely technical
superiority over any other form of organization
Max Weber
[7]
While recognizing bureaucracy as the most efficient form of organization, and even indispensable for the modern
state, Weber also saw it as a threat to individual freedoms, and the ongoing bureaucratization as leading to a "polar
Bureaucracy
251
night of icy darkness", in which increasing rationalization of human life traps individuals in the aforementioned "iron
cage" of bureaucratic, rule-based, rational control.
[4]

[9]
In order to counteract bureaucrats, the system needs
entrepreneurs and politicians.
[4]
References
[1] Wilson, Woodrow. The Study of Administration (http:/ / www. jstor. org/ stable/ 2139277). Political Science Quarterly, Vol. 2, No. 2 (Jun.,
1887), pp. 197-222. The Academy of Political Science. Accessed 02.02.2011
[2] Merriam Webster dictionary (http:/ / www.merriam-webster. com/ dictionary/ bureaucracy)
[3] Jeong Chun Hai @Ibrahim. (2007). Fundamental of Development Administration. Selangor: Scholar Press. ISBN 978-967-504-5080
[4] Richard Swedberg; Ola Agevall (2005). The Max Weber dictionary: key words and central concepts (http:/ / books. google. com/
books?id=_c3Mcnh8hCgC& pg=PA19). Stanford University Press. pp.1821. ISBN9780804750950. . Retrieved 23 March 2011.
[5] George Ritzer (29 September 2009). Contemporary Sociological Theory and Its Classical Roots: The Basics (http:/ / books. google. com/
books?id=pX6pPwAACAAJ). McGraw-Hill. pp.3842. ISBN9780073404387. . Retrieved 22 March 2011.
[6] Marshall Sashkin; Molly G. Sashkin (28 January 2003). Leadership that matters: the critical factors for making a difference in people's lives
and organizations' success (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=q12zbgs-jyYC& pg=PA52). Berrett-Koehler Publishers. p.52.
ISBN9781576751930. . Retrieved 22 March 2011.
[7] Liesbet Hooghe (2001). The European Commission and the integration of Europe: images of governance (http:/ / books. google. com/
books?id=e15KnRiGipYC& pg=PA40). Cambridge University Press. p.40. ISBN9780521001434. . Retrieved 23 March 2011.
[8] Kenneth Allan; Kenneth D. Allan (2 November 2005). Explorations in Classical Sociological Theory: Seeing the Social Worl. Pine Forge
Press. pp.172176. ISBN9781412059279.
[9] George Ritzer, Enchanting a Disenchanted World: Revolutionizing the Means of Consumption, Pine Forge Press, 2004, ISBN
0-7619-8819-X, Google Print, p.55 (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?vid=ISBN076198819X& id=DznT_TbfKzMC& pg=PA55&
lpg=PA55& dq=rationalization+ "iron+ cage"+ "polar+ night+ of+ icy+ darkness"& sig=T4GVWJHDLYKbPVBg7lXN5KJFSb4)
Further reading
Albrow, Martin. Bureaucracy. London: Macmillan, 1970.
On Karl Marx: Hal Draper, Karl Marx's Theory of Revolution, Volume 1: State and Bureaucracy. New York:
Monthly Review Press, 1979.
Marx comments on the state bureaucracy in his Critique of Hegel's Philosophy of Right (http:/ / www. marxists.
org/ archive/ marx/ works/ 1843/ critique-hpr/ index. htm) and Engels discusses the origins of the state in Origins
of the Family (http:/ / www. marxists. org/ archive/ marx/ works/ 1884/ origin-family/ index. htm).
Ernest Mandel, Power and Money: A Marxist Theory of Bureaucracy. London: Verso, 1992.
On Weber: Watson, Tony J. (1980). Sociology, Work and Industry. Routledge. ISBN0-415-32165-4.
Neil Garston (ed.), Bureaucracy: Three Paradigms. Boston: Kluwer, 1993.
Chowdhury, Faizul Latif (2006), Corrupt Bureaucracy and Privatization of Tax Enforcement. Dhaka: Pathak
Samabesh, ISBN 984-8120-62-9.
Weber, Max. The Theory of Social and Economic Organization. Translated by A.M. Henderson and Talcott
Parsons. London: Collier Macmillan Publishers, 1947.
Wilson, James Q. (1989). Bureaucracy. Basic Books. ISBN0-465-00785--6.
Street-level bureaucracy
252
Street-level bureaucracy
Street-level bureaucracy is a term used to refer to a public agency employee who actually performs the actions that
implement laws.
Street-level bureaucrats
The concept of street-level bureaucracy was first coined by Michael Lipsky in 1980, who argued that "policy
implementation in the end comes down to the people who actually implement it".
[1]
He argued that state employees
such as police and social workers should be seen as part of the "policy-making community" and as exercisers of
political power.
Examples of street-level bureaucrats
Street-level bureaucrats include police officers, firefighters, and others who "walk the streets" with regular citizens,
and provide services to protect, as well as uphold the laws.
Problems with street-level bureaucracy
Lipsky identified several problems with street-level bureaucracy, including "the problem of limited resources, the
continuous negotiation that is necessary in order to make it seem like one is meeting targets, and the relations with
(nonvoluntary) clients".
[1]
However, some commentators have challenged Lipsky's model. Tony Evans and John
Harris."
[2]
argue that "the proliferation of rules and regulations should not automatically be equated with greater
control over professional discretion; paradoxically, more rules may create more discretion." They also argue that the
exercise of professional discretion by street-level bureaucrats is not inherently "bad", but can be seen as an important
professional attribute.
[2]
A 2003 American study, conducted by Steven Maynard Moody of the University of Kansas, reiterated the
significance of street-level bureaucrats in the political process, asserting that street-level workers "actually make
policy choices rather than simply implement the decisions of elected officials."
[3]
They also claim, based on a study
of 48 street-level state employees in two states, that "workers' beliefs about the people they interact with continually
rub against policies and rules" and that the prejudices of the street-level bureaucrats influence their treatment of
citizens.
[3]

[4]
[5]
In 2007, Emil Mackey confirmed that even the Resident Assistants in campus housing exercise their discretion to
change policy at the implementation level. Furthermore, these policy implementation changes reflected the
individual values of each street-level bureaucrat rather than the will of policymakers. Therefore, this research not
only confirmed previous street-level bureaucrat research and literature, but also expanded it to include the Higher
Education policy environment.
[6]
[7]
Street-level bureaucracy
253
References
[1] Lipsky, M., Street-level Bureaucracy; Dilemmas of the Individual in Public Services, 1980, view summary (http:/ / www. odi. org. uk/ Rapid/
Projects/ R0163/ Communications/ Comms_Abs_47.html)
[2] Evans, T and Harris, J, Street-Level Bureaucracy, Social Work and the (Exaggerated) Death of Discretion, British Journal of Social Work,
vol.34, no.6, September 2004, view abstract (http:/ / www. ingentaconnect. com/ content/ oup/ social/ 2004/ 00000034/ 00000006/ art00871)
[3] Maynard-Moody, S and Musheno, M, Cops, Teachers, Counselors: Stories from the Front Lines of Public Service, University of Michigan
Press, 2003, view summary (http:/ / www. politicalreviewnet. com/ polrev/ reviews/ PUAR/ R_0033_3352_214_1005289. asp)
[4] Also see Norma M. Riccucci, How Management Matters: Street-Level Bureaucrats and Welfare Reform. Washington, DC: Georgetown
University Press, 2005.
[5] http:/ / www. amazon. com/ dp/ 1589010418
[6] Mackey, Emil Robert (2008). Street-level bureaucrats and the shaping of university housing policy. Fayetteville, Arkansas: University of
Arkansas Press.
[7] http:/ / library. uark. edu/ search~S0?/ aMackey/ amackey/ 1%2C53%2C81%2CB/ frameset& FF=amackey+ emil+ robert+ 1970&
1%2C1%2C/ indexsort=-
Adhocracy
Adhocracy is a type of organization that operates in opposite fashion to a bureaucracy. The term was first
popularized in 1970 by Alvin Toffler,
[1]
and has since become often used in the theory of management of
organizations (particularly online organizations), further developed by academics such as Henry Mintzberg.
Etymology
The word is a portmanteau of the Latin ad hoc, meaning "for the purpose", and the suffix -cracy, from the ancient
Greek kratein (), meaning "to govern",
[1]
and is thus a heteroclite.
Overview
Robert H. Waterman, Jr. defined adhocracy as "any form of organization that cuts across normal bureaucratic lines to
capture opportunities, solve problems, and get results".
[2]
For Henry Mintzberg, an adhocracy is a complex and
dynamic organizational form.
[3]
It is different from bureaucracy; like Toffler, Mintzberg considers bureaucracy a
thing of the past, and adhocracy one of the future.
[1]
When done well, adhocracy can be very good at problem
solving and innovations
[1]
and thrives in a diverse environment.
[3]
It requires sophisticated and often automated
technical systems to develop and thrive.
[1]
Characteristics of an adhocracy:
highly organic structure
[3]
little formalization of behavior
[1]

[3]
job specialization based on formal training
a tendency to group the specialists in functional units for housekeeping purposes but to deploy them in small,
market-based project teams to do their work
[3]
a reliance on liaison devices to encourage mutual adjustment within and between these teams
[3]

[4]
low standardization of procedures
[1]
roles not clearly defined
[1]
selective decentralization
[1]
work organization rests on specialized teams
[1]
power-shifts to specialized teams
horizontal job specialization
[4]
high cost of communication
[4]
(dramatically reduced in the networked age)
culture based on non-bureaucratic work
[4]
Adhocracy
254
All members of an organization have the authority within their areas of specialization, and in coordination with other
members, to make decisions and to take actions affecting the future of the organization. There is an absence of
hierarchy.
According to Robert H. Waterman, Jr., "Teams should be big enough to represent all parts of the bureaucracy that
will be affected by their work, yet small enough to get the job done efficiently."
[5]
Examples of adhocracies include construction projects in which various independent specialized entities are
assembled and coordinated at various phases to perform their tasks and progress to the next step upon completion.
Another example of an adhocracy is the U.S. Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA) that oversees the
coordination of local, state, federal and non-profit organizations in any given national emergency. Specific military
operations can also be characterized as following the adhocracy model in form and function.
Alvin Toffler claimed in his book Future Shock that adhocracies will get more common and are likely to replace
bureaucracy. He also wrote that they will most often come in form of a temporary structure, formed to resolve a
given problem and dissolved afterwards. An example are cross-department task forces.
Downsides of adhocracies can include "half-baked actions", personnel problems stemming from organization's
temporary nature, extremism in suggested or undertaken actions, and threats to democracy and legality rising from
adhocracy's often low-key profile.
[4]
To address those problems, researches in adhocracy suggest a model merging
adhocracy and bureaucracy, the bureau-adhocracy.
[4]
Use in fiction
The term is also used to describe the form of government used in the science fiction novels Voyage from Yesteryear
by James P. Hogan and Down and Out in the Magic Kingdom, by Cory Doctorow.
Notes
[1] Bob Travica, New Organizational Designs: Information Aspects, Ablex/Greenwood, 1999, ISBN 1567504035, Google Print, p.7 (http:/ /
books.google. com/ books?vid=ISBN1567504035& id=QHY74gR13j0C& pg=PA6& lpg=PA6& dq=adhocracy+ toffler&
sig=lbJxWY2h1o9Gae9j1pfNyhfwLJk& hl=en)
[2] http:/ / www. wwnorton. com/ catalog/ backlist/ 031084.htm
[3] Mintzberg's Organizational Configurations (http:/ / www. 12manage. com/ methods_mintzberg_configurations. html)
[4] Bob Travica, New Organizational Designs: Information Aspects, Ablex/Greenwood, 1999, ISBN 1567504035, p.8
[5] Waterman, R. H. (1990). Adhocracy: The power to change. The Larger agenda series. Knoxville, Tenn: Whittle Direct Books.
References
Adhocracy by Robert H. Waterman, Jr. (ISBN 0-393-31084-1)
Future Shock by Alvin Toffler (ISBN 0-553-27737-5)
External links
Bureaucracy and Adhocracy (http:/ / www. uplink. com. au/ lawlibrary/ Documents/ Docs/ Doc11. html), by Evan
Sycamnias
Public policy
255
Public policy
Public policy as government action is generally the principled guide to action taken by the administrative or
executive branches of the state with regard to a class of issues in a manner consistent with law and institutional
customs. In general, the foundation is the pertinent national and subnational constitutional law and implementing
legislation such as the US Federal code. Further substrates include both judicial interpretations and regulations which
are generally authorized by legislation.
[1]
Other scholars define it as a system of "courses of action, regulatory
measures, laws, and funding priorities concerning a given topic promulgated by a governmental entity or its
representatives."
[2]
Public policy is commonly embodied "in constitutions, legislative acts, and judicial decisions."
[3]
In the United States, this concept refers not only to the end result of policies, but more broadly to the
decision-making and analysis of governmental decisions. As an academic discipline, public policy is studied by
professors and students at public policy schools of major universities throughout the country. The U.S. professional
association of public policy practitioners, researchers, scholars, and students is the Association for Public Policy
Analysis and Management.
Government actions
Shaping public policy is a complex and multifaceted process that involves the interplay of numerous individuals and
interest groups competing and collaborating to influence policymakers to act in a particular way. These individuals
and groups use a variety of tactics and tools to advance their aims, including advocating their positions publicly,
attempting to educate supporters and opponents, and mobilizing allies on a particular issue.
[4]
In this context, advocacy can be defined as attempting to influence public policy through education, lobbying, or
political pressure. Advocacy groups "often attempt to educate the general public as well as public policy makers
about the nature of problems, what legislation is needed to address problems, and the funding required to provide
services or conduct research. Although advocacy is viewed as unseemly by some in the professional and research
community, it is clear that public policy priorities are influenced by advocacy. Sound research data can be used to
educate the public as well as policy makers, thereby improving the public policy process."
[4]
As an academic discipline
As an academic discipline, public policy brings in elements of many social science fields and concepts, including
economics, sociology, political economy, program evaluation, policy analysis, and public management, all as applied
to problems of governmental administration, management, and operations. At the same time, the study of public
policy is distinct from political science or economics, in its focus on the application of theory to practice. While the
majority of public policy degrees are master's and doctoral degrees, several universities also offer undergraduate
education in public policy.
Policy schools tackle policy analysis differently. The Harris School of Public Policy Studies at the University of
Chicago has a more quantitative and economics approach to policy, the Heinz College at Carnegie Mellon uses
computational and empirical methods, while the John F. Kennedy School of Government at Harvard University has a
more political science and leadership based approach. The Indiana University School of Public and Environmental
Affairs provides traditional public policy training with multidisciplinary concentrations available in the
environmental sciences and nonprofit management.
Traditionally, the academic field of public policy focused on domestic policy. However, the wave of economic
globalization, which ensued in the late 20th and early 21st centuries, created a need for a subset of public policy that
focuses on global governance, especially as it relates to issues that transcend national borders such as climate
change, terrorism, nuclear proliferation, and economic development.
[5]
Consequently, many traditional public policy
schools had to tweak their curricula to adjust to this new policy landscape. In contrast, some specialty schools that
Public policy
256
were conceived to be "international policy" schools from the start had less of an adjustment to make. These programs
typically require mastery of a second language and take a cross-cultural approach to public policy to address national
and cultural biases. For example, the Monterey Institute of International Studies at Middlebury College focuses
almost exclusively on international public policy through a mix of interdisciplinary and cross-cultural analysis called
the "Monterey Way"
[6]
.
References
[1] Wolf, Robert, "Definitions of Policy Analysis" (http:/ / qsilver. queensu. ca/ ~wolfer/ General/ Definition. html)
[2] Kilpatrick, Dean, "Definitions of Public Policy and Law" (http:/ / www. musc. edu/ vawprevention/ policy/ definition. shtml/ )
[3] Schuster II, W. Michael, "For the Greater Good: The Use of Public Policy Considerations in Confirming Chapter 11 Plans of Reorganization"
(http:/ / papers. ssrn.com/ sol3/ papers. cfm?abstract_id=1368469)
[4] Kilpatrick
[5] http:/ / www. gppi. net/ fileadmin/ gppi/ Global_Public_Policy_Foreign_Affairs. pdf
[6] The Monterey Way (http:/ / www. miis. edu/ academics/ courses)
External links
Association for Public Policy Analysis and Management (http:/ / www. appam. org/ home. asp)
National Association of Schools of Public Affairs and Administration (http:/ / www. naspaa. org/ )
Harris School of Public Policy (http:/ / harrisschool. uchicago. edu/ programs/ degrees/ )
NYU's Robert F. Wagner Graduate School of Public Service (http:/ / www. wagner. nyu. edu)
John Glenn School of Public Affairs, OSU (http:/ / www. glennschool. osu. edu)
Department of Public Policy, Central European University (http:/ / publicpolicy. ceu. hu/ )
Law
257
Law
Lady Justice is the symbol of the judiciary.
[1]

[2]
Justice is
depicted as a goddess equipped with three symbols of the rule of
law: a sword symbolising the court's coercive power; scales
representing an objective standard by which competing claims are
weighed; and a blindfold indicating that justice is (or should be)
meted out objectively, without fear or favor, regardless of identity,
money, power, or weakness.
[3]
Law
[4]
is a system of rules and guidelines which are
enforced through social institutions to govern behavior,
wherever possible.
[5]
It shapes politics, economics and
society in numerous ways and serves as a social
mediator of relations between people. Contract law
regulates everything from buying a bus ticket to trading
on derivatives markets. Property law defines rights and
obligations related to the transfer and title of personal
and real property. Trust law applies to assets held for
investment and financial security, while tort law allows
claims for compensation if a person's rights or property
are harmed. If the harm is criminalised in legislation,
criminal law offers means by which the state can
prosecute the perpetrator. Constitutional law provides a
framework for the creation of law, the protection of
human rights and the election of political representatives.
Administrative law is used to review the decisions of
government agencies, while international law governs
affairs between sovereign states in activities ranging
from trade to environmental regulation or military
action. Writing in 350BC, the Greek philosopher
Aristotle declared, "The rule of law is better than the rule
of any individual."
[6]
Legal systems elaborate rights and responsibilities in a
variety of ways. A general distinction can be made
between civil law jurisdictions, which codify their laws,
and common law systems, where judge-made law is not
consolidated. In some countries, religion informs the
law. Law provides a rich source of scholarly inquiry,
into legal history, philosophy, economic analysis or sociology. Law also raises important and complex issues
concerning equality, fairness and justice. "In its majestic equality", said the writer Anatole France in 1894, "the law
forbids rich and poor alike to sleep under bridges, beg in the streets and steal loaves of bread."
[7]
In a typical
democracy, the central institutions for interpreting and creating law are the three main branches of government,
namely an impartial judiciary, a democratic legislature, and an accountable executive. Law distinguishes itself from
policy as laws are the standard rules and regulations that are compulsory. Policies are objectives that an organization
or a government sets for itself. To implement and enforce the law and provide services to the public, a government's
bureaucracy, the military and police are vital. While all these organs of the state are creatures created and bound by
law, an independent legal profession and a vibrant civil society inform and support their progress.
Law
258
Legal subjects
All legal systems deal with the same basic issues, but jurisdictions categorise and identify its legal subjects in
different ways. A common distinction is that between "public law" (a term related closely to the state, and including
constitutional, administrative and criminal law), and "private law" (which covers contract, tort and property).
[8]
In
civil law systems, contract and tort fall under a general law of obligations, while trusts law is dealt with under
statutory regimes or international conventions. International, constitutional and administrative law, criminal law,
contract, tort, property law and trusts are regarded as the "traditional core subjects",
[9]
although there are many
further disciplines .
International law
Providing a constitution for public international
law, the United Nations system was agreed
during World War II
International law can refer to three things: public international law,
private international law or conflict of laws and the law of
supranational organizations.
Public international law concerns relationships between sovereign
nations. The sources for public international law development are
custom, practice and treaties between sovereign nations, such as the
Geneva Conventions. Public international law can be formed by
international organisations, such as the United Nations (which was
established after the failure of the League of Nations to prevent the
Second World War),
[10]
the International Labour Organisation, the
World Trade Organisation, or the International Monetary Fund.
Public international law has a special status as law because there is
no international police force, and courts (e.g. the International Court
of Justice as the primary UN judicial organ) lack the capacity to
penalise disobedience.
[11]
However, a few bodies, such as the WTO,
have effective systems of binding arbitration and dispute resolution
backed up by trade sanctions.
[12]
Conflict of laws (or "private international law" in civil law
countries) concerns which jurisdiction a legal dispute between
private parties should be heard in and which jurisdiction's law should be applied. Today, businesses are
increasingly capable of shifting capital and labour supply chains across borders, as well as trading with overseas
businesses, making the question of which country has jurisdiction even more pressing. Increasing numbers of
businesses opt for commercial arbitration under the New York Convention 1958.
[13]
European Union law is the first and, so far, only example of a supranational legal framework. Given the trend of
increasing global economic integration, many regional agreementsespecially the Union of South American
Nationsare on track to follow the same model. In the EU, sovereign nations have gathered their authority in a
system of courts and political institutions. These institutions are allowed the ability to enforce legal norms both
against or for member states and citizens in a manner which is not possible through public international law.
[14]
As the European Court of Justice said in the 1960s, European Union law constitutes "a new legal order of
international law" for the mutual social and economic benefit of the member states.
[15]
Law
259
Constitutional and administrative law
The French Declaration of the Rights of Man and
of the Citizen, whose principles still have
constitutional value
Constitutional and administrative law govern the affairs of the state.
Constitutional law concerns both the relationships between the
executive, legislature and judiciary and the human rights or civil
liberties of individuals against the state. Most jurisdictions, like the
United States and France, have a single codified constitution with a bill
of rights. A few, like the United Kingdom, have no such document. A
"constitution" is simply those laws which constitute the body politic,
from statute, case law and convention. A case named Entick v
Carrington
[16]
illustrates a constitutional principle deriving from the
common law. Mr Entick's house was searched and ransacked by
Sheriff Carrington. When Mr Entick complained in court, Sheriff
Carrington argued that a warrant from a Government minister, the Earl
of Halifax, was valid authority. However, there was no written
statutory provision or court authority. The leading judge, Lord
Camden, stated that,
The great end, for which men entered into society, was to
secure their property. That right is preserved sacred and
incommunicable in all instances, where it has not been
taken away or abridged by some public law for the good of the whole ... If no excuse can be found or
produced, the silence of the books is an authority against the defendant, and the plaintiff must have
judgment.
[17]
The fundamental constitutional principle, inspired by John Locke, holds that the individual can do anything but that
which is forbidden by law, and the state may do nothing but that which is authorised by law.
[18]

[19]
Administrative
law is the chief method for people to hold state bodies to account. People can apply for judicial review of actions or
decisions by local councils, public services or government ministries, to ensure that they comply with the law. The
first specialist administrative court was the Conseil d'tat set up in 1799, as Napoleon assumed power in France.
[20]
Criminal law
Criminal law, also known as penal law, pertains to crimes and punishment.
[21]
It thus regulates the definition of and
penalties for offences found to have a sufficiently deleterious social impact but, in itself, makes no moral judgment
on an offender nor imposes restrictions on society that physically prevents people from committing a crime in the
first place.
[22]
Investigating, apprehending, charging, and trying suspected offenders is regulated by the law of
criminal procedure.
[23]
The paradigm case of a crime lies in the proof, beyond reasonable doubt, that a person is
guilty of two things. First, the accused must commit an act which is deemed by society to be criminal, or actus reus
(guilty act).
[24]
Second, the accused must have the requisite malicious intent to do a criminal act, or mens rea (guilty
mind). However for so called "strict liability" crimes, an actus reus is enough.
[25]
Criminal systems of the civil law
tradition distinguish between intention in the broad sense (dolus directus and dolus eventualis), and negligence.
Negligence does not carry criminal responsibility unless a particular crime provides for its punishment.
[26]

[27]
Law
260
A depiction of a 1600s criminal trial, for
witchcraft in Salem
Examples of crimes include murder, assault, fraud and theft. In
exceptional circumstances defences can apply to specific acts, such as
killing in self defence, or pleading insanity. Another example is in the
19th century English case of R v Dudley and Stephens, which tested a
defence of "necessity". The Mignonette, sailing from Southampton to
Sydney, sank. Three crew members and Richard Parker, a 17 year old
cabin boy, were stranded on a raft. They were starving and the cabin
boy was close to death. Driven to extreme hunger, the crew killed and
ate the cabin boy. The crew survived and were rescued, but put on trial
for murder. They argued it was necessary to kill the cabin boy to
preserve their own lives. Lord Coleridge, expressing immense
disapproval, ruled, "to preserve one's life is generally speaking a duty,
but it may be the plainest and the highest duty to sacrifice it." The men were sentenced to hang, but public opinion
was overwhelmingly supportive of the crew's right to preserve their own lives. In the end, the Crown commuted their
sentences to six months in jail.
[28]
Criminal law offences are viewed as offences against not just individual victims, but the community as well.
[22]
The
state, usually with the help of police, takes the lead in prosecution, which is why in common law countries cases are
cited as "The People v ..." or "R (for Rex or Regina) v ..." Also, lay juries are often used to determine the guilt of
defendants on points of fact: juries cannot change legal rules. Some developed countries still condone capital
punishment for criminal activity, but the normal punishment for a crime will be imprisonment, fines, state
supervision (such as probation), or community service. Modern criminal law has been affected considerably by the
social sciences, especially with respect to sentencing, legal research, legislation, and rehabilitation.
[29]
On the
international field, 111 countries are members of the International Criminal Court, which was established to try
people for crimes against humanity.
[30]
Contract law
The famous Carbolic Smoke Ball advertisement
to cure influenza was held to be a unilateral
contract
Contract law concerns enforceable promises, and can be summed up in
the Latin phrase pacta sunt servanda (agreements must be kept).
[31]
In
common law jurisdictions, three key elements to the creation of a
contract are necessary: offer and acceptance, consideration and the
intention to create legal relations. In Carlill v Carbolic Smoke Ball
Company a medical firm advertised that its new wonder drug, the
smokeball, would cure people's flu, and if it did not, the buyers would
get 100. Many people sued for their 100 when the drug did not work.
Fearing bankruptcy, Carbolic argued the advert was not to be taken as
a serious, legally binding offer. It was an invitation to treat, mere puff,
a gimmick. But the court of appeal held that to a reasonable man
Carbolic had made a serious offer. People had given good
consideration for it by going to the "distinct inconvenience" of using a
faulty product. "Read the advertisement how you will, and twist it
about as you will", said Lord Justice Lindley, "here is a distinct
promise expressed in language which is perfectly unmistakable".
[32]
Law
261
"Consideration" indicates the fact that all parties to a contract have exchanged something of value. Some common
law systems, including Australia, are moving away from the idea of consideration as a requirement. The idea of
estoppel or culpa in contrahendo, can be used to create obligations during pre-contractual negotiations.
[33]
In civil
law jurisdictions, consideration is not required for a contract to be binding.
[34]
In France, an ordinary contract is said
to form simply on the basis of a "meeting of the minds" or a "concurrence of wills". Germany has a special approach
to contracts, which ties into property law. Their 'abstraction principle' (Abstraktionsprinzip) means that the personal
obligation of contract forms separately from the title of property being conferred. When contracts are invalidated for
some reason (e.g. a car buyer is so drunk that he lacks legal capacity to contract)
[35]
the contractual obligation to pay
can be invalidated separately from the proprietary title of the car. Unjust enrichment law, rather than contract law, is
then used to restore title to the rightful owner.
[36]
Tort law
The "McLibel" two were involved in the longest
running case in UK history for publishing a
pamphlet criticising McDonald's restaurants.
Torts, sometimes called delicts, are civil wrongs. To have acted
tortiously, one must have breached a duty to another person, or
infringed some pre-existing legal right. A simple example might be
accidentally hitting someone with a cricket ball.
[37]
Under the law of
negligence, the most common form of tort, the injured party could
potentially claim compensation for his injuries from the party
responsible. The principles of negligence are illustrated by Donoghue v
Stevenson.
[38]
A friend of Mrs Donoghue ordered an opaque bottle of
ginger beer (intended for the consumption of Mrs Donoghue) in a caf
in Paisley. Having consumed half of it, Mrs Donoghue poured the
remainder into a tumbler. The decomposing remains of a snail floated
out. She claimed to have suffered from shock, fell ill with gastroenteritis and sued the manufacturer for carelessly
allowing the drink to be contaminated. The House of Lords decided that the manufacturer was liable for Mrs
Donoghue's illness. Lord Atkin took a distinctly moral approach, and said,
The liability for negligence ... is no doubt based upon a general public sentiment of moral wrongdoing
for which the offender must pay ... The rule that you are to love your neighbour becomes in law, you
must not injure your neighbour; and the lawyer's question, Who is my neighbour? receives a restricted
reply. You must take reasonable care to avoid acts or omissions which you can reasonably foresee
would be likely to injure your neighbour.
[39]
This became the basis for the four principles of negligence; (1) Mr Stevenson owed Mrs Donoghue a duty of care to
provide safe drinks (2) he breached his duty of care (3) the harm would not have occurred but for his breach and (4)
his act was the proximate cause, or not too remote a consequence, of her harm.
[38]
Another example of tort might be
a neighbour making excessively loud noises with machinery on his property.
[40]
Under a nuisance claim the noise
could be stopped. Torts can also involve intentional acts, such as assault, battery or trespass. A better known tort is
defamation, which occurs, for example, when a newspaper makes unsupportable allegations that damage a
politician's reputation.
[41]
More infamous are economic torts, which form the basis of labour law in some countries
by making trade unions liable for strikes,
[42]
when statute does not provide immunity.
[43]
Law
262
Property law
A painting of the South Sea Bubble, one of the
world's first ever speculations and crashes, led to
strict regulation on share trading.
[44]
Property law governs valuable things that people call 'theirs'. Real
property, sometimes called 'real estate' refers to ownership of land and
things attached to it.
[45]
Personal property, refers to everything else;
movable objects, such as computers, cars, jewelry, and sandwiches, or
intangible rights, such as stocks and shares. A right in rem is a right to
a specific piece of property, contrasting to a right in personam which
allows compensation for a loss, but not a particular thing back. Land
law forms the basis for most kinds of property law, and is the most
complex. It concerns mortgages, rental agreements, licences,
covenants, easements and the statutory systems for land registration.
Regulations on the use of personal property fall under intellectual
property, company law, trusts and commercial law. An example of a
basic case of most property law is Armory v Delamirie.
[46]
A chimney sweep's boy found a jewel encrusted with
precious stones. He took it to a goldsmith to have it valued. The goldsmith's apprentice looked at it, sneakily
removed the stones, told the boy it was worth three halfpence and that he would buy it. The boy said he would prefer
the jewel back, so the apprentice gave it to him, but without the stones. The boy sued the goldsmith for his
apprentice's attempt to cheat him. Lord Chief Justice Pratt ruled that even though the boy could not be said to own
the jewel, he should be considered the rightful keeper ("finders keeper") until the original owner is found. In fact the
apprentice and the boy both had a right of possession in the jewel (a technical concept, meaning evidence that
something could belong to someone), but the boy's possessory interest was considered better, because it could be
shown to be first in time. Possession may be nine tenths of the law, but not all.
This case is used to support the view of property in common law jurisdictions, that the person who can show the best
claim to a piece of property, against any contesting party, is the owner.
[47]
By contrast, the classic civil law approach
to property, propounded by Friedrich Carl von Savigny, is that it is a right good against the world. Obligations, like
contracts and torts are conceptualised as rights good between individuals.
[48]
The idea of property raises many
further philosophical and political issues. Locke argued that our "lives, liberties and estates" are our property because
we own our bodies and mix our labour with our surroundings.
[49]
Equity and trusts
The Court of Chancery, London, early 19th
century
Equity is a body of rules that developed in England separately from the
"common law". The common law was administered by judges. The
Lord Chancellor on the other hand, as the King's keeper of conscience,
could overrule the judge made law if he thought it equitable to do
so.
[50]
This meant equity came to operate more through principles than
rigid rules. For instance, whereas neither the common law nor civil law
systems allow people to split the ownership from the control of one
piece of property, equity allows this through an arrangement known as
a 'trust'. 'Trustees' control property, whereas the 'beneficial' (or
'equitable') ownership of trust property is held by people known as
'beneficiaries'. Trustees owe duties to their beneficiaries to take good
care of the entrusted property.
[51]
In the early case of Keech v
Sandford
[52]
a child had inherited the lease on a market in Romford, London. Mr Sandford was entrusted to look
after this property until the child matured. But before then, the lease expired. The landlord had (apparently) told Mr
Law
263
Sandford that he did not want the child to have the renewed lease. Yet the landlord was happy (apparently) to give
Mr Sandford the opportunity of the lease instead. Mr Sandford took it. When the child (now Mr Keech) grew up, he
sued Mr Sandford for the profit that he had been making by getting the market's lease. Mr Sandford was meant to be
trusted, but he put himself in a position of conflict of interest. The Lord Chancellor, Lord King, agreed and ordered
Mr Sandford should disgorge his profits. He wrote,
I very well see, if a trustee, on the refusal to renew, might have a lease to himself few trust-estates would be
renewed ... This may seem very hard, that the trustee is the only person of all mankind who might not have the
lease; but it is very proper that the rule should be strictly pursued and not at all relaxed.
Of course, Lord King LC was worried that trustees might exploit opportunities to use trust property for themselves
instead of looking after it. Business speculators using trusts had just recently caused a stock market crash. Strict
duties for trustees made their way into company law and were applied to directors and chief executive officers.
Another example of a trustee's duty might be to invest property wisely or sell it.
[53]
This is especially the case for
pension funds, the most important form of trust, where investors are trustees for people's savings until retirement.
But trusts can also be set up for charitable purposes, famous examples being the British Museum or the Rockefeller
Foundation.
Further disciplines
Law spreads far beyond the core subjects into virtually every area of life. Three categories are presented for
convenience, though the subjects intertwine and overlap.
Law and society
A trade union protest by UNISON while on strike
Labour law is the study of a tripartite industrial relationship
between worker, employer and trade union. This involves collective
bargaining regulation, and the right to strike. Individual
employment law refers to workplace rights, such as job security,
health and safety or a minimum wage.
Human rights, civil rights and human rights law are important
fields to guarantee everyone basic freedoms and entitlements. These
are laid down in codes such as the Universal Declaration of Human
Rights, the European Convention on Human Rights (which founded
the European Court of Human Rights) and the U.S. Bill of Rights.
Civil procedure and criminal procedure concern the rules that courts must follow as a trial and appeals proceed.
Both concern a citizen's right to a fair trial or hearing.
Evidence law involves which materials are admissible in courts for a case to be built.
Immigration law and nationality law concern the rights of foreigners to live and work in a nation-state that is
not their own and to acquire or lose citizenship. Both also involve the right of asylum and the problem of stateless
individuals.
Social security law refers to the rights people have to social insurance, such as jobseekers' allowances or housing
benefits.
Family law covers marriage and divorce proceedings, the rights of children and rights to property and money in
the event of separation.
Law and commerce
Company law sprang from the law of trusts, on the principle of separating ownership of property and control.
[54]
The law of the modern company began with the Joint Stock Companies Act 1856, passed in the United Kingdom,
which provided investors with a simple registration procedure to gain limited liability under the separate legal
personality of the corporation.
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264
Commercial law covers complex contract and property law. The law of agency, insurance law, bills of exchange,
insolvency and bankruptcy law and sales law are all important, and trace back to the medival Lex Mercatoria.
The UK Sale of Goods Act 1979 and the US Uniform Commercial Code are examples of codified common law
commercial principles.
Admiralty law and the Law of the Sea lay a basic framework for free trade and commerce across the world's
oceans and seas, where outside of a country's zone of control. Shipping companies operate through ordinary
principles of commercial law, generalised for a global market. Admiralty law also encompasses specialised issues
such as salvage, maritime liens, and injuries to passengers.
Intellectual property law aims at safeguarding creators and other producers of intellectual goods and services.
These are legal rights (copyrights, trademarks, patents, and related rights) which result from intellectual activity in
the industrial, literary and artistic fields.
[55]
Restitution deals with the recovery of someone else's gain, rather than compensation for one's own loss.
Unjust enrichment When someone has been unjustly enriched (or there is an "absence of basis" for a transaction)
at another's expense, this event generates the right to restitution to reverse that gain.
Law and regulation
The New York Stock Exchange trading floor after
the Wall Street Crash of 1929, before tougher
banking regulation was introduced
Tax law involves regulations that concern value added tax,
corporate tax, income tax.
Banking law and financial regulation set minimum standards on the
amounts of capital banks must hold, and rules about best practice
for investment. This is to insure against the risk of economic crises,
such as the Wall Street Crash of 1929.
Regulation deals with the provision of public services and utilities.
Water law is one example. Especially since privatisation became
popular and took management of services away from public law,
private companies doing the jobs previously controlled by
government have been bound by varying degrees of social
responsibility. Energy, gas, telecomms and water are regulated
industries in most OECD countries.
Competition law, known in the U.S. as antitrust law, is an evolving field that traces as far back as Roman decrees
against price fixing and the English restraint of trade doctrine. Modern competition law derives from the U.S.
anti-cartel and anti-monopoly statutes (the Sherman Act and Clayton Act) of the turn of the 20th century. It is
used to control businesses who attempt to use their economic influence to distort market prices at the expense of
consumer welfare.
Consumer law could include anything from regulations on unfair contractual terms and clauses to directives on
airline baggage insurance.
Environmental law is increasingly important, especially in light of the Kyoto Protocol and the potential danger
of climate change. Environmental protection also serves to penalise polluters within domestic legal systems.
Legal systems
In general, legal systems can be split between civil law and common law systems.
[56]
The term "civil law" referring
to a legal system should not be confused with "civil law" as a group of legal subjects distinct from criminal or public
law. A third type of legal systemaccepted by some countries without separation of church and stateis religious
law, based on scriptures. The specific system that a country is ruled by is often determined by its history,
connections with other countries, or its adherence to international standards. The sources that jurisdictions adopt as
authoritatively binding are the defining features of any legal system. Yet classification is a matter of form rather than
substance, since similar rules often prevail.
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265
Civil law
First page of the 1804 edition of the Napoleonic
Code
Civil law is the legal system used in most countries around the world
today. In civil law the sources recognised as authoritative are,
primarily, legislationespecially codifications in constitutions or
statutes passed by governmentand custom.
[57]
Codifications date
back millennia, with one early example being the Babylonian Codex
Hammurabi. Modern civil law systems essentially derive from the
legal practice of the 6th-century Eastern Roman Empire whose texts
were rediscovered by late medieval Western Europe. Roman law in the
days of the Roman Republic and Empire was heavily procedural, and
lacked a professional legal class.
[58]
Instead a lay magistrate, iudex,
was chosen to adjudicate. Precedents were not reported, so any case
law that developed was disguised and almost unrecognised.
[59]
Each
case was to be decided afresh from the laws of the State, which mirrors
the (theoretical) unimportance of judges' decisions for future cases in
civil law systems today. From 529534 AD the Byzantine Emperor
Justinian I codified and consolidated Roman law up until that point, so
that what remained was one-twentieth of the mass of legal texts from before.
[60]
This became known as the Corpus
Juris Civilis. As one legal historian wrote, "Justinian consciously looked back to the golden age of Roman law and
aimed to restore it to the peak it had reached three centuries before."
[61]
The Justinian Code remained in force in the
East until the fall of the Byzantine Empire. Western Europe, meanwhile, relied on a mix of the Theodosian Code and
Germanic customary law until the Justinian Code was rediscovered in the 11th century, and scholars at the
University of Bologna used it to interpret their own laws.
[62]
Civil law codifications based closely on Roman law,
alongside some influences from religious laws such as Canon law, continued to spread throughout Europe until the
Enlightenment; then, in the 19th century, both France, with the Code Civil, and Germany, with the Brgerliches
Gesetzbuch, modernised their legal codes. Both these codes influenced heavily not only the law systems of the
countries in continental Europe (e.g. Greece), but also the Japanese and Korean legal traditions.
[63]

[64]
Today,
countries that have civil law systems range from Russia and China to most of Central and Latin America.
[65]
The
United States follows the common law system described below.
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266
Common law and equity
King John of England signs Magna Carta
Common law and equity are legal systems where decisions by courts
are explicitly acknowledged to be legal sources. The "doctrine of
precedent", or stare decisis (Latin for "to stand by decisions") means
that decisions by higher courts bind lower courts. Common law
systems also rely on statutes, passed by the legislature, but may make
less of a systematic attempt to codify their laws than in a "civil law"
system. Common law originated from England and has been inherited
by almost every country once tied to the British Empire (except Malta,
Scotland, the U.S. state of Louisiana, and the Canadian province of
Quebec). In medieval England, the Norman conquest led to a
unification of various tribal customs and hence a law "common" to the
whole country. The common law developed when the English
monarchy had been weakened by the enormous cost of fighting for
control over large parts of France. King John had been forced by his
barons to sign a document limiting his authority to pass laws. This
"great charter" or Magna Carta of 1215 also required that the King's
entourage of judges hold their courts and judgments at "a certain place"
rather than dispensing autocratic justice in unpredictable places about
the country.
[66]
A concentrated and elite group of judges acquired a dominant role in law-making under this system,
and compared to its European counterparts the English judiciary became highly centralised. In 1297, for instance,
while the highest court in France had fifty-one judges, the English Court of Common Pleas had five.
[67]
This
powerful and tight-knit judiciary gave rise to a rigid and inflexible system of common law.
[68]
As a result, as time
went on, increasing numbers of citizens petitioned the King to override the common law, and on the King's behalf
the Lord Chancellor gave judgment to do what was equitable in a case. From the time of Sir Thomas More, the first
lawyer to be appointed as Lord Chancellor, a systematic body of equity grew up alongside the rigid common law,
and developed its own Court of Chancery. At first, equity was often criticised as erratic, that it varied according to
the length of the Chancellor's foot.
[69]
But over time it developed solid principles, especially under Lord Eldon.
[70]
In
the 19th century the two systems were fused into one another. In developing the common law and equity, academic
authors have always played an important part. William Blackstone, from around 1760, was the first scholar to
describe and teach it.
[71]
But merely in describing, scholars who sought explanations and underlying structures
slowly changed the way the law actually worked.
[72]
Religious law
Religious law is explicitly based on religious precepts. Examples include the Jewish Halakha and Islamic
Shariaboth of which translate as the "path to follow"while Christian canon law also survives in some church
communities. Often the implication of religion for law is unalterability, because the word of God cannot be amended
or legislated against by judges or governments. However a thorough and detailed legal system generally requires
human elaboration. For instance, the Quran has some law, and it acts as a source of further law through
interpretation,
[73]
Qiyas (reasoning by analogy), Ijma (consensus) and precedent. This is mainly contained in a body
of law and jurisprudence known as Sharia and Fiqh respectively. Another example is the Torah or Old Testament, in
the Pentateuch or Five Books of Moses. This contains the basic code of Jewish law, which some Israeli communities
choose to use. The Halakha is a code of Jewish law which summarises some of the Talmud's interpretations.
Nevertheless, Israeli law allows litigants to use religious laws only if they choose. Canon law is only in use by
members of the Catholic Church, the Eastern Orthodox Church and the Anglican Communion.
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267
A trial in the Ottoman Empire, 1879, when
religious law applied under the Mecelle
Until the 18th century, Sharia law was practiced throughout the
Muslim world in a non-codified form, with the Ottoman Empire's
Mecelle code in the 19th century being first attempt at codifying
elements of Sharia law. Since the mid-1940s, efforts have been made,
in country after country, to bring Sharia law more into line with
modern conditions and conceptions.
[74]

[75]
In modern times, the legal
systems of many Muslim countries draw upon both civil and common
law traditions as well as Islamic law and custom. The constitutions of
certain Muslim states, such as Egypt and Afghanistan, recognise Islam as the religion of the state, obliging
legislature to adhere to Sharia.
[76]
Saudi Arabia recognises Quran as its constitution, and is governed on the basis of
Islamic law.
[77]
Iran has also witnessed a reiteration of Islamic law into its legal system after 1979.
[78]
During the last
few decades, one of the fundamental features of the movement of Islamic resurgence has been the call to restore the
Sharia, which has generated a vast amount of literature and affected world politics.
[79]
Legal theory
History of law
King Hammurabi is revealed the code of laws by the
Mesopotamian sun god Shamash, also revered as the
god of justice
The history of law is closely connected to the development of
civilization. Ancient Egyptian law, dating as far back as 3000BC,
contained a civil code that was probably broken into twelve books.
It was based on the concept of Ma'at, characterised by tradition,
rhetorical speech, social equality and impartiality.
[80]

[81]
By the
22nd centuryBC, the ancient Sumerian ruler Ur-Nammu had
formulated the first law code, which consisted of casuistic
statements ("if ... then ...").
[82]
Around 1760BC, King Hammurabi further developed Babylonian
law, by codifying and inscribing it in stone. Hammurabi placed
several copies of his law code throughout the kingdom of Babylon
as stelae, for the entire public to see; this became known as the
Codex Hammurabi. The most intact copy of these stelae was
discovered in the 19th century by British Assyriologists, and has
since been fully transliterated and translated into various
languages, including English, German, and French.
[82]
The Old Testament dates back to 1280BC and takes the form of
moral imperatives as recommendations for a good society. The
small Greek city-state, ancient Athens, from about the 8th century
BC was the first society to be based on broad inclusion of its
citizenry, excluding women and the slave class. However, Athens had no legal science or single word for "law",
[83]
relying instead on the three-way distinction between divine law (thmis), human decree (nomos) and custom
(dk).
[84]
Yet Ancient Greek law contained major constitutional innovations in the development of democracy.
[85]
Roman law was heavily influenced by Greek philosophy, but its detailed rules were developed by professional jurists
and were highly sophisticated.
[86]

[87]
Over the centuries between the rise and decline of the Roman Empire, law was
adapted to cope with the changing social situations and underwent major codification under Theodosius II and
Justinian I.
[88]
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268
Although codes were replaced by custom and case law during the Dark Ages, Roman law was rediscovered around
the 11th century when medival legal scholars began to research Roman codes and adapt their concepts. In
medival England, royal courts developed a body of precedent which later became the common law. A Europe-wide
Law Merchant was formed so that merchants could trade with common standards of practice rather than with the
many splintered facets of local laws. The Law Merchant, a precursor to modern commercial law, emphasised the
freedom to contract and alienability of property.
[89]
As nationalism grew in the 18th and 19th centuries, the Law Merchant was incorporated into countries' local law
under new civil codes. The Napoleonic and German Codes became the most influential. In contrast to English
common law, which consists of enormous tomes of case law, codes in small books are easy to export and easy for
judges to apply. However, today there are signs that civil and common law are converging.
[90]
EU law is codified in
treaties, but develops through the precedent laid down by the European Court of Justice.
The Constitution of India is the longest written
constitution for a country, containing 444 articles, 12
schedules, numerous amendments and 117,369 words
Ancient India and China represent distinct traditions of law, and
have historically had independent schools of legal theory and
practice. The Arthashastra, probably compiled around 100AD
(although it contains older material), and the Manusmriti
(c.100300AD) were foundational treatises in India, and
comprise texts considered authoritative legal guidance.
[91]
Manu's
central philosophy was tolerance and Pluralism, and was cited
across Southeast Asia.
[92]
This Hindu tradition, along with Islamic
law, was supplanted by the common law when India became part
of the British Empire.
[93]
Malaysia, Brunei, Singapore and Hong Kong also adopted the
common law. The eastern Asia legal tradition reflects a unique
blend of secular and religious influences.
[94]
Japan was the first
country to begin modernising its legal system along western lines,
by importing bits of the French, but mostly the German Civil
Code.
[95]
This partly reflected Germany's status as a rising power
in the late 19thcentury. Similarly, traditional Chinese law gave
way to westernisation towards the final years of the Ch'ing dynasty
in the form of six private law codes based mainly on the Japanese
model of German law.
[96]
Today Taiwanese law retains the closest affinity to the codifications from that period, because of the split between
Chiang Kai-shek's nationalists, who fled there, and Mao Zedong's communists who won control of the mainland in
1949. The current legal infrastructure in the People's Republic of China was heavily influenced by Soviet Socialist
law, which essentially inflates administrative law at the expense of private law rights.
[97]
Due to rapid
industrialisation, today China is undergoing a process of reform, at least in terms of economic, if not social and
political, rights. A new contract code in 1999 represented a move away from administrative domination.
[98]
Furthermore, after negotiations lasting fifteen years, in 2001 China joined the World Trade Organisation.
[99]
Philosophy of law
"But what, after all, is a law? [...] When I say that the object of laws is always general, I mean that law considers subjects en masse
and actions in the abstract, and never a particular person or action. [...] On this view, we at once see that it can no longer be asked
whose business it is to make laws, since they are acts of the general will; nor whether the prince is above the law, since he is a
member of the State; nor whether the law can be unjust, since no one is unjust to himself; nor how we can be both free and subject to
the laws, since they are but registers of our wills."
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269
Jean-Jacques Rousseau, The Social Contract, II, 6.
[100]
The philosophy of law is commonly known as jurisprudence. Normative jurisprudence is essentially political
philosophy, and asks "what should law be?", while analytic jurisprudence asks "what is law?". John Austin's
utilitarian answer was that law is "commands, backed by threat of sanctions, from a sovereign, to whom people have
a habit of obedience".
[101]
Natural lawyers on the other side, such as Jean-Jacques Rousseau, argue that law reflects
essentially moral and unchangeable laws of nature. The concept of "natural law" emerged in ancient Greek
philosophy concurrently and in entanglement with the notion of justice, and re-entered the mainstream of Western
culture through the writings of Thomas Aquinas.
Hugo Grotius, the founder of a purely rationalistic system of natural law, argued that law arises from both a social
impulseas Aristotle had indicatedand reason.
[102]
Immanuel Kant believed a moral imperative requires laws "be
chosen as though they should hold as universal laws of nature".
[103]
Jeremy Bentham and his student Austin,
following David Hume, believed that this conflated the "is" and what "ought to be" problem. Bentham and Austin
argued for law's positivism; that real law is entirely separate from "morality".
[104]
Kant was also criticised by
Friedrich Nietzsche, who rejected the principle of equality, and believed that law emanates from the will to power,
and cannot be labelled as "moral" or "immoral".
[105]

[106]

[107]
In 1934, the Austrian philosopher Hans Kelsen continued the positivist tradition in his book the Pure Theory of
Law.
[108]
Kelsen believed that although law is separate from morality, it is endowed with "normativity"; meaning we
ought to obey it. While laws are positive "is" statements (e.g. the fine for reversing on a highway is 500); law tells
us what we "should" do. Thus, each legal system can be hypothesised to have a basic norm (Grundnorm) instructing
us to obey. Kelsen's major opponent, Carl Schmitt, rejected both positivism and the idea of the rule of law because
he did not accept the primacy of abstract normative principles over concrete political positions and decisions.
[109]
Therefore, Schmitt advocated a jurisprudence of the exception (state of emergency), which denied that legal norms
could encompass of all political experience.
[110]
Bentham's utilitarian theories remained dominant in
law until the 20th century
Later in the 20th century, H. L. A. Hart attacked Austin for his
simplifications and Kelsen for his fictions in The Concept of
Law.
[111]
Hart argued law is a system of rules, divided into
primary (rules of conduct) and secondary ones (rules addressed to
officials to administer primary rules). Secondary rules are further
divided into rules of adjudication (to resolve legal disputes), rules
of change (allowing laws to be varied) and the rule of recognition
(allowing laws to be identified as valid). Two of Hart's students
continued the debate: In his book Law's Empire, Ronald Dworkin
attacked Hart and the positivists for their refusal to treat law as a
moral issue.
[112]
Dworkin argues that law is an "interpretive concept",
[112]
that
requires judges to find the best fitting and most just solution to a
legal dispute, given their constitutional traditions. Joseph Raz, on
the other hand, defended the positivist outlook and criticised Hart's
"soft social thesis" approach in The Authority of Law.
[113]
Raz
argues that law is authority, identifiable purely through social
sources and without reference to moral reasoning. In his view, any
categorisation of rules beyond their role as authoritative
instruments in mediation are best left to sociology, rather than jurisprudence.
[114]
Economic analysis of law
Law
270
In the 18th century Adam Smith presented a philosophical foundation for explaining the relationship between law
and economics.
[115]
The discipline arose partly out of a critique of trade unions and U.S. antitrust law. The most
influential proponents, such as Richard Posner and Oliver Williamson and the so-called Chicago School of
economists and lawyers including Milton Friedman and Gary Becker, are generally advocates of deregulation and
privatisation, and are hostile to state regulation or what they see as restrictions on the operation of free markets.
[116]
Richard Posner, one of the Chicago School
of economics, runs a blog with Nobel
laureate Gary Becker.
[117]
The most prominent economic analyst of law is 1991 Nobel Prize winner
Ronald Coase, whose first major article, The Nature of the Firm (1937),
argued that the reason for the existence of firms (companies, partnerships,
etc.) is the existence of transaction costs.
[118]
Rational individuals trade
through bilateral contracts on open markets until the costs of transactions
mean that using corporations to produce things is more cost-effective. His
second major article, The Problem of Social Cost (1960), argued that if we
lived in a world without transaction costs, people would bargain with one
another to create the same allocation of resources, regardless of the way a
court might rule in property disputes.
[119]
Coase used the example of a nuisance case named Sturges v Bridgman,
where a noisy sweetmaker and a quiet doctor were neighbours and went to
court to see who should have to move.
[40]
Coase said that regardless of
whether the judge ruled that the sweetmaker had to stop using his
machinery, or that the doctor had to put up with it, they could strike a mutually beneficial bargain about who moves
house that reaches the same outcome of resource distribution. Only the existence of transaction costs may prevent
this.
[120]
So the law ought to pre-empt what would happen, and be guided by the most efficient solution. The idea is that law
and regulation are not as important or effective at helping people as lawyers and government planners believe.
[121]
Coase and others like him wanted a change of approach, to put the burden of proof for positive effects on a
government that was intervening in the market, by analysing the costs of action.
[122]
Sociology of law
Max Weber in 1917, Weber began his career as a
lawyer, and is regarded as one of the founders of
sociology and sociology of law
Sociology of law is a diverse field of study that examines the
interaction of law with society and overlaps with jurisprudence,
economic analysis of law and more specialised subjects such as
criminology.
[123]
The institutions of social construction and legal
frameworks are the relevant areas for the discipline's inquiry. At first,
legal theorists were suspicious of the discipline. Kelsen attacked one of
its founders, Eugen Ehrlich, who sought to make distinct the
differences between positive law, which lawyers learn and apply, and
other forms of 'law' or social norms that regulate everyday life,
generally preventing conflicts from reaching lawyers and courts.
[124]
[125]
Around 1900 Max Weber defined his "scientific" approach to law, identifying the "legal rational form" as a type of
domination, not attributable to people but to abstract norms.
[126]
Legal rationalism was his term for a body of
coherent and calculable law which formed a precondition for modern political developments and the modern
bureaucratic state and developed in parallel with the growth of capitalism.
[123]
Another sociologist, mile Durkheim, wrote in The Division of Labour in Society that as society becomes more
complex, the body of civil law concerned primarily with restitution and compensation grows at the expense of
Law
271
criminal laws and penal sanctions.
[127]
Other notable early legal sociologists included Hugo Sinzheimer, Theodor
Geiger, Georges Gurvitch and Leon Petraycki in Europe, and William Graham Sumner in the U.S.
[128]

[129]
Legal institutions
It is a real unity of them all in one and the same person, made by covenant of every man with every man, in such manner as if every
man should say to every man: I authorise and give up my right of governing myself to this man, or to this assembly of men, on this
condition; that thou givest up, thy right to him, and authorise all his actions in like manner.
Thomas Hobbes, Leviathan, XVII
[130]
The main institutions of law in industrialised countries are independent courts, representative parliaments, an
accountable executive, the military and police, bureaucratic organisation, the legal profession and civil society itself.
John Locke, in his Two Treatises of Government, and Baron de Montesquieu in The Spirit of the Laws, advocated for
a separation of powers between the political, legislature and executive bodies.
[131]
Their principle was that no person
should be able to usurp all powers of the state, in contrast to the absolutist theory of Thomas Hobbes' Leviathan.
[132]
Max Weber and others reshaped thinking on the extension of state. Modern military, policing and bureaucratic
power over ordinary citizens' daily lives pose special problems for accountability that earlier writers such as Locke
or Montesquieu could not have foreseen. The custom and practice of the legal profession is an important part of
people's access to justice, whilst civil society is a term used to refer to the social institutions, communities and
partnerships that form law's political basis.
Judiciary
The judges of the International Court of Justice in
the Hague
A judiciary is a number of judges mediating disputes to determine
outcome. Most countries have systems of appeal courts, answering up
to a supreme legal authority. In most parts of the European Union,
some matters may be appealed to a transnational court.
Some countries allow judicial authorities to overrule legislation they
determine to be unconstitutional. For example, in Brown v. Board of
Education, the United States Supreme Court nullified many state
statutes that had established racially segregated schools, finding such
statutes to be incompatible with the Fourteenth Amendment to the
United States Constitution.
[133]
A judiciary is theoretically bound by the constitution, just as all other
government bodies are. In most countries judges may only interpret the
constitution and all other laws. But in common law countries, where
matters are not constitutional, the judiciary may also create law under
the doctrine of precedent. Other countries, such as Finland and New Zealand, assert the ideal of parliamentary
sovereignty, whereby the unelected judiciary may not overturn law passed by a democratic legislature.
[134]
In communist states, such as China, the courts are often regarded as parts of the executive, or subservient to the
legislature; governmental institutions and actors exert thus various forms of influence on the judiciary.
[135]
In some
Muslim countries, courts often examine whether state laws adhere to the Sharia.
[136]

[136]

[137]
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272
Legislature
The debating chamber of the European
Parliament
Prominent examples of legislatures are the Houses of Parliament in
London, the Congress in Washington D.C., the Bundestag in Berlin,
the Duma in Moscow, the Parlamento Italiano in Rome and the
Assemble nationale in Paris. By the principle of representative
government people vote for politicians to carry out their wishes.
Although countries like Israel, Greece, Sweden and China are
unicameral, most countries are bicameral, meaning they have two
separately appointed legislative houses.
[138]
In the 'lower house' politicians are elected to represent smaller
constituencies. The 'upper house' is usually elected to represent states
in a federal system (as in Australia, Germany or the United States) or
different voting configuration in a unitary system (as in France). In the UK the upper house is appointed by the
government as a house of review. One criticism of bicameral systems with two elected chambers is that the upper
and lower houses may simply mirror one another. The traditional justification of bicameralism is that an upper
chamber acts as a house of review. This can minimise arbitrariness and injustice in governmental action.
[138]
To pass legislation, a majority of the members of a legislature must vote for a bill (proposed law) in each house.
Normally there will be several readings and amendments proposed by the different political factions. If a country has
an entrenched constitution, a special majority for changes to the constitution may be required, making changes to the
law more difficult. A government usually leads the process, which can be formed from Members of Parliament (e.g.
the UK or Germany). However, in a presidential system, the government is usually formed by an executive and his
or her appointed cabinet officials (e.g. the United States or Brazil).
[139]
Executive
The G20 meetings are composed of
representatives of each country's executive
branch
The executive in a legal system serves as a government's centre of
political authority. In a parliamentary system, as with Britain, Italy,
Germany, India, and Japan, the executive is known as the cabinet, and
composed of members of the legislature. The executive is chosen by
the Prime Minister or Chancellor, whose office holds power under the
confidence of the legislature. Because popular elections appoint
political parties to govern, the leader of a party can change in between
elections.
[140]
The head of state is apart from the executive, and symbolically enacts
laws and acts as representative of the nation. Examples include the
German president (appointed by members of federal and state
Parliaments) the Queen of the United Kingdom (a hereditary title), and the Austrian president (elected by popular
vote). The other important model is the presidential system, found in France, the U.S. and Russia. In presidential
systems, the executive acts as both head of state and head of government, and has power to appoint an unelected
cabinet. Under a presidential system, the executive branch is separate from the legislature to which it is not
accountable.
[140]

[141]
Although the role of the executive varies from country to country, usually it will propose the majority of legislation,
and propose government agenda. In presidential systems, the executive often has the power to veto legislation. Most
executives in both systems are responsible for foreign relations, the military and police, and the bureaucracy.
Ministers or other officials head a country's public offices, such as a foreign ministry or interior ministry. The
election of a different executive is therefore capable of revolutionising an entire country's approach to government.
Law
273
Military and police
U.S. Customs and Border Protection officers
While military organizations have existed as long as government itself,
the idea of a standing police force is relatively modern concept. For
example, Medival England's system of traveling criminal courts, or
assizes, used show trials and public executions to instill communities
with fear to maintain control.
[142]
The first modern police were
probably those in 17th-century Paris, in the court of Louis XIV,
[143]
although the Paris Prefecture of Police claim they were the world's first
uniformed policemen.
[144]
Max Weber famously argued that the state is that which controls the
legitimate monopoly of the means of violence.
[145]

[146]
The military
and police carry out enforcement at the request of the government or the courts. The term failed state refers to states
that cannot implement or enforce policies; their police and military no longer control security and order and society
moves into anarchy, the absence of government.
[147]
Bureaucracy
The United Nations' New York headquarters
houses civil servants that serve its 192 member
states.
The etymology of "bureaucracy" derives from the French word for
"office" (bureau) and the Ancient Greek for word "power"
(kratos).
[148]
Like the military and police, a legal system's government
servants and bodies that make up its bureaucracy carry out the
directives of the executive. One of the earliest references to the concept
was made by Baron de Grimm, a German author who lived in France.
In 1765 he wrote,
The real spirit of the laws in France is that bureaucracy of
which the late Monsieur de Gournay used to complain so
greatly; here the offices, clerks, secretaries, inspectors and
intendants are not appointed to benefit the public interest,
indeed the public interest appears to have been established
so that offices might exist.
[149]
Cynicism over "officialdom" is still common, and the workings of
public servants is typically contrasted to private enterprise motivated
by profit.
[150]
In fact private companies, especially large ones, also
have bureaucracies.
[151]
Negative perceptions of "red tape" aside,
public services such as schooling, health care, policing or public
transport are a crucial state function making public bureaucratic action the locus of government power.
[151]
Writing in the early 20th century, Max Weber believed that a definitive feature of a developed state had come to be
its bureaucratic support.
[152]
Weber wrote that the typical characteristics of modern bureaucracy are that officials
define its mission, the scope of work is bound by rules, management is composed of career experts, who manage top
down, communicating through writing and binding public servants' discretion with rules.
[153]
Law
274
Legal profession
In civil law systems such as those of France,
Germany, Italy, Spain and Greece, there is a
distinct category of notary, a legally trained
public official, compensated by the parties to a
transaction.
[154]
This is a 16th-century painting
of such a notary by Flemish painter Quentin
Massys.
A corollary of the rule of law is the existence of a legal profession
sufficiently autonomous to be able to invoke the authority of the
independent judiciary; the right to assistance of an advocate in a court
proceeding emanates from this corollaryin England the function of
barrister or advocate is distinguished from legal counselor
(solicitor).
[155]
As the European Court of Human Rights has stated, the
law should be adequately accessible to everyone and people should be
able to foresee how the law affects them.
[156]
In order to maintain professionalism, the practice of law is typically
overseen by either a government or independent regulating body such
as a bar association, bar council or law society. Modern lawyers
achieve distinct professional identity through specified legal
procedures (e.g. successfully passing a qualifying examination), are
required by law to have a special qualification (a legal education
earning the student a Bachelor of Laws, a Bachelor of Civil Law or a
Juris Doctor degree
[157]
), and are constituted in office by legal forms
of appointment (being admitted to the bar). Most Muslim countries
have developed similar rules about legal education and the legal
profession, but some still allow lawyers with training in traditional
Islamic law to practice law before personal status law courts.
[158]
In
China and other developing countries there are not sufficient professionally-trained people to staff the existing
judicial systems, and, accordingly, formal standards are more relaxed.
[159]
Once accredited, a lawyer will often work in a law firm, in a chambers as a sole practitioner, in a government post or
in a private corporation as an internal counsel. In addition a lawyer may become a legal researcher who provides
on-demand legal research through a library, a commercial service or through freelance work. Many people trained in
law put their skills to use outside the legal field entirely.
[160]
Significant to the practice of law in the common law tradition is the legal research to determine the current state of
the law. This usually entails exploring case-law reports, legal periodicals and legislation. Law practice also involves
drafting documents such as court pleadings, persuasive briefs, contracts, or wills and trusts. Negotiation and dispute
resolution skills (including ADR techniques) are also important to legal practice, depending on the field.
[160]
Civil society
A march in Washington D.C. during the U.S.
Civil Rights Movement in 1963
Classical republican concept of "civil society" dates back to Hobbes
and Locke.
[161]
Locke saw civil society as people who have "a
common established law and judicature to appeal to, with authority to
decide controversies between them."
[162]
German philosopher Georg
Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel distinguished the "state" from "civil society"
(burgerliche Gesellschaft) in Elements of the Philosophy of Right.
[163]
Hegel believed that civil society and the state were polar opposites,
within the scheme of his dialectic theory of history. The modern dipole
statecivil society was reproduced in the theories of Alexis de
Tocqueville and Karl Marx.
[164]

[165]
Nowadays in post-modern theory
civil society is necessarily a source of law, by being the basis from which people form opinions and lobby for what
they believe law should be. As Australian barrister and author Geoffrey Robertson QC wrote of international law,
Law
275
... one of its primary modern sources is found in the responses of ordinary men and women, and of the
non-governmental organizations which many of them support, to the human rights abuses they see on
the television screen in their living rooms.
[166]
Freedom of speech, freedom of association and many other individual rights allow people to gather, discuss, criticise
and hold to account their governments, from which the basis of a deliberative democracy is formed. The more people
are involved with, concerned by and capable of changing how political power is exercised over their lives, the more
acceptable and legitimate the law becomes to the people. The most familiar institutions of civil society include
economic markets, profit-oriented firms, families, trade unions, hospitals, universities, schools, charities, debating
clubs, non-governmental organisations, neighbourhoods, churches, and religious associations.
[167]
Notes
[1] Hamilton, Marci. God vs. the Gavel (http:/ / books.google. com/ books?id=Ox4_vqFCjcEC& pg=PA296& dq="lady+ justice"+ symbol&
lr=& as_brr=3& ei=uXb8Se-IC4GuyATlm5SPBg), page 296 (Cambridge University Press 2005): The symbol of the judicial system, seen in
courtrooms throughout the United States, is blindfolded Lady Justice.
[2] Fabri, Marco. The challenge of change for judicial systems (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=AwwH0F8iC9QC& pg=PA137&
dq="lady+ justice"+ symbol& lr=& as_brr=3& ei=uXb8Se-IC4GuyATlm5SPBg), page 137 (IOS Press 2000): the judicial system is intended
to be apolitical, its symbol being that of a blindfolded Lady Justice holding balanced scales.
[3] Luban, Law's Blindfold, 23
[4] From Old English lagu "something laid down or fixed"; legal comes from Latin legalis, from lex "law", "statute" ( Law (http:/ / www.
etymonline. com/ index. php?search=law& searchmode=none), Online Etymology Dictionary; Legal (http:/ / www. merriam-webster. com/
dictionary/ legal), Merriam-Webster's Online Dictionary)
[5] Robertson, Crimes against humanity, 90; see "analytical jurisprudence" for extensive debate on what law is; in The Concept of Law Hart
argued law is a "system of rules" (Campbell, The Contribution of Legal Studies, 184); Austin said law was "the command of a sovereign,
backed by the threat of a sanction" (Bix, John Austin (http:/ / plato. stanford. edu/ entries/ austin-john/ #3)); Dworkin describes law as an
"interpretive concept" to achieve justice (Dworkin, Law's Empire, 410); and Raz argues law is an "authority" to mediate people's interests
(Raz, The Authority of Law, 336).
[6] n.b. this translation reads, "it is more proper that law should govern than any one of the citizens" (Aristotle, Politics 3.16).
[7] The original French is: "La loi, dans un grand souci d'galit, interdit aux riches comme aux pauvres de coucher sous les ponts, de mendier
dans les rues et de voler du pain" (France, The Red Lily, Chapter VII (http:/ / www. online-literature. com/ anatole-france/ red-lily/ 8/ )).
[8] Although many scholars argue that "the boundaries between public and private law are becoming blurred", and that this distinction has
become mere "folklore" (Bergkamp, Liability and Environment, 12).
[9] E.g. in England these seven subjects, with EU law substituted for international law, make up a "qualifying law degree". For criticism, see
Peter Birks' poignant comments attached to a previous version of the Notice to Law Schools (http:/ / webjcli. ncl. ac. uk/ articles1/ birks1.
html#appendix).
[10] History of the UN (http:/ / www. un. org/ aboutun/ history. htm), United Nations. Winston Churchill (The Hinge of Fate, 719) comments on
the League of Nations' failure: "It was wrong to say that the League failed. It was rather the member states who had failed the League."
[11] The prevailing manner of enforcing international law is still essentially "self help"; that is the reaction by states to alleged breaches of
international obligations by other states (Robertson, Crimes against Humanity, 90; Schermers-Blokker, International Institutional Law,
900901).
[12] Petersmann, The GATT/WTO Dispute Settlement System International Criminal Court (http:/ / www. law2lawyer. com/ 2011/ 07/ 21/
international-criminal-court/ ), 32
[13] Redfem, International Commercial Arbitration, 6869
[14] SchermersBlokker, International Institutional Law, 943
[15] See the fundamental C-26/62 Van Gend en Loos v Nederlanse Administratie Der Belastingen (http:/ / eur-lex. europa. eu/ LexUriServ/
LexUriServ. do?uri=CELEX:61962J0026:EN:HTML), and Flaminio Costa v E.N.E.L. (http:/ / eur-lex. europa. eu/ LexUriServ/ LexUriServ.
do?uri=CELEX:61964J0006:EN:HTML) decisions of the European Court.
[16] Entick v Carrington (1765) 19 Howell's State Trials 1030; [1765] 95 ER 807 (http:/ / www. bailii. org/ ew/ cases/ EWHC/ KB/ 1765/ J98.
html)
[17] "Entick v Carrington" (http:/ / www. constitution. org/ trials/ entick/ entick_v_carrington. htm). 19 Howells State Trials 1029 (1765). USA:
Constitution Society. . Retrieved 2008-11-13.
[18] Locke, The Second Treatise, Chapter 9, section 124
[19] Tamanaha, On the Rule of Law, 47
[20] Auby, Administrative Law in France, 75
[21] Cesare Beccaria's seminal treatise of 17631764 is titled On Crimes and Punishments (Dei delitti e delle pene).
[22] Brody, Acker and Logan, Criminal Law, 2; Wilson, Criminal Law, 2
[23] Brody, Acker and Logan, Criminal Law, 2
Law
276
[24] See e.g. Brody, Acker and Logan, Criminal Law, 205 about Robinson v. California, 370 U.S. 660 (1962).
[25] See e.g. Feinman, Law 111, 260261 about Powell v Texas, 392 U.S. 514 (1968).
[26] Drmann, Doswald-Beck and Kolb, Elements of War Crimes, 491
[27] Kaiser, Leistungsstrungen, 333
[28] About R v Dudley and Stephens [1884] 14 QBD 273 DC (http:/ / www. justis. com/ titles/ iclr_bqb14040. html), see Simpson, Cannibalism
and the Common Law, 212217, 229237
[29] Pelser, Criminal Legislation, 198
[30] The States Parties to the Rome Statute (http:/ / www.icc-cpi. int/ Menus/ ASP/ states+ parties/ ), International Criminal Court
[31] Wehberg, Pacta Sunt Servanda, 775
[32] About Carlill v Carbolic Smoke Ball Company (http:/ / www. justis. com/ titles/ iclr_r9321042. html) [1893] 1 QB 256, and the element of
consideration, see Beale and Tallon, Contract Law, 142143
[33] Austotel v Franklins (1989) 16 NSWLR 582
[34] e.g. In Germany, 311 Abs. II (http:/ / dejure. org/ gesetze/ BGB/ 311. html) BGB
[35] 105 Abs. II (http:/ / dejure.org/ gesetze/ BGB/ 105. html) BGB
[36] Smith, The Structure of Unjust Enrichment Law, 1037
[37] Bolton v Stone [1951] AC 850
[38] Donoghue v Stevenson ([1932] A.C. 532, 1932 S.C. (H.L.) 31, [1932] All ER Rep 1). See the original text of the case in UK Law Online
(http:/ / www. leeds. ac. uk/ law/ hamlyn/ donoghue. htm).
[39] Donoghue v Stevenson [1932] AC 532, 580
[40] Sturges v Bridgman (1879) 11 Ch D 852
[41] e.g. concerning a British politician and the Iraq War, George Galloway v Telegraph Group Ltd [2004] EWHC 2786
[42] Taff Vale Railway Co v Amalgamated Society of Railway Servants [1901] AC 426
[43] In the UK, Trade Union and Labour Relations (Consolidation) Act 1992; c.f. in the U.S., National Labor Relations Act
[44] Harris, The Bubble Act, 610627
[45] eg Hunter v Canary Wharf Ltd [1997] 2 All ER 426 (http:/ / www. publications. parliament. uk/ pa/ ld199697/ ldjudgmt/ jd970424/
hunter01. htm)
[46] Armory v Delamirie (1722) 93 ER 664, 1 Strange 505
[47] Matthews, The Man of Property, 251274
[48] Savigny, Das Recht des Besitzes, 25 (http:/ / web.archive. org/ web/ 20080418181513/ http:/ / dlib-pr. mpier. mpg. de/ m/ kleioc/ 0010/
exec/ bigpage/ "235083_00000057")
[49] Locke, Second Treatise on Civil Government, Chap. IX. Of the Ends of Political Society and Government. Chapter 9, section 123.
[50] McGhee, Snell's Equity, 7
[51] c.f. Bristol and West Building Society v Mothew [1998] Ch 1
[52] Keech v Sandford (1726) Sel Cas Ch 61
[53] Nestl v National Westminster Bank plc [1993] 1 WLR 1260
[54] Berle, Modern Corporation and Private Property
[55] WIPO, Intellectual Property, 3
[56] Modern scholars argue that the significance of this distinction has progressively declined; the numerous legal transplants, typical of modern
law, result in the sharing by modern legal systems of many features traditionally considered typical of either common law or civil law (Mattei,
Comparative Law and Economics, 71)
[57] Civil law jurisdictions recognize custom as "the other source of law"; hence, scholars tend to divide the civil law into the broad categories of
"written law" (ius scriptum) or legislation, and "unwritten law" (ius non scriptum) or custom. Yet they tend to dismiss custom as being of
slight importance compared to legislation (Georgiadis, General Principles of Civil Law, 19; Washofsky, Taking Precedent Seriously, 7).
[58] Gordley-von Mehren, Comparative Study of Private Law, 18
[59] Gordley-von Mehren, Comparative Study of Private Law, 21
[60] Stein, Roman Law in European History, 32
[61] Stein, Roman Law in European History, 35
[62] Stein, Roman Law in European History, 43
[63] Hatzis, The Short-Lived Influence of the Napoleonic Civil Code in Greece, 253263
[64] Demirg-Kunt -Levine, Financial Structures and Economic Growth, 204
[65] The World Factbook Field Listing Legal system (https:/ / www. cia. gov/ library/ publications/ the-world-factbook/ fields/ 2100. html),
CIA
[66] Magna Carta (http:/ / www. fordham.edu/ halsall/ source/ magnacarta. html), Fordham University
[67] Gordley-von Mehren, Comparative Study of Private Law, 4
[68] Gordley-von Mehren, Comparative Study of Private Law, 3
[69] Pollock (ed) Table Talk of John Selden (1927) 43; "Equity is a roguish thing. For law we have a measure... equity is according to the
conscience of him that is Chancellor, and as that is longer or narrower, so is equity. 'Tis all one as if they should make the standard for the
measure a Chancellor's foot."
[70] Gee v Pritchard (1818) 2 Swans. 402, 414
Law
277
[71] Blackstone, Commentaries on the Laws of England, Book the First Chapter the First (http:/ / avalon. law. yale. edu/ 18th_century/
blackstone_bk1ch1. asp)
[72] Gordley-von Mehren, Comparative Study of Private Law, 17
[73] Glenn, Legal Traditions of the World, 159
[74] Anderson, Law Reform in the Middle East, 43
[75] Giannoulatos, Islam, 274275
[76] Sherif, Constitutions of Arab Countries, 157158
[77] Saudi Arabia (http:/ / jurist.law.pitt. edu/ world/ saudiarabia. htm), Jurist
[78] Akhlagi, Iranian Commercial Law, 127
[79] Hallaq, The Origins and Evolution of Islamic Law, 1
[80] Thodorids. "law". Encyclopedia of the Archaeology of Ancient Egypt.
[81] VerSteeg, Law in ancient Egypt
[82] Richardson, Hammurabi's Laws, 11
[83] Kelly, A Short History of Western Legal Theory, 56
[84] J.P. Mallory, "Law", in Encyclopedia of Indo-European Culture, 346
[85] Ober, The Nature of Athenian Democracy, 121
[86] Kelly, A Short History of Western Legal Theory, 39
[87] Stein, Roman Law in European History, 1
[88] As a legal system, Roman law has affected the development of law worldwide. It also forms the basis for the law codes of most countries of
continental Europe and has played an important role in the creation of the idea of a common European culture (Stein, Roman Law in European
History, 2, 104107).
[89] Sealey-Hooley, Commercial Law, 14
[90] Mattei, Comparative Law and Economics, 71
[91] For discussion of the composition and dating of these sources, see Olivelle, Manu's Code of Law, 1825.
[92] Glenn, Legal Traditions of the World, 276
[93] Glenn, Legal Traditions of the World, 273
[94] Glenn, Legal Traditions of the World, 287
[95] Glenn, Legal Traditions of the World, 304
[96] Glenn, Legal Traditions of the World, 305
[97] Glenn, Legal Traditions of the World, 307
[98] Glenn, Legal Traditions of the World, 309
[99] Farah, Five Years of China WTO Membership, 263304
[100] Rousseau, The Social Contract, Book II: Chapter 6 (Law) (http:/ / ebooks. adelaide. edu. au/ r/ rousseau/ jean_jacques/ r864s/ book2.
html#section16)
[101] Bix, John Austin (http:/ / plato.stanford. edu/ entries/ austin-john/ #3)
[102] Fritz Berolzheimer, The World's Legal Philosophies, 115116
[103] Kant, Immanuel, Groundwork of the Metaphysics of Morals, 42 (par. 434)
[104] Green, Legal Positivism (http:/ / plato.stanford.edu/ entries/ legal-positivism/ )
[105] Nietzsche, Zur Genealogie der Moral, Second Essay, 11
[106] Kazantzakis, Friedrich Nietzsche and the Philosophy of Law, 9798
[107] Linarelli, Nietzsche in Law's Cathedral, 2326
[108] Marmor, The Pure Theory of Law (http:/ / plato.stanford. edu/ entries/ lawphil-theory/ )
[109] Bielefeldt, Carl Schmitt's Critique of Liberalism, 2526
[110] Finn, Constitutions in Crisis, 170171
[111] Bayles, Hart's Legal Philosophy, 21
[112] Dworkin, Law's Empire, 410
[113] Raz, The Authority of Law, 336
[114] Raz, The Authority of Law, 37 etc.
[115] According to Malloy (Law and Economics, 114), Smith established "a classical liberal philosophy that made individuals the key referential
sign while acknowledging that we live not alone but in community with others".
[116] Jakoby, Economic Ideas and the Labour Market, 53
[117] "The Becker-Posner Blog" (http:/ / uchicagolaw.typepad. com/ beckerposner/ ). . Retrieved 2010-05-20.
[118] Coase, The Nature of the Firm, 386405
[119] Coase, The Problem of Social Cost, 144
[120] Coase, The Problem of Social Cost, IV, 7
[121] Coase, The Problem of Social Cost, V, 9
[122] Coase, The Problem of Social Cost, VIII, 23
[123] Jary, Collins Dictionary of Sociology, 636
[124] Rottleuthner, La Sociologie du Droit en Allemagne, 109
Law
278
[125] Rottleuthner, Rechtstheoritische Probleme der Sociologie des Rechts, 521
[126] Rheinstein, Max Weber on Law and Economy in Society, 336
[127] Johnson, The Blackwell Dictionary of Sociology, 156
[128] Gurvitch, Sociology of Law, 142
[129] Papachristou, Sociology of Law, 8182
[130] http:/ / oregonstate. edu/ instruct/ phl302/ texts/ hobbes/ leviathan-c. html#CHAPTERXVII
[131] Montesquieu, The Spirit of Laws, Book XI: Of the Laws Which Establish Political Liberty, with Regard to the Constitution, Chapters 67
(http:/ / www. constitution.org/ cm/ sol_11. htm#006)
[132] Thomas Hobbes, Leviathan, XVII (http:/ / oregonstate. edu/ instruct/ phl302/ texts/ hobbes/ leviathan-c. html#CHAPTERXVII)
[133] Patterson, Brown v. Board of Education
[134] Dicey, Law of the Constitution, 3782
[135] E.g., the court president is a political appointee (JensenHeller, Introduction, 1112). About the notion of "judicial independence" in
China, see Findlay, Judiciary in the PRC, 282284
[136] Sherif, Constitutions of Arab Countries, 158
[137] Rasekh, Islamism and Republicanism, 115116
[138] Riker, The Justification of Bicameralism, 101
[139] About "cabinet accountability" in both presidential and parliamentary systems, see ShugartHaggard, Presidential Systems, 67 etc.
[140] Haggard, Presidents, Parliaments and Policy, 71
[141] Olson, The New Parliaments of Central and Eastern Europe, 7
[142] See, eg Tuberville v Savage (1669), 1 Mod. Rep. 3, 86 Eng. Rep. 684, where a knight said in a threatening tone to a layman, "If it were not
assize time, I would not take such language from you."
[143] History of Police Forces (http:/ / www.history. com/ encyclopedia. do?articleId=219522), History.com Encyclopedia
[144] Des Sergents de Ville et Gardiens de la Paix la Police de Proximit (http:/ / web. archive. org/ web/ 20080506215949/ http:/ / www.
prefecture-police-paris.interieur.gouv. fr/ documentation/ bicentenaire/ theme_expo4. htm), La Prfecture de Police
[145] Weber, Politics as a Vocation
[146] Weber, The Theory of Social and Economic Organisation, 154
[147] In these cases sovereignty is eroded, and often warlords acquire excessive powers (Fukuyama, State-Building, 166167).
[148] Bureaucracy (http:/ / www. etymonline.com/ index. php?search=bureaucracy& searchmode), Online Etymology Dictionary
[149] Albrow, Bureaucracy, 16
[150] Mises, Bureaucracy, II, Bureaucratic Management (http:/ / www. mises. org/ etexts/ mises/ bureaucracy/ section2. asp)
[151] Kettl, Public Bureaucracies, 367
[152] Weber, Economy and Society, I, 393
[153] Kettl, Public Bureaucracies, 371
[154] HazardDondi, Legal Ethics, 22
[155] HazardDondi, Legal Ethics, 1
[156] The Sunday Times v The United Kingdom [1979] ECHR 1 at 49 (http:/ / www. worldlii. org/ eu/ cases/ ECHR/ 1979/ 1. html) Case no.
6538/74
[157] Higher academic degrees may also be pursued. Examples include a Master of Laws, a Master of Legal Studies or a Doctor of Laws.
[158] Ahamd, Lawyers: Islamic Law (http:/ / www.macalester. edu/ ~ahmad/ Lawyers. pdf)
[159] HazardDondi, Legal Ethics, 2223
[160] Fine, The Globalisation of Legal Education, 364
[161] Warren, Civil Society, 34
[162] Locke, Second Treatise, Chap. VII, Of Political or Civil_Society. Chapter 7, section 87
[163] Hegel, Elements of the Philosophy of Right, 3, II, 182 (http:/ / www. marxists. org/ reference/ archive/ hegel/ works/ pr/ prcivils. htm);
Karkatsoulis, The State in Transition, 277278
[164] (Pelczynski, The State and Civil Society, 113; Warren, Civil Society, 59)
[165] Zaleski, Pawel (2008). "Tocqueville on Civilian Society. A Romantic Vision of the Dichotomic Structure of Social Reality". Archiv fr
Begriffsgeschichte (Felix Meiner Verlag) 50.
[166] Robertson, Crimes Against Humanity, 9899
[167] There is no clear legal definition of the civil society, and of the institutions it includes. Most of the institutions and bodies who try to give a
list of institutions (such as the European Economic and Social Committee) exclude the political parties. For further information, see Jakobs,
Pursuing Equal Opportunities, 56; KaldorAnheierGlasius, Global Civil Society, passim (http:/ / www. lse. ac. uk/ Depts/ global/
Publications/ Yearbooks/ 2003/ 2003Chapter1a. pdf) (PDF); Karkatsoulis, The State in Transition, 282283.
Law
279
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Election Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=466543248 Contributors: *drew, -Barry-, 0x6D667061, 100110100, 10seahorse11, 137.111.13.xxx, 16@r, 21655, 4twenty42o,
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