Participant Developmentin Sport

Participant Development in Sport: An Academic Review
Participant Development in Sport:

An Academic Review

Richard Bailey, Dave Collins, Paul Ford,

ine MacNamara, Martin Toms, Gemma Pearce

March 2010


Acknowledgements

The project was conceived by sports coach UK, and funded by sports coach UK and Sport
Northern Ireland.

The review team:

Richard Bailey, PhD, RBES Ltd (Co-director)
Dave Collins, PhD, University of Central Lancashire/Independent Consultant (Co-director)
Paul Ford, PhD, University of East London
ine MacNamara, MSc, University of Limerick
Martin Toms, PhD, University of Birmingham
Gemma Pearce, MSc, University of Birmingham

The approach adopted in this Academic Review sought to gain the advantages of
collaborative research, while benefitting from the specialist expertise within the group.
Bailey and Collins directed the project and developed the overall strategy adopted in the
analysis. Bailey coordinated the process of literature searching and reviewing, and led the
writing of sections other than the domain-based sections; Collins provided the structure of
the sections through development of certain key definitions and constructs. Pearce acted
as project manager and was responsible for searching for and disseminating literature
among the team. Ford led the writing of the biological domain section. MacNamara and
Collins led the writing of the psychological domain section. Toms led the writing of the
social domain section. All members of the Review Team participated in the process of
gathering and sharing of literature, reading and critiquing sections and preparing the final
report. All take ownership of the final document.

Internal reviewers and/or advisers:
Jon Royce, Kingston Grammar School/Former GB Hockey Coach
Dr Ian Boardley, University of Birmingham
Dr David Morley, ESP Ltd
Associate Professor Craig Williams, University of Exeter
Dr Jon Oliver, University of Wales Institute Cardiff
Julian North, sports coach UK
Melina Timson-Katch, sports coach UK
Sue Jolly, sports coach UK
Paul Donnelly, Sport Northern Ireland
Ian Stafford, Independent Consultant

Editing/proofreading

Abi Masha, Coachwise Ltd

Sincere thanks to all involved.

Julian North
Head of Research
sports coach UK
March 2010

T
able of Contents
Executive Summary 1
Biological Domain 1
Psychological Domain 1
Social Domain 2
Moving Forwards 3
Recommendations 4

Section One: Introduction 5
Aim and Structure of the Review 5
The Approach Adopted in this Review 5
Biopsychosocial Model of Development 6

Section Two: Underpinning Philosophy and Operational Definitions 7
Reasons for Involvement 7
The Need for a Continuum between these Objectives 8
Critical and Sensitive Periods 9
Capacities, Competencies and Characteristics 10

Section Three: Models of Participant Development 12
Why Models? 12
The Traditional Model of Participant Development 13
Pyramid Thinking 14
Participant Development as Talent Development 16
Unitary Development 17
Potential and Performance 18
Development as a Continuum 18
Formal Models of Participant Development 19
Balyis Long-Term Athlete Development (LTAD) 19
Cts Developmental Model of Sport Participation (DMSP) 24
Abbott et als Psychological Characteristics of Developing Excellence (PCDE) 26
Bailey and Morleys Model of Talent Development 27
Key Elements of the Models 30
Mechanism-based Models 32
Summary 32

Section Four: The Biological Domain 33
Structural Breakdown of Physical Development 34
Developmental Pathways and Stages 37
Physical Fitness Constructs 39
Critical Periods of Development and Trainability 44
Additional Considerations 46
Summary 48

Section Five: The Psychological Domain 49
Dual Pathway versus Continuum Approaches 49
Ability 50
Other Precursive Factors in Talent Identification and Development 51
Emphasising Development Over Identification 52
Determinants of Participation in Sport and Physical Activity 53
Fundamental Movement Skills 57
Perceptions of Competence 59
The Importance of Appropriate Early Involvement Avoiding Drop-Out
and Staleness 60
Identifying and Promoting Causation 62
Psychological Characteristics of Participation and Development 62


Psychological Characteristics of Excellence 62
A Psychological Exemplar: Developing the Potential of Young People in Sport 64
Psychological Characteristics Underpinning PRE 65
Self-determination Theory 65
Developmental Differences in PCDEs 67
Transitions: A Critical Consideration? 68
Summary 70

Section Six: The Social Domain 74
Identity 74
Family 75
Socioeconomic Factors 81
Schooling/Education 82
Participation and Performance 84
Gender and Ethnicity 86
Summary 88

Section Seven: Summary of Findings and Ways Forward 89
Table 7.1: Summary of Generic Findings 90
Table 7.2: Sumary of the Biological Domain 90
Table 7.3: Sumary of the Psychological Domain 91
Table 7.4: Sumary of the Social Domain 92
Models for Further Progress: Design Parameters and Considerations 93
From Two- to Three-Dimensional Modelling of Participant Development 96
In Conclusion 98

Section Eight: Recommendations 99
Participant development ought to remain a central feature of the coaching
framework for the UK 99
Interdisciplinary research should become the norm, rather than the exception,
in sports coaching research 99
Models, research and proposals should be continually and
independently evaluated 99
Participant development should be based upon the concept of the development
of excellence in different contexts 100
The relationship between performance and participation is synergistic 100
There is a clear and present need for joined-up thinking 100
Policy and practice need immediate revision and future changes
should be informed by a purpose-driven research agenda 100

Section Nine: References and Bibliography 101


1
xecutive Summary
Participant development is a central aspect of any sports development framework as it is
concerned with the activities experienced, the pathways followed and the obstacles
encountered by players during their sporting and/or physical activity careers. This review
seeks to identify the main findings/principles associated with participant development, the
methods used to generate this information, and the strengths and weaknesses of the
supporting research. It does so by focusing on three broad areas of inquiry: the biological
domain, the psychological domain and the social domain.

Biological Domain

During childhood and adolescence there are measurable changes in body shape and
structure. These changes relate to an integrated natural development of genes, hormones,
nutrients and environmental factors that bring anatomical, neurological, muscular and
metabolic/hormonal adaptations. Consequently, this has a direct impact upon the
development of specific fitness components. A significant amount of evidence shows that
this biological maturation is non-linear and dynamic, meaning an active variance in the
development of fitness components between individuals.

At present, the application of such information by practitioners to enhance athletic
performance is poor. To date, the best-known model to include such considerations is the
Long-Term Athlete Development (LTAD) model. Participant development models must have
the flexibility to account for individualised growth rates and by using physical measures,
such as peak height velocity and peak weight velocity, the LTAD model advances
practitioner understanding to some degree. It uses successful training ethos alongside a
greater scientific basis for children and adolescents, and moves away from early
specialisation in sport and physical activity to optimise athletic development. The model
also acknowledges the need for a balanced training load and competition reflective of the
stage of maturation.

It is commonly accepted that training can bring changes in athletic performance. It appears
there are natural accelerated improvements in overall athletic performance in young people
aged 59 years old, as well as specialised fitness-component developments during
adolescent biological maturation. Moreover, from conducting training at appropriate
maturational time periods, some research suggests accelerated development of athletic
performance, known as windows of opportunity. However, participant development should
not be driven by windows of opportunity as there is a lack of cause-and-effect evidence;
therefore, practitioners should also be aware of the importance of training to advance all
fitness components throughout biological maturation during non-critical training periods.

There is a need for long-term training studies to determine whether windows of opportunity
actually occur. There is no evidence that failure to exploit these windows of opportunity
with appropriate training will result in inhibited development and ceiling limitations later on.
A fundamental question is whether these critical periods are included to help develop elite
performance beyond an athletes natural genetic make-up, or merely achieve optimal elite
performance faster. Similarly, will misuse of the critical periods bring an increased
likelihood of fixed or, more disturbingly, detrimental athletic effects upon participation
during adulthood?

Psychological Domain

Individuals are likely to encounter a range of long and short developmental stages and,
perhaps more crucially and a greater challenge, transitions between these stages as they
progress in their sport. Unfortunately, most existing models fail to acknowledge the non-
linear and dynamic pathways that typify prolonged engagement in sport. Instead, they tend


2

to suggest participants may progress towards either elite sport participation or may,
instead, choose to maintain involvement through the recreational years. Alongside the goal
of lifelong participation, the design of any effective system must adequately allow for a
continuum between these two goals, rather than treating them as separate targets. Such a
consideration is missing from these twin-track stage models, since they account for neither
the many non-linear pathways inherent in development nor the return routes that are
characteristics of the path to excellence.

Although these models describe development as a progression through different stages,
they offer little insight into how individuals move through or between stages and different
development pathways. While ability can be seen as the building block or defining feature of
talent, the process of talent development occurs through a period of structured learning - a
process rather than a single event. Therefore, identification of potential must address both
the ability to get there as well as the ability to be there. Despite this clear and common
characteristic, talent identification processes in sport have persisted with attempts to
identify talented athletes based on a limited range of discrete, outcome-based variables
(eg performance at age 12) that are tacitly assumed to underpin and, even, inevitably lead
to, senior success. For example, many traditional and popular talent identification models
(eg Talent Search) use testing protocols that are based almost entirely on a snapshot of
current performance (ie how well an athlete performs at that particular moment in time) as
opposed to an individuals capacity to develop in the future.

In simple terms, effective talent development will recognise and cater for the varied
pathways and different challenges individuals will face as they progress up the pathway.
Crucially, many of these concerns will apply irrespective of the eventual goal, whether this
is elite performance or lifelong physical activity participation. While reflecting upon certain
psychological factors being characteristic of those achieving the greatest success in sport, it
is important to consider the role psychological factors perform within participation
development models. These psychological characteristics of developing excellence (PCDEs)
include mental skills, such as imagery or goal setting, as well as the attitudes, emotions
and desires young athletes need to successfully realise their potential. For example, an
individual must employ a variety of skills to optimise development opportunities (eg first-
time appearances at a new level of competition, significant wins and losses, the challenge
of learning a new skill), adapt to setbacks (eg injury, slumps in performance, peer-group
challenge) and effectively negotiate key transitions encountered along the way (eg
selection, demands for increased practice, the push to conform to adolescent stereotypes).
Without these important skills and the ability to negotiate developmental challenges, an
individual may not maintain the motivation to achieve excellence at any level of
participation, regardless of his or her talent.

Therefore it is recommended that participant development models include PCDEs as a key
part of their recommendations for practice. Since psychological characteristics appear to be
a consistent predictor of performance, regardless of domain or level of achievement, a
model promoting the development of a range of PCDEs enables individuals to make
unrestricted participation choices across the lifespan.

Social Domain

A number of key social/environmental factors can affect participation, attrition and
involvement in sport and physical activity during childhood and adolescence. While there is
evidence of the importance of factors, such as the family, socioeconomic status, educational
background, geographical location, gender, ethnicity, peers and identity, there is little
consideration of any of these factors within existing participant development models. The
most influential factor seems to be the family, and young people from a two-parent/carer
family have far more opportunities and access to provision than those from a single-
parent/carer family. This is often attributable to socioeconomic variables, as well as


3

practical issues, such as work, transport and the requirements of siblings. With
approximately one quarter of young people in the UK living within single-parent families, it
is clear that familial support systems and networks are fundamental considerations.
Socioeconomic status is also important as, for example, the cost of kit, fees, transport to
and from training and matches is vital for involvement in many sports and more crucial as
the performer gets older and wishes to participate at a higher level. Clearly, those from
two-income families have a financial advantage.

A participants educational background (and opportunities afforded to participate in sport at
and through school) is also important. Those attending fee-paying schools have an
advantage of more physical education/sport time and, often, professional coaches over
state-funded schools. So, time, opportunity and provision are important. Linked to this is
the emerging recognition of geographical location and the opportunity to participate.
Research has highlighted that the size of the area in which you live has an effect on access,
opportunity and provision. A medium-sized city can be far more facilitative of participation
than a rural or urban area. The issues of gender, peer influence and ethnicity also cannot
be forgotten, however, these tend to be secondary factors, closely linked to family,
socioeconomics, education and geographical location.

There is a need for participant development models to acknowledge and understand the
relevance of the social person as much as the body within the sporting experience as
without such awareness, it will be impossible to produce a coherent and comprehensive
strategy. Furthermore, social and environmental opportunities impact upon involvement at
every stage and level of engagement, so, unlike the biological or psychological domains,
the thesis underpinning this area comprises a range of social and environmental factors,
such as family, socioeconomic status, geography and schooling, which significantly
affect participation.

In short, any future participant development models must, not only acknowledge biological
and psychological issues, but also reflect the social background of the participants. If future
models fail to do so, they will be neither accurate nor effective.

Moving Forwards

The UK Coaching Framework aims to promote a holistic view of the child, athlete and
player. At its best, a participant development model must be holistic, addressing the
complexity of interactions between different domains of functioning and offering clear
practical guidelines and directions for further investigation and development, while also
providing an empirical and theoretical justification for these statements. Unfortunately, the
current state of research in this crucial area does not provide a sufficiently comprehensive
understanding of the key interactions between domains, nor provide a sufficiently firm base
for future progress and application.

There is little doubt that the recent emergence of participant models like LTAD and Cts
Developmental Model of Sport Participation (DMSP) has brought significant advances in the
understanding of sports participation. The same could be said for the progression of the UK
Coaching Framework. Each model has sought to move beyond the informal approaches that
have characterised sports development in the past, and offers an excellent basis for debate
and evolution. This Academic Review moves the debate further by gathering, analysing and
ummarising relevant scientific literature, together with summary recommendations. s


4

Recommendations

Participant development ought to remain a central feature of the coaching framework for
the UK
Interdisciplinary research should become the norm, rather than the exception, in sports
coaching research
Models, research and proposals should be continually and independently evaluated
Participant development should be based upon the concept of the development of
excellence in different contexts
The relationship between performance and participation is synergistic
There is a clear and present need for joined-up thinking
Policy and practice need immediate revision and future changes should be informed by a
purpose-driven research agenda.


5

S
ection One: Introduction

This Academic Review is written in response to sports coach UKs stated intention for policy
and programme development to be underpinned and scrutinised by ongoing robust
research. Participant development is a central feature of any comprehensive coaching
model and sports coach UK has explicitly identified it as such within The UK Coaching
Framework (2008) and a host of related initiatives.

Aim and Structure of the Review

This Academic Review seeks to identify the main findings/principles associated with
participant development, the methods used to generate this information, and the strengths
and weaknesses of the supporting research. It does this by focusing on the disciplinary
sport-science literature related to participant development and its cognate areas, which we
interpret as the biological, psychological and social domains. Since this is the first attempt
to collate and analyse such information, there remain significant gaps. However, the review
provides a basis for further detailed reviews and new primary research, and is an essential
first step in building and evaluating the evidence base.

In light of the acknowledged contested nature of many of the concepts underlying
participant development, initial sections are dedicated to articulating our understanding of
the main models, their scope and the terms of the debates.

The Approach Adopted in this Review

The empirical basis for participant development is still forming and, to date, there has only
been limited academic evaluation of the empirical and theoretical authority of existing and
proposed models. The models identified within the Invitation to Tender have influenced the
development of the existing UK Participant Development Model, while sharing certain
features, and reflect potentially incompatible premises. In part, this may be because of
their focus on different domains and the fact they are informed by different disciplinary
expertise. However, there is little doubt that this is a nascent area of research.

Previous attempts to evaluate critically age- or context-specific frameworks have generally
relied upon self-evidence to generate their criteria for assessment. For example, an
otherwise valuable analysis of sport development models, commissioned in Australia, is
undermined by the fact the authors give no indication of their sources or the rationale for
the standards they employed to evaluate the models, as though these are simply obvious to
all
1
. The expertise of such reviewers aside, we would suggest that self-evidence is an
inadequate basis for critical judgement. Instead, reviews that draw together empirical data
as the bases of theory generation and testing
2
are needed.

Specifically, we suggest the way forward is to carry out reviews that identify the main
findings of relevant research in cognate disciplines, and then use these to evaluate the
different models of participant development. The diverse and, often, ill-defined nature of
the literature relevant to discussions in this area means that systematic and comprehensive
approaches to reviewing are inappropriate in this case. Instead, we have adopted what is
sometimes called an expert review stance, in which subject specialists draw upon their
familiarity with alike fields to identify and analyse relevant empirical and theoretical work.

1.
Kirk, Brettschne der and Auld (2005). i
2.
Layder (1998).


6

Biopsychosocial Model of Development

Sports participation, like any other aspect of human development, is influenced by a host of
integrating factors. The selection and classification of these factors is, inherently, a matter
of judgement, combined with the need to balance inclusivity with parsimony. With this in
mind, we have decided to organise this review around three domains that seem to
represent the core subject knowledge that underpins participant development in sport:
physical; psychological; and social domains. Taken together, these domains reflect the
biopsychosocial nature of development (see Figure 1.1, below).

Figure 1.1: Elements of the biopsychosocial model of development

The biopsychosocial model has become an increasing popular way of characterising human
development (Kiesler, 1999). This model posits a dynamic interaction between biological,
psychological and social factors, all of which play a significant role in human functioning
(Engel, 1977). Approaches that fail to acknowledge the multifaceted nature of development,
perhaps by focusing too narrowly on physiological or psychological processes, are in danger
of missing the complex, dynamic and non-linear nature of development (Abbott et al, 2005)
and are, therefore, inherently inadequate.

To date, biopsychosocial approaches are relatively new to sport science (aside from a
specific application in understanding sports injuries, Brewer, Andersen and Van Raalte,
2002 and drug use, Sharp and Collins, 1998). Smoll and Smith (1996), however, are well-
known for their attempt to take the diversity of influences on sports participation seriously.

In some ways, this study can be understood as an attempt to extend the biopsychosocial
form of analysis within the context of sport. We unpick the central elements of
development biological, psychological and social and use these domains as focal
points for academic reviews of the relevant literature. We then go on to summarise the
key findings from these reviews and posit recommendations for policy, practice and
future research.

First, however, we will examine some of the models of participant development currently
influencing UK sports coaching and development policies, and elucidate some of the
distinctions and assumptions that often remain unstated.

7
S
O
ection Two: Underpinning Philosophy and

perational Definitions
Of the many challenges to clarity in the area of participant development, the plethora of
terms and diversity of meaning, ascribed to the same concepts, are particularly irritating.
Of course, the complexity of the topic means researchers will examine it from a variety of
perspectives and some confusion is almost inevitable. Another confounding factor, one
which is far less excusable, relates to the different objectives for the participant
development process. The aims of any particular initiative are rarely stated explicitly so the
conclusions offered cannot be contextualised and compared; for example, an implicit
dichotomy is believed to exist between sport and participation. As we shall discover here
and in subsequent sections, this dichotomy is neither genuine nor useful in terms of the
broad agenda, and governmental support to participant development requires it to be so.
Interventions may limit themselves as defensive mechanisms, but often, as a direct result,
many miss the important value-added components, which can accrue from an integrated,
people-focused approach.

Reasons for Involvement

Participant development in sport and physical activity is dynamic and non-linear and there
are multiple pathways that individuals may take as they progress in their activity (Abbott et
al, 2005). This non-linearity, coupled with the importance of key events and transitions in
the developmental pathway (Ollis, Collins and McPherson, 2006), makes it essential for
support systems to offer flexibility, individual optimisation and return routes as features of
any formal pathway to excellence.

Traditionally, excellence in sport has been conceptualised in terms of outcome measures in
the form of medals, records and victories (Penney, 2000). More recently, however, and
reflecting growing interest in lifelong participation in physical activity, there has been a call
to expand this definition to include excellence, in terms of personal participation and
improvement (Miller and Kerr, 2002). As such, excellence is differentially defined in this
review as either:

Elite Referenced Excellence (ERE): Excellence in the form of high-level sporting
performance, where achievement is measured against others with the ultimate goal of
winning at the highest level possible

Personal Referenced Excellence (PRE): Excellence in the form of participation and
personal performance, where achievement is more personally referenced by, say,
completing a marathon or improving ones personal best.

The former definition is clearly concerned with performance excellence in high-level sport,
such as national and international competition. Conversely, the latter definition advocates
excellence as the achievement of developmentally appropriate challenges across the length
of ones lifespan, as well as the acquisition of those personal qualities which contribute to
lifelong health and well-being (Cimons, 1999). As such, accomplishments such as
completing a marathon, knocking time off a personal best, participating in recreational
activity or, even, digging the garden (enthusiastically) can be considered as the pursuit of
excellence when, from the performers perspective, they are measured in terms of
personal achievement (Weiss and Amorose, 1992).


8

To be truly adequate, however, one other category must be considered
3
; this third
perspective is defined as follows:

Participation for Personal Wellbeing (PPW): Taking part in physical activity to
satisfy needs other than personal progression.
Typical motivations for PPW might include the improvement of ones social life (eg
making/keeping friends), the enhancement of ones identity (eg being a member of a
high-status group or club), personal renewal (eg through activity which is both enjoyable
and spiritually fulfilling) and the maintenance of aspects of self-esteem (eg staying
in shape).

It is important to recognise these objectives are not distinct, although the degree of overlap
is differential across all three.

The Need for a Continuum between these Objectives

One key outcome of this review is its support for the contention that the three objectives
described above are interrelated, at least in developmental terms. These ideas are critically
considered in subsequent sections. For the moment, however, the need for enabling a flow
between the three should be apparent; for example, in meeting the aim of lifelong physical
activity. This Three Worlds Continuum is presented schematically in Figure 2.1
4
.

Figure 2.1: The Three Worlds Continuum (developed from Jess and Collins, 2003)

The idea is that, built on a common fundamental skills base, all individuals can be
4.
Our use of the terms worlds to describe our framework explicitly reflects Karl Poppers cosmology in
which three worlds are ontologically distinct, but necessarily and continually interacting (Popper,
1972).

3.
One other reasonably orthogonal categorisation is apparent, namely personal development, in which
involvement is focused on character building. Involvement in martial arts is often typified by this
focus, whilst some outdoor adventure initiatives (Outward bound onwards) carry a similar aim. We do
not consider this objective in this review, as it does not seem to fit with the brief offered.


9

empowered to progress back and forth between the three types of activity. On this basis,
young high-level performers can subsequently stay involved at a participation level whereas
late developers or returners can try their luck in the ERE and PRE worlds at any age. These
ideas are developed in Section Five, which focuses on the psychological domain. Age
boundaries to the different stages are arbitrary; in fact, age transitions would be dependent
on a combination of factors with high inter-individual variation.

As explained in the introduction to this section, both the categories and the continuum are
based on historical and pragmatic imperatives. Major stakeholders are apparent for each of
the categories (eg UK Sport/British Olympic Association for ERE; home country sports
councils and governing bodies of sport for PRE; and health organisations/local health trusts
for PPW). Of course, as with the categories themselves, overlap is always apparent,
although rarely well coordinated. For the needs of national government, however, flow
across the continuum is essential since each aspect is crucial at some point of an
individuals lifespan. For example, in simple terms, the multiple medal success of a Sir Chris
Hoy or Dame Kelly Holmes loses utilitarian value if they subsequently drop out; neither
George Best nor Paul Gascoigne offer good role models in this regard. Thus, facilitation of
effective movement back and forth across the continuum as individuals age, is essential for
the realisation of government targets and underpins the legacy ideal espoused by
organisers of the London 2012 Olympic Games and Paralympic Games.

Critical and Sensitive Periods

As another example of institutionalised obfuscation, we suggest the undefined and, often,
interchangeable use of these two terms, most notably in physiologically oriented research.
A more detailed consideration is covered in Section Four, which addresses the biological
domain. For the purposes of this review, however, we propose the following distinctions,
which will aid clarity throughout.

Critical Period

The use of this term suggests some unique, special and otherwise unobtainable advantage
to the effective exploitation of the period so described. Thus, for example, the identification
of a critical period for strength gains (ie between the ages of 10 and 12), would suggest
such a focus is imperative and, if not realised in time, will never be fully achieved. There
are obvious and strong implications attached to the use of this label, together with
significant consequences for important constructs, such as specialisation. Unfortunately,
however, there is a distinct lack of empirical support for such a pervasive and
powerful construct.

Sensitive Period

By contrast, the use of this term suggests a softer relationship. Thus, if the example
period used in the previous definition is described as sensitive, extra gains may be expected
for the same efforts in, rather than before or after, the age span identified. However, no
statement implies whether equally profound gains may not be made by training volume
(albeit perhaps larger) completed at another time.

The distinction between these two descriptions is highly significant for this review, hence
the level of detailed consideration presented in Section Four. For the moment, however,
consider one such implication as an example of how policies and procedures can flow from
the use of different terms. If a period is described as critical, this dictates that the fullest
possible exploitation is essential for the ERE agenda. As such, early selection into specific
training is required. Of course, sensitive periods may be equally crucial for ERE, if, and only
if, the sole goal is age-group success. Thus, early selection and effective training are central
to developing the competitive edge for our youth/junior superstars. Yet, this importance


10

dissipates in circumstances where other imperatives (eg the need for a multi-sport, multi-
skill base; avoiding age-related burnout) are shown to carry more weight in the design of
an optimum developmental pathway. Interestingly, a longer, slower development pathway
may even be the optimum system for developing eventual ERE at senior level. In short, all,
bar one very restrictive goal, can be equally or better achieved by less dogmatic attention
to these periods.

Critical Moments, Critical Episodes or Deliberate Experience

Another key definition/set of definitions relates to the differential impact imposed by
incidents with high personal significance. Typical experiences may be major wins or losses,
selection/de-selection from a squad or embarrassing moments. Referred to by Ct and
Hay (2002a) as critical incidents, these examples characterise the acute and clear situations
which most would agree are impactful. However, two other aspects need to be embraced
within this construct. Firstly, that these incidents can be chronic as well as acute; for
example, the experience of poor coaching, long-term parental pressure or coping
(successfully/unsuccessfully) with overly severe training loads. Based on this premise,
critical episodes may be a clearer and more accurate term. Secondly, the extent to which
the individuals metacognitive skills (which might, simply, be called their attitude), lead
them to interpret and exploit experiences as positive or negative. Ollis et al (2006) refer to
this as deliberate experience. The crucial implication arising from all these ideas is the role
played by the individuals metacognitive skills. In short, thinking positively may be crucial
for optimising development.

These metacognitive skills become all the more important when a lifelong perspective is
taken. It is interesting to note how childhood experiences are powerful in determining later
attitudes and behaviour. For example, physical education teachers are often cited in
retrospective surveys as either the most or least influential/popular teachers. However,
many physical education-haters are committed exercisers in adulthood (this would make an
interesting study to confirm the importance of adolescent perceptions for adult behaviour
decisions). As such, psychological constructs such as self-determination (see Section Five of
this review) are important mediators of critical moments, enabling the individual to make
the most of episodes, positive or negative, and progress towards a well-motivated and
internally rewarding adult exercise habit.

Capacities, Competencies and Characteristics

We are aware of an ongoing discussion, led by sports coach UK, about the most appropriate
language to be used when addressing the elements constitutive of successful engagement
and performance in sport. As with the other distinctions offered in this section, one should
not become so preoccupied with words that one ignores the things to which they refer,
but it is also important to recognise that some words are more valuable than others
in communicating meaning, especially when such meaning is laden with often
unfortunate connotations.

Consider Coaching Irelands (2008) talk of the development of participants technical,
tactical, physical, mental, lifestyle and personal capacities. Capacity refers to the maximum
amount that something can contain or produce (www.askoxford.com) and, therefore, is
inherently associated with notions of limitation and restriction. Turning to a diverse range of
literature, it is possible to generate a list of other terms, aside from excellence, such as
capabilities (Sen, 1999); qualities (Pirsig, 1974); or abilities, competencies and expertise
(Sternberg and Grigorenko, 2003). Unfortunately, even these are value-laden, suggesting
positive connotations. As with any other descriptive terminology applied to humans, we
suggest these are best described by use of the word characteristics. Therefore, unless the
dimension is objectively quantifiable, in which case the term capacity is clearly warranted
(eg aerobic capacity), we suggest the human attributes developed by, or acting as


11

precursors to, participation in physical activity are described as characteristics. After all,
one persons commitment is anothers obsession!

12
S
ection Three: Models of Participant Development

Participant development is a central feature of any comprehensive coaching model and
sports coach UK has explicitly identified it as such within the UK Coaching Framework. Yet,
the empirical basis for participant development is still forming. While sharing certain
features, the models identified within the Invitation to Tender for this review, which have
influenced the development of the existing UK Participant Development Model, also reflect
different premises and disciplinary backgrounds. In part, this may be because of their focus
on different aspects of participation. However, again, there is little doubt that this is a
nascent area of research.

This section introduces the topic of participant development models, outlines some of the
most influential models and explores some of the distinctions implicit within them. In
subsequent sections, we focus on evidence drawn from cognate domains for participant
development in sport.

Why Models?

Model building is an increasingly common approach in applied research and policy
development. Models can help make sense of the varied factors that might impact on a
particular phenomenon or situation, their possible interrelationships or causal sequence.
The UK Coaching Framework is an example of a model, in that it seeks to provide a concise
statement of the key factors judged to be especially significant in the evolving national
approach to coaching and participation. Similarly, most national sports development and
performance strategies are presented in the form of models, which set out what their
architects consider to be the most salient features. These can then, in turn, be critically
evaluated to investigate their coherence, their evidential basis, their internal consistency, or
whatever happens to be of interest. For example, Kirk, Brettschneider and Auld (2005)
undertook an international review of youth sport policies, in which they represented the
national strategies of four countries (England, New Zealand, China and Germany), focusing,
particularly, on the principles those authors believed to construct and constitute models of
junior sport participation. However, an inherent weakness of their or, indeed, any similar
principles-led approach, lies in the difficulty of demonstrating the validity of the principles
against which existing models are tested.

Some writers have suggested it is useful to distinguish between the terms model and
theory (Keeves, 1997). Scientists investigating a problem situation may generate a series
of hypotheses that might develop from earlier studies, theoretical considerations or, simply,
from hunches and intuitions. Time and testing may see these hypotheses develop or
contribute to an emerging theory. In the meantime, it may be necessary to frame these
hypotheses in a somewhat abstract way and offer a model that provides a coherent,
comprehensive and parsimonious structure for the potential interrelations between these
hypotheses. Also, as Kaplan (1964, p.285) pointed out, an effective model can be valuable
in generating new and unexpected ideas for inquiry: The value of the model lies, in part, in
its abstractness, so that it can be given many interpretations, which thereby reveal
unexpected similarities. The value also lies in the deductive fertility of the model, so
that unexpected consequences can be predicted and then tested by observation
and experiment.

It is not the case, though, that all models aspire to prescribe best practice. On the contrary,
it is entirely reasonable for models to seek to capture certain features of a situation and the
relationships between them, without going on to articulate supposed implications for
practice. Perhaps the simplest typology of models in sports development would distinguish
between descriptive and prescriptive accounts: the former attempt to provide an accurate
description of an event and its variables; the latter focus on the values or principles that
ought to characterise the event. Bailey and Morley (2006) are certain their model of talent
development in school PE is a prescriptive account: Our model describes a framework for


13

investigating the actualisation of abilities related to physical education and it draws together
a wide range of evidence, analogy and theory, framed within value judgements regarding
the nature and purpose of physical education (p. 212). In their review, cited above, Kirk,
Brettschneider and Auld (2005) are also clear about where their interests lie: The model
prescribes the process in terms of setting out clear guidelines for how junior sport
participation should proceed (p. 2).

A different approach is taken by Jean Ct and his collaborators, whose early work primarily
presents depictions of the processes through which young people become socialised into
sports participation (Beamer, Ct and Ericsson, 1999; Ct, 1999; Ct and Hay, 2002a).
Of course, it is somewhat inevitable that these authors go on to offer implications for
practice, but this could be criticised for stepping beyond the warrant of their retrospective
research into prospective guidance. For example, Ct and Hay (2002a) conclude, in their
account of the findings of investigations into the career development of elite Canadian and
Australian rowers, gymnasts, basketball players, netball players and hockey players, that it
is possible to identify implications for childrens involvement in organized sport (p. 498).
However, they have broken the logical imperative that one should not infer an ought from
an is; we should maintain a fact/value dichotomy (Putnam, 2002). Whether or not we
accept this guidance in absolute terms or not, it does seem important to recognise the
danger of leaping from empirical research and propositions of a would-be factual nature
(which are assessed in terms of their truth-likeness) to statements of value and policy
(which are assessed in terms of whether or not they are right or good).

On the face of it, we are presented with an apparently unbridgeable divide between
evidence and guidance, and claims of fact and statements of values. Such a divide might,
rightly, cause anguish to those aspiring to either evidence-based practice or value-led
research, and this anguish may prove useful in curtailing the enthusiasm of the numerous
writers on sports development or coaching, who casually skip from very specific or discrete
findings to, apparently, global and far-reaching implications for policy. However, it can be
possible and valid to eliminate, or at least blur, the dichotomy between research findings
and policy guidance. One context in which this blurring seems most appropriate is the
discussions of objectively desirable values. This is a highly contentious topic and the details
are far beyond the remit of this report (for further discussion, see Bailey, Bloodworth and
McNamee, 2007). It will suffice here to say that empirical research seems best placed to
inform policy when it relates to the realisation of good achievements. This is the approach
adopted in this report, when we talk about the development of excellence and excellences
in sport, based upon the terminology of Collins and his collaborators (eg Abbott and Collins,
2004; Abbott et al, 2005; MacNamara, Holmes and Collins, 2006).

The Traditional Model of Participant Development

There is always a danger of using the concept of a traditional, standard or conventional
model simply as a straw man to knock down, rather than a genuine stance. However, there
do seem to be certain presumptions or working principles that have historically
characterised discussions about sports development (Fisher and Borms, 1990; Kirk,
Brettschneider and Auld, 2005) and these are often entrenched or accepted as self-evident.
For the purposes of this report, these assumptions are interesting too because the
published theoretical models that act as its foci were provoked, to some extent, by the
perceived weaknesses of existing models. So, the intention here is, simply, to make clear
some of the themes that have characterised the traditional model.


14

Pyramid Thinking

Simply put, the pyramid model is as follows: a broad base of foundation skills participation,
with increasingly higher levels of performance, engaged in by fewer and fewer people (see
Figure 3.1, below)
5
. Kirk and Gorely (2000) state the pyramid model of sport development
is now well-entrenched and is known to many peopleas the sport development continuum
(p. 121) and Fisher and Borms (1990) report the pyramidal system of development [is]
favoured by most countries (p. 15). Houlihan (2000) has suggested that versions of the
pyramid characterise many UK sports development policy statements, and Kirk,
Brettschneider and Auld (2005) argue its influence can be seen in numerous international
sports participation models and the assumptions underpinning the pyramid model continue
to have a powerful residual influence on thinking about junior sport participation and sport
development in sport policy (p. 2). Moreover, the language in a recent UK government-
supported research report into elite dance development is interesting, in part, because of
explicitness: Constructing a Pyramid of Progression for Talent in Dance (Schmidt, 2006).

Elite
Competition
National
Competition
RegionalCompetition
SportsClubs LocalCompetition
SchoolSportandPhysicalEducation
Figure 3.1: The pyramid model of sports development (adapted from Tinning, Kirk
and Evans, 1993)

Despite its popularity among policy makers, there have been numerous criticisms levelled
at the pyramid approach. One line of attack has been the moral one: built into the
pyramids design is the systematic exclusion of players, no matter how good they are in
absolute terms, as fewer and fewer players can play at each level. Another difficulty raised
by critics is that the logic of the model means that the quality of performers at the higher
levels is dependent on the experiences and resources offered to those at the lowest levels:
a poor foundation undermines the whole system.

Bailey (2005a) has suggested three problems with pyramid thinking:

The problem of prediction
Pyramid models presume successful progression from one level to the next is indicative
of later or emergent ability, while, in most cases, this is not accurate. Abbott et al (2002)

5.
Other popular metaphors that seem to presume the same basic process are foundation stones
and trickle down (Kirk and Gorely, 2000).


15

present a wide range of evidence, effectively, undermining confidence in the notion of
talent spotting, especially in during childhood.

The problem of participation
Pyramid models presume that selection for progressively higher levels within the system
are based on merit, while in practice, participation is mediated by a host of psychosocial
and environmental factors, such as the ability to take part in the first place. This seems
to be the case for all contexts of participant development: PRE; ERE; and PPW. Consider,
for example, the role of the family in high-level sports performance (see Table 3.1).
Alongside the family as a key variable on participation, we might also add factors like
availability and quality of coaching and facilities, access to funding and choice of sport.
Since young players can hardly be held responsible for the quality of their families,
schools, cities and so on, it seems fair to say that, to some extent, their sporting
achievement (or simply engagement) is mediated by blind luck (Bailey, 2007),
irrespective of their ability in a sport.

Table 3.1: Some family-based variables associated with participation in sporting
and other domains at high levels (adapted from Bailey and Morley, 2006)

It is worth noting that many of the variables associated with participant development, in
all its forms (which directly affect an individuals ability to play sport), have been
identified for many years. It seems reasonable to suggest, on the whole, in the UK they
have not been significantly addressed by subsequent policy initiatives and substantial
financial investment (cf Bailey, 2005b; Bailey, et al, 2004; Collins, 2004; Collins and
Buller, 2003; Rowley and Graham, 1999).
Variable Source
Parents achieved high standards in domain Rotella and Bunker, 1987;
Radford, 1990; Feldman and
Goldsmith, 1986
Relatively high socioeconomic status Rowley and Baxter-Jones,
1992; English Sports Council,
1997; Duncan, 1997
Ability and willingness to financially support
participation and specialist support
Rowley and Baxter-Jones,
1992; Kirk et al, 1997a; Kay,
2000a
Ability and willingness to invest high amounts of time
to support the childs engagement in the activity
Lin-Yang et al, 1996; Kirk et
al, 1997b; Kay, 2000a; Holt
and Morley, 2004
Parents as car owners Rowley and Baxter-Jones,
1992
Relatively small family size English Sports Council, 1997
Two-parent/carer family Rowley and Baxter-Jones,
1992; Kay, 2000a
Attendance at independent school Rowley and Baxter-Jones,
1992

The problem of potential
These models take it for granted that current performance in a domain represents a
players ability, while there are numerous reasons to doubt this is, in fact, the case.
Some have highlighted the subjective nature of talent assessment procedures (Burwitz
et al, 1994), whereby players find themselves removed from a system for rather

16

arbitrary reasons. A striking example of such arbitrariness is the effect of relative age on
performance (Musch and Grondin, 2001). Numerous studies have shown that players
born early within a selection year have a considerable advantage over those born later.
This seems, in part, because of the relative physical size and strength and further
matured coordination of players who can be up to one year older than their peers
(Helsen et al, 2000). Those with the benefit of extra months of development are more
likely to be identified as talented and progress to the next level of the pyramid, where
they would be expected to receive better coaching, play with a higher standard of
teammates and opposition, compete, and train more frequently (Gladwell, 2008).

These problems with pyramid thinking might explain two perplexing findings, which seem to
raise doubts about its efficacy: the majority of young people identified as talented do not go
on to elite, or even sub-elite, careers (Abbott et al, 2002); and, conversely, many adult
elite performers were not identified through the standard talent pathways, nor were they
precociously gifted as young children (Bloom 1985).

Participant Development as Talent Development

Closely related to the pyramidal model, is the equation of participant development with
talent development. Indeed, it is noteworthy how little attention has been paid in the past
to approaches to sports development that do not focus on ERE. Balyis LTAD model certainly
does not follow the consensus in representing development in pyramidal form. However, its
focus, at least during its earlier formulations (Balyi, 2002; Balyi and Way, 1995) on a
progression towards performance and winning, implies its primary concern is elite
performance, rather than sports participation, per se.

Following Siedentop (2002a), we might conceptualise sports participation in terms of three
primary goals: the public health goal; the educative goal; and the elite-development goal.
Focusing on youth sport, Siedentop argued there was an inevitable tension between these
goals: One can legitimately question the degree to which elite-development goals of a
junior sport system can be served as part of a comprehensive system and still direct
sufficient resources to achieve the educative and public health goals that are more
fundamental to the system as a whole (p.396).

In this report we suggest this need not be the case. Specifically, we advocate an approach
to understanding development that enables a flow between different, but interrelated,
motives for involvement. Our framework of objectives of participant development was
devised without awareness of Siedentops framework, but the parallels seem clear (see
Table 3.2, below).

Table 3.2: Siedentops primary goals of sport

Siedentops Goals of Youth Sport Possible parallel with
the model suggested in
this report
Elite performance goal to allow the most talented and
interested young athletes to
pursue excellence (p. 395).
Elite-referenced
excellence (ERE)
Educative goal supported primarily for the
educational and developmental
benefitsIf the educative goal
as
)
was to dominateit would be
inclusive as possible (p. 394
Participation-referenced
excellence (PRE)


17

Public health goal to contribute to the public
health of a nationit would
emphasise playful activity above
all and would specifically target
for inclusion those...who are
most at risk. (pp. 39495)
Participation for personal
wellbeing (PPW)

So, there is a certain similarity between the two approaches, which may be because both
models have a strong degree of face validity and broadly reflect the types of interests
people have when they enter a pathway in sport. However, it is worthwhile making a few
points at this stage to help articulate our own position:

It is entirely possible, even likely, that individuals will be attracted to different objectives
at different points of their engagement with sport; they may also have different
objectives in mind at the same time, when playing different sports (a player may be a
competitive golfer and recreational swimmer, while learning tai chi)

The objectives are not mutually exclusive. Achievement in one area can be accompanied
by achievement in the others; although, as Siedentop (2002a) makes clear, in policy
terms, one tends to dominate

Finally, and most importantly, we do not accept Siedentops equation of elite
performance with the pursuit of excellence; it is perfectly possible for a player to engage
in sport with seriousness and a striving for personal excellence for the whole of his or her
life without ever seeking elite representation.

Unitary Development

Traditionally, researchers and policy makers have tended to conceptualise the development
of ability as unitary, genetically inherited and measurable (Abbott and Collins, 2004; Bailey
and Morley, 2006). This is in contradiction of contemporary theorists who almost universally
favour multidimensional models of high development (Simonton, 1999; Ziegler and Heller,
2000), cognisant of a wide range of factors. Domain-specific theories of education make
distinctions between different, relatively independent forms of ability, which frequently
relate to specific areas of achievement (see Table 3.3, below)
6
.

Table 3.3: Multidimensional models of ability

Areas of
Achievement
or Ability
(Marland, 1972)
Multiple
Intelligences
(Gardner, 1983)
Munich Model
of Giftedness
and Talent
(Perleth and
Heller, 1994)
Differentiated
Model of
Giftedness
and Talent
(Gagn, 2000)
General intellectual
ability
Linguistic
intelligence
Intellectual abilities Intellectual
Specific academic
ability
Logico-mathematical
intelligence
Creative abilities Creative
Creative or
productive thinking
Spatial intelligence Social competence Socio-affective
Leadership ability Bodily kinesthetic
intelligence
Practical intelligence Sensorimotor
Visual and
performing arts
Musical intelligence Artistic abilities
6.
To which we would suggesting add meta-cognitive abilities (cf Toward, 1996).


18

Psychomotor ability Intrapersonal
intelligence
Musicality
Interpersonal
intelligence
Psychomotor skills
Naturalistic
intelligence

There is wide-scale acceptance among researchers that performance in all forms of sport is
multifactorial, requiring the performer to develop a range of skills and abilities (such as
physiological, biomechanical, psychological and physical). Simonton (1999) proposes that
multiple components contribute to the development of ability within any area and these
components interact in a multiplicative, rather than an additive way. He offers four
implications of this multiplicative model (cited and interpreted in Abbott and Collins, 2004):

The area in which an individual displays ability will not be determined by any highly
specialised component, but rather by the specific weighted multiplicative
integration of the contributing innate components (Simonton, 1999; p. 438)

Individuals talented in an area will all have some value of each necessary
component, but individual values within any area will vary (unidimensional models
are unable to account for such diversity)

Many young people will not have exceptional talent in an area because of the
absence of one of the components, even if they excel in another component
(unidimensional models are not capable of making this distinction)

The number of innate components necessary for performance will vary from area to
area and some will be extremely complex (contrast, for example, open and closed
sport skills).

Potential and Performance

One of the most common versions of the unitary conception of development in sport occurs
when the assessment of ability in an area is reduced to levels of current performance.
Abbott et al (2002, p. 26) argue there is a need to distinguish between determinants of
performance and determinants of potential/skill acquisition. It seems more plausible that
individual development is the result of an interaction between inherited abilities, social and
cultural learning (Scarr and McCartney, 1983; Oyama, 2000), and it is this interaction of
processes that undermines simplistic correlations of ability and performance. Current
performance can be a poor indicator of ability, since it is mediated through a host of other
influences, such as training, support, parental investment and societal values (Bailey and
Morley, 2006; Holt and Morley, 2004).

Development as a Continuum

Traditional models (such as the pyramid) present sports development as a relatively linear
progression along a continuum, from childhood to retirement. Many theorists suggest that
developmental pathways in sport are non-linear and that players pass through discrete, but
idiosyncratic stages as they develop from novice to expert (Abbott et al, 2004; Ct and
Hay, 2002a; Vaeyens et al, 2008).

The influence of Blooms (1985) studies of expert sportspeople, musicians and academics
can be seen today in the increasing frequency of stage-based models of development (most
clearly in Cts [2002] framework, which is discussed below, but also in the work of Balyi,
1999). Bloom was led to distinguish three stages in the careers of 120 talented individuals:


19

the early years (the first stage, or Initiation), when the individual is drawn into
the area
the middle years (the second stage, or Development), when the individual becomes
committed to the area
the later years (the third stage, or Mastery), when the individual makes the domain
the centre of his other life.

The hypothesised existence of stages of development suggests individuals need to learn to
deal with the distinctive challenges inherent within each stage. It also means that they need
to be able to make and deal with the changes required to successfully transfer between
stages, which can be significant events in their lives (Pickard and Bailey, in press).
Therefore, alongside the evident challenges of participating in a sport, the player also needs
to negotiate the transitions encountered during his or her sporting career, and every
participant follows unique pathways (Tebbenham, 1998).

A degree of corroboration for Blooms staged approach has come from some North
American studies (eg Scanlan, Stein and Ravizza, 1989). However, its applicability in other
contexts (such as the UK) has been questioned (Moore et al, 1998; Toms and Bridge,
2008). Further research in this area is clearly required, but it ought to be noted that
significant variation in participation experiences tends to undermine narrow biological or
psychological deterministic explanations of development. Some writers, like Abbott et al
(2005), have also argued these difficulties are made more problematic by the non-linear
nature of participant development.

Formal Models of Participant Development

The discussion now turns to four models
7
that have been particularly influential in recent
discussions of sports participation and development in the UK:

Istvan Balyis Long-Term Athlete Development
Jean Cts Developmental Model of Sport Participation
Abbott et als Psychological Characteristics of Developing Excellence
Bailey and Morleys Model of Talent Development in Physical Education.

The aim at this stage is simply to present an outline of each model and its background. In
subsequent sections, we will examine the theoretical and empirical foundations of these and
other models. However, before we complete this section, we offer one further approach to
participant development model-making that seems to take a different course and, as such,
is offered by way of comparison and contrast.

Balyis Long-Term Athlete Development (LTAD)

LTAD, associated with the ideas and theories of Istvan Balyi, has probably been the most
influential model of participant development in the UK in recent years. All of the main
governing bodies for sport have been asked to adopt and adapt a version of LTAD and
promote it among their members. Stafford (2005) acknowledges the models primary aim
to produce greater numbers of performers who are capable of achieving at the highest
level, but also claims it provides a platform for coaches and participants at every level to
fulfil their potential and remain involved in sport (p. 1).

7.
These are also the models highlighted in the sports coach UK Invitation to Tender.


20

Balyi (2001b), like almost everyone who writes about developing excellence, quotes Herbert
Simon: It takes ten years of extensive training to excel in anything, as a way of
introducing and justifying his model. Long-term development, he argues, is the basis for
realising and optimising potential. This development is conceptualised in terms of a series
of stages through which players pass and the precise timing and nature of these stages is
determined by the type of sport in question. Balyi distinguishes between early and late-
specialisation sports. Early-specialisation sports refer to those sports that conventionally
require their players to begin to specialise and seriously train from a relatively early age,
such as gymnastics, diving, figure skating and table tennis. Late-specialisation sports
include practically all other sports and Balyis model prescribes a more generalised
approach, with an emphasis in the early stages on fundamental movement skills. Table 3.4
outlines LTADs stages and progressions for early- and late-specialisation sports.

Table 3.4: LTAD stages (Stafford, 2005)

Early Specialisation Late Specialisation

FUNdamental FUNdamental
Training to Train Learning to Train
Training to Compete Training to Train
Training to Win Training to Compete
Retaining Training to Win
Retaining

Translating these stages into practice, players are presented with a series of progressively
more challenging experiences as they get older (what follows is based on late-specialisation
sports, and is based on information in Stafford, 2005).

Phase one FUNdamentals
This phase is appropriate for boys aged 69 and girls aged 58. The main objective should
be the overall development of the athletes physical capacities and fundamental movement
skills. The key points of this phase are:

Participation in as many sports as possible
Speed, power and endurance are developed using FUN games
Appropriate and correct running, jumping and throwing techniques are taught using
agility, balance, coordination and speed (the ABCs of athletics)
Introduction to the simple rules and ethics of sports
Strength training with exercises that use the childs own body weight, plus medicine ball
and Swiss ball exercises.

Phase two Learning to train
This phase is appropriate for boys aged 912 and girls aged 811. The main objective
should be to learn all fundamental sports skills. The key points of this phase are:

Further develop fundamental movement skills, strength and endurance
Learn general sports skills
Introduce basic flexibility exercises
Continue to develop speed with specific activities during the warm-up, such as agility,
quickness and change of direction
Develop knowledge of warm-up, cool-down, stretching, hydration, nutrition, recovery,
relaxation and focus
Competition is structured and a ratio of 70:30 training/practice to competition
is recommended.


21

Phase three Training to train
should be the overall development of the athletes physical capacities, with a focus on
aerobic conditioning and fundamental movement skills. The key points of this phase are:

Further develop speed and sport-specific skills
Develop the aerobic base
Learn correct weightlifting techniques
Develop knowledge of: how and when to stretch; how to optimise nutrition and
hydration; mental preparation; how and when to taper and peak
Establish pre-competition, competition and post-competition routines
A 60% training to 40% competition ratio (including competition and competition-specific
training) is recommended.

Phase four Training to compete
should be to optimise fitness preparation, sport/event-specific skills and performance. The
key points of this phase are:

Fifty per cent of available time is devoted to the development of technical and tactical
skills, and fitness improvements
Fifty per cent of available time is devoted to competition and competition-specific
training
Learn to perform these sport-specific skills under a variety of competitive conditions
during training
Special emphasis is placed on optimum preparation by modelling training
and competition
Fitness and recovery programmes, psychological preparation and technical development
are now individually tailored to the athlete's needs.

Phase five Training to win
This phase is appropriate for boys aged 18+ and girls aged 17+. The main objective should
be to maximise fitness preparation and sport/event-specific skills, as well as performance.
The key points of this phase are:

Athletes train to peak at major competitions
Training is characterised by high intensity and relatively high volume, with appropriate
breaks to prevent overtraining
Training to competition ratio in this phase is 25:75, with the competition percentage
including competition-specific training activities.

Phase six Retirement and retainment
The main objective should be to retain athletes for coaching, officiating, sport
administration and so on.

Balyis work has been primarily addressed to coaches and coach educators and not
published in mainstream academic, peer-reviewed journals. In itself, this does not raise
doubts about the veracity of his claims, nor their relevance to practical coaching. But it
does mean that LTAD has not undergone the usual quality-assurance procedures associated
with scholarly work. Moreover, many of the sources he quotes as offering support for
LTADs central claims are either difficult to access or read, as many originate from the
former Soviet Union.

The types of sources Balyi cites suggest LTAD has its origins in the biological or
physiological tradition. Overall, LTAD can reasonably be described as a physiologically
orientated development model, as is evidenced by Figure 3.2, from Stafford (2005), which
outlines relevant factors related to adaptation to training and optimal training.

Figure 3.2: Adaptation to training and optimal trainability (From Balyi and Hamilton, 2004)

22

23
While the figure refers to mental-cognitive and emotional development, all of the structural
and constraining variables come from biology theories, such as peak height velocity, critical
periods of accelerated adaptation and growth spurts. LTAD can be interpreted as Balyis
interpretation of biological ideas like this and the result is a framework of guidance that
integrates ages, stages and training principles (Table 3.5).

Table 3.5: LTAD ages, stages and training principles (From Stafford, 2005)

Stage Approximate Age
Range (Years)

Key Points
FUNdamental 68 (girls)/69
(boys)
Need to sample a wide range of movement
activities in fun, playful and creative
environments
No sport-specific specialisation a multi-skills
approach to be adopted
Emphasis on development of basic movement
skills, not formal
competitive events
Parents involved and supportive, encouraging
participation in as many different activities as
possible
Speed, power and endurance developed using
fun games and challenges
Opportunity for optimum development
of speed
No periodisation and lots of FUN!

Learning
to train
811 (girls)/912
(boys)
Begin to introduce basic skills and fitness to
preferred activities
Start to reduce number of sports/activities but
recommend at least three
Focus on mastery of basic sport skills through
regular practice in fun-based environments,
using discovery learning
Emphasis on learning to train and practice, not
on performance outcome, but element of
appropriate competition introduced (eg 25% of
training programme).

Training
to train
1115 (girls)/1216
(boys)
Individualised programmes based on
individual development
Progressive development of technical, tactical
and mental capacities
Squads split into groups of early, average and
late maturers for physical conditioning and
fitness work
Girls and boys may or may not train together
depending on nature of activity
Regular height checks to identify key periods for
appropriate training and optimum benefit
Regular, but appropriate and sensitive, medical
monitoring and musculo-skeletal screening
(care must be taken here as bodies are
changing and young people may be
very sensitive)
Excessive, repetitive weight-bearing aerobic
activities should be avoided.


24

Training
to compete
1517 (girls)/1618
(boys)
Focus on diagnosing individual strengths and
weaknesses for selected event/position and
devising programme accordingly
All-year-round training that is high in intensity
and specificity
Structure of training activities should simulate
realistic variety of competitive event conditions
Key support structures, such as those relating to
fitness, psychology and nutrition, are
individualised and integrated
Performers strive to win at carefully selected
competitive events, but emphasis on learning
from those experiences, rather than on winning.

Training
to win
17+ (females)/18+
(males)
Assumes all relevant capacities have
been developed
Focus of training on optimising performance or
peaking at specially selected competitive events
Importance of planned rest breaks to avoid
burnout and injury
General training decreased but significant
increase in sport-specific training loads
Multi-periodisation approach developed.

Retaining Varies depending
on the individual
and the sport
Performers take up alternative activities after
withdrawing from competitive sport (eg
coaching, administration, mentoring, other
sports/hobbies, competition at masters level)
Performers should consider training down if used
to competing at a high level.

Cts Developmental Model of Sport Participation (DMSP)

If Balyis LTAD model can be described as a biologically or physiologically orientated
framework, then Jean Cts DMSP model is a predominantly psychological one. Ct and
colleagues (Beamer, Ct and Ericsson, 1999; Ct, 1999; Ct and Fraser-Thomas, 2007)
extended Blooms earlier work with talented individuals through qualitative interviews with
elite Canadian and Australian gymnasts, rowers, and players of basketball, netball, hockey
and tennis. Similar to Bloom, Ct identified three stages of development:

The sampling phase (612 years): When children are given the opportunity to
sample a range of sports, develop a foundation of fundamental movement skills and
experience sport as a source of fun and excitement.
The specialising phase (1315 years): When the child begins to focus on a smaller
number of sports and, while fun and enjoyment are still vital, sport-specific and emerge
as an important characteristic of sport engagement.
The investment phase (16+ years): When the child becomes committed to achieving
a high level of performance in a specific sport and the strategic, competitive and skill
development elements of sport emerges as the most important.

Progression from the sampling phase can take one of three forms. Children can become
involved more seriously in one or two sports in the specialising phase; they can choose to
stay involved in sport as a recreational activity; or they can drop out of sport. Likewise, at
the specialising phase, players have three options available to them when they aspire to a
high level of performance in one sport: recreation; drop out; or progress to the investment
phase. Those players who have reached the investment years can subsequently progress to
ever higher levels of performance, move to recreational sport, or simply drop out.

25

Drop out Sampling

Specialising Drop out

Figure 3.3: Cts Developmental Model of Sport Participation

The DMSP contains another important distinction, between deliberate play and deliberate
practice. Ericsson, Krampe and Tesch-Rmer (1993) concluded their comprehensive review
of the literature into skill acquisition and expert performance with the finding that the most
effective learning occurs through participation, in what they called deliberate practice. This
form of practice requires effort, is not inherently enjoyable and is specifically designed to
improve performance. Ericsson and his colleagues demonstrated expert performance was
the result of extensive deliberate practice (for at least 10 years). Subsequently, sports
researchers have corroborated aspects of Ericssons conclusions (Deakin and Cobley, 2003;
Helsen, Starkes and Hodges, 1998; Hodges and Starkes, 1996). Ct (1999) introduced the
term deliberate play to describe a form of sporting activity that involves early
developmental physical activities that are intrinsically motivating, provide immediate
gratification and are specifically designed to maximise enjoyment. Deliberate play usually
involves a modified version of standard rules, requires minimal equipment, flexible contexts
and challenges, and allows children the freedom to experiment with different movements
and tactics.

Table 3.6 summarises the differences between deliberate play and deliberate practice in
terms of disposition, context and behaviours for engagement in sport.

Table 3.6: Differences between deliberate play and deliberate practice (Ct,
Baker and Abernathy, 2007)

Deliberate Play

Deliberate Practice
Done for its own sake Done to achieve a future goal
Enjoyable Not the most enjoyable
Pretend quality Carried out seriously
Interest on the behaviour Interest in outcome of the behaviour
Flexibility Explicit rules
Adult involvement not required Adult involvement often required
Occurs in various settings Occurs in specialised facilities

Investment

Drop out
Recreation

26

Figure 3.4 (below) represents the relationship between deliberate practice and deliberate
play at different stages of participant development.

Figure 3.4: The relationship between deliberate play and deliberate practice and
Cts levels of sport participation
Sampling
Years
Specialising
Years
Investment
Years
Deliberate
practice
Deliberate play
Frequency
High
Low

Abbott et als Psychological Characteristics of Developing
Excellence (PCDE)

Based on the descriptions offered earlier, the work of Angela Abbott (now Button) and
colleagues (Abbott and Collins, 2002; 2004; Abbott et al, 2005; Abbott et al, 2007) should
be described as a prescriptive model. This work does not offer a comprehensive description
of all facets of participant development, as a model should arguably aspire to. What it does
offer, however, is a well-evidenced case for the pivotal role of psychology in the
development process (Abbott and Collins, 2004). This approach questions the pre-eminence
of anthropometric or performance/physiological measures as snapshot identification tools,
stressing both the complex, non-linear pathways to elite success, while also trying to tease
out (prescribe) characteristics that both predict and facilitate the pathway to elite success.
These characteristics, which they term the Psychological Characteristics of Developing
Excellence (PCDEs), show a considerable overlap with those factors shown to be associated
with/causative of achievement across a wide range of domains (these ideas are covered in
more detail in Section Five). They also offer an operationalisation of the principles espoused
by Dweck (2006).

Another crucial element of Abbott et als work is its emphasis on the successful negotiation
of transitions between stages as the major factor in progression along the performance
pathway, as opposed to the focus on stages that characterise many of the other models.
The extent to which these transitions and, hence, the deployment of skills, are idiosyncratic
is unclear with trends apparently based on societal, domain, background and age factors.

For a variety of reasons, the early work of this group focused on talent development
towards eventual performance in senior sport. Lately, however, these ideas have been
broadened to encompass dance and music; the latter domain offering a particularly
valuable laboratory owing to the from the outset importance of PCDEs in both formal
(eg MacNamara, Holmes and Collins, 2008) and informal settings (eg Kamin, Richards and
Collins, 2007).

27

More crucial for this review was the applied intervention built on the principles of PCDEs and
the promotion of real and perceived motor ability (once again, this receives a more
comprehensive coverage in Section Five). Based on a taught intervention with primary-
school-age children, the Developing the Potential of Young People through Sport project
Abbott et al, 2007) demonstrated statistically significant changes in attitude towards and
actual participation rates in a broad range of physical activities. Abbott and colleagues saw
changes in key psychological constructs, such as perceived ability and self-determination (cf
Chatzisarantis and Hagger, 2009) as the mechanisms through which the combined impact
affected behaviour.

In summary, the PCDE concept could be better described as a philosophy or approach
rather than a model per se. Implicit within the development and application of the approach
is a coherence of multi-agency action that, it is suggested, must characterise any effective
participant development work in the future. Furthermore, the approach enshrines the
necessary skills by incorporation into compulsory education processes at secondary and
tertiary level. While at an early stage of development, the fact this approach is both
theoretically grounded and empirically evaluated must count in its favour.

Bailey and Morleys Model of Talent Development

The fourth formal model of participant development was derived from substantial empirical
research into the processes of talent development in school physical education (eg Bailey,
Tan and Morley, 2004; Bailey, Dismore and Morley, 2009; Morley, Bailey and Cobley, 2006;
Morley, 2008). Bailey, Morley and colleagues sought to understand the perceptions of
teachers, students and policymakers, and the strategies they used to identify and provide
for the most able young people. Based on the findings from these studies, they progressed
to develop guidance (eg Bailey, 2005; Bailey and Morley, 2005; Morley and Bailey, 2006).
So, rather like Ct, this group began with a descriptive presentation of processes and
strategies and then moved to a prescriptive account of effective practice.

The model highlights a set of main hypotheses, which, it is maintained, are crucial for an
adequate understanding of talent development. The first hypothesis is a differentiation
between potential and performance. Following Abbott et al (2002), it is argued that the
common reduction of talent identification procedures to levels of current performance is
flawed. Since individual development is the result of an interaction between inherited
abilities and social and cultural learning (Oyama, 2000), it is an error to assume
correlations of ability and performance. Therefore, from the point of view of talent
development, current performance is a poor indicator of ability, since it is mediated
through a host of other influences, such as training, support, parental investment and
societal values.

The second hypothesis is that development is multidimensional. Following some educational
theorists, Bailey and Morley distinguish between the expression of abilities and the
progressive emergence of these abilities into certain formalised outcomes (eg Perleth and
Heller, 1994). These abilities are developed within certain domains that are (sometimes)
refined, combined and elaborated into particular behaviours, such as sporting success.
These abilities are:

physical ability (revealed through movement and the physical performance of skills)
interpersonal ability (exhibited in social contexts and is the basis of leadership, teamwork
and similar concepts)
intrapersonal ability (underpins an individuals capacity for self-control, self-efficacy and
emotional intelligence)
cognitive ability (shown in tactical settings, as well as knowledge and understanding of
central physical educational concepts)
creative ability (evidenced when learners respond to challenges and tasks with fluency,
originality and sensitivity to problems).

28

Underlying this multidimensional framework is a claim that success in physical education
(and sport, in general) needs to be understood in terms of the emergence of a wide range
of abilities rather than simply physical prowess, which has tended to dominate talent
development practices.

The third major hypothesis is that practice is of vital importance in the realisation of talent.
In this respect, Bailey and Morley were explicit in their acknowledgement of earlier models
(especially those of Abbott et al and Ct) and empirical research. Work by Ericsson and
others (cf. Ericsson et al, 1993; Howe, 2001; Baker et al, 2003; Starkes and Ericsson,
2003) has highlighted the role of practice in high-level performance. Of course, not all
practices are equally valuable and mere quantity of practice is unlikely to result in expert
performance; quality of practice is also required. Thus, Ericsson came to talk of deliberative
practice (Ericsson, 2003) to refer to structured, goal-orientated activities that require effort
and are not always inherently enjoyable, with an average of 10 years elapsing between first
and best work. Bailey and Morley acknowledge the fact studies of this sort demonstrate
correlation, not causal relations. However, it does seem reasonable to conclude that
deliberate practice is a necessary (if not sufficient) condition of the realisation of talent.

Figure 3.5: Bailey and Morleys Model of Talent Development in physical education

Personal Characteristics
Genetics
Resilience and commitment
Task orientation and motivation
Self-efficacy/belief systems
Outcomes
Lifelong
physical activity
Rewarding
physical
education
experience
Elite sport
performance
Sport
leadership
Abilities/
Dispositions
Physical
Cognitive
Interpersonal
Intrapersonal
Creativity
Environmental Characteristics
Teachers/coaches
Peer socialisation
Family support
Social values
Identification
Access and
Opportunity
Access and
Opportunity
Practice
Provision

29
Balyis LTAD Cts DMSP Abbott et als PCDE Bailey and Morleys Model
of Talent Development
Aim To present an all-embracing
coaching philosophy that puts
the needs of
participants/athletes at the
centre of decision-making
about sports system
development
(Balyi, Ross and Duffy, 2010)

to understand different
pathways of sport
involvement from childhood
to adults (Ct, per. comm.,
23/09/2009)
to explore prerequisites to
success in sport, and the
comparative efficacy of
employing these prerequisites
within talent identification
schemes (Abbot and Collins,
2004)
to make explicit theorising
about the nature, content and
character of the talent
development process in
physical education (Bailey
and Morley, 2006)
Primary
disciplinary
background
Exercise physiology
Anatomy (especially
biological maturation)

Social psychology
Developmental psychology
Performance psychology Education
Philosophy
Research
methods
Analysis of literature
Empirical observations
of practice
Retrospective recall with
elite performers,
recreational participants,
and dropouts from sports
Retrospective recall with
elite performers in various
performance domains
Sliding populations
tracking with developing
elites in various
performance domains
Pilot interventions
in schools

Qualitative research
with teachers and
young people
Quantitative research
with schools
School-based case studies
Key sources Mainly eastern European
sources physiology and
training methods
Blooms stages
Ericssons research on
deliberate practice

Orlick and Partingtons
1998 work on
characteristics
of excellence
A complex systems
perspective on
determinants of
performance, learning
and development
Cross-domain studies on
metacognitive skills
Abbott et als critique
Ericssons research on
deliberate practice

Key Elements of the Models

30

31

Main
theoretical
framework

Non-linear biological
maturation
Expertise theory
Developmental theories
Psychological
concomitants/precursors of
effective development
Munich Model of
Giftedness and Talent
Core
constructs
Stages of development
(FUNdamental, Learning to
Train, Training to Train,
Training to Compete,
Training to Win, Retaining)
Critical periods
Stages and trajectories
towards elite performance,
continued participation,
and personal development
in sport
Sampling
Deliberate play
Deliberate practice
Psychological
characteristics of
developing excellence
(PCDEs)
Effective talent
development environments
(TDEs)
Systematic development
of PCDEs to address
challenge in the pathway,
particularly transition
Stressing talent
development over
identification

Multi-abilities
Personal and
environmental influencers
Deliberate practice
Practical
applications
Use of biological
maturation measurements
to inform individual
training and competition
loading rather
than chronological
age classifications

Broad foundation of
sampling sports and
involvement in deliberate
play during childhood
Progressive involvement in
deliberate practice from
childhood to adulthood
Developmentally
appropriate training
patterns and
psychosocial influences
Holistic approach to
sport participation

Teaching characteristics
of excellence as
cross-domain facilitators
Developing and refining
optimum TDEs
Catering for the non-linear
and dynamic pathway
to excellence
Recognition that these
applications also impact
on participation a
continuum approach
Strategies for
talent identification
Strategies for
talent provision
Multi-skills practices


32
Mechanism-based Models

Models, at least in the social sciences, are supposed to enable the explanation, prediction
and modification of behaviour. We would contend that few, if any, of the models examined
to date fulfil all of these useful purposes. Instead, many are more descriptive and often
delimited/limited in scope by use of small or specific sample groups. For example, it would
seem both difficult and inappropriate to transfer findings from the old eastern European
sports systems to Western contexts. Such suggestions are often embedded with the
evidence base claimed by models as appropriate for our society. Couple this descriptive bias
with statements often so face valid that they are beyond challenge, and the practical utility
of some models seems even more questionable.

In an attempt to counter these concerns, MacNamara, Button and Collins (2010a) employed
a more mechanistic approach. As seen, this work is driven by attempts to identify
characteristics that can facilitate the realisation of potential, then deploy these in an action-
research style to see if a positive contribution can be made. As such, the emphasis is more
on providing theoretically and empirically based guidelines for practice, than in modelling
the full process per se. A typical investigation, reflecting the strengths and weaknesses of
the approach, is the two-part study of MacNamara, Button and Collins (2010b). In the first
part, a retrospective examination of elite performers yielded a set of characteristics and
experiences that had facilitated their own progress to world-class status. In the second
part, a survey of purposefully sampled subgroups of elites (track/field athletes, team sports
players and musicians) showed that these characteristics were differentially employed
according to domain and developmental stage. The applicability of these ideas is a strength,
while the need for longitudinal examination is a weakness that is being addressed. Most
pertinently to this review, there is also a clear requirement for consideration of progression
patterns in non-elites (PRE and PPW) participants.

Other exemplars of this mechanisms to guidelines approach is the work of Martindale and
colleagues, who used a triangulation of measures to discern the characteristics of optimum
TDEs as part of the pathway to ERE. For example, the triangulation between literature
(Martindale, Collins and Daubney, 2005), coach perception (Martindale, Collins and
Abraham, 2007) and developing athlete experience (Martindale and Mortimer, in press)
provides robustness to the guidelines, while also keeping the theoretically generated
guidelines grounded. This reality is a feature often missing from some authors who tend to
get a little idealistic or esoteric in their suggestions for practice. Once again, however, the
lack of a longitudinal intervention-driven study and the essential extension to the other
sections of the Three Worlds Continuum await completion.

Summary

Models can be useful means for capturing a wide range of evidence related to a topic. But
the value of these models is significantly determined by the quality of the evidence being
represented and inevitable interpretations of that evidence by the model builders. This
section has discussed the value and limitations of models in sports participation research
and introduced four influential models. It is important now to examine the empirical base,
to ascertain the veracity of existing models and consider lines of further development. We
shall do this over the next three sections.

33
S
ection Four: The Biological Domain

This section offers an evaluation of the implications of physical growth and maturation, in
conjunction with external stimulus (training), upon athletic development and health. It will
draw upon fundamental paediatric and adult research, including primary sources and review
articles, which have addressed the ontogenetic development issues relating to the potential
enhancement of athletic capabilities and participation in sport, exercise and physical
activity. An evident source of information related to this will be the implications of the long-
term planning of athletic training. Similarly, the section seeks to inform debate as to the
existence of critical and/or sensitive periods and windows of trainability of physical
fitness components during childhood and adolescence. It will also address the extent to
which ineffective employment of these opportunities may limit subsequent attainment.
Moreover, it will endeavour to relate the potential dangers of attempting certain modalities
and/or volumes of physical training to psychological consequences highlighted in proceeding
sections, and relate physical development with the PPW, PRE and ERE
8
involvement
concepts also introduced previously. Though the primary application of the growth and
maturation changes will be focused on the enhancement of athletic ability to directly
achieve ERE, there will be associated examples along the continuum as well.

Within this section, it seems pertinent there needs to be a clear understanding of the
development processes of maturation. Focus will be placed on the notions surrounding
puberty and principally concentrate on the differences between gender, as well as that
between chronological age. Malina and Bouchard (1991) highlight that during growth there
are measurable changes in body shape and structure in different stages. Moreover, these
changes relate to an integrated natural development of genes, hormones, nutrients and
environmental factors that will affect the physiological systems of the body (see also
Tihanyi, 1990). Indeed, Scammon (1930) also documents an s-shaped pattern of general
post-natal growth (Figure 4.1). It appears (though there are differences with gender-
specific neural, lymphatic and genital changes) the most rapid period of growth of the
human organism is between infancy and early childhood (06 years old), with constant
growth during middle childhood (711 years old), rapid growth during the adolescent spurt
(1116 years old) and slow increase up to the completion of adolescence (1620 years old)
(Balyi and Hamilton, 2004). For a further discussion on the stages of puberty, Tanner
(1978) describes the progressive stages of puberty (pp 15) in greater detail.

8
.
See pages 78 for definitions of these terms.

34

Figure 4.1: Generalised post-natal human growth pattern (Balyi and Hamilton,
2004)

Structural Breakdown of Physical Development

Anatomical
The most evident change that can be observed during growth and maturation is the
increase in human stature. During the stages of transition, from infancy to adulthood there
is a progressive increase in standing body height. But, it is apparent there are certain
periods in which there are accelerated periods of growth as well, which primarily can be
attributed to the non-linear changes in endocrine development (Naughton et al, 2000).
Based upon this, there are obvious effects upon athletic performance, with changes in
skeletal total body and limb length that can change energy expenditure during movement
(Schepens et al, 2004), as well as force and power output generation (Viru et al, 1999).
Furthermore, these changes in the rate of stature can help to act as a non-invasive marker
of changes in the endocrine system (see further commentary throughout this section; Balyi
and Hamilton, 2004). There is also a need to consider the health and adherence issues
associated with maturational effects upon the structural integrity of bone for an individual.

35
For example, the condition Osgood Schlatters Disease is seen as an overuse injury with
accelerated growth spurts. The condition is largely attributed to bone growth being much
faster than soft tissue growth, which leads to muscle tendon tightness across the joint. This
consequently results in a partial avulsion fracture through the ossification centre, as well as
a heterotopic fracture through the tendon where the insertion occurs (Nigg and Herzog,
1995; Dunn, 1990). In summary, this may limit or even prevent athletic participation at
highlighted key phases of development and consequential long-term Three Worlds
Continuum positioning.

Further to skeletal structure, Naughton et al (2000) reviews the impact of maturation upon
body fat storage during the progression from infant to adulthood and highlights an average
increase in storage from 11 to 15% and 14 to 25% between the ages of 617 years in boys
and girls, respectively. Although this increase in storage of body fat in girls is parallel
between extremity and truncal sites, it is more common to store body fat at the truncal site
in boys during maturation (Malina and Bouchard, 1991). Such information may have central
implications upon athletic performance for weight-bearing activities in addition to sports
that require physical aesthetic structure of the athlete; for example, diving and dance
(Naughton et al, 2000). Additionally, although subjective, Naughton et al (2000) suggests
girls who experience premature body fat gain, due to early puberty, may stop or modify
their sporting aspirations, because of the associated negative implications of fat gain upon
their athletic performance.

In summary, there is little doubt that these anatomical changes during growth and
maturation will impact on the performance and, possibly, the motivation of developing
athletes and continue through to adulthood. In simple terms, those involved in youth sports
must both be aware of (and cater for) the performance consequences of physical
development through accelerated growth-rate periods through, and in advance of, the
known developmental phases. Certainly during youth sport it seems those children who
experience rapid growth in relation to their peers may have increased athletic capacity and
associated ERE during a short period of time. However, due to the constant dynamic nature
of growth rates among children and adolescents, such heightened ERE states are often
acute, causing regular fluctuations along the Three Worlds Continuum. Based upon this, its
long-term impact remains undecided due to the insignificant impact body size has in
relation to skill for the majority of sport-and-exercise-related activities throughout life.

Neurological
In an athletic performance context, changes in neurological function during maturational
development will have an impact upon physical competence and skill acquisition and the
control of both fine and gross motor abilities. This is a distinct, but additive, factor to the
challenges resulting from structural changes, and one that will have an equal influence on
the selection of the degree of participation in a sport-and-exercise-related activity, with
particular reference to the Three Worlds Continuum. When assessing neurological
development, Cratty (1986) identifies that coordination mechanisms improve extensively
between 07 years old, resulting in enhanced motor unit recruitment potential (muscular
control) and subsequent motor (skill) performance during this time. Similarly, Morris et al
(1982) have highlighted that motor performance is linked to age increase (with a significant
advance in motor performance at around six years old) and chronological age is a more
important variable than gender. Likewise, both Rabinowicz (1986) and Thatcher et al
(1987) have reported that, like anatomical growth, there are accelerated and decelerated
periods of brain maturation, with peak development periods in both genders at 1524
months old, 68 years old, 1012 years old and 18 years old. Consequently, the
development of motor performance is, in part, restricted during these periods (Viru et al,
1999). For example, Okk (cited in Viru et al, 1999) suggests that the greatest levels of skill
acquisition for fast, precise foot movements and hand movement skills occur in girls during
ages 1112 and 1314 years old, respectively. Based upon such investigations, Higgs et al
(2008) have reviewed associated literature, focusing on the practice and performance of
key motor skills, including running, throwing and jumping and prescribed coaching advice in
relation to general and specific sport methods and phased training models. Fundamentally

36

though, the authors highlight the importance of doing such whole body movements
throughout childhood and adolescence in order to maximise development opportunities.

Muscular
Clarkson and Going (1996) highlight a significant increase in lean body mass during
maturation, with large increases in muscle mass from 42% to 54% of total body mass for
boys and 40% to 45% for girls, as assessed through creatine excretion, between the ages
of 517 years. Similarly, Viru et al (1999) draw on the large increase in cross-sectional area
of muscle fibres from 500 micrometres
2
(m) to 250010000 m
2
from childhood to
adulthood, based on the work of Collin-Saltin (1980) and Saltin and Gollnick (1983). As
above, researchers have proposed that this rate of muscle mass development is not linear,
with Malina (1969) having calculated a 0.6% increase per year in muscle mass from ages
013.5 years in males, but a rate of ~29% per year thereafter for the next two years.
However, in females it has been observed that there is a linear increase in muscle mass
during maturation (Viru et al, 1999). Nevertheless, this staged developmental pathway will
mean the restriction of an individuals maximal athletic trainability and performance during
growth until sexual maturation has been achieved, because the muscle function and force
production potential will be constrained by incomplete development (Naughton et al, 2000).

As highlighted previously, the performance/motivational implications of such non-linearity
must also be considered, especially when such changes are stage/phase-related while
young athletes are grouped by chronological age (see Section Five). Moreover, like
structural growth, the enhanced strength and muscle-endurance capabilities will naturally
help to support ERE. But, due to the importance of these facets throughout life (eg mowing
the lawn, playing games with children), such developments will help advance PPW and PRE
as well. This suggests that, although it will probably influence lifelong sport and physical
activity participation, it will not necessarily govern Three Worlds Continuum positioning.

Metabolic and hormonal
During growth and maturation the development of key hormones within the endocrine
system will have a significant physiological impact upon how the total body functions,
directly controlling anatomical and muscular development issues introduced above. Firstly,
during the onset of puberty there is a dramatic increase in the release of growth hormone
(GH), insulin-like growth factors (IGFs) and steroid sex hormones (SSHs), which principally
drive the process of increased bone and muscle maturation. Such changes, previously
documented by authors, include the growth spurt, peak height velocity (PHV) and peak
weight velocity (PWV) (Tanner, 1978; Malina and Bouchard, 1991). Similarly, during
adrenarche (development of adrenal glands) and gonadarche (development of sexual
organs) periods there are increased secretions of hormones that will influence physical
development in later puberty, including the release of gonadotropin-releasing hormone,
testosterone, estradiol, progesterone, follicle-stimulating hormone and luteinising hormone
(Sizonenko and Paunier, 1975; Lac et al, 1992; Viru et al, 1998; Boisseau and Delamarche,
2000; Naughton et al, 2000). In addition, there are several other hormones and enzymes,
which have been highlighted to develop and circulate at greater levels following the release
of the aforementioned SSHs, including phosphofructokinase (PFK), lactate dehydrogenase
(LDH), catecholamines, serum leptin and insulin (Boisseau and Delamarche, 2000;
Naughton et al, 2000). When trying to maximise an individuals athletic potential and ERE
performance, the changes in hormonal levels will have a significant influence upon the
training stimulus and adaptive/maladaptive responses during recovery as they will regulate
metabolic and growth processes (Boisseau and Delamarche, 2000; Naughton et al, 2000).

Consequently, the implications of hormonal change with evolving training load must be a
key and, inevitably, individual consideration, especially in young sports such as gymnastics
(Viru et al, 1999). But, in practice, the majority of sports participants will always tend to
train as a group/squad, meaning that such individualistic considerations are not accounted
for. Nevertheless, though such information has been applied to specific physiological
development and training practices for children and adolescents (eg testosterone increase

37

upon muscle size), it appears there is a lack of definitive consensus opinion on the impact
of such hormonal and metabolic changes within review articles (Boisseau and Delamarche,
2000; Naughton et al, 2000). Perhaps this is because there are some apparent practical
issues surrounding the research, including inaccurate assessment of hormonal secretion
(Boisseau and Delamarche, 2000), invalid paediatric pulmonary gas exchange assessment
(Fawkner and Armstrong, 2003), the expensive and cumbersome nature of phosphorous
nuclear magnetic resonance spectroscopy (PMRS; Boisseau and Delamarche, 2000), as well
ethical considerations regarding invasive muscle biopsies and blood sampling (Jago and
Bailey, 2001).

A useful source of information for further commentary on physical development is Rowland
(2006).

Developmental Pathways and Stages

Configuration stages/phases of development
Though there are numerous articles identifying the anatomical, neurological, muscular and
hormonal changes during childhood and adolescence, Harre (1982) and Norris and Smith
(2002) conclude that, at present, the application of such information by practitioners for
enhancing athletic performance is poor. Prior to the last decade, it seemed population-
specific considerations were still not accounted for, and adult-based training prescription
was implemented, which is widely accepted as being inappropriate (Balyi and Hamilton,
2004). To date, the most appropriate and forefront model to include these paediatric
developmental considerations is held to be the LTAD model (Balyi and Hamilton, 2004).
Though such a model is not novel (Riordan, 1977; Brokhin, 1978; Gilbert, 1980), it has
been constructed on the basis that it combines the successful training ethos employed
within ex-USSR countries alongside a greater scientific basis to inform children and
adolescent development (Balyi and Hamilton, 2004). An evident improvement of these
models is they acknowledge the physiological factors related to growth and maturation in
addition to correcting the previous ideology of focusing on early athlete specialisation
(Harre, 1982; Balyi and Hamilton, 2004), albeit against a backdrop of literature focused on
evaluating gains at that age, as opposed to a longer-term agenda. As the long-term
periodised models have been advanced, governing bodies of sport have adopted such
applied concepts in terms of developing children into elite athletes, encompassing
prescription, and application details for practitioners (Biathlon Canada, 2006a; 2006b;
Canadian Sports Centres, 2008), which had previously been attempted by several authors
independently (Holm, 1987; Thumm, 1987; Sanderson, 1989; Touretski, 1993; Bompa,
1995).

These authors have acknowledged the need for balanced training load and competition
during childhood and adolescence as, previously, too much focus was placed upon results
rather than assisting optimal development processes (Balyi and Way, 1995; Bompa, 1995).
Directly related to this, Balyi (1996) and Balyi and Hamilton (2004) identified that
organisations should actively work with coaches during competition scheduling and
preparation of junior athletes, based around relevant supportive literature and particularly
the s-shaped modified-developmental growth curve (Figure 4.1). These authors focused
upon the idea that training programme design should account for enhancing general athletic
capabilities during childhood and sport-specialisation after pubertal changes. Platonov
(1988) highlights the number of hours required to maximise each development stage from
initial basic training through to adult maintenance. Principally, Balyi and Hamilton (2004)
distinguish the following four stages of training development: the FUNdamental, training to
train, training to compete and training to win phases (see Figure 4.2).


38

Figure 4.2: Four stages of training development (Balyi, 1996)

It is suggested that, through objective physiological assessment and using tools such as
PHV and PWV, coaches can account for the individual maturation rates of each athlete to
apply the relevant training protocols depicted in each phase of the model (see Figure 3.2).
Such practice brings an advancement of chronological age classification that is inherently
flawed due to previously noted variation in growth and maturational rates between
individuals (Bompa, 1995; Balyi and Hamilton, 2004). An additional factor from this model
is the concept there are critical opportunities to accelerate and enhance physical
development using appropriate training stimuli linked to the natural growth and
maturation processes.

In terms of the limitations of this literature, there is a distinct lack of longitudinal-based
empirical data supporting such a long-term model. Much of the evidence used to justify the
design of the model lacks any significant longitudinal cause and effect research and
includes animal-based literature to rationalise its structure (Szmodis, 1991). Balyi and
Hamilton (2004) actually highlight their work is based on empirical observations, which,
although apparently well-informed, lacks scientific validity due to bias and individual
misinterpretations. It appears the triggering need for such a long-term training design is to
facilitate the development of children and adolescents to achieve ERE, rather than
mediocrity of performance towards the opposite pole of the Three Worlds Continuum. In
addition, it appears there is no evidence that failure to exploit these critical periods with
appropriate training will result in inhibited development and ceiling limitations later on.

39

Beunen and Malina (1996) clearly show a variance in the rate of athletic performance
development associated with growth and maturation, but there seems to be a lack of clarity
on the training stimulus required to facilitate these developmental spurts. A fundamental
question is whether these critical periods are included to help develop ERE to an extent
above an individuals pre-ordained natural genetic make-up, or merely achieve optimal
ERE performance faster? Similarly, will the misuse of the critical periods bring an increased
likelihood of fixed, or more disturbingly, detrimental athletic effects upon Three Worlds
Continuum positioning for an individual during adulthood? For example, an individual
moving from ERE to PPW, or even drop out, as commonly seen from excessive participation
during junior association football.

After acknowledging this, it seems appropriate to examine the development of the
physiological variables directly related to fitness components (primarily aerobic and
anaerobic performance) to a greater extent. This might help readers to distinguish if this
may have an influence upon training prescription that has not been addressed in the
original methods noted above. As a final consideration and, once again, reflecting the
longitudinal weaknesses established above, there is a need to examine whether a lack of
specific developmental activities at one stage (eg developing joint integrity and/or sound
movement patterns) is an essential precursor to smooth, uninterrupted and effective
preparation later (eg during pre-adolescence to late adolescence). By focusing on these
areas it should help to show the impact these approaches have in terms of sport, exercise
and physical activity involvement more clearly. For example, if it is found an individual does
not develop anaerobic athletic competencies until late adolescence or he or she fails to
maximise training opportunities to enhance these, resulting in poor levels during middle
age, then it may explain low participation rates or PPW positioning on the Three
Worlds Continuum.

Physical Fitness Constructs

Aerobic performance
Aerobic fitness is a process of synthesising energy or adenosine triphosphate (ATP) for a
prolonged duration with the use of oxygen. It is influenced by an individuals central and
peripheral cardiovascular system, muscular function, cellular capacity, body composition
and metabolic capability (Rowland, 1985). It seems the degree of influence these
components have upon aerobic fitness varies with maturation; for example, in childhood
there is a greater reliance on increased heart rate to sustain increased blood flow during
exercise compared to adulthood, stemming from underdeveloped cardiac tissues and lower
stroke volume to support more intense workloads (Turley, 1997). Peak oxygen uptake, as it
is more appropriately termed for paediatric participants (Rowland and Cunningham, 1992),
is acknowledged as a criterion method of assessing an individuals maximal aerobic fitness
(Jones and Carter, 2000; Naughton et al, 2000). It increases from infancy into adulthood,
possibly in a linear pattern with body size increase (Armstrong and Welsman, 1994). Some
may postulate this might be directly related to the development of heart size, as though
during early childhood the heart is very small and there is a reduced aortic pressure (Viru et
al, 1999), by the age of eight years old the heart volume to body size ratio is the same as
that observed in adulthood (Bouchard et al, 1977).

Nevertheless, several authors have suggested there are accelerated and decelerated
periods of peak oxygen uptake development during maturation (Viru et al, 1999; Baquet et
al, 2003). This can, in part, be rationalised based upon the fluctuating rates of development
in functional cardiac changes outside of total heart size, in addition to the anatomical,
neurological, metabolic and muscular changes during growth and maturation as highlighted
previously (Viru et al, 1999; Naughton et al, 2000). Kobayashi et al (1978), Payne and
Morrow (1993) and Baquet et al (2003) suggest there is an exponential rise in peak oxygen
uptake following PHV and puberty and appropriate training will enhance this rate of change


40

in line with growth, in what Katch (1983) and Rowland (1997) discuss as the trigger
hypothesis. Naughton et al (2000) summarises that the growth-related improvements in
aerobic trainability in well-trained male adolescent athletes compared with well-trained pre-
adolescent males may be associated with the interactive effects of leaner body composition,
proportionally higher muscle mass, higher blood oxygen carrying capacity and larger
maximal cardiac output. These adaptations relate to increased testosterone, GH and other
hormone secretions that occur with maturation, directly related to post-PHV.

In support, the findings of George et al (2005) suggest that without the increased release
of testosterone during maturation, any kind of cardiac muscle training adaption is limited
and, consequently, will inhibit aerobic fitness training gains in boys; although there are
other hormones, such as IGFs and GH, that will play a significant role. Further accelerated
and decelerated period observations includes Weber et al (1976), who suggested a
decreased sensitivity to aerobic fitness training response that occurs in the middle of PHV
when compared with the years surrounding it. Moreover, some authors have indeed
suggested most receptive training adaptations to aerobic fitness actually occur prior to PHV.
For example, Rowland (1985) suggests a 10.1% and 8.8% improvement in peak oxygen
uptake during pre-pubertal and adolescence in both boys and girls, respectively. In
summary, both Naughton et al (2000) and Baquet et al (2003) conclude that the findings
are obscure throughout the literature as genetic background and training load is never the
same so attributing any adaptive response, in line with physical development, is flawed due
to the variation in the size of stimulus.

In addition, it appears research has focused on participants during pre-pubertal years
rather than adolescents, and has not accounted for initial peak oxygen uptake

values
(Tolfrey et al, 1998). Such knowledge limits application of critical period training
prescription. Therefore the application of a window of trainability concept, which includes
lack of cohesive agreement, may indeed be inappropriate at this time. However, it is of
particular interest for practitioners to identify if windows of trainability do exist because it
bears implications for lifelong Three Worlds Continuum participation. For example, training
aerobic fitness when there is reduced training-adaptation-response capability may be
detrimental to the development opportunity of other physical traits (where there may be
enhanced progression periods) or bring unnecessary stress for an individual. As a
consequence, this may potentially contribute towards overtraining and drop out for young
participants and low adherence rates during older age, which relates to commentary in the
coming chapters.

Further to this, there are alternative markers of aerobic fitness, including economy of
locomotion, blood lactate threshold and oxygen uptake kinetics (Jones and Carter, 2000).
Results from studies suggest children and adolescents are significantly less efficient in
energy expenditure during movement than adults, as children consume more energy per
unit of body mass to walk at a

given speed, and this difference

becomes greater

the higher
the speed and the younger the subject (up to 12 years) (Cavagna et al, 1983; De Jaeger et
al, 2001; Schepens et al, 2004). Although a possible explanation for the difference is that
body size

affects the positive muscletendon work performed. Cavagna et al. 1983 attribute
these inherent disparities to kinetic differences in the ankle, associated with a lack of
neuromuscular maturity and childrens inability to effectively deliver oxygen to the required
muscles (cf De Jaeger et al, 2001; Ebbeling et al, 1992; Ganley and Powers, 2004; and
Schepens et al, 2004). Though this discrepancy between children and adults will be
removed naturally over time, as chronological age can explain 77% of the variance
(Ebbeling et al, 1992; Frost et al, 2002), it seems the potential for improving economy of
movement and physical performance is more than likely influenced by training as well.

However, there appears to be limited investigations that specifically address appropriate
training prescription or critical periods to enhance this in line with physical development
(Naughton et al, 2000). It might be postulated that overall economy of locomotion will be
enhanced continuously with physical activity and exercise through childhood and

41

adolescence (Baquet et al, 2003), but until there is some direct research to assess if this is
true, or indeed there are accelerated or decelerated periods of change, its position within
longitudinal periodised training models as such, remains unknown. Certainly, age-related
differentials mean any specific sporting challenge will be met through different systems for
the child as opposed to the adult performer. Implications could include the modification of
age-appropriate sports to better reflect the adult version, or careful consideration of these
differentials when talent spotting based on current performance, itself an already flawed
approach (Abbott et al, 2005). For example, having shorter periods of play and more
regular rest intervals during team sports may be more appropriate for individuals with lower
fitness levels. It seems sensible to match the physical demands of sport and exercise to
the physical development of individuals to help facilitate skilled performances that are not
restricted due to physical incapacities and thus Three Worlds Continuum progression.

In addition, the other aerobic fitness assessment methods of blood lactate threshold and
oxygen uptake kinetics are not actually appropriate in the context of tracking change from
childhood to adulthood. Although similar responses to moderate-intensity exercise are seen,
its inappropriateness is because the natural fluctuation in anaerobic metabolic pathway
usage with maturation will invalidate longitudinal observation of such tests (Boisseau and
Delamarche, 2000; Naughton et al, 2000), which can be attributed to its link to hormonal
maturation (Tanaka and Shindo, 1985). Due to the advanced scientific nature of
these concepts and lack of discussion within the literature as to their impact upon
lifelong participation development, further commentary is beyond the scope of this
academic review.

In summary, there is a large amount of supportive literature to suggest that from a young
age children do have a well-developed aerobic capacity to support ATP re-synthesis to
perform exercise of varying workloads (Boisseau and Delamarche, 2000). Nonetheless,
there is evidence to show aerobic fitness capacity will improve during childhood and
adolescence and there are peaked periods of advancement. Subsequently, it might be
expected that this will influence an individuals Three Worlds Continuum activity status (eg
a heightened ERE opportunity supported from a superior aerobic capacity). Though there is
discrepancy in the literature, Viru et al (1999) draws on several longitudinal studies to show
peak development of aerobic capacity will occur between 1216 years old in both boys and
girls. But they also highlight cross-sectional investigations actually showing that the peak
development periods for aerobic capacity occur during 1016 and 713 years old in boys
and girls, respectively. The latter is slightly different and aligns itself with the LTAD model
(Balyi and Hamilton, 2004). However, due to the lack of causality associated with these
cross-sectional studies and potential inaccurate assessment of training stimulus required to
elicit such peak development (Baquet et al, 2003), any inference of longitudinal periodised
training design based upon these investigations should be viewed with caution. What is
required is a long-term study that maps changes in aerobic capacity during growth and
measures the influence physical activity or training may also have; though, logistically, this
is very difficult to achieve. Until such evidence emerges, there seems to be no sufficient
experimental basis that even pre-pubescent children fail to respond normally to aerobic
fitness training (Shephard, 1992), though Tolfrey et al (1998) and Williams and Reilly
(2000) suggest it will have to be relatively high-intensity and for a prolonged period to
produce significant gains.

Anaerobic performance
Unlike aerobic capabilities discussed already, it is commonly accepted that children have a
poor anaerobic performance capacity compared to adults, meaning a restricted capacity to
perform short, very high-intensity explosive activities. This is potentially due to
physiological constraints linked to underdeveloped endocrine and muscular components,
which do not develop until the onset of sexual maturation (Viru et al, 1999). Subsequently,
this has an effect upon the fitness components of muscular strength, speed of movement
and explosive power, which are associated with superior athletic performance.

42

It seems a primary reason for young people having poor anaerobic performance capabilities
is reduced muscle cross-sectional mass compared to adults. In part, this may be related to
a hormonal limitation of anaerobic performance, particularly to any kind of training
adaptation in children compared to adults. Viru et al (1999) largely relates the significant
development increase in muscle mass and strength in males due to the ten-fold increase in
testosterone secretion that occurs during sexual maturation. Likewise, Viru et al (1998) has
identified the post-exercise release of GH is greater in girls in the latter stages of sexual
maturity, which aids the developmental increase in muscle mass and strength. Thus, it
might be speculated there is limited worth to conducting a high-intensity exercise stimulus
(such as resistance training) to elicit an increase in muscle size in childhood until the
appropriate hormones can be secreted to facilitate growth. However, such a statement
potentially neglects the worth of resistance training for pre-adolescent participants to
enhance strength. Several authors have identified the positive effects of such training
regimes to enhance strength (Blimkie, 1993; Falk and Tenenbaum, 1996), attributing
enhanced neurological activation as the primary mechanism (Falk and Tenenbaum, 1996;
Christou et al, 2006). Though pre-adolescents are probably less trainable prior to hormonal
maturation (Blimkie, 1993), such a speculation holds substantial implications for training
regimens with young performers; once again relating to immediate performance (eg
gymnastics) and aspects of appropriate development.

Another consideration for enhancing anaerobic performance is specific muscle fibre type
development. For example, if a specific accelerated period of fast-twitch fibre growth was
observed, it might be appropriate to plan a specific training stimulus to help optimise
development (Boisseau and Delamarche, 2000). However, Bell et al (1980) and Mero et al
(1991) suggest children have a greater proportion of type I (slow twitch) muscle fibres than
adults, though the majority of evidence indicates there is no difference in fibre type
proportions during growth and maturation (Boisseau and Delamarche, 2000). Nevertheless,
more supportive evidence using techniques such as magnetic resonance imaging is required
to clarify this subject area prior to achieving a definitive conclusion. In terms of eventual (ie
adult) performance and Three Worlds Continuum activity, the long-term influence of early
training on fibre typology and trainability would appear to be a particularly important line
for investigation.

Further to this, it seems several review articles have highlighted that even when accounting
for this difference in muscle aetiology, there is still a progressive increase in anaerobic
function during growth and maturation. This is primarily supported by novel techniques,
such as PMRS to quantify energy metabolism (Boisseau and Delamarche, 2000). Zanconato
et al (1994), Kuno et al (1995) and Barker et al (2008a; 2008b) identify that children have
a significantly lower capacity for ATP re-synthesis using anaerobic metabolic pathways
compared to adolescents. Likewise, Naughton et al (2000) report an improvement during
adolescence in anaerobic metabolism as marked changes in enzyme activity, blood lactate
and post-exercise oxygen consumption can be seen during physical activity and exercise
(Berg and Keul, 1988; Paterson and Cunningham, 1985). A plausible reason for this is
during high intensity activities, although functional anaerobic capacity is not limited by
stored phosphocreatine (PCr) levels (Eriksson et al, 1971; Colling-Saltin, 1978), the
anaerobic glycolytic pathway energy system seems to be restricted. This can be primarily
attributed to the lower circulating levels of rate-limiting enzymes PFK and LDH during
childhood (Naughton et al, 2000). For example, Erikkson and Koch (1973) have reported
the levels of PFK in 11-year-old boys being one third of a mature males.

In addition to this, Lehmann et al (1981) suggest there is also a reduced glycolytic
metabolic capacity due to a restricted release of adrenaline (which facilitates anaerobic
glycolysis), stemming from an underdeveloped sympatho-adrenal system. Studies have
also suggested increased levels of succinate dehydrogenase and isocitrate dehydrogenase
in children compared to adults (oxidative enzymes), enhancing the aerobic metabolic
pathways that will resultantly reduce anaerobic capabilities (Erikkson and Koch, 1973;
Boisseau and Delamarche, 2000). Therefore, high-intensity activities will not be
articipant Development in Sport: An Academic Review

43

P
w

metabolically limited if they are less than 10 seconds in duration; however, hormonal
restrictions upon anaerobic glycolysis will limit the performance of high-intensity activities
longer than 10 seconds. Based upon this (as with restricted muscle aetiology) conducting
training of strength, speed and power until sexual maturation is complete may be
unessential since maximised exercise stimulus and resultant compensation may not be
achieved (Boisseau and Delamarche, 2000). It is hoped future advancement in the area of
PMRS will help to clarify this change in anaerobic metabolism during adolescence and align
it with non-invasive markers and optimal training stimulus recommendations (Naughton et
al, 2000). However, Van Praagh (1998) disagrees with this notion, since several
investigations have brought anaerobic advancement in high-intensity performance prior to
sexual maturation. Perhaps this may be associated with improved neurological motor
performance control as highlighted previously (Falk and Tenenbaum, 1996; Christou et al,
2006). Saltin (2005) reports that motor nerve action potential increases prior to puberty
and suggests training can facilitate a faster and controlled activation of the muscle
alongside natural development. Additionally, Fournier et al (1982) has suggested that
resistance training may enhance the development of anaerobic glycolytic metabolism during
adolescence, perhaps in a form of activating mechanism. Therefore, the prescription of
anaerobic training of muscular strength, speed of movement and explosive power from a
young age should be considered; although, notably, for different reasons to its usage
with adults.

In light of the preceding discussion, it seems appropriate to underline the observed
growth-related changes in anaerobic performance again, in terms of enhancing strength,
speed and power fitness components, as they may be a precursor or resultant of a critical
period of training stimulus (Balyi and Hamilton, 2004). Viru et al (1999) have identified that
the peak change in muscle strength occurs between the chronological ages of 1316 in
boys and 1115 years old in girls, based on both cross-sectional and longitudinal
investigations. In addition, an observation is that there are localised specialisations for
certain muscle groups, with upper-body strength development coming earlier than lower
limb (Blanksby et al, 1994; Viru et al, 1999). Unlike strength, speed is seen to develop
earlier within the process of maturation, as peak change occurs during ages 57 and 1214
years in boys and during the ages of 57 years in girls, based upon longitudinal evidence
(Viru et al, 1999). This is, potentially, more meaningful than the accelerated development
period suggested from cross-sectional data (1315 years old), due to the inherent lack of
causality; ie there is no direct evidence tracking these changes during this period as it is
based on observations of independent groups (Viru et al, 1999). When combining the
physical development of an individual and the strength and speed of muscle contraction,
Viru et al (1999) suggest accelerated development of explosive power occurs between the
chronological ages of 711 and 1316 years old in boys and 69 and 1012 years old in
girls, based upon both cross-sectional investigations. However, when reviewing the limited
number of longitudinal investigations, Blanksby et al (1994) and Viru et al (1999) suggest
accelerated change of power in girls is similar to that in boys between 1416 years old.

Yet, as with both muscle strength and speed of movement, to the above authors
understanding, it seems no direct evidence exists to support the optimal power training
stimulus required, in line with the appropriate peak development period, to bring maximal
advancement of athletic performance in this physical fitness construct. Similarly, any
inference of critical period for enhanced training benefit lacks scientific integrity at present.
Crucially, studies to date have failed to delineate between neurologic and myolgic
consequences and have certainly not shown subsequent levels of achievement being limited
or enhanced by different training loads and typologies applied at this age. As such, this area
would benefit from more studies because of its direct impact on long-term sporting
participation; although, meaningful studies must employ longitudinal designs and/or indices
ith proven developmental implications if anything worthwhile is to become known.

44

Critical Periods of Development and Trainability

It is commonly accepted that training consists of systematically performed exercises in
order to bring changes in the organism, based on exercise-induced adaptive protein
synthesis (Viru, 1994). Norris and Smith (2002) discuss the importance of designing an
appropriate programme and, in conjunction with the work of Viru (1995), highlight the
significance of recovery to maximise the adaptation brought on by the stimulus and
resultant performance. Training programme design and, more specifically, the concept of
annual periodised models, based around competition, have been well documented by many
experts (Harre, 1982; Wilke and Madsen, 1986; Pyne, 1996; Bompa, 1999; Norris and
Smith, 2002). Undeniably, this is the actual basis of the LTAD model as highlighted
previously, although the uncritical and generic application of these principles has been
vigorously challenged (Verkhoshanky, 1999). Such individual concerns notwithstanding, it
seems there are benefits to a variety of exercise training regimes, during childhood and
adolescent years, to augment both aerobic and anaerobic athletic capacities in addition to
the physiological adaptations associated with growth and maturation (Daniels et al, 1978;
Rowland, 1985; Ramsay et al, 1990; Falk and Tenenbaum, 1996). Moreover, there is a
small amount of research to suggest some accelerated development of motor abilities from
conducting training in young people at appropriate maturational time periods (Guzalovsky,
cited in Viru et al, 1999). But, this is restricted by lack of direct evidence tracking these
changes because it was a cross-sectional investigation using independent groups, which
limits the actual specific investigation of such windows.

Viru et al (1999) highlight that the evidence for critical periods of development, as
introduced previously, can be placed into four categories:

Ontogenetic changes that influence growth, maturation and development
Periods of accelerated growth
Increased sensitivity to factors stimulating development
Enhanced vulnerability.

To summarise the critical period developments in the first two categories, it appears there
is an accelerated improvement in overall athletic performance in young people during the
ages of 59 years for aerobic and anaerobic capabilities (strength, speed and power), but
there are specialised developments during sexual maturation for each physical fitness
component (Viru et al, 1999). Although much of the peak developmental periods are similar
to that shown previously in the LTAD model, the review by Viru et al (1999) suggests there
is also more additional accelerated adaptation periods not accounted for (Balyi and
Hamilton, 2004). However, the critical development periods related to increased
receptiveness to factors stimulating development (ie training and exercise), as well as the
potential negative implications, require further exploration. It seems the appropriate
application of training, in accordance with the physical maturation development, highlighted
above, may have a significant influence on peak ERE performance through cell, tissue,
organ and whole system super-compensation of the organism (Wenger et al, 1996; Balyi
and Hamilton, 2004). Certainly in the applied literature, it has been documented that
conducting a training intervention outside of this critical period will bring little or no effect in
training gains and it may actually be detrimental to future adaptations
(Zaichkowsky et al, 1980).


45

Table 4.1: Occurrence of physical fitness component peak development in years
old (adapted from Viru et al, 1999)

Boys Girls
Pre-
Adolescent
Spurt
Adolescent
Spurt
Pre-
Adolescent
Spurt
Adolescent
Spurt
Aerobic performance
Longitudinal studies 59 1214/1416 59 1214/1416
Cross-sectional studies 1215 710 1113/1316
Anaerobic performance
Strength
Longitudinal studies 59 1316 59 1015
Cross-sectional studies 1315 1115
Speed
Longitudinal studies 59 1214 59
Cross-sectional studies 711 1316 69 1316
Power
Longitudinal studies 59 1216 5-9 913
Cross-sectional studies 711 1316 69 1012

While it is plausible there may be critical periods when developmental response is greater
related to a controlled training stimulus and may enhance ERE chances, there is a clear lack
of supporting population-specific evidence. Suslov (2002) identifies the complexity in
quantifying physical activity and training in young participants, as well as controlling this
during an investigation; hence, literature lacks agreement as to the influence of the optimal
training loads during critical periods to maximise final athletic capacity. Moreover, Suslov
(2002) highlights coaches should be aware of the importance of training to advance all
fitness components throughout childhood and adolescence during non-critical periods as
well, principally because of individualised development rates of anatomical, neurological,
muscular and metabolic parameters. Additionally, Saltin (2005) questions the mentality
behind specialised training of young people, with direct reference to critical periods, asking
if the coaches are trying to enhance development to increase performance at the same
age? If so, does this actually enhance total end-performance or merely speed a child
towards a predetermined genetic limit of athletic performance and optimal Three Worlds
Continuum selection during older years?

Loko et al (1996) summarises evidence to suggest the best effect of training and the
development of performance capabilities is achieved when natural growth is at its peak.
However, as a paradox, there is a consequence that the full potential of the individual is not
achieved when early specialisation and intensive training occurs during these critical
periods. Moreover, the implications upon long-term Three Worlds Continuum position may
be restricted if such negative results occur. Without objective data to help confirm/reject
these ideas, inferring any training recommendations for successful athletic pathways for
participants could be perceived as unethical. Indeed, as mentioned in the preceding section,
the term critical actually suggests that if individuals do not utilise these periods they will
never reach maximum athletic potential. The strength-critical window, in relation to
testosterone increase in males during maturation, is certainly a plausible trainability
opportunity. But whether it will affect end-athletic performance seems unclear to date.


46

Alternatively, the term sensitive period has been commonly used, which implies an
opening when additional training gains may be brought from the same level of stimulus.
This is, perhaps, more appropriate and is of significant interest for practitioners and
subsequent interest for associated stakeholders related to the Three Worlds Continuum.

An additional question, though, is whether these periods close at all after opening, as the
term window might suggest? For example, testosterone levels are maintained throughout
adulthood once they have met the late-adolescent plateau, suggesting these hormonal
induced adaptations may not be a long-term restriction. Therefore, perhaps a more
appropriate term when incorporating the fundamental training principles (which are
primarily researched in an adult population to date) should be deemed training emphasis
period at present, surely until more empirical data have been evaluated to help analyse
this subject area. Likewise, perhaps there are more non-invasive markers to help reflect the
metabolic and hormonal changes that occur throughout maturation outside of the simple
biological PHV indicator (such as fat-free mass and heart size change) that can help to
redefine specific evidence-based training prescription to optimise performance advancement
(Janz and Mahoney, 1997; Beunen, 1990).

Additionally, the concept of early specialisation has been promoted by some as a means of
allowing an individual to obtain a higher performance capacity, due to deliberate practice
for a longer period (Ericsson et al, 1993). Certainly, Balyi and Hamilton (2004) have
addressed the positive aspects of such concepts, with direct reference to sports such as
gymnastics, since the maturational changes in flexibility tend to favour athletes achieving
optimal performance during late adolescence, meaning full skill acquisition must be
obtained as early as possible (Beamer et al, 1999). However, such early/intensive
specialisation is negatively related to the concepts of overtraining and athlete burnout
(Dalton, 1992; Bompa, 1995; Balyi and Hamilton, 2004) and could have a noteworthy
influence on the Three Worlds. Consequently, the long-term periodised concepts of the
LTAD model account for this, by incorporating generalised sport/exercise training during
maturational progression, up to more advanced specialisation occurring during adolescent
maturation. However, Rutenfranz and Singer (1980) have suggested even generic physical
activity increase between the ages of 1517 years in boys is associated with sports
performance improvement, suggesting any form of specialisation training may be
unnecessary for generic improvement in athletic capabilities and it, perhaps, requires more
advanced investigation.

Additional Considerations

Genetic pathways and training receptiveness
To further complicate this subject area, successful performers and coaches often attribute
athletic ability and habitual Three Worlds Continuum positioning to genetic inheritance
(Hamel et al, 1986; Bouchard et al, 1997). For example, an elite high jumper must be tall
and lean to be successful, as this body composition produces a higher centre of gravity and
increased strength to weight ratio, which in turn leads to better jumping output (Paish,
1998). Consequently, although there is disagreement (Abbott et al, 2005), it seems nature
may prevail over nurture because it is senseless for an individual who has a completely
different genetic make-up and body composition to attempt particular sports. But the size
of the genetic effect upon athletic performance depends on the phenotype trait assessed.
Bouchard et al (1986), Rice et al (1993) and Comuzzie et al (1994) suggest a 30% genetic
effect on muscle mass phenotype, contrasting with Komi et al (1977) and Lortie et al
(1984) who suggest muscle fibre phenotype is almost exclusively genotype dependent. In
addition, genetics is identified as important in the biomechanical and psychological traits of
successful performance (Bouchard et al, 1997), although this is contentious and very
difficult to conclude due to the early stages of research and complexities in measuring
genetic information (Malina, 1986; Malina and Bouchard, 1986). Nonetheless, Simoneau
and Bouchard (1998) have argued that 50% of the individual variation in the athletic

47

performance is associated to genetic status, though once again this is contentious (Abbott
et al, 2005; Ericsson,et al, 1993).

Training will never erase individual variances, but exceptional performance cannot be
achieved without appropriate deliberate practice throughout life (Malina and Bouchard,
1986). Sklad (1977), Balyi and Hamilton (1996) and Loko et al (1996) highlight that
training stimulus alone can bring ~30% increase in athletic performance, which supports
the training focus in line with growth and maturation highlighted above. Nevertheless, such
changes can occur only within the fixed limits of heredity due to cellular genetic regulation
(Simoneau et al, 1986; Thibault et al, 1986; Bouchard et al, 1989). Several authors have
highlighted that the effect of hereditary causes a further 40% variation on training
adaptation response itself (Bouchard et al, 1992; Simoneau and Bouchard, 1998).
Certainly, when relating this to the concept of training emphasis periods, it suggests such
an opening may be highly variable and individualised, bearing large genetic constraints;
although, once again, there is valid literature to suggest otherwise (Abbot et al, 2005).
However, it seems this concept has not been clearly acknowledged within the earlier
literature. Therefore, until any studies show a significant scientific identification as to such
effects and associated impact upon participation rationalisation, it would be inappropriate to
definitively conclude on such topic.

Lifelong physical activity impact and long-term health implications of training
An additional factor to be considered within this area is the health implications of an
extensive training regime for young people throughout childhood and adolescence, because
of the associated negative impact this may have upon physical development. Though there
are limited data to corroborate the notion, several authors have identified that excessive
physical activity and intensive exercise during childhood and adolescent years can inhibit
physical development and bring negative outcomes during adulthood (Malina 1994;
Naughton et al, 2000). Demorest and Landry (2004) highlight that faulty equipment, poor
technique and excessive external stress/pressure placed upon a child during excessive
training schedules are highly associated with overuse injuries. Likewise, it appears that the
occurrence of epiphyseal fractures and avulsion injuries are more common during childhood
than adulthood. This is because ligaments are two to three times stronger than bone
(Bruckner and Khan, 1993), which may potentially limit growth-plate development and
therefore actual physical development (Collins and Evarts, 1971). Naughton et al (2000)
summarise that paediatric participants who complete in high volume training do have a
greater risk of micro-traumatic injuries, particularly due to a continuing ossification process.
Though there is limited evidence to identify a long-term risk, sport and exercise
practitioners are advised to complete repeated screening to observe any significant trauma
or negative effects on performance and normal life.

Nevertheless, several authors maintain the potential gains from performing physical activity
and training during childhood and adolescence are much greater than the risks, with focus
on skill acquisition, psychosocial benefits, bone mineralisation and energy balance
maintenance. Borer (1995) highlights physical activity and exercise throughout life
promotes numerous positive physical adaptations in human organisms, which is seen as
being more important in comparison to any potential injury risk associated with such
activities. Likewise, Rowland (1993)stresses that the available scientific evidence regarding
the risks and benefits of early intensive training is reassuring, with little evidence of the
human body suffering adverse long-term effects of regular training, and negative evidence
is limited to cross-sectional investigations that fail to differentiate genetic conditions with
training effects. Of particular note is the application of supervised resistance/weight training
during such years to facilitate neurological and motor skill development (Demorest and
Landry, 2004). Coaches and practitioners are starting to understand that, providing the
activities are well-planned and monitored, there is minimal injury risk for participants.
Moreover, as coaches improve their abilities to quantify training loads and incorporate the
concepts of regular breaks within a suitable periodised model, it should help to monitor the
amount of stress being placed upon a developing athlete to help minimise the chances of

48

injury. The incorporation of novel concepts when performing prolonged training regimes
over several years, should theoretically further help to reduce such risks occurring.
However, the implications of such a controlled periodised training concept for long-term
physical activity and associated physical and mental health status, remains to be seen at
present and is an area of required research. Moreover, how this will influence lifelong
participation rates is of significant value for all Three Worlds Continuum stakeholders.

Summary

It is apparent there are numerous sources identifying the physical developmental processes
occurring during childhood and adolescence (Viru et al, 1999; Boisseau and Delamarche,
2000; Naughton et al, 2000; Baquet et al, 2003) and numerous conceptual models that
encompass training prescription with such developmental processes to potentially help
optimise future athletic performance (Riordan, 1977; Brokhin, 1978; Gilbert, 1980; Holm,
1987; Thumm, 1987; Sanderson, 1989; Touretski, 1993; Bompa, 1995). However, Norris
and Smith (2002) correctly state the most essential component of an effective training
programme is the concept of individualisation, which appears to be a limitation of these
generalised models. It has been highlighted throughout this section that each participant in
sport, exercise and physical activity will experience a different rate of individual
development throughout life and if people want to optimise development, this should be
duly accounted for. Moreover, Viru et al (1999) concisely state the lack of evidence between
athletic performance and trainability against ontogenetic development makes any
conclusions inaccurate, particularly for the notions of critical/sensitive periods of
development. Unquestionably, these unique, individual, specialised rates of athletic
performance development will bring dynamic fluctuation of Three Worlds Continuum
selection for subjects. Therefore, although researchers can accept the phenomenon of
trainability emphasis, there are many unexplained/supported variances as to why athletic
performance changes so much during physical growth and maturation. It seems a large
amount of preliminary research, helping practitioners to understand better the fundamental
development of children and adolescents is required. There needs to be an evaluation of the
application of such models, before future recommendations can be made, to help facilitate
physical athletic performance from infant to adult (Beunen and Malina, 1996). Additionally,
such preliminary future research should look to account for the flaws in prior training
studies acknowledged throughout this section.

It should be noted that some of the literature cited during this section is primary sourced,
with a direct longitudinal/intervention evidence base. However, other elements are based
upon core textbooks and cross-sectional material that may lack causality, in addition to
literature that is observational and subjective and has been translated into English; thus, its
validity may be questioned. Therefore, as always, caution is necessary in any interpretation
of research into practice.


49

S
ection Five: The Psychological Domain

The purpose of this section is to examine the psychological factors concerning participant
development in sport. While there is no doubt environmental factors and social interactions
play a crucial role in participant development in sport and physical activity, this section
focuses on the role of intrapersonal factors as determinants of development. The literature
is discussed in relation to both psychomotor and psychobehavioural factors, and how these
evolve within current and proposed participant development processes. The ultimate
objective of this section is to highlight the psychological factors that contribute to either
top-level performance or prolonged participation (or ideally both) in sport, throughout an
individuals life span. As with other sections of this document, our aim is to provide an
informed overview rather than a comprehensive and all-encompassing review. Accordingly,
the reader is referred to other topics or blocks of literature as and when pertinent.

Dual Pathway versus Continuum Approaches

Section Two provided operational definitions of key terms (PRE, ERE, PPW) and it is
important these categories are not considered in isolation or as implicit within agency and
initiative in the UK, as dual and distinct pathways. Instead, consideration must be given to
the Three Worlds Continuum and how participants can move along the continuum and
between the three types of activities. For example, Miller and Kerr (2002) argue that
excellence at elite levels can only be obtained through optimal personal development. As
highlighted by Abbott and Collins (2004), such development is a necessary, but not
exclusive, precursor to elite achievement. Critically, however, if sport is delivered in a
developmentally appropriate manner, both ERE/PRE and PPW are promoted, with the two
goals considered as a continuum between which performers should be able to move as they
change age, sport, social circumstance or simply preference. In fact, given the inherent
difficulties of predicting who is going to achieve ERE (Abbott and Collins, 2004)
9
, an
approach that specifically facilitates PRE and PPW seems a sensible foundation for both elite
and recreational engagement in physical activity. This approach suggests limited funds may
not be utilised optimally by investing in small groups of potentially talented athletes who
may fail to achieve at the highest level or even drop out of the sport completely. Instead,
many authors (eg Abbott and Collins, 2004; Baker and Horton, 2004) propose programmes
must be put in place that enable children to develop the knowledge, motivation and skills
they need to engage in lifelong physical activity. They acknowledge this will have significant
carry-over benefits to wider aspects of sport and physical activity.

Of course, this dual approach should not be considered as the whole answer, as several
other models have been presented. While equipping young people with appropriate
developmental skills (namely, but not limited to, self-motivation, self-determination and
perceived and actual motor competence) will not necessarily result in elite performance
(there is a wide range of other characteristics required, as shown in other sections of this
review) it will certainly give young people the capacity and competencies to choose to be
physically active for PRE and, if their capabilities and motivation permit, to strive for ERE.

There is already some understanding of the continuum approach to participation
development in the literature. Cts DMSP (1999), for instance, suggests participants may
progress towards either elite sport participation or may, instead, choose to maintain
involvement through the recreational years. The lifelong involvement in sport and physical
activity (LISPA) model (National Coaching and Training Centre [NCTC], 2005) is an applied
example of this philosophy that addresses the interrelationship between sport, physical
activity and health. Positively, the model aims to encompass all levels of participation (eg
ERE or PRE) and lifelong

9.
Useful sources of information about Talent Identification are Abbott and Collins (2002) and
Vaeyens et al. (2008).

50

involvement in sport and physical activity. Even here, though, there are still signs of the
philosophically orthogonal dual-pathway approach. For example, the LISPA model expands
Balyis LTAD (NCTC, 2003) approach by proposing two main pathways: a recreation
pathway that allows individuals to stay involved in sport and physical activity and achieve
excellence in personally referenced terms; and an athlete development pathway that allows
individuals to systematically move towards ERE.

An obvious limitation of these approaches is the manner in which they view each excellence
pathway as distinct entities, a distinction which may have emerged from a misapplication of
the orthogonal constructs that underpin achievement motivation theory (ie scores on task
and ego orientation are assumed to be uncorrelated; cf Duda, 2004). In fact, against the
goal of lifelong participation, which should desirably follow elite achievement, the design of
any effective system must adequately allow for a continuum between these two goals. Such
a consideration is missing from the stage models suggested thus far (eg Cts DMSP and
Balyis LTAD models) since they propose linear models of development, which account for
neither the many non-linear pathways inherent in development nor the return routes that
are characteristic experiences for many of the path to excellence. For example, while these
development models (eg LISPA, DMSP and LTAD) describe appropriate participation at
different stages of development, they offer little insight into how individuals move through
and/or between different development pathways. At the very least, this is unfortunate as a
development system should prepare each individual for informed choices about the
challenges with which they engage across the lifespan, be they elite achievement in one
context or another, personally satisfying participation or, ideally, both.

At the elite end of the continuum, such choice is exemplified by the recent emergence of
talent transfer. The 2008 Olympic Games and Paralympic Games offered a number of
examples of talent transfer between elite environments, with Great Britains Rebecca
Romero following up a silver medal performance in rowing from the Athens Games in 2004,
with a gold medal in track cycling in Beijing. It is also important to note the activities of
previously elite performers who now pursue more personal goals; for example, Sir Steve
Redgraves completion of the London Marathon. In an ideal world, the elite performer of
tomorrow must be prepared, in a sufficiently generic sense, to enable personal choice and
be equipped and motivated towards the personally referenced challenges of post-elite
achievement, in the same or, more commonly, another activity. In some cases, this
development may flow in the other direction when, for example, a recreational (PPW) or
national-level (PRE) athlete develops into a very competitive international athlete at a later
age. Tracey Morris and Mara Yamauchi (both Olympians and international medallists) are
good examples of these categories. However, a commitment to lifelong physical activity is
often lacking in former elites as inspection of a few former international rugby and football
players may demonstrate. Unfortunately, there is little empirical evidence in the literature
supporting this contention; although, the evidence of this occurring and its obvious
desirability warrants an investigation of the factors that might enable former elite players to
re-engage with physical activity and sport at the PRE ends of the participation continuum.

Ability

The stage models presented by Ct and Bloom outline how athletes pass through various
stages of development as they progress from novice to elite (Bloom, 1985; Ct, 1999;
Durand-Bush and Salmela, 2002), together with the requirements to achieve change within
each stage. This stage approach clearly highlights the evolutionary nature of development;
as such, the ability to perform to any degree of excellence is not an all or nothing
phenomenon, but rather requires a prolonged engagement with the development process
(van Tassel-Baska, 2001).

While ability can be seen as the building block or defining feature of talent, the process of
talent development occurs through a period of structured learning (Bailey and Morley,
2006).

51

Logically, therefore, identification of potential must address both the ability to get there as
well as the ability to be there. However, despite this clear and common understanding,
talent identification processes in sport have persisted with attempts to identify talented
athletes, based on a limited range of discrete, outcome-based variables (eg performance at
age 12) that are tacitly assumed to underpin senior success (Davids, Lees and Burtwitz,
2000; Abbott, Collins, Martindale and Sowerby, 2002). For example, many traditional and
popular talent identification models (eg Scotlands Sport Interactive and Australias Talent
Search) use testing protocols based almost entirely on current performance (ie how well an
athlete performs at that particular moment in time) as opposed to an individuals capacity
to develop in the future (Abbott and Collins, 2004). As a result, these approaches fail to
recognise the dynamic nature of talent, due to selection being based on a limited range of
discrete variables (typically performance or anthropometric), apparent (perhaps
opportunely) in a particular combination at a particular moment in time within a linear
performance model (Ericsson and Charness, 1999), rather than identifying those
characteristics which enable individuals to successfully cope with the ebb and flow of the
road to excellence.

The one-dimensional and static view of talent that underpins the majority of these talent
identification models falls short in a number of ways. For example, it fails to appreciate the
dynamic nature of the variables being measured (eg speed, flexibility, performance), which
are highly unstable due to the influence of physical maturity and experience during
development (Helsen et al, 2000; Helsen, Starkes and Hodges, 1998; see also Section Four
of this review). For instance, the dynamic approach to human behaviour (cf dynamic
systems theory; Davids, Lees and Burtwitz, 2000) speculates that behaviour involves the
cohesive interaction of different subsystems (Baker and Horton, 2004). In this manner,
even if some athletes have certain physical or anthropometric qualities that place them at
an early advantage in particular sports (eg height and basketball), they must also have the
desire and motivation to train at high levels (as well as other appropriate characteristics) to
realise their potential (Baker and Horton, 2004; Schoon, 2000). As such, the
unidimensional and static performance snapshots, central to many talent identification
measures, fail to capture the capacity for those processes athletes must satisfy to
eventually achieve excellence. A comprehensive evaluation of approaches to the
identification and development of talent can be found in the academic papers of Abbott and
Collins (2002) and Vaeyens et al (2008).

Other Precursive Factors in Talent Identification and Development

Of course, luck is another factor that may well play a role in participant development
(Bailey, 2007); unfortunately, its role is too often dismissed as hard-pressed agencies strive
for the illusion of complete control. It is important to identify, acknowledge and allow for
these serendipitous influences, however unpalatable the implications may be. As physicist
Niels Bohr observed: prediction is always difficult, especially when it involves the future.
The most effective styles of prediction are described effectively by Tetlock (2005), albeit in
another field. Crucially, it is only dynamic and organic systems that seem to offer
acceptable or even successful levels of predictive power. Thus, consideration for frequent
evaluation and adjustment at an individual level emerges as the process of choice over the
more systemic aspects that typify most sporting structures.

Interestingly, such apparently peripheral yet actually powerful factors permeate each of the
domains reviewed in this report. For example, many (Perleth, Schatz and Monks, 2000;
Ct, 1999; Helsen et al, 2000; Ct, Baker and Abernethy, 2007) suggest a range of
environmental factors (eg family, schooling, date and place of birth) can all influence the
likelihood of a child being identified as talented in the first place. One such factor,
fortunately now recognised and acknowledged (eg Helsen et al, 2000; Musch and Hay,
1999), involves the individuals birth date with regard to the age grouping system in any
particular activity their relative age. A young athlete lucky enough to be born in the first
half of the selection year is likely to be identified as talented because he or she is relatively

52

older and more physically mature than his or her peers (Helsen, Starkes and Van Winckel
1998). Conversely, and reflecting other aspects of opportune experience, a child who is
relatively younger, has never been exposed to certain activities, does not have access to
appropriate facilities or the social or familial support to engage their ability, may remain
undetected (Ct, 1999; Martindale, Collins and Daubney, 2005). For these reasons, many
researchers in talent identification increasingly disregard the effectiveness of early
identification processes in sport and, instead, place the emphasis on the development of the
multidimensional factors that underpin the capacity a young athlete needs to realise their
potential (Abbott and Collins, 2004; Bailey and Morley, 2006). This line of research
neutralises (or at least minimises) the role of luck by systematically developing all the
components of talent so individuals have both the ability and capacity for choice to engage
in sport and physical activity targeted at either PRE or ERE or, typically, at earlier ages
(Abbott and Collins, 2004; Holt and Morley, 2004; Martindale Collins and Daubney, 2005).

Emphasising Development Over Identification

Recently, literature has stressed the need for an understanding of the processes and
associated characteristics that facilitate the development pathway of players (Abbott et al,
2007; Bailey, Tan and Morley, 2004). This marks a move away from the early identification
of talent towards an inclusive talent development model. Abbott et al (2007) point to the
importance of considering, identifying and developing factors which, over the course of
time, may limit development. In the same manner Thelen (1995) suggests certain
behaviours only emerge when the supporting subsystems and processes are ready. For
example, in their 2007 study Abbott et al offer the example of lack of mental focus (Gould
et al, 2002) as a factor that might hinder the development of a young, but otherwise
talented athlete. In fact, they question whether, in the absence of such a key characteristic
as a positive work ethic, such an individual should be considered talented at all. Certainly,
the subsequent development and deployment of this characteristic can result in unexpected
and non-linear changes in development and performance (Abbott et al, 2002), reflecting
the dynamic conception of talent advocated thus far. Simonton (1999) offers further
support for this and proposes talent is not a static entity, but emerges over time both
endogenously and in reaction to environmental factors (Simonton, 2001). Simontons model
of talent development also accounts for the multiple factors influencing talent and suggests
these factors (eg innate ability, environmental factors, motivation and learning strategies)
interact in a multiplicative manner. Even if a young athlete has the physical attributes to
succeed in sport, his or her potential to develop is also dependent on other determinants of
success such as commitment, motivation and the availability of developmental opportunities
(Abbott and Collins, 2004; Baker and Horton, 2004).

Recognising that talent involves multiple factors, Simontons emergenic model suggests
individuals who possess heterogeneous profiles can still exhibit the same level of talent as
long as no component of talent is entirely missing. This perspective clearly suggests there is
no single genetic endowment underlying a talent domain (Simonton, 2001). From an
applied perspective, this understanding of talent as multiplicative and dynamic highlights
the limitations of unidimensional talent identification models, since these are based on
linear and additive talent development models. Instead, Simonton (2001) suggests genetic
traits are not manifest at birth, but instead develop according to epigenetic trajectories.
Within this dynamic perspective, talent may manifest itself early or late in the performers
career and is constantly transforming throughout the maturation process. This perspective
suggests the traits composing talent emerge with variable growth curves and with diverse
fits and starts (Simonton, 1999). A critical point here is that talent may be identifiable in
different ways at different stages of the development process. Therefore, talent
development must be a dynamic process so an individuals talent can transform over the
course of the lifespan. Recognising the importance of environmental factors (cf Ericsson,
1996), talent development is amenable to acceleration or retardation according to
appropriate environmental incentives and stimulation. Simply, even though Simontons
model proposes that epigenetic trajectories are under genetic control, the exploitation of

53

these is not. As such, the optimal talent domain may not be stable over time but will
change due to the multidimensional components that compose an individuals growth
trajectory. Given these developments, Simonton proposed that as individuals develop, they
may discover a greater inclination for a related, but distinct, activity. For example, a young
sprinter might choose to transfer to a sport like rugby at a later age. Therefore,
opportunities must be given to individuals to move between and within development
pathways (and along the Three Worlds Continuum) to meet their needs at particular points
during their development.

In order to cope with the dynamic and complex pathway to excellence and exploit the
developmental opportunities afforded, an individual must employ a variety of skills to
optimise development opportunities (eg first-time appearances at a new level of
competition, significant wins and losses), adapt to setbacks (eg injury, slumps in
performance) and effectively negotiate key transitions (eg selection, demands for increased
practice) encountered along the way (Abbott and Collins, 2004; Ct, 1999). As a result of
this complexity, it seems reasonable to tease out and deliberately promote the individual
skills and characteristics required to meet these steps, as these may well be the key
determinants of participation (Baker and Horton, 2004). Without these important skills and
no matter how much ability an individual possesses, he or she may not maintain the
motivation to achieve excellence at any level of participation.

All of this evidence supports the need identified earlier for dynamic, organic and
individualised pathways based on regular evaluation and considered refinement (cf. the
different styles of predictive thought espoused by Berlin, 1997). While these developmental
characteristics of excellence are supported by strong empirical evidence as causative factors
for achievement at elite levels of performance, the ultimate and broader aim must be to
promote lifelong physical activity participation, PPW and PRE. Unfortunately, the descriptive
development models currently available in the literature (eg LISPA, LTAD) fail to fully
consider those individual factors that facilitate the realisation of excellence. In tandem with
this weakness, views of talent underpinned by anthropometrics or physiology are more
reflective of potential, rather than a capacity for future achievement (Ericsson and
Charness, 1999). For instance, while height in basketball, or fast-twitch fibres in sprinting
are significant precursors for elite performance and may well be signposts of potential
ability (Abbott and Collins, 2004), an individuals capacity for future achievement is
dependent on an array of factors, not least how they cope with the demands they face at
different junctures of development. Current performance is, therefore, a poor indicator of
ability since it is mediated by a range of other factors, such as training, support, parental
investment (Bailey and Morley, 2006; Holt and Dunn, 2004). As such, while physical skills
and anthropometric qualities are necessary precursors, it is important to consider the other
factors that distinguish between potential and the ability to translate that potential into
performance (Abbott and Collins, 2004; Bailey and Morley, 2006; Freeman, 2001).

Determinants of Participation in Sport and Physical Activity

Descriptive motives for participation
In order to maximise the potential of participant development models, it is important to
consider the multiple reasons that individuals cite for participation in sport. Unsurprisingly,
much of this literature has focused on children and could (perhaps cynically) be described
as a theory-rich, but clarity-poor environment. It may be motivation is such a
multidimensional construct, with substantial opportunity for individual differences to occur
that, informative nomothetic data are hard to come by. In one typical investigation
examining participant motivation in younger performers, Seefeldt et al (1992) surveyed
over 8000 children and identified a variety of reasons underpinning involvement in sport,
including to:

have fun
do something that I am good at

54

play as part of a team
learn new skills
improve my skills.

Interestingly, these motives are largely concerned with positive developmental outcomes
such as skill development and enjoyment or with social interaction. In fact, most children
cite multiple reasons for participating, reflecting an interplay between skill development,
physical development and social interaction. As a notable challenge to the importance
placed by some systems on early winning (eg tennis selections based on early tournament
success), comparative success and winning were ranked lowly or not at all as a motive for
participation, suggesting that young children place little value on these outcome measures
of performance (Seefeldt et al, 1992). Instead, it seems children strive for opportunities in
sport and physical activity where they can experience challenge, fun and enjoyment, which,
in turn, increases their self-esteem and confidence (Weiss and Williams, 2003). This
chaining of variables, where one set seems to lead to internally moderated emotions,
which then generate observable behaviours, such as adherence, is typical of the
complexities underpinning this area. It seems, even with the use of sophisticated path
analytic statistics, the best answers may be gleaned at an ideographic level.

Further to this, Carpenter and colleagues demonstrate that having fun is highly correlated
with the desire to continue to participate in sport (Carpenter and Scanlan, 1998; Carpenter,
Scanlan, Simons and Lobel, 1993), but fail to close the loop by defining what fun actually
is. In fact, this is a common problem with much of the work in this field. Siedentop (2002a)
suggests fun is one of the most misunderstood concepts in sport and a comprehensive
understanding of what constitutes fun is still rather elusive. Notwithstanding this,
somewhat, fundamental issue, there is a large body of research advocating fun and
enjoyment as key motives of sport participation (Weiss, 2000; Coakley, 2001; Siedentop,
2002a). These findings are subsumed within the participation motivation research that cites
fun as one of the most important reasons for sport participation (Weiss and Amorose, 1992;
Wang and Wiese-Bjornstel, 1997; Kolt et al, 1999; Weinberg et al, 2000).

It would seem sense to check for differences in how fun is operationalised, especially since
the concept is likely to be somewhat group-specific on the basis of ethnicity, gender, social
setting (cf Section Six of this report) and age. In a useful attempt to examine one of these
mediating variables, Dismore and Bailey (in press) conducted a comparative study of
primary and secondary school childrens understanding of fun and suggested the younger
cohort equated fun to hedonistic values, such as excitement and pleasure, while their older
counterparts described fun in terms of achievement and satisfaction. Similar evidence is
available elsewhere in the literature with Strean and Holt (2000) suggesting children strive
for activities that are fun, but this might not always be linked to outcome success, such as
winning. In fact, while objectively defined success may be linked to fun, Wankel and Sefton
(1989) suggest it is the childs perception of whether he or she performed well that leads to
experiences of fun and enjoyment; an interesting distinction, which must be considered
against the task and ego orientations for involvement espoused by some authors (eg Duda
and Nicholls, 1992; Duda, 2004; Duda and Hall, 2001). As such, concepts like game
involvement and perceptions of control appear to be among the factors most highly
associated with fun experiences in youth (Bengoeschea, Spence and McGannon, 2005).

In attempting to apply the benefits of this research, the pursuit of fun is central, with
authors stressing its early initiation and maintenance throughout the developmental
pathway. For example, Ct suggests early participation in sport should be in the form of
deliberate play as engagement in these developmentally appropriate activities fosters fun
and enjoyment (Ct and Hay, 2002a). Scanlan and Simons (1992) posit fun in sport
reflects both achievement and non-achievement factors and, therefore, can be both intrinsic
(eg experience of participation) and extrinsic (eg winning) in nature. If children can
experience this early in participation, these positive early experiences should underpin their

55

desire to maintain participation towards either PRE or ERE, depending on their ability and
motivation (Curtis et al, 1999; Baker et al, 2003).

Given the increasing emphasis on effort as a feature of progress towards elite achievement
(eg Ericssons deliberate practice construct or the recent work of Carol Dweck, 2006), there
is a real need to explore the apparent (at least to some authors and practitioners)
dichotomy between hard work and fun. Making it enjoyable is a common mantra in youth
sport for some environments, but the highly individualised conceptualisation of fun, which is
perhaps the clearest outcome of the participation motivation literature, suggests this needs
more careful consideration. Critically, we would recommend fun should not be considered as
something removed from skill development or deliberate practice, even though engaging in
deliberate practice may not always be enjoyable (Durand-Bush and Salmela, 2002).
Durand-Bush and Salmela (2002) also suggest future work is needed, in line with other
developments in the broader psychological sphere (eg Deci and Ryan, 2002), to understand
the role of fun and enjoyment within deliberate practice.

There are also important interactions within the social setting here as young performers can
gain fun from social interactions within achievement settings. Social status in a group,
feelings of belonging and the associated factors of coach praise and recognition have been
shown as key factors for some individuals (Allen, 2003) and reflect the PPW definition
highlighted in Section Two. In fact, the social milieu may be an important mediator of
behaviour, sometimes promoting, but sometimes also limiting, the positive developmental
experiences that are expected to accrue (Stuntz and Weiss, 2003). In simple terms, the
social setting can grow cheats and losers as easily as morally tough, Waterloo winners.
The role of the social environment is exemplified in the work of Martindale and colleagues
(2005a;2005b; in press), which is focused on identifying and promoting the characteristics
of an optimum TDE. Reflecting these issues, our comments here should be considered in
tandem with the social section of this review.

It is equally important to understand the motives adults have to participate in sport as
these may well be different from those of younger participants. For example, Smith (1998)
found a distinction between the motives of elite runners in comparison to recreational adult
joggers. Whereas the elite runners were motivated by competition and winning, the
recreational joggers offered more mastery-oriented motives for participation. For instance,
they ranked the health benefits and the status afforded to them by non-exercisers as
important motives for participation. These findings, once again, demonstrate the complex
interactions between individual and socially mediated motives for participation. A sense of
achievement and skill development were also cited as important factors for participation in
sport during adulthood (Allender et al, 2006). Unfortunately, large scale population studies
(eg Allied Dunbar National Fitness Survey [ADNFS] Activity and Health Research by the
Sports Council and Health Education Authority, 1992) dominate the data collection
associated with adult participant motivation and have precluded much theoretical work
taking place. Although useful, the ADNFS does not offer a replicable instrument that is
psychometrically validated. Nonetheless, these large samples do provide valuable
descriptive data concerning the beliefs, attitudes and motives underpinning physical activity
involvement in adulthood. The most important motivational factors for physical activity,
cited in the ADNFS, were to feel in good shape, to improve or maintain health and to feel
a sense of achievement. Adults are also likely to report independence as an important
motive for participation. Continuing this multi-factorial theme, Hardcastle and Taylor (2001)
examined the motives of older adults and suggest a complex interplay of physical,
psychosocial and environmental factors influencing participation during older adulthood.
This cohort highlighted the social and health benefits of participation as critical factors
underpinning their participation
10
.
10.
Sport Englands report Understanding Participation in Sport (2005) is a useful reference point
for understanding the motives underlying participation in sport, especially for adolescent females.

56
With regard to our earlier comments, the centrality of perceived control and self-
determination are common, if neglected, themes in the adult participation research. These
areas are begging for investigation and, if appropriate, exploitation through developmental
(eg school-based skills development such as Developing the Potential of Young People in
Sport [DPYPS; Abbott et al, 2007]) and here-and-now initiatives.

Descriptive motives for discontinuation in sport
Unsurprisingly, the picture of demotivation is as complex as its more positive counterpoint.
The reasons offered by Seefeldt et al (1992) for dropping out and discontinuing
participation in sport are equally as varied and include:

It was no longer fun
No longer interested in the activity
I didnt like the coach
I want to participate in other activities.

Critically, the majority of reasons for discontinuation are negative and this is likely to have
a significant impact on future participation decisions (Butcher et al, 2002). It is estimated a
significant proportion of children drop out of sport each year and, while some drop out of
one sport and continue participating in an alternative, others discontinue participation
completely (Gould and Petlichkoff, 1988). Adolescence is a period where discontinuation
from sport and physical activity is at its peak (Hedstrom and Gould, 2004). Seefeldt et al
(1992) sampled youth sport participants and noted that while over a quarter of children
were participating in sport at 10 years of age, this dropped significantly to just over 3% at
age 18. Females, in particular, noted that negative physical and emotional experiences in
sport led to their decision to discontinue participation (Gilbert, 2001). This parallels other
findings in the literature with Biddle et al (2005), for instance, suggesting females drop out
of sport because it is too competitive and because they do not see themselves as
competent
11
. In a similar manner, males suggested that the competitive nature of
participation led to their withdrawal (eg when they were unsuccessful; Seefeldt et al, 1992).
Adolescents and young adults also describe transitions within education (and from
education to employment) as having a negative impact on participation in sport (Cox,
Sherriff, Coleman and Roker, 2006). However, self-motivation, self-efficacy and self-
concept were described as differentiating factors between those who maintain participation
during these transitions and those who drop out and discontinue participation. For example,
the young women in Cox et als study who never participate suggested the transition to
secondary school and beyond negatively impacted their participation since they had less
time, less energy and their social groups had changed. They also noted they felt more self-
conscious during this period and this lead to their discontinuation in sport. Conversely,
while the young women who always participate experienced similar transitional challenges,
they acknowledged that their self-motivation and commitment to sport enabled them to
successfully negotiate these key periods of development. One key factor to emerge from
this and similar work is the central mediating role played by self-concept and self-schemata
(subjective cognitive generalisations about the self that are developed from the information
we are constantly receiving about ourselves in different contexts, such as feedback from
others or mastery attempts; Kendzierski, 1994) in developing the emotional responses of
each individual to very similar challenges. In short, self-confidence appears to be a buffer to
many of the factors often proposed as those which kill off participation. We return to this
theme later in the section on self-determination.

11.
Interestingly, the literature sees these two motives as overlapping. This certainly merits further
investigation as the developmental literature would suggest they are directionally related; ie if I dont feel
competent, I dont want to take part in (overly competitive) events that demonstrate this. The fact
non-competitive activities suffer an almost equal drop off supports the role of perceived competence as the
causative factor.

57

For the moment, however, there is a clear need to track groups of youngsters longitudinally
through adolescence in an attempt to discern and promote those factors that inoculate
against drop out. Of course, it is also important to consider the differentiating motives for
ceasing participation in adulthood. The ADNFS categorises the barriers to preventing adults
from taking more exercise into five main types: physical; emotional; motivational; time;
and availability. Although time barriers appear to be important for both men and women,
women are more likely to report emotional barriers to exercise (eg Im not the sporty
type). This is likely to be related to perceptions of competence with individuals avoiding
participation in activities because of self-presentational concerns (Biddle and Mutrie, 2007).
These issues are discussed in more detail later in this section, but it is clear how self-
presentational concerns can mediate involvement in sports where competence levels are
clearly displayed. A lifespan approach is considered within these descriptive population
studies, with suggestions that physical and emotional barriers increased with age, although
time barriers decreased for those over 55 years of age. One major omission in the age-
participation research continuum is specific consideration of those who return to exercise.
Consideration of this group and an understanding of the cognition-behaviour pathways
leading to both drop out and drop back in would seem to offer a fruitful potential
for research.

Once again, a long-term view would seem both appropriate and potentially powerful, since
lifelong physical activity is the aim, rather than a daily dose through secondary school
curriculums. The literature suggests physical activity habits developed in childhood and
adolescence may be associated with physical activity levels in adulthood (Curtis et al, 1999;
Baker, Horton, Robertson-Wilson and Wall, 2003). Accordingly, an emphasis on early
participation that promotes key developmental factors is vital (Kirk, 2005). In fact, an
overemphasis on competition, resulting in frustration with lack of opportunity to play and
improve skills, has been cited as a salient motive for drop out from competitive sport.

These motives for discontinuation indicate that the participant pathways generally available
in sport (primarily ERE focused) do not cater to the needs of all young participants,
particularly those striving for PRE. From the individual perspective, understanding the
reasons underlying continuation and discontinuation in sport and physical activity is critical
and encompasses factors, such as skill competence and psychobehavioural factors, as well
as social factors, such as motivational climate. The following sections will discuss these
concepts, focusing on how sustained participation and involvement can be encouraged.

Fundamental Movement Skills

It is well accepted that the development of a range of fundamental movement skills (eg
running, jumping, catching, throwing) is a prerequisite for participation in sport and
physical activity (Payne and Issac, 1995). Children who fail to develop this motor
competence are unlikely to become involved in sport because they have inadequate skills to
successfully engage in these activities. Even those who do initiate participation are likely to
quickly drop out if they do not possess these fundamental skills because of the frustration
associated with failing to successfully engage in specific tasks. Research clearly indicates
that individuals tend to maintain their participation in sport if they value this participation
as positive, if the activities are fun and if they allow for skill development and achievement
(Jess, Dewar and Fraser, 2004).

The motor development literature highlights the basic movement skills acting as building
blocks for future, more specialised movement participation (Gallahue and Ozmun, 2002).
As such, children should be provided with experiences to develop a range of fundamental
skills, such as jumping, hopping, catching and throwing, as these basic skills facilitate both
successful early involvement in sport (a prerequisite for prolonged engagement), as well as
subsequent development in sport, either at elite levels or for personal accomplishment and
participation. The significance of fundamental skill development is reflected in many of the

58

development models previously discussed. For example, Balyis LTAD model includes a
fundamental stage of participation that occurs before any specialised skill development. In a
similar fashion, Cts (1999) DMSP suggests a sampling stage of participation is important
for future participation as it will not only allow the individual develop a range of
fundamental movement skills, but also gives them a broad skill set that allows for diverse
participation choices at later stages of participation. Unfortunately, the extent to which the
relationship between fundamental movement skills and participation is genuinely causal is
yet to be demonstrated; the argument limited by the paucity of empirical work in this field
(Bailey and Morley, 2006). For example, Okely, Booth and Patterson (2001) found that
while fundamental movement skills were associated with adolescent participation in
organised physical activity, they only predicted a small portion of it. Despite this limitation,
it seems implausible that an individual will achieve either PRE or ERE without a foundation
of fundamental movement skills.

As Balyis LTAD model has formed the foundation of many participant development policies
employed within sport in the UK, it is worth offering a specific critique of this approach.
While the LTAD model incorporates some valid and worthwhile recommendations, it is
inconsistent and reports little evidentiary basis or academic scrutiny. A major component of
the model is the suggestion that there are windows of opportunity where the biological
stage of development is crucial in identifying when most benefits will be gained from
different aspects of development. Balyi also purported if a young athlete missed a window
of opportunity then those potential benefits could never be regained. Similar considerations
have also been applied to the development of fundamental motor skills. In the LTAD model,
Balyi argues that if the fundamental and basic sport specific skills are not established
before ages 11 and 12 respectively, athletes will never reach their optimal or genetic
potential (Bayli and Hamilton, 2003, p.8). Evolving from this contention is the argument
that young athletes must be identified at an early age if they are to engage in the requisite
training to perform at an elite level and not miss crucial developmental windows. This is in
contrast to much of the literature (Jess and Collins, 2003) arguing for late specialisation,
with a focus on general stimulation and fundamentals during the early years for
background development of capacities for flexible maximum responses in the later years
and higher performance categories, of participation (Rushall, 1998, p 27). In fact, recent
and growing research in talent identification suggests this early identification is misguided,
ineffective and potentially unethical (eg, Abbott and Collins, 2004; Baker, 2003; Bloom,
1985; Ct, 1999; Durand-Bush and Salmela, 2002). As such, the continued existence of
early specialisation is in contrast to the growing literature on the many psychosocial issues
of long-term development, such as burn out and motivation (eg Ct, 1999; Gould et al,
1996; Fraser-Thomas and Ct, 2006). Furthermore, it is also apparent that fundamental
movement skills can successfully be achieved in adulthood through participation in focused
and specific programmes (eg Speed Agility Quickness (Polman et al, 2004).

Given recent data on growing levels of obesity and physical inactivity (Louv, 2005), a
concentration on the factors that underpin movement along the Three Worlds Continuum
is long overdue. Participation development models should, therefore, ensure children are
offered worthwhile activities from young ages that develop a solid foundation for the future.
Wall and Ct (2007) provide a strong argument for the importance of early diversification
and youth sport programmes that foster fun and enjoyment. In fact, they further postulate
children who experience early involvement in sport that is not enjoyable drop out from the
activity because they lack the intrinsic motivation to continue. This mirrors reasonable
(Perkins et al, 2004; Scott and Willits, 1989), though by no means conclusive, evidence
that physical activity and sport participation during childhood and adolescence is a
significant predictor of physical activity in adulthood. However, Taylor et al (1999) argue
this finding comes with a caveat. Specifically, children who have negative experiences in
sport are less likely to participate as an adult (Gilbert, 2001). This reflects ample evidence
attesting to the importance of positive early experiences to the development of high levels
of expertise (Kirk, 2005; Ct and Hay, 2002a; Perkins et al, 2004; Wall and Ct, 2007).
Unfortunately, few current procedures in sport and physical activity concentrate on the

59

systematic development of those factors underpinning prolonged engagement in a
comprehensive and detailed manner. Kirk (2005) is a useful starting point for considering
the importance of early experiences for lifelong involvement in sport.

Perceptions of Competence

While the development of a range of fundamental skills is an obvious precursor to
successful sport participation, the benefits of this approach may be even more far-reaching
when their influence on the self-schemata of an individual is considered (and hence his or
her emotional response to experiences). An individual with a positive schemata for sport
and physical activity would describe themselves as someone who likes being physically
active and for whom sport and physical activity is important. The presence of a positive
schema is considered critical for future participation in sport and physical activity (Cross
and Markus, 1994). The motivation literature stresses the importance of perceived (as well
as actual) competence in an individuals decision to both engage in and maintain
involvement in an activity (Bandura, 1997; Fox, 2000; Horn and Harris, 2002). Therefore, if
a broad range of psychomotor skills have been successfully developed from a young age,
the literature suggests these will act as a basis for subsequent involvement as well as
equipping individuals with the ability to make appropriate participation choices. Without the
opportunity to successfully engage in fundamental activities from a young age, the child will
lack the self-efficacy beliefs necessary to maintain participation in physical activity (Abbott
and Collins, 2004). As such, actual competence enables choice, but perceived competence
provides the drive to take the steps and persist in the face of difficulty.

There is increasing recognition of the important role played by the individuals perception
of, and confidence in, his or her own motor skill. Jess, Dewar and Fraser (2004) argue that
the importance of basic movement competence cannot be overestimated as it allows
children to confidently pass through the proficiency barrier between simple activities during
childhood and the more complex activities of adulthood. Without adequate psychomotor
ability, children will not have the basic competence that acts as a foundation for lifelong
physical activity participation (Jess, Dewar and Fraser, 2004). Thus, individuals with
inadequate fundamentals and lower levels of perceived and actual competence engage in a
vicious cycle where they tend to avoid social situations (like play) that foster skill learning.
In turn, they have poorer relative skills than their peers, which leads to them avoiding
subsequent opportunities for skill learning (see Figure 5.1). In this regard Seefeldt et al
(1992) suggest Children who possess inadequate motor skills are often relegated to a life
of exclusion from organised and free play activities of their peers and subsequently to a
lifetime of inactivity because of their frustrations in early movement behaviour (cited in
Graham, Parker and Holt-Hale, 2004).


60

Figure 5.1: The negative spiral that results from poor actual and perceived skills

The Importance of Appropriate Early Involvement Avoiding Drop
Out and Staleness

The emphasis on fundamental skills is also in line with much of the literature discussing
readiness for competition, especially with regard to psychological and cognitive readiness
(Passer, 1996). Supporting the importance of perceived competence, several authors (eg
Kirk, 2005) suggest quality early experiences through appropriate sampling and play
activities develop high perceptions of competence that, in turn, lead to motivation for
continued participation. Conversely, Wiersma (2000) argues development models not
allowing for early diversification (eg the early-specialisation component of Balyis LTAD
model) actually limit development by reducing the number of opportunities for growth. For
instance, the young athlete who is engaged in large amounts of deliberate practice from a
young age misses out on the social opportunities sport and recreation can deliver (Wiersma,
2000). This process needs to be considered against the socially mediated consequences of
an early, but overly narrow focus; namely identity foreclosure (Murphy, Petitpas and
Brewer, 1996) and athlete identity (Brewer, Van Raalte and Petitpas, 2000). These social
factors seem to kick in at the later stages of development. It seems that early specialisers
may use up their quantum of commitment and, by the crucial transition age/stage of 18,
may have just had enough of their sport. Certainly, the literature on staleness and burnout
pertaining to adolescent dropouts can usefully be reconceptualised against such a too much
too young interpretation.

Social considerations notwithstanding, there is a growing literature base focusing on the
negative outcomes associated with early specialisation (Ct, 2004). These, by contrast,
seem to exert their major influence in the earlier stages of the pathway to excellence. Ct,
for instance, suggests developmentally inappropriate early specialisation results in physical

61

(eg overtraining, staleness, failure to develop transferable skills), psychological (eg
decreased enjoyment, sense of failure) and social (eg limited social opportunities)
disadvantages. In fact, Wiersma (2000) argues the limited range of skills performed during
early sport specialisation has the potential to limit overall motor-skill development and, with
this, long-term physical activity involvement, by decreasing the likelihood of participation in
alternative physical activities. In contrast, participation in a diversified range of preparatory
activities during the early stages of development can augment the physical and cognitive
skills needed to be successful in the participants chosen activity (Ct, 2004).

As seen previously, those who drop out of sport cite a lack of fun and enjoyment as their
primary motive for discontinuation (Ewing and Seefeldt, 1996; Weiss and Petlichkoff, 1989;
Butcher et al, 2002). As highlighted earlier, with regard to early intensive training, it is
crucial to check whether this lack of enjoyment is an inevitable characteristic of deliberate
practice. In fact, it appears some level of maturation may be necessary before deliberate
practice may become enjoyable. Butcher et al (2002) found lack of enjoyment was the most
important reason for either transfer to another sport or out of sport altogether. Simply, the
intensity of training needed during the early stages within an early specialisation model
may not facilitate the enjoyment and intrinsic motivation needed for continued participation
in sport and physical activity. Furthermore, development programmes emphasising early
specialisation are firmly focused on ERE and do not offer opportunities for all youth to
engage in sport and develop their talent to its potential (Fraser-Thomas and Ct, 2006).
This emphasis on early specialisation also appears to limit the participation choices and
return routes that a performer has at later stages of development, especially if he or she
decides to transfer into other activities. For example, a young swimmer who has specialised
from a young age may not have had the opportunity to acquire and develop the necessary
fundamental skills to successful engage in other sports at later stages, for either ERE or
PRE. The key message emerging from these findings is getting the early stages of
participation right is vital to ensure continued participation throughout the lifespan.

These considerations are especially important given the non-linear pathways evident in
development, where individuals may not move logically or linearly along either the
recreational or elite pathways proffered by Ct (1999). While some individuals may choose
to maintain their involvement in physical activity at recreational levels, others may have the
opportunity to move between participant pathways (ie from a high-performance pathway to
a recreational pathway) at different points during involvement. Specifically, individuals who
have ended their participation at a particular point should have the opportunity to re-enter
the system and re-engage with their activity at a later stage. Support for this is evident in
Simontons model of talent development (2001). Simonton proposes the optimal talent
domain may not be stable over time but rather, will change due to the multidimensional
components that compose an individuals growth trajectory. Simonton further suggests
that, as new components evolve over time, the developing performer may discover a
greater inclination for a related, but distinct, domain. For example, a young child may begin
his or her sport involvement in one area (eg athletics), but end up excelling as a team sport
athlete (eg rugby player) at later stages of development. In sum, this view of participant
development suggests talent can develop in different ways for genetically distinct
individuals (Simonton, 2001). In other words, adults with the same mature talent may have
developed that talent through different epigenetic routes, while adults with different mature
talents may have had similar childhood experiences. Moreover, even adults with the same
mature talent may have experienced contrasting spurt and lull periods during development.
For this reason, participant development initiatives must reflect this complexity in their
procedures if they are to be worthwhile endeavours.

There are a number of key developmental issues that must be taken into consideration with
very young performers, a particular issue for early-specialisation sports. For example, Lee,
Carter and Xiang (1995) suggest a childs understanding of the relationship between effort
and ability is a key dimension of his or her perceptions of competence. Up until the age of
approximately 10 years old, children equate effort with ability and believe they can

62

accomplish most tasks if they try hard and put in lots of effort. Reflecting this, children up
to this age generally hold very high, but inaccurate, perceptions of their own competence.
However, between 812 years of age children begin to realise that their ability to complete
tasks successfully is limited to more than just the effort they put in so they start to
differentiate between ability and effort (Horn and Harris, 2002; Fry and Duda, 1997). Lee et
al (1995) suggest this cognitive change reflects environmental factors, such as entry into
competitive sport, where normative judgements are made about ability through comparison
of one child with another.

Identifying and Promoting Causation

Obviously, identifying and promoting prolonged engagement in sport and physical activity
represents the lodestone for practice in this area and is the key outcome aim of the whole
review. In pursuing clear and simple guidelines, however, it is also important to recognise
participation in sport at all levels is multidimensional, and an array of factors (physical,
technical and psychological) contribute to prolonged involvement. This complexity
notwithstanding, we hope the preceding sections have made a tenable case for a single
pathway in the promotion of participation, ERE and PRE. Returning to the key question,
however, the objective of this section is to see if a route can be piloted through the
complexity to generate meaningful and practical guidelines.

Until recently, little attention has been given to the multiple factors that impact on an
individuals performance and development in sport and physical activity (Bailey and Morley,
2006). One example of the new wave of attention is Bailey and Morleys model of talent
development in physical education. Underpinned by a multidimensional understanding of
ability and a differentiation between potential and performance, their model acknowledges
that a range of factors impact on an individuals development of an ability. The list included
psychomotor, interpersonal, intrapersonal, cognitive and creative abilities, and this
multidimensional approach describes the fixed and changeable variables associated with the
realisation of talent in physical education (Bailey and Morley, 2006). Most pertinently for
the present purpose, the model acknowledges the multiple and complex interactions, which
must be addressed to optimise development. Reflecting this need, the psychological
emphasis in the next pages must be considered carefully in tandem with the other sections
of this review.

Psychological Characteristics of Participation and Development

Of all the factors contributing to the realisation of potential, psychological factors are
increasingly acknowledged as key. As Muhammad Ali said the will must be stronger than
the skill. Reflecting the role of psychological factors as characteristic of those who achieve
the greatest success in sport, our attention also encompasses the role of psychology within
participation development models; unfortunately, a much less-studied aspect of physical
activity participation.

Psychological Characteristics of Excellence

Determinants of performance
The role of psychological factors as determinants of performance is well established in the
literature with Orlick and Partington (1998), amongst others (Gould et al, 2002; Williams
and Krane, 2001), offering a range of psychological success factors that contribute to the
manifestation of excellence at elite levels of performance. In fact, psychological
characteristics such as goal setting, realistic performance evaluations, imagery,
commitment and confidence appear to be discriminating factors between medal and
non-medal winners and, as such, somewhat crucial causative features.

63
Supporting these findings, Gould et al.(2002) observed that successful Olympic athletes
were more committed and focused, and engaged in more extensive mental preparation
than less successful performers. By contrast, less successful athletes were not as effective
in their planning and experienced problems related to focus and commitment. Further
support for this contention comes from the work of Durand-Bush and Salmelas (2002) with
Olympic and world champions. They identified self-confidence and motivation as salient
personal characteristics of elite athletes. Not only were these athletes confident about their
ability to succeed (cf our earlier comments on perceived competence), they were also
motivated to invest considerable time and effort into training in order to be the best they
could be. In addition, these elite athletes employed imagery and self-talk to both prepare
for competition and to remain focused during high-level performances. Thomas and Thomas
(1999) found successful athletes not only utilised a variety of psychological skills during
competition, but also used a wider range of mental skills during training (eg goal setting,
imagery, self talk, emotional control, relaxation) than athletes of a lower standard.
Reflecting this, Kane stated that: The ultimate factors accounting for achievement are likely
to be the unique personal and behavioural dispositions, which the individual brings to the
actual performance (Kane, 1986, p. 191).

Getting there and staying there
While much of the emphasis has been on the skills needed to achieve at elite levels of
performance, psychological factors are also able to distinguish between athletes who are
able to consistently perform at the elite level and those who fail to maintain these high
levels of performance (Ericsson, 1996; 2006). Durand-Bush and Salmelas 2002 report
should be consulted for further information on the difficulties associated with maintaining
high levels of performance. For example, Kreiner-Philips and Orlick (1993) have suggested
that psychological factors underpin a performers capability to reproduce consistently high
levels of performance. As such, the ability to attain and then maintain elite status appears
to be, at least partly, governed by the capacity an individual has to consistently engage
with the performance environment and manage the unique pressures associated with being
at the top of their sport (eg high expectations of performance; feelings of being chased;
Gould et al, 2002).

Determinants of development
In contrast to elite performance, the role of psychological characteristics as key
determinants of development is a more recent topic for attention. Importantly, however, a
very similar set of ideas are gaining momentum in the literature (Abbott and Collins, 2004;
Abbott et al, 2007; Baker and Horton, 2004). It appears likely a similar set of psychological
characteristics that facilitate elite performance also facilitates the successful negotiation of
the development pathway (MacNamara, Holmes and Collins, 2006; MacNamara, Holmes
and Collins, 2008). In fact, this isnt a new idea in the literature. As early as 1971, Kunst
and Florescu highlighted the balance of psychological factors, motor capacity and
anthropometric qualities as determinants of elite achievement. Pertinently, however, they
stressed the even more crucial role played by psychological factors in talent development,
with this construct accounting for over 50% of the variance in development efficacy.
Crucially and unfortunately, however, they saw psychological concerns reflected as less
than 15% of most talent development models at that time. Our own suggestion is, with
notable exceptions, that this picture has still to change despite Bompas (1999) more recent
support for this contention, with his suggestion that psychological capacity was the most
important determinant of talent development: It is more important for someone uninitiated
to wrestling to possess the main psychological traits and the desire to wrestle because you
cannot expect a beginner to have developed the motor capacity. (Bompa, 1999, p. 286)

The clear message is that psychological factors play a central role in the effective evolution
of potential into achievement. As such, participation development models should stress the
development of the psychological characteristics that enable individuals to maximise their
dispositional tendencies (Abbott and Collins, 2004). Abbott and Collinss term, PCDEs,
encompasses both the trait characteristics (the tendency to) and the state-deployed skills
(the ability towhen) that have been shown to play a crucial role in the realisation of

64

potential. As such, PCDEs are not just mental skills, such as imagery or goal setting, but
also include the attitudes, emotions and desires young athletes need to successfully realise
their potential (Martindale, Collins and Daubney, 2005). Interestingly, the list of PCDEs
offered by Abbott and Collins (see Table 5.1) is similar to those psychobehavioural factors
found to facilitate performance at elite levels (eg Gould et al, 2002; Baker and Horton,
2004).

Given the need to invest considerable time into ones activity for both PRE and ERE, it is not
surprising attitudes and behaviours facilitative of deliberate practice are associated with
effective development (Bailey and Morley, 2006). For example, determination and
persistence (Bloom, 1985; Renzulli, 1986), self-efficacy and autonomy (Schoon, 2000) have
all been highlighted as characteristics necessary for the attainment of excellence. Thus
PCDEs are thought to underpin effective development in a number of ways. For instance,
focus, distraction control and quality practice facilitate the acquisition of skills, while goal
setting and realistic performance evaluations help athletes get the most out of each
coaching session. Motivation, in particular, has been viewed as a critical component within
the participant development model (Ward et al, 2004;). In sum, PCDEs allow participants to
stay on the pathway to excellence by enabling them to invest the requisite time to practice
and stay committed to the development process.

Table 5.1: Psychological Characteristics of Developing Excellence (adapted from
Abbott and Collins, 2004; cf Orlick and Partington, 1998)

Psychological Characteristics of Developing Excellence

Goal setting
Realistic performance evaluations
Imagery
Planning and organisational skills
Commitment
Focus and distraction control
Coping with pressure
Self-awareness

Unfortunately, while the role of psychological characteristics as determinants of
performance is well established in the literature, our understanding and application of these
as determinants of participant development is far from comprehensive (Baker and Horton,
2004). At an applied level, psychobehavioural skills are rarely incorporated into
development processes despite the evidence attesting to their role as critical components of
development. One exception is the Developing the Potential of Young People in Sport
project developed by sportscotland (Abbott et al, 2007).

A Psychological Exemplar: Developing the Potential of Young People
in Sport

There are relatively few examples in the literature that recognise the parallel importance of
incorporating both psychomotor skills and psychobehavioural factors into development
models. One exception, the DPYPS programme, was developed by sportscotland (Abbott et
al, 2007) and placed a significant emphasis on the holistic development of the individual.
The DPYPS programme recognises development is dynamic and evolving, and a range of
factors is necessary to enable individuals to participate in sport to the best of their ability.
The design of the DPYPS programme was based on the contention that a child will only fulfil
his or her potential if the key developmental skills are central to the development process.

65
Accordingly, the DPYPS approach utilised a dual curriculum, encompassing both
psychobehavioural skills (similar to the PCDEs previously presented) and psychomotor skills
(similar to the fundamental movement skills highlighted earlier in this report). This
approach equips young children with the skills necessary to be successful at early stages of
development, as well as those skills needed for subsequent development, either at elite
levels of performance or for lifelong participation. Essentially, the skills offered within the
DPYPS programme are those psychobehavioural and psychomotor fundamentals that
underpin learning, development and performance across performance domains and along
the Three Worlds Continuum.

Further information on the DPYPS programme can be found in the report published by
sportscotland (2007). Results were encouraging, with statistically significant differences in
activity uptake and adherence. Most promising, however, were the positive and child-led
transfers of skills acquired through the programme to other arenas. Thus, for example,
participants used mental skills to help with other school (eg drama) and social settings. The
improved physical competence, actual and perceived, seemed to support a new have a go
approach, which underpinned the increases in physical involvement.

From an educational perspective, it is important to note these initiatives, presented through
a sport-performance lens, were also positive in influencing changes in non-sporting and
non-competitive environments. This integrated developmental approach neither excludes
potential through inappropriate early testing procedures nor ignores any crucial
developmental factors. Of course, further research is needed to maximise the efficacy of
such approaches.

Psychological Characteristics Underpinning PRE

Also significant are the long-term health benefits of promoting and developing
psychobehavioural characteristics in children. Fraser-Thomas, Ct and Deakin (2005) have
highlighted how effective development processes not only develop skilled participants, but
also ones that are healthy and psychosocially competent. The psychobehavioural
characteristics underpinning development in achievement domains also seem to be the
same characteristics that promote a physically active lifestyle. For example, enjoyment of
the activity (Motl et al, 2001; Dishman et al, 2005), self-efficacy (Bandura, 1985; McAuley
and Blissmer, 2000) and a range of coping skills (Buckworth and Dishman, 2002) are all
key determinants of exercise participation. Thus, these psychological factors influence an
individuals capacity to be physically active and underpin the competence to make
appropriate health and exercise choices; a significant benefit given the growing physical
inactivity levels of youth and the health risks associated with this inactivity. In short,
from both performance and participation perspectives, there appears to be substantial
benefit from the systematic development and facilitated deployment of these
psychobehavioural skills.

As we highlighted at the start of the psychological section of this review, our aim is not to
comprehensively cover all relevant theory and research on the topics considered. Our
approach seems particularly apropos in this area; conceptualisations of exercise behaviour
are many and varied, reflecting, as stated earlier, the attempts to nomothetically describe
an extremely complex interaction of factors, which determine uptake, participation and
maintenance of a compound behaviour. Accordingly and reflecting the individual orientation
of this section, we focus on one theory which fits well with the approach emerging from the
other topics, while also offering both practical guidelines and parsimonious explanation.

Self-determination Theory

Despite the significant benefits of participating in physical activity (eg Physical, Blair and
Connelly (1996); Psychological, Biddle et al, 2000), approximately 50% of individuals drop
out of exercise programmes within six months of commencement (Berger et al, 2002), with

66

even more experiencing lapses in participation (Sallis et al, 1999). This drop out can be
attributed to a number of factors, including motivation, self-esteem, social physique anxiety
and enjoyment (Thgersen-Ntoumani and Ntounmanis, 2006). Regarding motivation,
Wankel (1993) suggests individuals who participate in physical activity for intrinsic reasons
and enjoyment are more likely to adhere compared to those participating for instrumental
motives. Self-determination theory (Deci and Ryan, 1985) can be used to understand
motivation and adherence, and proposes behavioural regulation towards an activity can be
amotivated (lacking any intention to engage in the behaviour), extrinsically motivated
(controlled behaviour) or intrinsically motivated (self-determined behaviour).

Notably, these classifications of motivation differ in the extent to which they are
self-determined (Thgersen-Ntoumani and Ntoumanis, 2006). Deci and Ryan (1985)
suggest it is only when individuals are intrinsically motivated that their behaviour can be
considered self-determined. Furthermore, Vallerand, Fortier and Guay (1997) argue these
self-determined regulations are related to more adaptive behavioural outcomes (eg
adherence) compared to less self-determined regulations. In fact, a growing body of
evidence in the literature suggests intentions to be physically active and adhere to these
activities are positively correlated with intrinsic motivation and negatively correlated with
demotivation and external regulation (Ntoumamis, 2001; Standage, Duda and Ntoumanis,
2003; Chatziaranis et al, 2003). In simple terms, self-determination appears to be the
characteristic of choice if one is to focus effort on an individuals development. Furthering
this case, Deci and Ryan (1991) also argue individuals with high levels of self-determination
have stronger perceptions of control over their behaviour that are positively associated with
prolonged engagement in physical activity. Unfortunately, there are some limitations to this
work, especially from a lifespan perspective of development. Specifically, Berger et al
(2002) note the need to examine whether these findings apply to adults since much of the
research has been conducted with children and youth populations. Given the propensity for
drop out and inactivity during the adult years, this appears to be a crucial line of enquiry
that, as stressed in other sections, should be longitudinal in nature so the exact
contribution of high self-determination to lifelong physical activity may be determined. For
the moment, however, we would contend this individual characteristic seems to offer much
potential for applied interventions.

Social physique anxiety (SPA) is another construct that is important in terms of lifelong
participation in physical activity (Hart, Leary and Rejeski, 1989). SPA is defined as the
apprehension an individual has about displaying their body in public settings (Hart, Leary
and Rejeski, 1989) and has been related to exercise motivation (Smith et al, 1998) and
self-presentation (Crawford and Eklund, 1994). In fact, Lantz, Hardy and Ainsworth (1997)
found that individuals with high levels of SPA are less likely to engage in physical activity in
situations where their bodies may be evaluated negatively. Therefore, in order to encourage
such individuals to maintain participation in physical activity, consideration should be given
as to how the environment can facilitate positive physical self-perceptions as well as
developing the coping skills to effectively manage SPA (Sabiston et al, 2007). For example,
an individual may seek support from significant others (Kowalski et al, 2006) to cope with
SPA or exercise in social contexts that are less threatening (eg ones that include friends;
Carron and Prapavessis, 1997). It is also important to understand how SPA relates to the
self-determined, controlling and amotivated behaviours previously discussed. For example,
Deci and Ryan (2000) suggest SPA is the outcome of deficiencies in self-determination. For
example, if individuals exercise or participate in sport and physical activity for enjoyment or
because they value the benefits of participation, they are less likely to be focused on how
their bodies appear to others. As such, exercise that is regulated by intrinsic motivation
should reduce SPA. Conversely, if an individual is participating in the activity to gain social
approval or avoid social disapproval (eg extrinsic motivation), they are more likely to
experience SPA (Thgersen-Ntoumani and Ntoumanis, 2006). Crucially, development
models must be cognisant of these factors if they are to equip individuals with the
psychological skills necessary to maintain participation.


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For the present purpose, the mediating influences of other constructs on SPA are important
considerations. Firstly, the tie-in between perceived competence, self-presentational
concerns and SPA itself should be considered. There is emerging evidence that high levels
of perceived competence can prevent, or at least moderate, the impact of socially mediated
anxieties, such as SPA (Boyd, Weinmann and Yin, 2002). Even more crucially, high levels of
self-determination can effectively wash away road-blocking influences of SPA or low
perceived competence (Markland, 1999), enabling individuals to pursue lifelong physical
activity as they wish (Ryan et al, 1997).

Developmental Differences in PCDEs

While the psychobehavioural success factors highlighted in Table 5.1 are the behaviours
consistently shown to underpin successful performance, it is important to recognise that
these behaviours may be deployed differently depending on the characteristics (eg type of
activity, physical maturation, cognitive maturity) and context (eg age, level of participation)
of the individual. MacNamara and colleagues (2006; 2008) explored the use of these
psychobehavioural characteristics in developing performers and found their application was
on a developmental continuum from others (eg parents, teachers and coaches) promoting
the behaviours during initial participation towards the almost universal self-application of
these skills at later stages of development. Abbott and colleagues (2007) and MacNamara
et al (2006; 2008) should be consulted for further information about the role of
psychobehavioural characteristics during development.

It seems likely that developing performers will apply psychobehavioural characteristics
differently compared to adults, due to stage-specific challenges (eg amount of deliberate
practice required) as well as developmental differences in cognitive maturation (Abbott et
al, 2007). Simply, even though it is important to encourage young performers to engage in
these champion behaviours (Abbott et al, 2007), differences in their application during
development must be understood. Thus, when attempting to define and operationalise
PCDEs, it is essential to recognise how the cognitive maturity of the individual performer
will impact upon how they deploy PCDEs. Abbott and Collins (2004) suggest PCDEs should
be presented to individuals cognisant of their level of growth and maturation. As such,
these key PCDEs should be developed in line with the challenges athletes face at different
stages of development. Abbott and Collins (2004) propose that the aims of the progressive
levels are to encourage children to:

realise their level of competence and to self-reinforce
take responsibility for their own development
aspire for excellence by achieving autonomous development.

For example, although the ability to set goals is important throughout development, it may
be operationalised differently, depending on the age and maturation levels of the young
performer. In the early years, it may be appropriate for a young performer to follow simple
teacher or coach-led goals. However, as the performer gets older and gains autonomy over
their development, self-driven goal-setting behaviours become appropriate. The argument
implied by this research is a lack of consistent and coherent emphasis on all the
components that facilitate development limits the ability of individuals to realise their
potential at levels of excellence commensurate with their ability. Once again, this points
towards the necessity for a development system that is flexible, individualised and clearly
focused on the needs of its participants.

Developmentally, there appears to be a significant difference in how PCDEs are deployed,
with a shift in responsibility from others (eg parents, teachers and coaches) promoting and
reinforcing PCDEs in the early years, towards self-initiated and autonomous behaviours in
the later years (MacNamara et al, 2008). However, it is important to understand this
change of responsibility doesnt occur automatically with age, but in response to the
challenges faced at different stages of development. For example, individuals who are on a

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pathway towards high-level performance are required to invest in considerable deliberate
practice and technical skill acquisition from relatively early in their involvement. In response
to these challenges, young athletes are usually more committed, have clearer training plans
and are more focused at a young age than those on a recreational pathway. Since the
literature suggests psychological factors characterise the means by which an individual
interacts with the environment and, therefore, the extent to which they make the most of
the opportunities they are afforded, there appears to be a justified argument for a continual
emphasis on these key developmental attributes early within development (Abbott and
Collins, 2004).

Essentially, these differences in deployment can be understood from a self-regulation
perspective. Specifically, as participants move through the development pathway they must
learn to self-regulate their own behaviour without the support of significant others. This
ability to effectively cope with the stressors of development and adapt to the challenges
faced (specifically, increased autonomy and responsibility over ones development
characteristic of the specialisation and investment years) is a key component of successful
development (Ct, 1999). A self-regulated learner has the skills to self-monitor progress,
manage emotions, focus on self-improvement and seek help and support from others when
necessary (Petlichkoff, 2004). Conversely, an individual without these skills does not take
personal responsibility for his or her own development, but relies on others and attributes
failures to maladaptive reasons instead. Unfortunately, and reflecting many of the previous
assertions, few development models systematically encourage the development of self-
regulated learners (Petlichkoff, 2004), despite the support for the benefits of developing
self-regulation skills is available in the literature (Zimmerman, 2000; Zimmerman and
Kitsantis, 1997).

It is important to stress these self regulatory factors are equally relevant for ERE and PRE,
and even find resonance in many of the ideas pervading the sport and physical activity
participation literature (cf Standage, Duda and Ntoumanis, 2003). These apparent
similarities merit further investigation; but for the moment, they offer further support for
the comprehensive impact of interventions built around this approach.

Transitions: A Critical Consideration?

While Ct (1999) and others (such as Bloom, 1985) offer comprehensive accounts of the
challenges faced by participants within each stage of development, these can seem slight
when compared with the barriers posed by crucial transitions between stages of
development. Unfortunately, the majority of development models available in sport and
physical activity (eg DMSP, LISPA, LTAD) have focused primarily on the activities individuals
should be engaged in at particular points during development. These models are
underpinned by stage approaches to development that ignore the non-linear stages and
transitions often encountered along the development pathway (Cecic-Erpic, Wylleman and
Zupincic, 2004; Tebbenham, 1998; Schlossberg, 1981). Research has shown this ability to
successfully transfer between stages of development is facilitated and characterised by the
individual developing and appropriately deploying a range of psychobehavioural skills.
Interestingly, and in keeping with other ideas presented in this section, Rose (1993) has
highlighted how these psychobehavioural skills (eg goal setting, imagery) can help an
individual progress through different stages of development and adjust to key transitional
changes (eg increases in deliberate practice). Accordingly, used in tandem with other
crucial support mechanisms, such as group influences and self-efficacy (cf Martindale,
Collins and Abraham, 2007) these skills (almost identical to the PCDEs proposed earlier)
can form part of an optimised development environment, which will offer the best start to
the pathway, irrespective of its eventual goal.


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Wylleman and Lavallee (2004) proposed a model of developmental transitions in sport that
encompassed a holistic, lifespan perspective that spanned both the sporting and non-
sporting career. This model suggests transitions overlap and interact at four different
levels: athletic, individual, psychosocial and academic. Simply, the reciprocal and
interactive nature of this developmental model of normative transitions recognises, for
instance, the athletic transition into the investment years coincides with academic (eg
transfer university), psychological (eg transition from adolescence into adulthood) and
psychosocial (eg development of stable relationships) developments. Therefore, transitions
within sport should be viewed as a series of events where athletes have to cope with new
demands by finding a balance between these demands and the resources available to them
(Schlossberg, 1981). As such, transitional challenges have the potential to be perceived as
a crisis, a rite of passage or another positive step on the ladder, depending on the
individuals perception and skills (Sinclair and Orlick, 1993). Indeed, Cecic-Erpic, Wylleman
and Zupincic (2004) suggest this model should alert practitioners and researchers to the
developmental, interactive and interdependent nature of transitions and stages faced by
individual athletes (p.517).

Without the ability to make these transitions successful, an individual is unlikely to maintain
their involvement in sport or realise his or her potential, whatever the chosen level of
participation. Some transitions are predictable because of their structural or organisational
nature (eg transfer from sampling into the specialisation stage of development or from
junior to senior levels of competition) and might be related to, for instance, changes in the
athletes level of performance. Conversely, there are also transitions that are unpredictable
and may occur unexpectedly or perhaps, even, not at all (eg injury, change of teacher or
coach; Petitpas et al, 1997). However, if transitions can be anticipated and the necessary
skills checked and developed in advance, the pathway to excellence (whether ERE, PRE or
PPW) can be considerably smoothed and the individual prepared for future developments.
Again, this lends strength to our proposal to systematically incorporate psychobehavioural
skills into development processes as these may be the key feature in maintaining progress
along the turbulent and dynamic participant pathway. This approach would ensure
individuals on a pathway towards ERE possess these skills in advance of meeting the key
transitions of development, thus smoothing their development pathways. Finally, teaching
such generic life skills a priori may also aid the transition of athletes cut from an ERE
pathway by facilitating talent transfer (Vaeyens et al, 2008) or continued participation
towards PRE or PPW. As such, further investigation of these factors is useful from both a
specific (this sport) and generic (ability to transfer to other activities) performance
perspective, together with a much broader agenda encompassing lifelong physical activity
participation.

Interestingly, even though different activities have unique requirements (eg golf and
boxing), there appear to be common psychological characteristics that are essential for high
levels of performance and even participation across different sports, with significant
empirical evidence suggesting psychological factors are consistent predictors of
performance, regardless of domain (eg Orlick and Partington, 1998; Smith and Christensen,
1995). Furthermore, participation development models promoting PCDEs not only
encourage and facilitate children to achieve their potential in their current performance
domain, but also allow for the cross-fertilisation of talent into other domains at later stages
of development (Moore et al, 1998). The literature supports this approach since the
psychobehavioural characteristics that underpin ERE appear to be common across
performance domains. Reflecting the lifelong participation models presented previously, a
range of psychological factors may also enable individuals to move along the Three Worlds
Continuum if their focus of participation changes. In short, these psychobehavioural
characteristics help individuals adapt to the different situations and contexts inherent in
sport and physical activity (Abbott and Collins 2004). Regrettably, there are a number of
limitations to this body of research, most notably an over-reliance on autobiographical (eg
Bloom, 1985) and retrospective (eg Ct, 1999) methodologies. Longitudinal research is
clearly needed to establish whether these findings are similar for all sport types, in all

70

contexts and for all levels of participation. An understanding of the generalisability of these
findings will help us understand the means by which development models can facilitate both
ERE and PRE through a common agenda.

Summary

This section of the review demonstrates a well-evidenced need for programmes to focus on
the development of characteristics, which promote and maintain participation over the
longer term, in contrast to the daily dose of exercise espoused by some authors (Twisk,
2001). The contrast is rather like promoting adult literacy by ensuring a daily school
reading session, but with the absence of lessons to establish adequate skills in reading.
Such an approach will, inevitably, result in frustration and demotivation (Could this be part
of the drop-out phenomenon which typifies current adolescent participation?) and is
doomed to failure. Such contentions can be tested by longitudinal tracking of children from
times when all are comparatively active (eg six years old) through to times when drop out
really kicks in (eg aged 1314 years for girls). Our contention, underpinned by much of the
evidence provided here, is that such an approach would offer more potential for genuine
behaviour change than the snapshot investigations focused exclusively at the problem age
alone. In similar fashion(and reflecting our earlier contentions on transition), skill
development in individuals ,which anticipates the challenges underpinning drop out would
seem to hold more promise than trying to address the issue mid-crisis.

Reflecting these contentions, is a genuine necessity to consider the training of providers at
these crucial early stages, ensuring (we would suggest) an educational/developmental
orientation as opposed to an activity leader protocol. Put simply, the process is about
education for informed choice throughout life, not the satisfaction of some guideline-
imposed activity quotient.


71

Recommendations specifically related to the psychological domain
12

Many youth sport programmes are overly concerned with immediate success rather than
employing a long-term agenda, whether the eventual objective is ERE, PRE or PPW.
Reflecting the longer-term focus, development models should be primarily concerned
with the capabilities, skills and behaviours that are requisites for learning and
development. It is, therefore, recommended that participant development models
include these crucial developmental factors (psychobehavioural and psychomotor skills)
as a key part of their recommendations for practice.

Unfortunately, current developments still suggest an ongoing trend towards early
selection and identification in sport (Ct and Hay, 2002a; De Knop et al, 1996; Ewing
and Seefeldt, 1996), with many youth sport programmes now demanding ever earlier
specialisation and high levels of investment. The evidence presented thus far suggests
such programmes may not be providing optimal environments for young participants,
who are often not physically, psychologically, socially or cognitively ready to cope with
the challenges early specialisation entails (Fraser-Thomas and Ct, 2006). As
previously suggested, structured diversification during the early stages of participation
can lead to the physical competence and enjoyment that promotes prolonged
engagement in sport (Ct and Hay, 2002a; Ct and Fraser-Thomas, 2007) and
provides the movement vocabulary and confidence, which underpins later achievement.
Conversely, the most salient evidence advocating against early specialisation concerns
drop out (Baker, 2003). Wall and Ct (2007) found young athletes who had dropped
out of a competitive ice hockey programme had participated in more off-ice training
and had begun on-ice training at an earlier age than those who stayed involved in the
activity. In a similar fashion, Barynina and Viatsekhovskii (1992) found that swimmers
who had specialised at an early age took longer to reach international level and, on
reaching this level, did not stay on the team for as long and retired earlier than late
specialisers. Overtraining from a young age can also result in staleness and with it
significant psychological consequences such as mood disturbance, depression and
increases in perceptual effort during exercise (Hooper et al, 1997). Considering that a
central aim of participant development programmes should be on continued
participation in sport across the lifespan, it makes sense that participation models place
an emphasis on providing early diversification rather than early-specialisation pathways.

While each participant development model (eg Cts DMSP, Baylis LTAD, Ericssons
theory of deliberate practice) has peculiarities, a common theme is that prolonged
participation in sport and physical activity requires a long-term commitment to the
development process and an array of factors (eg psychomotor, psychological, social)
contribute to the realisation of potential. While physical, environmental, motor and
psychological factors all contribute to the acquisition of excellence, it is recognised that
the relative importance of these variables may be dependent on the stage of
development of the athlete (Figure 5.2). As outlined in a previous section, early
psychomotor development is critical to equip individuals with a broad developmental
base. Not only will these basic movements (eg travelling, object control and balancing
skills) aid the individuals potential involvement in high-level sport, but these
fundamental skills also support sports participation at all levels of attainment (Jess and
Collins, 2003). Furthermore, psychomotor skills are crucial during the early stages of
involvement as they act not only as a base for future participation, but also influence
the developing athlete's perceptions of competence. Thus, a solid foundation of basic
movement skills is critical for future successful performance and involvement in
specialised games and sport (Doherty and Bailey, 2003).

12.
The psychological domain seems to have an especially close relationship with actual coaching
practice. For this reason, we offer this addendum, which explores some implications of practice
with regard to this domain.


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Psychobehavioural factors appear to play an increasingly important role as the athlete
matures. Figure 5.2 shows how the relative importance of psychomotor and
psychobehavioural factors change as the developing athlete progresses towards
excellence. As the athlete moves into the specialisation years, he or she is both
physically and psychologically involved in his or her activity to a far greater extent. The
focus is on technical mastery, technique and sport-specific skill development. During
this stage a high level of dedication is needed and self-determination, hard work and
discipline are characteristic of success (Ericsson et al, 1993). Physical ability is no longer
solely sufficient for success, but psychobehavioural characteristics appear to play an
even more important role. Indeed, research has shown intense training, rather than
innate abilities, better account for skill differences between expert and non-expert
performers (Baker et al, 2003). Given the increasing demands placed upon athletes at
later stages of development, it is not surprising that attrition is such a frequent
occurrence during the transition from the sampling years to the specialisation years
(Ct, 1999). This is, in part, due to the increased investment in the activity at a time
when many other aspects of the performers life is also changing (Schlossberg, 1981). It
would appear psychobehavioural characteristics are the salient factor in pushing
performers through the barriers of athletic development and towards successful
attainment in sport.

Figure 5.2: Relative importance of physical ability and psychobehavioural
characteristics during development

Less well-researched, but completely consistent with the evidence presented, a focus on
PCDEs may also serve to keep the young participant involved against the peer pressures
that seem to underpin the young adolescent dropout. Specific investigation is merited
but, given the well-demonstrated role of self-determination in activity choice,
possession of personal psychological skills and self-confidence would seem a logical
inoculation against the socially mediated image-based challenges of puberty (cf Motl,
et al, 2001).

Most models (eg DMSP, LTAD, LISPA) do not account for these key developmental skills,
reflecting a significant gap not only in the literature, but also in applied practice.
Moreover, these crucial psychobehavioural skills are often the preserve of support
programmes aimed at performers competing at elite levels. A more effective approach,
given the arguments presented thus far, would be to incorporate these
psychobehavioural skills into development processes. From an ERE and PRE perspective,
this ensures aspiring elites possess these skills in advance of meeting the key


73

challenges of development. While it would be advantageous to identify young athletes
with both the physical skills to participate in a given sport and the psychological capacity
to maximise the developmental opportunities afforded, the limitations of such
approaches (eg unstable nature of the key factors) have already been discussed.
Instead, Abbott and Collins (2004), among others (Bailey and Morley, 2006) suggest
that all children should be encouraged (and equipped with the skills necessary) to strive
towards their potential, irrespective of their current and, perhaps, short-term physical
talent. Serendipitously, this contention would also offer support to participation-
oriented youngsters, providing them with the skills to pursue their own paths against
the peer pressures, which characterise non-participation in later school years.

Once again, the need for careful consideration of systems to induct young performers
into activity (at whatever level) emerges as a key construct. When designed and
deployed correctly, these organisational structures quickly teach young children about
where they fit into the hierarchies of peer ability in relation to specific tasks, such as
sport, and contribute to the decisions that children make about their participation (Kirk,
2005). As such, participation development models must include early opportunities to
develop sound levels of actual and perceived motor competence to ensure prolonged
participation in sport and physical activity (Trudeau and Shephard, 2005). Monitoring
the evolution of both and providing remedial steps as necessary, would also seem an
obvious and essential feature. Without the fundamental movement skills and
self-efficacy beliefs to compare favourably with peers, children are likely to lose the
motivation to continue participation and often drop out of the activity completely. It
would also be a worthwhile endeavour to provide support to participants during key
transitions in their development, where their participation may be affected by changes
in educational status (eg school to university) or changing relationships (eg moving out
of the family home).

Unfortunately, as highlighted throughout this review, we need to explore further
whether the interactive approach advocated within this section can cater for
participation as well as excellence. While much research has focused on development
pathways that lead to ERE (Law, Ct and Ericsson, 2007; Baker et al, 2003), less
evidence is available on the factors that lead to PRE or just taking part. While there is
support in the literature for the benefits of participating in physical activity (eg health-
and psychosocial-related benefits) there is less of an understanding about how to assure
these positive outcomes can be developed and made available to all (Fraser-Thomas
and Ct, 2006). This is especially important given that only a relatively small amount
of people achieve excellence at high levels of sport compared to the potential for the
majority of people to achieve PRE. As such, continued research is needed to ensure
participant development pathways towards PRE and participation are understood. Such
an educational and developmental approach would seem to offer greater potential for
genuine behaviour change. In summary and, as a parting shot, reallocating the
substantial resources currently focused at the problem to anticipating and preventing it
would seem worth considering.

74
S
ection Six: The Social Domain

This purpose of this section of the review is to focus upon the social variables that can
affect participation development in sport. A wide range of evidence is provided and
reviewed to cover the key areas that are inextricably linked to participant development and
some key issues are focused upon in greater depth. While the existing empirical data tends
to be focused upon young people, it cannot be forgotten that those of any age can be
involved in participant development. Thus the heavy emphasis on adolescents/young people
within this section is a natural consequence of the availability of data and studies to
that effect.

More positively, however, it also reflects several pragmatic issues supporting such a focus.
For example, school systems ensure initiatives aimed at this age group will have a
guaranteed impact (as in they will experience them as opposed to quality of these
impacts). Furthermore, considerations within this and other sections of the review strongly
suggest changes are best made, and the benefits maximally enjoyed, at younger ages. As
such, it could be argued that the lions share of resource and effort should be targeted at
the younger ages.

Finally, it should be acknowledged that the interactions between the factors considered here
(together with their interactions with biological and psychological factors, covered in other
sections) are likely to be the most genuine causative factors. As such, while the present
treatment is necessary for clarity, the reader must avoid the simple if...then implications,
which may seem obvious. In simple terms, solutions to improving participation almost
inevitably must be multi-factored.

Identity

Before a review of the material on the family is undertaken, it is evident some discussion of
the development of role and identity needs to take place. A key aspect of the social,
psychological and moral development of (particularly) young people is the notion of identity
and identity formation (Hendry et al, 1996). Sport is a well-known vehicle for the
assimilation of these aspects through the socialisation process (Kirk and MacPhail, 2003)
and this has been highlighted as a key part of the provision of opportunity and development
of participation, particularly at a young age (Kirk, 2005). It is clear sports participation is
important in the need to create, perpetuate and reinforce social identity, social capital and
habitus (Bourdieu, 1978) within a given context, through the culturally symbolic nature and
role of sport (Weiss, 2001). The development of such identity is achieved through the
interaction of key variables (including gender, family, schooling and peers). In addition, the
development of identity, role theory and, now, social positioning as tools with which to
analyse sports participation is also increasing (Toms and Kirk, 2006).

The creation of identity and social capital (or shared belief and belonging) is important in
sport (Bourdieu, 1978) and it has been noted young people with low social capital are less
likely to participate in sport as adults (Swain, 2002). This creation of identity and cultural
capital within education and sport as a requirement for lifelong participation has significant
implications on models of participation development and sports policy at all levels. It has
also been noted that the role of sport in creating these identities is vital, as children of
junior age who do not have access to such activities use other means to assert their identity
(Swain, 2002).

75

Family

Within the expansive literature on the family, encompassing parents and siblings, as well
as acknowledging the wide and diverse nature of the family (Kay, 2003), there is
considerable evidence that parents (in particular) have a significant effect upon their childs
participation and development in sport. This can clearly have a positive influence through
modelling (Toms and Fleming, 1995), providing opportunity (Kirk et al, 1997a) or
reinforcement/psychological support (Carr et al, 2000) and these factors may underpin the
advantages apparent for children from nuclear families in middle or upper classes.
However, at the same time, there is also evidence that pushy or disinterested parents can
also have a negative effect. With regard to the existing empirical work, many studies tend
to be focused on the psychological pressures placed on elite young sportspeople (Hellstedt,
1990; Hultsman, 1993; De Knop et al, 1995; 1998; Lee and Maclean, 1997; Kanters and
Tebbutt, 2001; Lee and MacLean, 1997; Rowley and Graham, 1999; Kay, 2000a). With the
family identified as the first point of socialisation into sport (and ultimately into society) it is
clear this is a key and underpinning aspect to the entire sport experience of young people.

When assessing any sort of participation development model it is clear there is an urgent
requirement that the role, impact and involvement of the family are a central focus. As
such, there is evidence this is one of the key aspects that underpin participation,
identification, development and retention of athletes within any model at any age (Ct and
Hay, 2002b). To begin with it needs to be acknowledged that as the primary socialisation
agency, the family governed childrens activity in leisure as well as other domains of life
during the 1980s (Zeijl et al, 2001, p. 380). Since then, the focus has been on the
consumption of life (as well as sport and leisure) by young people and there is a change in
understanding from the socialisation process as a passive experience, to it being a more
active, financially based choice for young people. This, in turn, impacts upon sports
participation and development. As Zeijl et al (2001) identify, for young people it is now
leisure capital that focuses leisure experience and, ultimately, socialisation into both sport
and adulthood. Thus, the family background (and socioeconomic status) can be seen as a
direct link to sport, socialisation, opportunity and participant development.

The review by Kay (2003) goes some way to outlining the existing research with the family
and sport, in both participation and policy. Kay (2003, p. 11) explains that within social
research the family is recognised as a central social institution and a primary vehicle for
social change. As such, it would seem crucial for initiatives to work through familial
structures at appropriate ages, rather than focus solely on the children themselves when
they are older. Kay also claims that over the past three decades (one generation) there
have been significant changes in the way families fulfil their two primary rolestheir caring
and economic functionsthe most conspicuous changes affecting families have been
changes in their structure, composition and development (Kay, 2003; 11). An implication
of this is the relative opportunity for young people to access sporting environments. These
changes, compounded by the current economic conditions mean financial support for sport
at grass-roots level within families is under increasing pressure.

The works of Kirk and MacPhail (2003) and MacPhail et al (2003a) highlight the way the
roles and social positions undertaken by family members (particularly parents) have an
effect upon the involvement of their children in sport. The social positions they practise
impact directly upon the participation and continued participation of their children. The key
point here being those who have family members involved in sport are more likely to be
involved themselves.


76

With regard to how the family influences participation and involvement, Anderson (2001)
points out there are social chains (or, in other words, extended friendship groups) of
children who pull one another into the sport scene with the aid and support of their parents.
Zeijl et als (2000) Dutch study identified that, of their sample of 927 young people, the
majority of the younger age group (aged 1012 years) spent their leisure time with their
family and the eldest in the sample (aged 1415 years) spent time with their friends. Zeijl
et al concluded that no matter the age of the young person, parental involvement and
influence was high and at its highest in the 1012-year age bracket. They also point out a
direct correlation (as Kay, 2003 also shows) between socioeconomic status and sports
involvement at this age. Further to this, Zeijl et al (2000) indicate there was parental
interference and pressure for the children to be involved in activities because the parents
believed it would be good for them. Zeijl et al (2000) then suggested that, for children in
Western families, the family unit governs childrens leisure time and socioeconomic status
now also governs participation, opportunity and expectations of what their leisure
experience should be. Van Deventer (2000) comes to similar conclusions in his study of
South African youths. While he also highlights the participation situation is reflected in the
parental sporting lifestyle, he also concludes that the expectations of parents and young
people is influenced by their ethnic background.

It is not just in sports participation that the family has a direct influence, since very often,
before participation occurs, the family (normally the father) is vital to this initial interest.
This also extends to the active supporting of teams at live games (as a spectator) and
through the media. James, A. (2001), for example, notes that for children (aged 59 years)
fathers were the most influential socialising agent into introducing children to sports teams
and that the gender stereotyping associating sports with males was prevalent (James, J.,
2001, p. 233). This is also further highlighted by Whannel (1999; 2002), who asserts the
inherent hegemonic masculinity of sport naturally leads to a fatherson relationship in
sports interest and, ultimately, sports participation; an important element to consider within
any participant development model. In itself, this involvement helps to add both a moral
influence on the child as well as an attributional one, both of which may impact further on
the childs life/sporting habits in the future. This is also reflected by Moore et al (1996) who
note that young people identifying their parents roles do not always associate sport with
their mothers.

Similarly, with the media Biskup and Pfister (1999) highlight young males interests in role
models in sport (which is greater than females) and is further reinforced by parents. Other
studies have found a direct positive correlation between sports heroes and the parental
motivational climate at home (Carr et al, 1999). In a study involving young female and
male soccer players mothers and fathers, it was found that the athletes who had higher
perceived competence, enjoyment and intrinsic motivation had parents whom they
perceived as positive role models (Babkes and Weiss, 1999). The fathers who were more
involved in sport and their childs participation, also had children with more positive
psychosocial behaviours. In a similar manner, Lin-Yang et al (1996) report that in their
longitudinal study of young Finns (N=1881) the fathers physical activity had a direct
relationship with their childs activity and participation.

Inappropriate behaviour exhibited by parents in childrens sports in the United States has
also been examined (Kanters and Tebbutt, 2001). De Knop et al (1998) have conducted
research into the attitudes of clubs to parents. However, they do not acknowledge the key
issue of socioeconomic status through the notion of a purchase decision and the financial
cost of parental support to become involved (Kirk et al, 1997b; Rowley and Graham, 1999;
Kay, 2003). This throws up a number of theoretical issues about the quality of the
experience and how this is measured from those who know the game to those who do not.

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Yet, this is far more complex and the processes affecting a parents decision is little
understood (Green and Chalip, 1998; Babkes and Weiss, 1999). Kanters and Tebbutt
(2001; cf David, 2005) acknowledge the increasing problem of inappropriate behaviour of
parents in American junior sports leagues. This type of inappropriate behaviour in sport can
create barriers to participation, whether it is in the form of psychological pressure (eg to
perform), biological pressure (eg to develop/train at inappropriate ages), or social pressure
(eg to emulate sporting role models). Although these inappropriate behaviours are not
always easy to quantify, De Knop et al (1998) go some way further to identify similar issues
found in voluntary club sport. The following types of parent were identified:

the uninterested parent (who is never present at a sporting activity)
the overcritical parent (who is never satisfied with the achievements of his or her child)
the parent who yells from the sidelines (and often shouts louder than the coaches)
the parent who coaches and gives instruction from the sidelines (often contradicting
the coaches)
the over-concerned parent (who is afraid of the dangers of the sport and threatens to
take his or her child out of the sports club).

Each of these types of parent can have a negative impact upon the individual child, the
coach, the team and, ultimately, the whole sporting experience at the club. It must be
acknowledged that, in the dynamic structure of club sport, such a parent can disrupt
participation to a level that can cause attrition. De Knop et al (1998) further argued little
interest of the parents, low parental participation, sports clubs having the feeling of being
used as a crche, a shortage of executives and volunteersthese are some of the problems
the average sports club more or less has to deal with (p. 5). This is also noted by De
Martelaer et al (2001) who discuss Hellstadts Parental Involvement Continuum (from
under-involvement through to over-involvement in the club) with a comfort zone in middle
range. They also provide evidence to say that parents are often willing to engage, but clubs
fail to give necessary information about tasks, commissions etc (p. 315). In fact it has
been established that one of the ways parents become involved in sport is through
becoming involved in coaching as volunteers (Cox, 1999; Cross and Brewer, 1999; Lyle,
2002; MacPhail et al, 2003a).

Obligation within leisure activity pursuits is also apparent when it comes to the influence of
the family. This obligation, as a part of the leisure experience, can rob the participant of
choice (Stebbins, 2000) and aspects, such as attending training sessions when all the
participant wants to do is play (particularly if attendance is a requirement for match
selection), can lead to drop out (as can a lack of skill and awareness through too much play
and not enough training). Indeed, this idea of personal obligations from the parents side,
may actually be taking the child to the training itself or, conversely, using the sessions to
babysit their children while they go and do their own forms of leisure pursuit (Stebbins,
2000).

Zabriskie and McCormick (2003) conducted an empirical study of 179 families in the United
States and noted there were direct positive relationships between leisure participation and
family satisfaction. They also conclude from their study that there is a conscious element of
trying to strengthen the family unit through joint leisure involvement. Interestingly, they
noted there is also a negative relationship between divorce and family satisfaction of
leisure. To counter this Gilligan (2000) notes sport can have a positive effect on young
peoples lives in enhancing their resilience and self-esteem despite difficult home or other
circumstances (eg divorce or familial death). Fallon and Bowles (1997) noted the structure
and functioning of the family unit had an effect on the way young people spent time with
their peers or their family. Clearly, the data suggest that a young person from a stable
home is more likely to participate in sport and receive the support from their family to do
so and even more so if the family is already involved in that activity. This further supports
the secondary analysis of Kay (2003).

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Moreover, it should also be noted, as Fallon and Bowles (1997) highlight in their study, that
the traditional family structure is more positively influential on sport and leisure
participation than a non-traditional family structure. The suggestion here is a family with
two adult parents can better support participant development than a single-earner family,
as they have more time (and, possibly, a higher income) to manage the day-to-day reality
of family life and also provide support for participation morally, financially and practically.
An example of this practical support can be found in a study from the United States that
looked at parental support through a sample of 1678 young people (712 male and 966
female, with an average ageeee of 13). It was noted that parents transport their children
an average of 2.13 times per week for sport, with boys transported more often than girls
(Hoefer et al, 2001). This type of familial support (as Csikszentmihalyi et al, 1993 note with
regard to music) also highlights families of high achieving children will often change their
family lives to accommodate the needs of their offspring to practice.

Parenting styles also appear to have an effect on participation and development. A study of
1018 junior ice hockey players and their parents in Finland found that parenting styles
(democratic or autocratic) reflecting the coaching style their children received, aided team
cohesion and the childrens continued participation (Juntumaa et al, 2007). This was
particularly evident among those who had democratic parents and coaches; a finding that
fits well with the construct of self-determination, presented in the Section Five of this
review. Indeed, Wuerth et al (2004) note that fathers give a greater amount of directive
behaviour than mothers, pressure on the athlete correlates with directive behaviour and
successful athletes have more parental involvement than others. This is, clearly, a concept
that deserves further consideration and has implications for any model of participant
development. Indeed, this is especially relevant when it takes into account the triad concept
of Jowett and Timson-Katchis (2005), which also involves the coach. On a sociological note,
it is interesting to consider whether this concept accounts for the notion of the family club
(Toms, 2005), in which coaches are perceived as being like, and reflecting, the family
environment from which the participant comes. In that respect there may be further
evidence that it is the coaching environment that best reflects the home environment,
which has an influence on participation and attrition. Research like this generates some
important questions for those seeking to articulate an evidence-based model of participant
development: Do like-minded people and those from similar backgrounds naturally
gravitate to particular sporting activities? Does this perhaps provide some circumstantial
evidence to link socioeconomic background and education to particular stereotypical
sporting activities?

At the same time there are underlying agendas for those involved in the experience of club
sport. These, more specifically, include issues such as expectations of what the club should
and does offer the young people and what their underlying reasons for participating are.
De Knop et al (1998) point out the issue of parental involvement and the expectations
surrounding this. The expectations of the young people themselves, while appreciably being
focused around the notion of fun, challenge and enjoyment (Petlichkoff, 1993), tend to be
further based around which developmental participation stage they are in (cf Ct and Hay,
2002a). In other words, those in the sampling stage look for fun and enjoyment and those
who specialise tend to look for enjoyment of competition and winning (Ct and Hay,
2002a). There is also the element of adults expectations on their childrens ability,
enjoyment and improvement (which come from both parents and coaches), and these may
well vary. In alliance with this are the expectations of the coaches and parents who, as Ct
and Hay (2002a; 2002b) highlight, can cause drop out and negative experiences of sport.

There is further evidence that parents do not necessarily view organised sport as an
equivocally beneficial experience (Green and Chalip, 1998, p. 96). Their suggestion
(through a study of 157 parents with children enrolled in a soccer programme in the United
States) is there is a significant element of purchase decision involvement in youth sport.
Clearly, this has implications for involvement, commitment and, ultimately, the experience
and expectations of those involved (none more so than the parents who have made

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financial commitments to the programme). Despite this having implications for organised
sports programmes, the element of volunteerism and commitment to youth sport in the
UKs grass-roots club system is also a key theoretical aspect to this study. Moreover, youth
membership may be inexpensive and training sessions (for the majority of clubs) free of
charge. The purchase decision made by the parents is, therefore, likely to be made in a
number of very different ways and involving different criteria. Nichols et al (1998) explain
there is a significant shift in the appearance and nature of voluntary sports organisations
(under the umbrella of the voluntary sector). While this is relational to the notion of
volunteers and participation, it is also linked to the idea of quality and experience and,
crucially, Zeijl et als (2001) notion of leisure capital. Finally, all these considerations (eg
what children want versus parental expectation versus club offerings) need to be tempered
against what research suggests is necessary in the biological and psychological domains. It
may well be the longer-term benefits for children, whether they aspire to performance or
participation, are best served by a more genuinely educational/developmental agenda,
rather than simply the fun-time orientation, which can result in short-term adherence. For
example, there are clearly specific developmental outcomes (such as structural strength or
realistic performance evaluation) that should be promoted further within youth sport.
However, how exactly these outcomes fit with the interrelated expectations/aspirations of
each individual concerned is an area that requires further investigation. In short, the need
to include elements of development and education (in the same way that Teaching Games
for Understanding has been used within physical education), in addition to the fun
experience, may better help and inform the expectations and aspirations of all involved. An
altruistic and holistic approach to each individual will be far more beneficial to the
individual than the expectations of team sports and mixed ability/age group structures
that currently exist.

Although there is a vast amount of empirical data on the influence of parents on
participation there is very little that really defines how parents affect club sports
participation. Moreover, it is acknowledged that club sport is the core of sport in the UK
(Kirk and MacPhail, 2003), but there is very little research to explain how the interaction,
choice or even participation link between family and club operates in practice. For example,
much of the empirical data on sport identifies the family as important and there is little to
suggest how this works. Only by examining the works of De Knop and colleagues in their
Values and Norms Project in mainland Europe, do we begin to see anything of the reality
of the familyclub link, and only through MacPhail et al (2003a) do we gain any sense of it
in the UK. MacPhail et al (2003a) propose sports clubs are becoming integral to the sports
experiences of young people as physical education time in schools becomes more limited
and UK government and Sport England policies become more focused upon community-
based club sport. Indeed, the five hours of sport per week, pledged by the Labour
government in 2007 (identified at the time as 90% of young people achieving at least two
hours of high-quality physical education per week, Department for Culture, Media and
Sport, 2007) has resulted in around 50% of pupils achieving at least three hours of high-
quality physical education and out-of-school sport each year (Department for Children
Schools and Families [DCSF], 2009). This is still short of the aspirational notion of five
hours per week, but does appear to highlight an increase. In addition, the latest report
(DCSF, 2009) also highlights a slight increase in schoolclub links from the previous year,
indicating some further engagement within the physical education, school sport and club
links (PESSCL) structures. The importance of club sport is further stressed by MacPhail et al
(2003a) who report results of a 2000 MORI survey identifying that 80% of adults think
sport is a vital part of childrens development. This development is further highlighted
through Siedentops (2002) notions of functional goals for participation: educative, public
health and elite development (cf MacPhail et al, 2003a). The developments of these goals
are ones that can be ascribed to a social unit. While little is known about these units of club
sport, there are clear analogies of a link to family life, nuclear construction and a supportive
environment. In short, there are similarities between the traditional family and the
sports club.


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There is also some evidence linking clubs to the notion of family and there are a number of
studies that establish there is a family environment within some clubs. Andersons (2001)
study of a Danish capoeira club noted adults invoked a family metaphor: Were really like
one big family; when were out on trips, we take care of them (Anderson, 2001; 241).
In this sense, the adult students acted as parents or older siblings of their
younger teammates.

There are also allusions to this within the positioning roles noted by Kirk and MacPhail
(2003). The parents fill the roles they create for themselves as non-attenders, spectators,
helpers and committed members so it is clear they are involved in the club experience.
Although Kirk and MacPhail (2003) do not differentiate between parents of samplers and
specialisers, their grouping of parents does begin to illustrate this point. It also highlights
further research needs to be done in this area. At the same time, their interpretation of
coach positions also brings the family analogy to the fore since the coaches acknowledge
they conduct these roles voluntarily and for the moral, social and physical good of the
children; they are unconsciously ascribing to their practice that of the core values of
parenthood. This analysis is similar to that of Zevenbergen et al (2002), whose study of
junior golf club cultures emphasised familial habits that were congruous and reflected those
of the club, resulting in acceptance and, ultimately, membership. This caring environment
also needs to be considered against the wider aims of the club (eg the strength and
evaluation agenda presented earlier)

The family is also important within the coaching process and can affect participant
development. Jowett and Timson-Katchis (2005) identified how the notion of athlete triads
(coachathleteparent) is important and the role of parents within this is vital to the
relationship. They note that over-involved or over-supportive parents caused personal
distance problems within the triads relationships. They highlight these relationships are
complex and multifaceted. Similarly, Wolfendon and Holt (2005) looked at talent
development in tennis through a small sample study involving nine participants (three
players, four parents and two coaches). Importantly, they noted parents were the most
significant parties through their offering of emotional and tangible support, while the coach
provides technical advice. They identified it as a team approach where each party fulfils
specific roles in the relationship. Martin et al (2001) conducted a psychological study on 239
adolescents and their parents coaching preferences. The results highlighted differences
between the requirements and expectations of the young people and their parents as to the
type of coach they wanted. The study showed the sample had the same wishes for a coach
to: (a) implement effective instructional practices; (b) perform the skills required of the
sport; (c) provide opportunities for the athletes to compete and achieve their goals; and
there were a number of discrepancies. Firstly, mothers (and fathers to a lesser extent)
wanted their children to have opportunities to compete, but the children preferred a coach
who could develop team spirit and friendship and who could also perform the task
themselves. Clearly, this suggests a discrepancy and confusion of expectations and also
highlights the complexity of the parentchild requirements in relation to a sports
experience. Putting this into a dynamic sports club environment shows just how complex
coaching expectation and reality really are within a family, and also between a family,
coach and club. Martindale et al (2007, p. 194) further note, in their guide to talent
development, that the key to educate all those involved parents, coaches, peer groups,
role models, teacher, schools and society as a whole, is a key aspect to any participant
development model. Indeed, it is this need to further educate and manage expectation of
all involved in sport that is crucial to participation.


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From a slightly different perspective, Lally and Kerr (2008) studied the parents of retired
elite gymnasts in the United States who noted their childrens retirement from the sport had
had an impact upon their own personal and social relationships, and left feelings of doubt
over their lack of intervention behaviour with coaches. This investigation was obviously
focused on the pursuit of ERE and there is clearly a further need to examine the extent to
which parents feel coaches or teachers have met other aspects of the participant
development agenda. What this research does highlight is the plethora of work upon the
influence of the family on young peoples participation in sport and physical activity, but,
additionally, the dearth of work on the effect of the family on participation of those of any
other age group.

To recap, the empirical data and research that has been conducted upon the influence of
the family on sports participation, suggests strongly that young people who come from a
two-parent family and from a higher socioeconomic background have a much greater
advantage than those who do not (Kay, 2003). This appears to be linked to parental
experiences and expectations, parenting styles and the involvement of siblings and peers in
sport. There is little doubt that parental support (financial, emotional and practical) is a key
aspect of any participant development model.

Socioeconomic Factors

The socioeconomic factors that can influence participation are vital in the consideration of
any development strategy. While this is inextricably linked to the family, socioeconomic
status has a significant influence upon participation from a young age, with the cost
associated with membership, training, transport and equipment/kit having a significant
impact upon participation outside school.

There are a number of studies identifying middle class children participating and receiving
more family support than children from low-income families (Lin-Yang et al, 1996; Van
Deventer, 2000, Zeijl et al, 2000; Kay, 2003). Those from low-income families are also
more likely to drop out (Rowley and Graham, 1999). This is also reflected in national
statistics where participation in sport by those of different income groups is highlighted
(Hylton and Totten, 2001). Since there are also direct links to income and social class here,
there are clear connotations and policy issues to be addressed. The acceptance of a family,
cost of kit, time, support and travel is key to participation and, as Kirk et al (1997a;
1997b) highlight, in sport generally, the cost to the family in terms of time, social and
economic outgoings can be heavy. It is not just participants who are affected by social and
economic influences; for example, Coleman (2002) highlights coaches reflect the
socioeconomic background of the participants in cricket.

It is already argued, when identifying talent (in soccer), an individuals sociological and
psychological background needs to be taken into account (Williams et al, 1999). This is also
evident within the game in Ireland, where players are still targeted from the working
classes in soccer (Bourke, 2003). Bourkes figurational analysis highlights the complexity,
pressure and power relationships of all involved, from the family to the professional club.
More than this, it suggests that within sports themselves there is a traditional/stereotypical
divide between socioeconomic status and participation. While it is simplistic to say the cost
of sports participation can be low financially, it is key to note there are both time and social
cost considerations that have to be taken into account when participating (Kirk, 1997a;
1997b).

This problem of parents, time commitments and the like, is further substantiated in studies
of youth sports clubs and volunteerism (Nichols et al, 1998), studies of positioning in club
sport (MacPhail et al, 2003a), and the effect of sports participation on family life (Kay
2000a). The time demands on families of junior sports participants also emphasises the
social consequences on their family and sibling relationships (Kirk et al, 1997a).

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These social costs and benefits were linked more directly to the emphasis on changes to
routine and structure of family life. Kirk et al (1997a) also argue that this cost and benefit
analysis (as well as time) was a significant barrier to childrens participation, which was
further compounded by the lack of single-parent families available for this sample. Rowley
and Graham (1999) support this and explain from their sample of 282 children in the UK
that the cost of participation in intensive training (time and financial) led to drop out,
particularly of working-class children and those from single-parent families. However,
interestingly, Green and Chalip (1997) also note the soccer organisation used in their study
was also a useful place for parental socialisation into their childs sport.

Further afield, the major economic and contextual factors on participation in Belgium and
Flanders (in the Netherlands) have also been examined (De Knop et al, 1999). The latter
highlights particular concerns around the privatisation of sport (increasing costs, legislation
and administration) on sports clubs. They further note that this has a knock-on effect on
the demographics and economics of participants from certain groups. Scheerder et als
(2005) longitudinal social stratification study found parents participation and support
determined their childrens involvement and concluded that social background is, therefore,
a key variable in participation. They also noted club-and-school organised activities, as well
as gender being key variables. Similar concerns about sport in the UK have also been raised
(Nichols et al, 1998).Geographically and economically, Ct et al (2006) studied the notion
of an athletes birthplace being a factor. They noted there was a significant over-
representation of elite athletes within North Americas National Hockey League, National
Basketball Association, Major League Baseball and the United States Professional Golfers
Association, who were born in small cities (ie with a population less than 500,000). This
suggests the opportunity, economic capacity and facilities for sports participation,
development and performance are based upon a number of socioeconomic and geographical
factors. The implications of such a study are important in any participant development
model as place of birth has significant influence upon the opportunities available for
participation (De Knop et al, 1999 and Bale, 2003). More recently, many sports in the UK
(eg cricket) have been focusing upon inner-city areas and areas with traditionally poor
participation rates to try to identify talent. On a wider scale, the interest professional soccer
clubs now have in Asia and Africa, again highlights this potential, although these may also
be for fundamentally economic reasons.

It is very difficult to separate family and socioeconomic status within the research evidence.
In short, the evidence presented here suggests that those from higher socioeconomic status
backgrounds will have greater opportunity and support to play and continue participation in
sport throughout their lives. This complex issue (which links to the other domains within
this review) additionally requires further detailed examination, but highlights the need for
interactive interventions when developing appropriate participant development models. For
example, the Chance to Shine project (run by the Cricket Foundation) focuses directly on
cricket in inner-city areas and state schools. Such a focus on developing interest within
marginalised groups is important in any holistic model development. This is a serious
consideration for those involved in developing participant development models and requires
careful and appropriate analysis on general and sport specific levels.

Schooling/Education

Within a UK-educational framework there is a wealth of research that identifies the
importance of the educational sector upon sports participation (cf Bailey and Dismore,
2004). In addition, the type of school attended (socioeconomic status), the geographical
location (access to facilities and size of community) and educational attainment levels all
impact on participation (Ct et al, 2006). There are a number of areas within
schooling/education that deserve noting: it is the main societal institution for promoting
sport and physical activity (Sallis et al, 1997); it can act as way of identifying and
promoting participation and talent development (Bailey and Morley, 2006); and it provides

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a social arena for young people to interact with peers in an environment where sports
participation is often seen as central to individual development (Bailey and Dismore, 2004).

Within the dimension of peer influence in sport, school experience is central. Weiss et al
(1996) conducted an inductive study on sports participation among groups of friends that
identified 16 friendship dimensions (12 positive and four negative). They noted these reflect
other work on friendship done in school situations and highlight the importance of peer
domains on sport. They also noted there were few gender differences identified and that
each gender had similar expectations of each other. This highlights the dynamic and unique
relationships held within sports organisations and the way these are experienced by young
people. Gold (1999) explains this further with the notion of a circle of friends in which
young people (particularly, in Golds work on disabled youngsters) are provided with leisure
and social support from their peers.

Relative age can also affect peer group members and their sporting success. Ct et al,
2007 note the greater ones relative age in a peer group, the more likely a player is to
achieve success. The mechanism seems to be that children who are physically and
biologically mature in relation to their peers will generally perform relatively well and,
consequently,will be offered more chance to improve their skills. The relative age effect is
closely linked to the educational system of each particular country and the start date for
their school years: children born in the first term of the academic year (September to
December in the UK) will end up being between nine and 12 months older than schoolmates
born in the last term (June to August). Research into relative age effect in sport identifies
the over-representation of those born earlier in the selection period (Musch and
Grondin, 2001).

Geographical location has also been identified as a key indicator of cultural practice and,
therefore, sporting practice/access (Bale, 2003; Wright et al, 2003). Those who live in an
area with appropriate educational and sporting opportunities are relatively advantaged
compared to those who do not (Ct et al 2006). Therefore, within the UK, differential
opportunity and competition needs to be taken into account. In short, living and/or being
educated in an area that offers great opportunities for participation and competition in sport
provides a distinct advantage.

Whereas educational policy is a key driver to participation development (Houlihan and
White, 2002), the issues surrounding opportunity and types of schooling are varied. As a
general discussion of these issues, there are clearly concerns surrounding educational policy
and opportunity within physical education in the state education system, against that of the
independent/private school system (Roberts, 1996). At that time, those children in the
state secondary system experienced approximately two hours of physical education per
week on average, whereas those in the independent/private school systems experienced
around four to six hours (often increased with the provision of after-school activities). In
addition, the amount of actual sports coaching that goes on in independent schools is
significantly higher (as is the level of organised interschool competition). This, in turn, is a
reflection of research into socioeconomic status and income (which often provides greater
opportunity for the independent sector compared with state schools). Indeed, the
traditional (and hegemonic) usage of competitive sport in independent schools for keeping
children occupied, consequently, offers a (normally) positive and supportive esteem
provider within a closed society. This is relevant as this esteem value of competitive
involvement in state schools may be lower and solely dependent on familial pressures or a
favourite teacher. This link between social class, educational attainment and sports
participation has already been well established within the empirical literature (Hasbrook,
1986; Kay, 2003). Within an educational setting there are data that suggest those who play
sport for a school can enhance their identification with it (Marsh, 1993) and these young
people tend to be from the higher educational bandings/streams. It must be noted,
however, that even within the elite development system of sport there is an anti-education
culture. An example of this is the case of soccer, where not only is there a perception it is

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for the academic low achievers (Bourke, 2003), but even within the academy level of the
sport, there has been a significant polarised culture towards soccer and education and work
(Parker, 2000).

Another issue is around educational ages and participation. While it is know there is a drop
off in participation when students leave compulsory education (Green et al, 2005), there is
currently little evidence on the wider transitions. However, Toms et al (2009) have begun to
explore the patterns and levels of participation of athletes in the UK (N=1047) during their
schooling and have identified key moments when both participation and training increases
(the period of transition from primary to secondary school), as well as decreases (post-
GCSE level and upon entering university) across club level sport. The transition periods
between primary/middle schooling and school/college to university are central periods to
the process of participation development and it has been suggested by Toms et al (2009)
that these educationally related ages (more than the physiological windows of opportunity)
are the most appropriate. Indeed, on linking this to the work of Bailey and Morley (2006)
who call for a review of existing policy and practice away from club sport and back towards
physical education as a vehicle for participation development, it seems a wider appreciation
of the transition periods needs to be progressed.

The other key sources of socialisation revolve around the school, childrens peers and sports
clubs (Hendry et al, 1996). It is this key link to sports clubs and their importance in this
process in both the socialisation and sports socialisation process to which the data now
points. Socioeconomics of the family affect participation until later adolescence, when it is
the young persons own socioeconomic background that has an effect. UK government
documents (eg Sport Raising the Game) and strategies (eg PESSCL) highlight the
importance of linking school sport to club sport in a developmental manner. Kirk (2005)
notes physical education and PESSCL need a clearer structure and approach in order to
improve participation. He points out that class, gender and disability are all barriers to
participation and involvement in club level sport. Indeed, it could further be argued parental
influence has an effect upon this as well.

So, it is clear that education and schooling have a significant impact upon the availability
and opportunity for participation in sport. The research highlights there is a significant bias
towards those who are educated in the independent/private sector, which, in turn, is linked
to socioeconomic status and family background. A significant issue for any participant
development model is a greater understanding of the transition ages and the opportunities
available at those significant times in a young persons development. In addition, a greater
and more coherent link between educational policy (eg PESSCL) and physical education
participant development is required.

Participation and Performance

This section is split into two key topics: participation (or more generically, grass-roots
sport) and performance. However, it is not easy to define the two within research evidence
from a socio-cultural perspective. There is also an apparent dearth in research on adult
participation and performance from a social perspective.

There is evidence to suggest young peoples experience of participation in sport is not
necessarily positive and can be emotionally painful (Brettschneider, 1999). Others (eg
Morton and Docherty, 1980) have noted how, for some children, the promises of youth
sport may never be fulfilled. Bizzini (1999) points out how modern society takes away the
possibility of an autonomous experience of sport because a childs first experience (away
from school) comes from a framework of organised club activity. This is further highlighted
in the UK through Sport England, who claim that almost half (46%) of the population aged
916 years have been a member of a sports club (Sport England, 2000). In the UK, this is
seen in a very positive manner, but Bizzini (1999) warns this may come at some cost and
claims that 10% of organised sporting activities are unacceptable, exploit children and

85

threaten their health (Bizzini, 1999; p.28). This notion of club is also important since in
the UK clubs tend to be single sport with typically less than 50 members, compared to
much larger multi-sport clubs from Europe (Nichols et al, 1998). Since this is relational to
the notion of volunteers and participation, it is also linked to the idea of quality and
experience. As Nichols et al (1998, p. 45) argue, clubs are now faced by the increasing
demands of members for a service comparable with the private sector.

Elling et al (2001a) follow on the work of De Knop et al (1998) with regard to club sport
and highlight the theoretical notion that in Western society the functionalist nature of sports
clubs is on a micro level to offer sport at a number of levels and on a macro level to
integrate society. The idea and notion of a club and how it functions lacks any interpretive
clarity; although Middleton (1986) provides an interesting ethnographic account (from a
feminist perspective) of a sports club from a village perspective and Sugden (1987) offers
an in-depth analysis of a boxing club subculture. Middletons perspective sheds light on the
inner workings and male dominance of a cricket and hockey club; the hierarchy, history
and, ultimately, dominance over village life. This suggests that club sport in the UK also
holds a key role within local and regional areas, and it is clear, in some places, there is a
strong social bond between the club and the area in which it is based (Kirk and MacPhail,
2003; Toms, 2005). This indicates the importance of the social and geographical make-up
of the club within a particular town or village; they are socially dependent upon each other
and the players/members involved (Toms, 2005).

On a more pragmatic note, the amateur and traditional way that club sport is arranged and
coordinated (De Knop et al, 1998) has recently come under close scrutiny with political
documents like Sport Raising the Game (Department for National Heritage, 1995) and A
Sporting Future for All (Department for Culture Media and Sport, 2000) pointing to the
importance of club sport in the development of young performers. What is important to
note is that with such diverse organisations there is no set or correct way for them to offer
youth sport, hence they are producing different (and, arguably, often haphazard)
experiences. What is apparent is sports clubs do not always provide a positive reinforcing
experience for young people in sport (De Knop et al, 1995; MacPhail and Kirk, 2006) and
they may produce negative consequences such as injury, stress and social problems among
others (FIMS/WHO, 1998).

More importantly, there is little empirical evidence of the role the sports-club experience
has on these young people and how this can affect their participation and commitment in
both the long and short term. However, studies into physical education and sports
commitment have been conducted at high-school level by Carpenter and Scanlan (1998),
who found commitment was directly related to involvement opportunity. At the same time,
sport psychological research into involvement and commitment has also taken place
(Iwasaki and Havitz, 1998), but there is little data on commitment from a sociological
perspective. Carpenter and Coleman (1998) have approached elite youth cricket (917-
year-olds) from this theoretical commitment perspective and identified that youth athletes
join programmes for the opportunities they perceive to exist and leave when these
opportunities do not present themselves or are available elsewhere (p. 206). However,
they importantly acknowledge care needs to be exercised when examining motivational
outcomes and extrinsic motivation. Their claim is that commitment reflects persistence in
an activity and accounts for the situations where individuals either want to, or have to,
continue their involvement. However, the issue of commitment dynamics is not suitably
addressed and what the study does not give is any qualitative empirical data to explain why
these changes occurred and to what these changes may be attributed. Neither does it
explain in any detail whether these changes were identified as either positive or negative,
nor why these changes should occur at an elite level. It can be surmised that at a grass-
roots level even these (albeit unknown factors) may be further exacerbated.


86

Although in sociology there is limited research on expectations generally, the work that has
been conducted tends to focus upon medium- and long-term lifestyles and material
aspirations (Eskilson and Glenn-Wiley, 1999) rather than on medium- (and short-) term
sporting social experiences. Grob et al (1995) have examined perceived control and
expectations of adolescents in a longitudinal study of their personal, social and societal
domains. They concluded that expectations and appraisal of activities were central to the
adolescents perceived control of their lives and particular social situations, and that these
were inextricably linked. Lin-Yang et al (1996) also argue little is known about parental
expectations and further work is needed to identify how these expectations affect sports
participation.

Vanreusel et al (1997) highlight the issues around the continuation of sports participation
from youth to adulthood and how this differs according to the type of youth sport career.
They noted that the style of involvement (recreational or competitive) affects later
involvement in sport, with competitive athletes maintaining participation longer than
recreational athletes. Further, McGee et al (2006) note that participation in clubs and
groups, influenced by parents (as well as friends and the school/work place), leads to a
strengthening of relationships by taking part in sporting activity. These relationships further
extend to religion, with Carpenter (2001) reporting sport as a valuable tool to promote
social interaction (in his case the church). Moving away from sport, Nichols and King (1999)
have noted that drop-out rates in the Girlguiding movement, between the ages of 915
years, are a problem. Concerns are raised over problems of how to recruit more volunteers,
which echo the current issue with sports clubs.

The effect of youth sport programmes on participation and performance has also been
explored and concerns raised about psychosocial development and the positive and
negative effects of sports on young people. Petitpas et al (2005) discovered value
acquisition and positive development occur when the context is appropriate for
self-discovery, and internal assets exist when positive external assets and ongoing
evaluation are around them.

Adult participation in sport at any level suffers from a dearth of empirical data. While there
are numerous national surveys that indicate rough participation levels (such as the General
Household Survey), much focused sports participation research is reliant upon the likes of
Sport England. Data that does exist tends to be based more around health and medicine
(Stamatakis and Chaudhury, 2008) than gaining an understanding of participation or
development. The empirical data that exists suggests a change from active participation
towards leisure involvement as people age (Brown and Frankel, 1993), and that older
people become more passive consumers of sport. In addition, there appears to be a change
of role, and it is the adults involvement in their childrens sports participation that begins to
take centre stage (Kay, 2000a; Lally and Kerr, 2008).

Overall, the issues surrounding participation and performance are highly complex and
interwoven and the performance (excellence) and participation stages are continuum
distinct. There are important issues that need to be further understood, which are linked
directly to the socioeconomic, family and educational background of the individuals
involved. In addition, there are clear inferences that geographical location, availability of
facilities and specific sports will be influential in allowing participation development.

Gender and Ethnicity

While gender has been briefly discussed earlier in this section, there is little doubt both
gender and ethnicity are vitally important in the participation process (a fact not missed in
the research noted in this area). However, underlying these are the key factors of: (a)
family; and (b) socioeconomic status. It must also be noted here that much of this research
is upon young people and there is little (apart from national surveys and the work of

87

Brackenridge, 2007) that investigates the older age groups. Although this section is briefer
than previous ones, it does highlight the complex interrelationship between gender and
ethnicity (with the factors highlighted above) needs further examination in the
participation-development context. However, in addition, it proposes further exploration of
the works of Brackenridge (2007) on gender and Long et al (2009) on ethnicity, would be
an important starting point for further research.

The reviews of girls and women in sport for sportscotland (cf Biddle et al, 2005 and
Brackenridge, 2007) and Sport England (cf Cox, Coleman and Roker, 2006) are important
in understanding the complex issues associated with participation. Indeed, each study
highlights the key research around barriers and issues, and the approach by Brackenridge
(2007) further explains the complexity of the area through the use of themes (eg women
and age, family, participation etc). This, again, is important as there are important
interpersonal areas to consider within the social domain and participant-development
strategies need to reflect this complexity. The research base on gender and sport (Bailey et
al, 2004) is fairly extensive and it is apparent that gender itself is a major predictor for
sports participation (Garton and Pratt, 1991). Coakley and White (1992) have previously
highlighted that gender is a key tenet of participation. In a more recent study on adolescent
physical activity behaviour in New Zealand, gender differences were found (boys played
sport more than girls) and it was noted that the existing gender stereotypes within gender
appropriate sports were perpetuated (Dovey et al, 1998). There are also gender differences
around the use of sport in young peoples lives. For example, Frydenberg and Lewis (1993)
identified that when coping with stress and change, young males tend to turn towards sport
as a means of escape while their female counterparts turn to their friends and peers.

It is not just gender that is key here, but also expected social roles. Willming and Gibsons
(2000) feminist empirical work on family life in the late 1990s highlights some of the key
issues for women in leisure. Not only does it acknowledge many women suffer from role
overload through their diverse maternal, domestic and employment responsibilities, but
also how the traditional patriarchal family unit affects womens leisure. A conflict of gender
roles appears and leisure time often suffers. However, although Willming and Gibson (2000)
do not define what they mean by leisure, it is clear that they do not mean organised sport.
They highlight that women are more likely to become involved in leisure through
the family than men. They also suggest this involvement occurs most when a child
reaches middle-school age, and is more likely reflected through a mothers involvement in
taking her children to a class or club, or playing with them directly.

The issue of gender roles (and also ethnicity/culture) are highlighted in more recent
research (Long et al, 2009) and it is clear these are inextricably linked with family and class
as well. Indeed, there is a plethora of research on these topic areas generally; although,
little on participant development. More widely, it is clear the issues are complex and
interrelated. Take, for example, the US study that identified Latina softball players who
spent time negotiating existing academic attitudes and Latin American family structures in
order to access and compete within the college system (Jamieson, 2005). While the likes of
Carrington and MacDonald (2001) and Cashmore (2005) have detailed a number of the key
issues surrounding participation of ethnic groups within sport, there are, clearly, other
issues that impact upon this, such as socioeconomics, family background and educational
opportunity. Both Sterkenberg and Koppers (2007) and Van DeVenter (2000) highlight the
problems associated with participation that are linked to education and socioeconomic
status. Within the work that has been conducted are issues surrounding stereotyping, role
models and the media as areas in which many people encounter and reflect participation
patterns (Sterkenberg and Knoppers, 2007).

The most comprehensive work on the area of ethnicity and participation is the recent
review by Long et al (2009) for Sporting Equals. This highlights the significant amount of
research that has been conducted on issues of ethnicity and physical activity in the UK in
recent years. Their literature review highlights the need for further research into the

88

diversity of participation within ethnic communities of differing cultural and religious
backgrounds. In addition, they note the importance of understanding the particular social
needs of participants within policy and practice in coaching and sports development. This is
a key theme to be aware of within this aspect of the review, highlighting the particular
complexity of issues even within a single domain.

There are clear issues linked to gender and ethnicity in participation at all levels and there
appears to be an unequal opportunity for females and/or those from ethnic minority groups
to access, participate and achieve in sport. In the evolution of any sports participation
development model, it is clear additional consideration needs to be made for these areas.

Summary

This section of the review has attempted to provide an empirically based analysis of the
social effect on participation. Although there is a bias (due to the general focus of existing
research) on young people, there is clear evidence throughout of the importance of the
family (and, in particular, parents) in the support and development of participation.
However, at the same time there is also evidence that this support can have a significant
negative effect if it is not well managed, which can lead to drop out.

The role of social factors in participation (as both reasons that underpin involvement as well
as causing attrition) are complex, dynamic and multi-faceted. Clearly, there is more
opportunity for involvement if an individual comes from a certain type of background (eg
middle-class, well-educated, two-parent family, with a reasonable level of income). Indeed,
within this is growing evidence that schooling is important and participation decisions in
sport, taken at certain ages, reflect educational transitions (cf Toms et al, 2009) as well as
the type of school attended (Bailey and Dismore, 2004). However, there are other factors
impacting upon this (eg peer groups, cultural, religious and ethnic background), which are
all important elements to both review and understand as part of participant development.

The findings reviewed in this section raise serious issues about the lack of appreciation of
the social domain within most existing models of participant development. There are,
clearly, elements that require closer scrutiny and analysis to ensure they are taken into
account with any model/pathway of participation. Aligned with the other domains within this
review many of these issues are inextricably linked (within and across domains), thus, the
development of a clear model/pathway requires significant thought and development. Such
a model/pathway may need to be sport specific, or could, indeed, be region, area or target
group specific. For example, a policy for the development of participation of children from
single-parent families (which made up approximately 24% of families in 2002; Kay, 2003)
is clearly an important aspect in general sports development policy. The use of focused and
sport-specific strategies needs further encouragement and thought within generic sports
policy as well as within the development plans for governing bodies for sport.

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S
ection Seven: Summary of Findings and Ways Forward

Through the commissioning of this review and associated working party initiatives, sports
coach UK has recognised the need for a participant-orientated approach to coaching.
Indeed, the UK Coaching Framework aims to promote a holistic view of the child, athlete
and player. At its best a participant development model must be holistic, but must offer
more than that. It should also address the complexity of interactions between different
domains of functioning and offer clear practical guidelines and directions for further
investigation and development, while providing an empirical and theoretical justification for
these statements. Unfortunately, the current state of research in this crucial area does not
provide a sufficiently comprehensive understanding of the key interactions between
domains, nor provide a sufficiently firm base for future progress and application. Against
this backdrop, we suggest our review of the scientific literature can act as a starting point
for further exploration.

There is little doubt the emergence of participant models, like LTAD and DMSP, have
brought significant advances in the understanding of sports participation. Much the same
could be said for the progression of the UK Coaching Framework. Each has sought to move
beyond the informal, ad hoc approaches that have characterised sports development in the
past and offered an excellent basis for debate and evolution. This Academic Review moves
the debate further by gathering, analysing and summarising relevant scientific literature,
together with some summary recommendations to stimulate this ongoing debate.

This review is designed to be academically rigorous, with arguments supported sufficiently
to provide clarity in the evaluation of existing initiatives and ideas. However, given the
applied significance of the topic and the aims of sports coach UK itself, it must also provide
some practical implications and directions for consideration and, where appropriate,
implementation. Accordingly, and by way of summary, we conclude the review process by
briefly addressing three questions that seem to be central to the continued evolution of
sports coach UKs approach to participant development:

What do we know?
Which claims are warranted by the available evidence?
Which findings ought to inform further planning?

What do we think we know (but dont necessarily)?
Which claims ought to be treated with care?
Which proposals seem to go beyond the data?
Which presumptions require a cautious evaluation, or even, re-evaluation?

What do we need to know?
Which areas require further research?
Which specific topics ought to inform sports coach UKs and related groups future
research agenda?

These summary statements are provided as a general overview. Each of the three domains
examined should follow clearly from the evaluations made and evidence presented within
the body of each section.

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Table 7.1: Summary of Generic Findings

Table 7.2: Summary of the Biological Domain

Biological Domain
What do
we know?
Throughout infancy to adulthood there is a non-linear
development of the human organism; with anatomical,
neurological, muscular and hormonal structural changes.
The variance in the rate of physical structural change of the
human organism will affect the rates of fitness component
development for an individual.
Consequently, this will affect an individuals rate of improvement
and/or timing of peak performance in sport, exercise and
physical activity.
Athletic performance development is also affected by the size
of training stimulus and there is an optimal load to bring
maximal change.
The integration of these variables will affect an individuals
position on the Three Worlds Continuum.

Generic

What do
we know?
Physical talent or anthropometric qualities alone are unlikely to lead
to successful participation in sport or physical activity for either
excellence in the form of high-level sporting performance or
excellence in the form of participation and personal performance.
Instead, prolonged engagement in sport and physical activity is
underpinned by an array of factors (social, physical, technical
and psychological).
Fundamental movement skills are a prerequisite since they
underpin the actual and perceived competence, which acts as a
foundation for lifelong physical activity participation and the
achievement of excellence.

What do we think
we know
(but dont
necessarily)?
Potential for future performance can be identified based on
physical, performance or anthropometric measurements.
Early specialisation is a necessary condition to achieve excellence at
high levels of sport performance.
If windows of opportunity during development are missed, an
individual will never regain those potential gains and realise his or
her optimal or genetic potential.

What do we need
to know?
Whether the participant development pathways available in sport
cater for the needs of all participants, particularly those not on a
pathway towards high-level sporting achievement.
How participation models in sport can equip participants with the
necessary skills to make non-linear transitions (eg from a
high-performance pathway to a recreational pathway; returners)
at different points during development.


91
What do we
think we know
(but dont
necessarily)?
Hormonal development is the underlying factor that will control
athletic performance progression.
Applying a training stimulus during the accelerated maturational-
related growth periods produces a greater athletic performance
gain that cannot be obtained through equal training load at other
times in the developmental pathway.
Practitioners that utilise concepts of long-term athletic planning
models are aiding an individuals athletic progression and are
helping to reduce injury risk.
Subsequently, such applied practice will contribute to an
individual moving towards ERE from PRE on the
Three Worlds Continuum.

What do we
need to know?
More conclusive evidence to identify the actual accelerated and
decelerated periods of athletic fitness components, using
controlled longitudinal investigations, in addition to showing the
factors that can affect changes.
Greater transparency, with supportive objective data, of the
effect size and wider impact of specific physical training
programmes to facilitate fitness component developments during
infancy to adulthood.
If a maturational-related training response operates as a
window, or if it is purely an accelerated change period.
Related to this, greater evidence to identify if exercise training
outside of an accelerated growth period carries less worth than
training within it.
The importance of using a generalised exercise/physical activity-
related training programmes in comparison to
sport-specific tasks in line with the proposed accelerated
development periods.
The effect of genetic inheritance upon the maturational changes
observed in athletic performance, using sports participation,
exercise training and physical activity as an enzymatic tool.
Whether appropriate training prescription enhances athletic
end-performance or merely allows an individual to achieve
optimal performance capacity faster.
Applied stakeholder information for the long-term impacts of
various training regiments upon subsequent achievement,
performance and behaviour (Three Worlds Continuum).

Table 7.3: Summary of the Psychological Domain

Psychological Domain
What do
we know?
The development of a range of psychobehavioural skills and
characteristics enables an individual to realise their potential and
make unrestricted participation choices across the lifespan, as well
as facilitating movement across the Three Worlds Continuum.
Motor competence (both actual and perceived) is an essential
precursor to effective exploitation/application of the Three
Worlds Continuum.
Psychobehavioural characteristics (AKA metacognitive skills) play a
particular role in countering pressures to drop out of sport and
physical activity, most notably at the crucial adolescent stage.


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Table 7.4: Summary of the Social Domain

Social Domain
What do we know? Socioeconomic background and family influence participation
(and support networks) within youth sport. Middle- and
upper-class individuals from a two-parent family have more
opportunity and resources to support their participation at
all levels.
The opportunity to access and become involved in sports
participation as a child is a major influence on continued
participation during adulthood.
The interrelated issues around gender, ethnicity, schooling and
also geographical location can directly influence participation.
Accepting that social issues are not necessarily in the control of
the individual automatically highlights that their impact upon will
be non-linear.

What do we think
we know (but dont
necessarily)?
The educational background of a young person directly relates to
their sporting success.
There are socially critical moments and episodes that can affect
lifelong participation.
Social factors are correlational rather than causal factors
in participation.

What do we need to
know?
Whether physical education policy and practice (both currently
and as it could be evolved) is effective in maintaining
participation development.
The transition stages within education and their effect upon
participant development.
The real world process through which people sample, specialise
and invest in sport within the context of UK culture.
The reasons behind participation/drop out decisions and the
critical moments and episodes that can be influenced.
How sports clubs and/or coaching work as a means of
maintaining and increasing participation in sport.

What do we think
we know
(but dont
necessarily)?
Participants move logically and linearly through
development pathways.
There are distinct developmental pathways for performance and
participation (the dual pathway approach) that mean distinct and
separate initiatives, agencies and research approaches are required
to promote them.
Fun is primarily associated with immediate success in young
participants; delayed gratification is not a common trait.

What do we need
to know?
How sport and physical activity participation models can
systematically develop those factors (psychomotor and
psychobehavioural) that underpin prolonged engagement in sport
and physical activity.
What blend of psychobehavioural characteristics is needed to
avoid drop out at particular transitions during development and for
specific populations.
In the specific case of adult participation, the ways in which early
experiences and/or psychobehavioural characteristics may
influence uptake, return to, or maintenance of, exercise habits.
How the context and characteristics of the individual influence the
deployment of psychobehavioural characteristics.


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Models for Further Progress: Design Parameters and Considerations

Traditional models have tended to portray participant development as a relatively simple
affair, in which participants entry and engagement in sport/physical activity are almost
exclusively determined by their interests, while their success is the result of their ability and
effort. Clearly, such factors are of vital importance, but so too are a host of mediating
elements, such as developmental maturation, the provision of skills within an effective
development environment, socialisation and, ultimately, luck. Reflecting the traditional
standpoint, and for the purpose of clarity, we have presented our analysis in terms of
domain-specific research as a way of drawing out the main findings from the academic
literature. Crucially, though, we do not believe that participant development can adequately
be understood in such narrow, disciplinary terms. On the contrary, we suggest that any
complex system, such as the interactionist nature of human behaviour, benefits from the
enhanced vision provided by multiple lenses. On the basis of these contentions, we suggest
future considerations in this (and, indeed, many other) aspects of human behaviour be truly
interdisciplinary in nature.

Consider, by way of example, the phenomena of smoking uptake and cessation. This is a
subject that has garnered a considerable amount of empirical research (cf Zhu et al, 1999)
and evidence suggests uptake and cessation are influenced by a wide range of factors, as
summarised in Figure 7.1 (below). Indeed, research suggests such health-related
behaviours are best understood with reference to social, psychological and biological factors
(Sarafino, 2001).

Figure 7.1: Factors influencing smoking uptake and cessation

Our contention is that participant development in sport is inherently more complex and
multidimensional than smoking, which is somewhat binary in nature. Accordingly, there is a
need for an acknowledgement of the diversity of influences on engagement in any models
that purport to accurately represent or inform the process. One way of conceptualising its
multifaceted, multi-factorial nature is represented in Figure 7.2 (overleaf).


94

Figure 7.2: The biopsychosocial nature of participant development in sport

Our artistic ability notwithstanding, the main message is that while the different factors
impacting on engagement can be profitably analysed as discrete elements that offer value,
they should not be used solely and in isolation as the basis of policy and recommendations.
This warning is especially noteworthy in light of the fact the two most influential models of
development (LTAD and DMSP) are explicitly based on relatively narrow disciplinary
perspectives (physiology and developmental psychology, respectively
12
). A biopsychosocial
perspective undermines simple equations of participant development with biological
maturation, psychological development or social factors. In fact, almost any feature of
human development understood holistically is far too idiosyncratic to be reduced in this
mono-disciplinary fashion.

We wonder whether some of the well-known stage models of youth sport, in which young
players are claimed to progress through discrete developmental phases that related directly
to their maturational readiness, are mediated by rather more mundane factors like
transitions within schooling systems and the differential access to specialist teaching and
facilities. In similar fashion, the widely acknowledged and often considered drop out from
physical activity by young women is hardly explained by a unidisciplinary approach. It is
neither due to hormonal change, nor peer pressure, nor social expectation, but rather a
subtle and probably individual-specific interplay between these and other factors drawn
from all three domains. Extending this argument to its logical application, it is unlikely that
a fitness-indexed activity programme, a self-concept-boosting initiative, or a group vote for
content physical education programme is likely to generate a significant impact in isolation.
Notably, all three have been tried in recent years. Rather, effective models and effective
interventions are almost of necessity, required to address all three components and their
interaction. In short, the biopsychosocial approach offers an effective basis for modelling
and manipulating this crucial, but complex, facet of human behaviour.

12.
We are not suggesting, of course, that either of these models set out to provide a comprehensive
account of participant development. However, we do argue that this is the way they have been
interpreted by some initiative funders and national sports groups.

95

The applied aim for any model in this context is to explain, predict and enable the
modification of human behaviour. Unfortunately, the ability of models like LTAD and DMSP
to account for the patterns of participation in different national contexts is equivocal. For
example, Cts description of young peoples socialisation into sport (Ct and Hay,
2002b) has received support from MacPhail and Kirks (2006) study of an athletics club in
England. Notably, both these examinations came from a unidisciplinary approach. However,
both Cts model and Balyis much more detailed and prescriptive-phased account (2001a;
2002), have been thrown into doubt by Toms (2005) study of young cricketers
socialisation into their sport. In keeping with our interdisciplinary proposals and the
evidence presented in this review, Toms found involvement in their sports club was
contingent on positive, socially mediated episodes, psychological support and motivation, as
well as physical ability and that the actual, real-world experiences of young people did not
follow a linear trajectory (see Figure 7.3, below). Similar findings of non-linearity and a
complex interaction of influences are increasingly common in investigations of related topics
(Ollis, Collins and MacPherson, 2006).

Figure 7.3: A thematic conceptual model of the development of experiences of
young cricketers aged under 13 years (Toms, 2005, p. 113)

None of this is intended to argue against the need for models of participant development.
On the contrary, we reiterate our conviction that models like LTAD and DMSP have proved
to be extremely valuable in promoting a developmental, evidence-based perspective in
sport. Their weakness is not in terms of their content, but rather in their scope and
application. Models are intended to represent meaningful conjectures about the varied
factors that impact upon a particular phenomenon or situation, their possible
interrelationships or causal sequence. Their value lies in the extent to which they can be
critically evaluated to investigate their coherence, their evidential basis, their internal
consistency, or whatever happens to be of interest. As we discussed in Section Three of this
review, time and testing may see some models develop or contribute to an emerging
theory. Others will wither and die; that is the nature of science (Popper, 1934).

96

The point is it is the testing of models, not their creation, that is of greatest value. This
suggests that policy makers and practitioners ought to view all models with caution: they
are provisional and permanently so (Bailey, 2000).

From Two- to Three-Dimensional Modelling of
Participant Development

Perhaps we can represent the holistic nature of development more effectively by a
three-dimensional, rather than two-dimensional image. Consider, then, Figure 7.4 (below),
in which the three segments of a sphere represent the elements of the
biopsychosocial complex.

Figure 7.4: The biopsychosocial sphere

The virtue of an image like this is that it allows us to include a third dimension that is
integral to participant development: its different pathways of development. As we have
argued throughout this review, all human development is the result of, and is constrained
by, an interactive dynamic of biological, psychological and sociological factors. Furthermore,
as suggested by the Three Worlds Continuum (see Figure 2.1), the dynamic for any
individual must vary with age in order that physical activity participation be genuinely
lifelong. There are significant shared aspects of the different participant pathways and it is
vital this is not forgotten.

Consider the addition of the axis for age, as presented in Figure 7.4. At an early age, the
number of options available to an individual is small, even though all three elements (bio,
psycho and social) must be catered for. Accordingly, guidelines are going to be more
prescriptive and investigations comparatively simple. As the participant ages and develops
(thus, moving towards and through the equator), the number of permutations becomes
greater, as reflected by the larger area within which a particular dynamic (the combination
of bio, psycho and social factors) can be envisaged. In short, there are a large number of
options, relating to the characteristics of the participant and his or her environment,
together with the objective of the process (eg ERE, PRE or PPW). As the participant reaches
old age, the number of permutations decreases towards an almost exclusively PPW
orientation, with a comparatively small number of different options at the pole.

97

We attempt to present this diagrammatically in Figures 7.5. For each age group, exemplar
plots show alternative domain maps of investigation/intervention possibilities.

Figure 7.5: Three Worlds Exemplars: how the biopsychosocial model can
be deployed

In the bottom sphere, a young participants needs are perhaps best met through a
predominantly bio-psycho focus. The diagram in Figure 7.5, superimposed on the slice
through the sphere, shows this diagrammatically.

In the middle sphere, at later age, concerns are more varied; two exemplars are presented
from the many possible permutations. The upper option shows a predominantly

98

psycho-social focus, ideal perhaps for promoting activity uptake and adherence through the
late teens and early 20s. The lower option depicts a largely psychological focus; best
perhaps for an aspiring elite about to make the key transition to university.

The top slice represents the thrust for interventions with geriatric populations. In keeping
with research findings to date, investigation/intervention packages at this stage would focus
on predominantly social issues, with biological and psychological well-being seen as
associated, but fringe, benefits.

The main objective of all this complex artwork is to depict diagrammatically the
following checklist:

Investigations and interventions focused on this important, but complex, aspect of
human behaviour must be interdisciplinary.
In each case, however, the focus will be driven by an empirically/theoretically justified
balance between the bio-psycho-social domains.
The balance between domains will change, based on the objective (ie ERE, PRE and PPW,
together with environmental and personal characteristics) and the individual (ditto) and
within the individual as age/development progresses (ie The Three Worlds Continuum).
Mapping the domain balance for an individual as he or she progresses through age and
stage will enable an evaluation of preparedness for new challenges (eg Have the
psychosocial influences on this middle-aged man been catered for/countered by earlier
developmental stages and experiences?).
In similar fashion, drop out or non-participation may be better understood by means of a
series of intra-individual development maps, enabling a search for causative trends.
Consequently, investigations/interventions and the funding models and policies that
underpin them must be driven by a clear awareness and explicit consideration of
interdisciplinary issues.

The Venn diagrams may offer a convenient way to qualitatively summarise the thrust of
many different programmes; it is possible to envisage a quantitative and empirical
equivalent, which could be employed in the meta-analysis of approaches and their
relative impact.

Our call for interdisciplinarity is certainly not new. Over a decade ago, Burwitz, Moore and
Wilkinson (1994) pushed for the promotion of interdisciplinary research into sports
performance. At the same time, they recognised the difficulty of this approach in existing
academic environments: The academic reward structure encourages sport scientists to
publish as many articles as possible in refereed journals. This may lead some of those who
conduct multi- and/or interdisciplinary research to publish several separate mono-
disciplinary articles as opposed to one article which considers the complex interaction
between the various elements. It is not obvious that the situation has significantly
improved, at least if publication in scholarly journals is an accurate measure. As a result,
individuals and even institutions are unlikely to be able to initiate systemic change. What is
needed is, as Burwitz et al highlight, is collaboration between sport scientists, higher
education institutions, professional organisations, government agencies responsible for
research and for sport, practitioners, journal editors and conference conveners. This is no
short-term strategy, but we believe it to be necessary if sport science is going to
adequately address the real problems of sports participation and performance.

In Conclusion

This section offers the rationale underpinning our emphasis on an interdisciplinary approach
to this important facet of human behaviour. In the next and final section, we briefly explore
some recommendations that emerge from the review.


99
S
ection Eight: Recommendations

Our aim in this final section is simple: to make some recommendations for future policy,
research and practice. These recommendations emerge from a synthesis of the results of
our enquiry and discussion, and are meant to be considered alongside the other
components of this report. We hope they will provide sports coach UK (and associated
groups) with a stimulus for moving forward.

Participant development ought to remain a central feature of the coaching
framework for the UK
sports coach UK is to be commended for its recognition of the importance of participant
development for coaching. Previously, and still in some cases, participants were treated
as, essentially, separate from, and rather marginal to, the coaching process. Sports
coaching only makes sense with reference to the coach-participant nexus.
The nature of science is such that research into participant development should be
recognised as of vital importance to successful coaching. This report should be seen as
merely a point within a journey and rather than a summation of evidence.

Interdisciplinary research should become the norm, rather than the exception, in
sports coaching research
Universities remain the main centres for sport-science research and institutional
pressures continue to push scholars towards narrow, disciplinary-based research
activity. This is in contradiction to the persuasive case for the necessity of
interdisciplinary research.
sports coach UK and other leading sports agencies should act as facilitators for
interdisciplinary research; for example, through direct interaction with government,
funding agencies and charities.
sports coach UK should seek funding to establish national research institutes that draw
expertise from across the UK, with different foci related to physical activity participation,
sports performance and coaching.
Ample experience shows the limitations of closely linking institutions and trusts with
central government. Therefore, any institutional developments need to take account of
the need for financial and political independence.

Models, research and proposals should be continually and independently
evaluated
A standing review group, made up of senior coaches, coach educators and academics
should be established that is capable of offering an independent view of developments
and initiatives in sports coaching.
There are precedents for such groups (such as the National Institute for Health and
Clinical Excellence) and any group focusing on coaching should follow the principles of
basing recommendations on the best available evidence and involving all stakeholders in
a transparent and collaborative manner.
Such transparency is particularly important when private consultants may sit in
judgement on their own initiatives. Independent peer review, ideally framed against
clearly established principles of practice, is another example of ways in which nepotistic
challenges may be overcome.


100
Participant development should be based upon the concept of development of
excellence in different contexts
Excellence can form a unifying theme for all pathways.
Research into the nature of excellence in one context (such as ERE) should be explicitly
examined for lessons for others (PRE and PPW).
Many of the standard talent development practices are based on dubious assumptions
about the predictability of performance over key transitions, the stability of biological
indicators, the underestimation of psychological aspects and the almost total ignorance
of sociological and economic mediating factors. Talent development needs to be
conceived of as a long-term strategy, based on mass participation, numerous
participation pathways and good fortune.
From an ERE perspective, initiatives and driver agencies need to acknowledge and cater
for the differences between talent identification, talent development and talent transfer.
Across the Three Worlds Continuum, sports coach UK should act as the primary conduit
to educate the marketplace on the characteristics of effective coaching. Such building
the market initiatives are an important aspect of the promotion and professionalisation
of effective coaching.

The relationship between performance and participation is synergistic
Almost all policy discussions about sport force an inaccurate and unhelpful distinction
between high-performance sport (ERE) and recreational sport (PRE and PPW). Apart
from specific instances, such as funding for particular events like the Olympic Games and
Paralympic Games, this distinction is wrong-headed.
Every elite performer began their sporting career in informal settings and early
experiences seem to be determining factors of later success. Directing significant
proportions of funding from the former to the latter is likely to be a dangerous strategy
in terms of long-term and sustainable success.
In similar fashion, acceptance that our ideal aim is for lifelong physical activity
participation should be acknowledged and applied. Against this agenda, support for
tightly focused initiatives that fail to demonstrate exit strategy, sustainability and long-
term impact should be questioned, especially at a time of sparse resources.

There is a clear and present need for joined-up thinking
One of the clearest findings to emerge from this review is the need for consistently
targeted pathways, with considerable interaction and, hence, overlap and benefit
between stages.
Accordingly, sports coach UK and its partners may beneficially push for even greater
interaction and integration between education systems (pre-school, compulsory and
post-compulsory education), governing bodies of sport and government agencies at local
and national level.

Policy and practice need immediate revision and future changes should be
informed by a purpose-driven research agenda
This review offers clear indications of where present policy/practice is not underpinned,
or even contradicted, by research. By contrast, this review offers a series of statements,
which are both empirically supported and have the capacity to inform application.
The research agenda provided by this report, in tandem with other inputs, should be
used as the basis for an integrated development strategy, focused explicitly on the needs
of the field rather than the more limited research agendas of individuals or small groups.


101
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Participant Development in Sport: An Academic Review