Studies in Zoroastrian Exegesis:

d for the degree "Doctor of Philosophy"

by Dan Shapira
submitted to the Senate of the Hebrew University of

Jerusalem in 1998 /

V~JW

J I

a
CONTENTS lNTROD"CT1ON An Additional Note

CHAPTER INasks Summarized: DCnKard 8

CHAPTER I1 The Way of Zand

i
CHAPTER III Strange Zand Traditions

I Sleep and Sweat I I A r l S andMahmr

1 1 1 Man! and Zand

IV Fire

CHAPTER IV Mythoiogization of History and Political Use of Zand

SUMMARY

ABBREVIATIONS

BIBLIOGRAPHY

This work is a collection of studies dealing with some aspects of the Zsnd literature, the
traditional Middle Persian, or Pahlavi, exegesis/translation of the sacred Avesta of the Zoroastrians. Here are edited considerable parts of the Zoroastrian Middle Persian D e n k a r d (Dk) 8-9 and other Middle Persian texts that are translations or paraphrases of Avestan originals, mostly from the Pahlavi GSeS. Some of these texts were edited previously, as separate passages, by modern scholars, but the bulk of the material found in this work appears in transliteration for the first time, while some of it is translated here for the first time. These texts are crucial for understanding Late Sasanian Zoroastrianism, as i t was the Middle Persian version of the Avestan Canon that t h i s religion was based on. "All founded religions base themselves on large bodies of canonized texts" (Assmann 1992, 144) and Zoroastrianism is no exception. Some remarks should be made about the problematics involved in the present work. The scholar of Zand encounters tremendous problems. He is supposed t o study the exegesis, but exegesis of what? Even now, after more than a century of successful research, the Avestan texts remain still rather obscure to Avestan scholars themselves; one of the schools tends t o read Avestan texts through the extant Pahlavi Zand, giving thus more credit t o the Tradition, while another school tends t o stress the Indo-European, and, especially, the indie context Different scholars disagree on numerous crucial points of the Avestan, especially, Gathic, texts, and one who studies the work of the Pahlavi translators of Avestan needs first to establish his/her personal view of the Avestan texts in question1. Thus the work becomes a study in Avestan. not only in Pahlavi. Taking a stand regarding the Avestan texts is thus projected directly on one's evaluation of Pahiavi Zancfe of these Avestan texts. After much hesitation, I decided t o provide not

my own English renderings of Gathii texts, with few exceptions, but rather to adopt a particular
already existing translation. I chose as my basis the translation of Humbach & Ichapria 1994, which is a slightly revised version of Humbach 1991'; there are several reasons for this

decision: my work is focused on Pahlavi translations from Avestan, not

on Avestan studies; this

translation, by and large, is just adequate; it is close t o the autochthonous tradition, i.e., the Pahlavi tradition, and the translators themselves relied t o some degree on the Pahlavi version. There is a catch, of course, as there is a danger of a circular argument, but, after all,

some

1 I feel urged to provide here some possible ~ewish parallels: it is like one feels while studying the commentary by Rash! to Job, using for the "Hebrew" of Job, e.g., Tur-Sinai 1967, or a work of the school of Dahoud; or like trying to reconstruct the, say, lost original of Job, while having a t his disposal only the Aramaic Targum of the type of [Pseudo-]Jonathan to the Pentateuch (not of the type of the actual ~ a r g u m to ~ o that b we possess). 2 Which is very different from numbach 1959.

...
ii translation must be taken as the basis. Another problem is the character of the script in which the Pahlavi 2anA appear. It is one of
the most inadequate scripts ever existing, and the Pahlavi text, especially, when one deals with

I!,

There are two main purposes for which religious texts could be used, for study and for sacral usage, the idea behind it being that the mere pronuncement of a sacred text makes the work done. in case of sacral ancient languages, the believer makes use of a vernacular version, for the First purpose, but only the original language should be used for the second purpose. As the PahlaviYasna was rarely read, having not the power of a manthra. differently from the original Avestan Yasna, its language, though sometimes brought up t o date, is remarkably conservative, as was pointed out more than once; more conservative, I would add, than the parallel Dk 9 paraphrase, while the most popular texts were constantly modernized in order to make them understood by the users, as is the case of the Khorda Avesta, the Late Sasanian Prayer Book, whose Pahlavi sometimes looks entirely like New Persian. The upgrading of the Pahlavi

translations from Avestan, could be, theoretically, read in a variety of ways. The syntax of the Pahlavi translations from Avestan is another matter of horror: the translation follows Avestan word order, word by word, similarly t o the way which was called in Biblical studies 6cm\Eiw if]

iSptxn@ Ma. But while Avman was an inflected language. Pahlavi lost cases at an eariy stage of
its development and its word order should be very rigid. In addition, the Pahlavi versions of the (Seas (and of other Avestan texts) contain numerous glosses planted in different epochs by different Zandists. Though much work was done by modem Zoroastrian editors of the ZanA in order t o single out the glosses, still, the glosses, sometimes, became so integral in the Pahlavi text that they pose additional problemsof their own3. Besides the ZanA t o theGa6Ss proper, there are three different versions of the same texts surviving in excerpts in Dk 9. These quotations frequently provide readings which should be taken into consideration while editing the Zandof the G a g a proper, not only while dealing with

Yasna was achieved by adding new glosses, not by changing the text.

The Pahlavi literature consists of three large groups of writings. I t contains, firstly. Middle Persian translations of Avestan texts intermingled with Middle Persian Zand, or commentary [including glosses]. As the Avestan texts, and the GSeas especially, are the core of

the exegesis (on this problem, cf. Chapter 11).

So, one has t o deal with several levels at the same time: what theGathlc text was supposed t o

Zoroastrianism, there is no doubt that from the earliest epoch of this religion these texts, in their oral form, were studied and explained to younger generations of Zoroastrians, a t least t o

mean by its author (Zoroaster?), how it was understood in later times by Zoroastrians (and by modern scholars), what was grasp4 by the four just mentioned (different) Pahlavi versions.

some of them, like priests.

The second group consists of original Middle Persian texts on religious subjects based directly

It was that ancient oral exegesis in Avestan, gradually replaced by other Iranian languages, that

or indirectly

on the first group. The B u n d a h l 5 n (Ed) might be regarded as representative for

the Middle Persian version of the 6563s represents.

mu$, although its language was exposed to

this group8.

continuous updating4, thus being sometimes rather late while compared t o other Zoroastrian Middle Persian texts, the Pahlavi GSBS must keepsometraces of exegesisgoingback to an epoch when some sort of Avestan was still spoken5. Asacred text is not comolete without an additional interpretation6, this is especially true for the historical Zoroastrianism, firstly, because the Revelation given t o Zoroaster was in a highly archaic language7, implanted into a milieu that, though Iranian, still differs linguistically; secondly, because the Religion of the Lord Wisdom, Ahura Mazes-, emphasized conscious comprehension of religious duty. 3 I will deal with the problem of such integrated glosses elsewhere. 4 The Middle Persian versions of the Avesta were changed in time, cf. Skj~erva 1998, similarly t o the way the Jewish Aramaic Targum were constantly updated. 5 The fact that the Avesta was transmitted mostly orally facilitated the preservation of understanding i f these texts as it was current about Zoroaster's own times. 6 Wansbroqh 1977, loo, 148-170. 7 Zoroaster's GSOas belong t o the most obscure religious texts. The third group consists of miscellaneous texts not necessarily connected with religion9, although the term seculardoes not fully apply t o it. It was this third group that has supplied the greatest bulk of sources thatwere translated into Arabic.

8 From the Cinrdad and Dsmdad Masks, cf. Dannesteter 1893. 111. xivff. 9 West 1904b. 81.

"
The Sasanian canon1 is extant now in several different, and sometimes parallel "redactions", t o use West's expression. VendidadSade, being the first type of presentation of the Avestan
corpus. contains Vendidad proper, Vispered andYasna. ail three combined and interwoven. The

As the bulk of the Sasanian Avesta in its original tongue was lost, i t is almost by chance that Afreni DahmSn, or Aogemadaeca, together with ErbedestSn and NerangestSn, provide us with

some other unidentified Avestan quotations1 in Middle Persian texts. It must be supposed that
these texts a ~ another e type of an Avestan-Middle Persian corpus being a shorter redaction from the a m o

purpose of this collection is t o be used in liturgy1 It is worth noting the prominence attributed t o Vendidad, the only surviving Nask composed by Zoroastrianized Median Magi, a text including mostly pre-Zoroastrian and perhaps pre-Iranian material. As we possess both the Avestan original and the Middle Persian version, some estimate of the size of the lost parts of the Avesta, for which we still have their Middle Persian Zands might be made, projecting from Vendidad's volume.

m as a n d - ~ v e s t a and XA. As already said, the texts that survived in Avestan are

mostly those used on a daily basis by priests. The Gseas, Vendidad, and, with some reservations,
ErbedestanandNerangestanareamngsuchtexts.

-a Duchesne-Guiltemin 1962, 31,

suggested that we Wsess only about a quarter of

the Sasanian Avesta, since only about one-fourthof the Avestan quotations traced in the Pahlavi

Late Sasanian and Post-Sasanian Zoroastrianism, as we know it from the Middle Persian 9th century books, far from being monolythic in itself, represented only one variant of beliefs current in Iran in those epochs. As the status of Scriptures, "the Holy Scriptures" in our sense, was very different in 1ranl4,

are found in the extant Avesta. A comparison of the Middle Persian version of Vendidad with the
summary of Vendidad in D e n k a r d 8 suggests that the Denkard's redaction was made from a Middle Persian commentary on the Pahlavi Vendidad, which was shorter than the extant Middle Persian Vendidad. The Vendidad was used for both ritual and study, as it contains laws. These are the reasons why the Avestan text has survived, and why we still possess its Pahlavi rendering. The second presentation is Zand Avesta p m p r arranged for study purposes. This redaction contains a Middle Persian translation, and the Avestan texts are arranged in a different order, reminiscent of thatdescribed in D e n k a r d 8. As we know from different Middle Persian texts, the study of Z a d w a s a religious duty [cf. D e n k a r d quotations in Junker 1912a111. Moreover, some knowledgeof Avestan was required for manthric purposes, as the Priest was required t o pronounce the Word ofGod property.

and those were the priests who transmitted texts, it is only natural that they selected the texts
that were t o be transmitted1 5.

Denkard, an enormous compendium of Late Sasanian Wisdom, is a composite collection of

various materials of gnomic, legendary and Zandtraditions. The Z a d traditions in the strict

sense, the main aim of this work, are the subject of the last two "books", while the origins and,
especially, the status of the initial "books" inside the "Sasanian Canon" are still questionable. It was presupposedthat the sourceof some parts of the Dk must be the N l gez, a bigger compilation. This Nlgez, of whose the D e n k a r d is an abbreviated revision, was perhaps a whole Middle Persian redaction of the Sasanian Avesta in the ancient tongue1 6.

The Khorda Avesta (=XA) contains some Avestan and Middle Persian texts being, in all probability. a Sasanian redaction of the prayer book format, derived from abbreviated Avestan texts. The Yacollection is generally held t o be a part of XA. It is interesting t o note that the only Ya5ts we possess in Middle Persian are those used in the ritual (XA); a t the same time. Yasts were extremely frequently drawn upon in Bundahign-like texts1 2. 13 In Aogemadaeca. only 5 of the 29 quotations may be traced t o the extant Avesta, West 1904b. 89. 14 The Written Corpus as such, with clear boundaries, was arranged only in the Islamic era for the purpose of obtaining the status of 'ah/' 1-KltS'D; true. it may be the reason, or, rather one of the reasons, for composing the so-called 9th Century Books. But these books, like the Denkard or Bunaahign. were not "sacred"; they did not pretend t o have the status of Revelation. A t best, they r a y becompared t o some r,'ghwirrworks in Islamic literature. 15 in this context, i t is worth noting that profound changes happened in the post-Sasanian Zoroastrian attitudes to priests and "Holy writings-: Zoroastrian priests are important in the modem parsi tradition of Hindu India, not in isiamic [ran, while scripture is seen as central in a ~uslim environment, less s in India, cf. Himellis 1994, 85-6. It is perhaps the impact o f t h i s Muslim environment that emouwed literary traditions in Iran to be better preserved, as compared with India, until recent times. 16 Cf. Tavadia 1956, 52.

10 The ~udaso-christiin notion of "Canon" is strange to Zoroastrianism. as all the wisdom of the worid m a t s from he revelation given to Zoroaster. That is why in the Late Sasanian Period the 'A\estam Corpus" (in Pahlavi) was growing. 11 Cf., e.s, Junker 1912a, 15: "the duty of boys, created by God. is to go t o school", x"6gkarih [ T I reaagan en I T 1 paran dlblristan, svaday.dad &led; for paran cf. Junker 1912a. 11.2, 15, n.1. Study of religious texts was, no doubt, the essence of the learning a t that school. 1 0 m e quotationsfromthe Ya3ts cf. further.

"i

vil In the endof Dk 9 one finds a chapterwhichcontains many quotations from unknown texts, and

Of the original nine ~ c n k a r d honks, the first two were lost Dk 3 is translated in de Menasce

1973; Dk 5 is partly translated in West 1897'

and edited in Mole 1967, Dk 6 is edited in

a long successionof detached phrases from the Pahlavi Gaeasstrung togethe?,

as descriptive of

Shaked 1979, Dk 7 is partly translated in West 1897 and edited and translated in Mole 1967, Dk 8 & 9 are translated in West 189218. Besides, many individual passages were edited and translated by different authors1 1874-1 928 ("01. DkD].

the final triumph of religion. The Gathic passages found in this chapter are of great help for drawing comparisons with the Pahlavi Gathas propeG7.

'.

As t o the original text, there are three basic editions: Sanjana According t o the Dmkard, under the Sasanians there were already only 348 chapters = 21 Nasks = 345.700 words [the estimation of West], of which only 83.000 words are now extant, 1/4 of the original Sasanian Avesta. According t o the tradition, it was Alexander who burned the Avesta, but i t is not clear whether a text already existed at that time. From the Achcemenian until

1-XiX) [ - ~ k s ~ ~ Madan l, 191 1 ("01. 1 1 1 ) [ = D ~ M ~ and ' I Dresden 1966 [=

The accwntsof the AvsWn ~ a s k given s ~ ~ in Dk 8 and 9 are derived from an interlinear ad
in a shortened form. I t is worth noting that some Avestan texts were no longer available in their Middle Persian. Three groups of the 21 Avestan Nasks are summarized in Dk 8, and three of the

the Late Sasanian period the text steadily grew; the "canon" took shape as Zoroastrianism spread,
while the GSeas held a small, but central and honorary place in i t

seven Gathic Nasks are summarized at length in Dk 9.

In the Greco-Roman World, many pseudo-epigrapha were spread under the name of Zoroaster,

It is mostly the S [ t l u d g a r a n d WarStmansar

sectionsof Dk 9 that the presentworkdeals

or of his close associates, like zosttianosZ8, in Coptic, or the Greek Ostanesand othersz9; a m e

of the material included might be genuine and old. According to the Iranian view, expressed in
Sasanian texts. Avesta was "stolen" by the Greeks and translated into their language. That is why the Iranians lost large parts of their traditional wisdom and later they found themselves urged t o restore i t and translate it back into Iranian.

with. The Bagan Nask, which has a legal character, and which interprets each verse by recourse to a n a l ~ g y is ~~ to, some degree neglected in this work. This Bagan Nask wasoneof thesevenDadTg Nasks dealing mostly with legal material, but it had. together with C l h r d a d
The ~ .Bagan b ask Nask, a rather ambivalent status inside the Dad19 groupof the ~ a s k s ~

was also partly of Gaeanlg, "Gaeic", character, while the C l h r d a d Nask was of Hadzi i a n e r l g characteG5 Judging from the way in which this Bagan Nask was summarized in
Dk 9. it was a real Z a n d for studying in which the disciple-teacher relations are stressed, and it

Some scholars30 believedthat the theory of Avesta broughtto Greece and there translated, was merely a pious leaend. fabricated in the Parthian period t o explain the lack of written literature; Nyberg 1938, 424-5, called this theory a phantasy; however, Geldner 1904, 32-6, Jackson 1904, 691, Henning 1942, accepted it as generally trustworthy, as Altheim 1949, 18, 28. Haug 1884, Dhalla 1922, 40, Brown 1951, i.97, did31 . According t o the same Iranian theory. the Greeks (i.e., Macedonians) not only took hold of the Avesra, they also burnt parts of it. Nevertheless, it was after the Arab invasion, not the Greek one, that honks were burned down systematically: for Farazm, at least, we are aware of an elaborate Arab practice of destroying

seems that these three Nasks (since Book 9 of the Denkard gives so much space t o them) in their
Middle Persian summary served as a basis for teaching in the Late Sasanian penod and shortly afterwards, when Avestan was little known outside the clergy, but Pahlavi still functioned as a living literary language.

~ ~ahlaviTexts, 17 Most of the Pahlavi texts were translated by West and published between 1 8 8 as vol.1-5. in the Sacred Boots of the East, ml. V. VII. W l . XVII. m v . 18 Ihope to publish Dk 8-9 later. 19 Mole 1963. 20 Quoted by volume and page kg., Dk5 Xi% 25). 21 Quoted by page (e.g., DkM 715). 22 The Awestan Nasks were estimated t o have been containing originally as much as 345,0001 words, and about 2.000000 words in their Middle Persian version, West 1892, xi*-xlv. 23 Cf. de Menasce 1983, 1175. 24 Cf. funher, D ~ M 678; cmp. West 1892, 7. 25 On these terms d , further.

26 27 28 29 30 31
~ ~

Cf. West 1892. SBEXXXVft. w.W-XL-if West 19(Mb, 98.

Cf. further.
The title IS. however. modem: 'Zostrian~sIZoroaster* ai-in&ara i n the cnl~~hon. .. Cf. Boy- & G r e w 1991,491-565, "Thus spake not Zarathugtra"

Oimstead 1948, 476; Hensfeld 1934, 53. Cf.Eddy 1962. 14 n.22.

viii cultural and literary treasures of " o n - ~ r a b s ~ ~ .

ix Between 1886-189s a critical text of the Avesta was published by K. Geldner, and in 1892-

w Arabic sources frequently mention Avesta as a book, these sources, together with ~ e ~ersian
Zoroastrian texts, and classical authors, were first used by Thomas Hyde in his book ~ i s t o n ' a relgbnis vetervm persarum. partharvm er mediarum, which appeared in 1700. It was

3 Darmesteter's second, French, translation of the Avesta appeared. Bartholomae's Altiranisches

WOnerbuch (AiW; 1904) is still perhaps among the best dictionaries of any language35. The

not until

G a e a s were translated, i-a., in Ba*olomae

1905, Wilkins Smith 1929, Duchesne-Guillemin

1770 that authentic [other than New Persian1 Zoroastrian sources became known in ~ u r o p e ~ ~ , when Anquetil-Duperron translated the BundahisEn into French; later, in 1771, he also published French versions of Avestan texts, in three volumes, under the title

. Henning). Humbach 1959, Insler 1975. Kellens & 1948 and 1952 (an English version by M Pirart 1988. 1990, 1991. and finally Humbach 1991. The " o n - G a s l c Avestawas translated,

Ouvrage de

after

Bartholomae's AiW, in Wolff 1910, whose translation replaced, in some aspects, that of

Zoroasve. It seems like it was by him that the erroneous term Zend-Avesta was introduced t o Europe. Since then, Avestan studies came t o prominence a t the very early stages of Indo-European . BOPP, R . Rask, E . Bumouf are associated with them. It was comparativistics, and names like F Rask, who in 1826 first showed the close affinity between Avestan and Sanskrit, and later, the relation between Avestan and Old Persian was established.

Darmesteter.

Script and Book But did a written Avestan text exist prior t o its fixation during the late Sasanian mle? The extant Avesta is written in a highly precise, beautiful alphabet, of undoubtedly Aramaic origin. Andreas 1902-336 believed in an archetyp written in

the Aramaic script p i - o ~ e r ~ Andreas's ~.

Two trends were current in Avestan studies: the traditional school, represented by F. Spiegel,
J. Darmesteter, F. Justi, de Harlez, W. Geiger, which relied upon the autochthonous Zoroastrian interpretation of the Avesta, as represented by

theory dealt mostly with the alphabet; according t o this theory, the Arsacid Avesta, codified (as the Pahiavi tradition informs us) under one of the Parthian kings whose name was Vologeses, was written down in a plain, "on-vocalized, Aramaic script All the linguistic problems of the extant Avestan texts can be explained once we rediscover the form in which a parricular Avestan form was registered in this supposed archetypical "Arsacid Avesta". According to this theory, the

Zand, and the

comparative-historical, or "Vedic",

school, going back t o R. Roth, which relied mostly on the evidence furnished by Indic texts. Although both schools became aware that their respective methods were legitimate and dangerous at the same time34, some echoes of these schools still may be heard in works of H . Humbach and in those of S . Insler and J. Kellens, respectively.

transposition of Avestan text? from their "Arsacld" form into the extant "Sasanian" form was mechanical. An example: Yasna 28.1, ahya y a s a nsmagha was reconstructed as ^hy' nwmwh', interpreted as *ohyo y a m sax nornoha*. Following Andreas, many authors. Pagliaro & 8 a u s a d 8 and others, believed that the Avesta was transmitted in written form. theory was slightly modified in Junker 1925-6, Lommel 1927 and A l t k i m 1949; Altheim's

VS'
eg,
The

idea

on the rise of the vocalized Avestan script in the ~ a s istnot ~ without ~ interest40; Djakonov &
~ i v s h i t ssupposed ~l that a written version existed in Parthia as early as the first century B C E .

32 BTrunT (tr. Sachau 1879. 581 reported that "after Qutaiba ben Muslim AlbShiU had killed their IKhwarezmians'I learned men and priests, and had burned their b o o b and writinos, they became entirely illiterate (forgot writing and reading), and relied in every knowledge or science which they required solely upon memory". This tradition could be easily dismissed, of cource, as legendary (and based on the o n of older disasters], whose aim was to provide an explanation why xvmzmian Zoroastrians possessed no Book, as required from a People of the Book by the new Muslim rulers. S seems to have been brought to Canterbury in 1633, and in 1723 a 33 Although an Avestan Yasna M s p y of Vendidad Sade was deposited in the Bodleian Library in Oxford, cf. Jackson 1892, xiii. 34 Cf. Kellens 1989.41.

35 Cf.Henning 1942, 14s. 36 Also in Andreas & Wackemagel 1909. 1911, 1913, 1931. 37 Geiger's supposition is less rigid and assumes also some impact of an oral tradition. 38 Pagliaro & Bausani 1960, 44. 39 in the "Hellenized" Atsacid Parthia; after the Bactrian model. of the consonant Armeo-hhlm was due l o Greek 40 Altheim 1949 rightly argued that the influence. The case of the contemporary ~menian and, perhaps, Georgian, examples, must be added, where scripts deriving shapes of their letters from Aramaiclhhlavi were built on the Greek principles. s i n g even some Byzantine Greek orthographical conventions. However, while speaking of the Greek writing principles, one has to bear in mind that Byzantium was not the only country using the Greek r i p another one was Bactria, a t some periods a part of the Sasanian Emire. One has not to underestimate the possibility of the impact of the so-called "Manicha~an" script. 41 Cf. further.

xi Sometimes, wrong etymologies were used to argue that a written Avestan text existed at an earlier period: an attempt was made45 w derive the Parthian [from Nisal name of the 14th day. gwyrh, from Avestan gsu< urunii^". This etyrrology implies that y r h represenedthe Avestan voiceless

Although Andreas' theory contained some highly inspiring insights, it led ~cholarshipin a wrong way for too tang. For more than forty Years the mnciple of graphic restoration was universally applied in Auestan studies. During World War il, almost a t the same time and

independently, counter-arguments were brought by Bailey, Henning, Morgenstieme; Bailey 1943, 151-194, denied the existence of the hypothetical Arsacid text, while Henning 1942 and Morgenstieme 1942 [I9441 did not deny the existence of such a t e x t but rather emphasized its unimportance for the Avestan studies. It is now thought that most of the mistakes in the Avestan texts took places during the later history of the Sasanian Avesta. not during the presumed

r.

beiw a graphemic prototype for the s i g K 3 , ,ra i.e.,

e^*.of the Avestan

Vutoata.

Thus, the assumption that gwyrh is a pseudo-historical spelling used instead of *gw* presupposes that a written text of at least some p a m of the Avesta existed in Eastern Parthia as eariy as the 1st century BCE. However, the Avestan alphabet was invented towards the end of the Sasanian period, judging from the fact that the Av-n characters are derived from the 4th-6th

transposition from the *Arsacid Avesta t o the Sasanian one4^. It may be arguedthat the growlhof
mistakes was among the factors that gave rise t o the invention of the "Avestan" alphabet The Avesta

century Book Pahlavi (the forms of the Turfan Psalter characters are more c o n s e r ~ a t i v e ~ ~ ) .

is a corpus for reciting, not for study. The Western sources dealing with Zoroastrianism
c he

me vesta an alphabet d i d not =kt

in Mani's time, othemise Mani would probably have used it4^.

speak of "nsalmodv "43, not of "books/'. The different character of the Christian and the Zoroastrian terminology as applied t o "books" was noted by Christensen 1944. 516.

Instead, he used a Syriac alphabet close t o that used at Palmyra. It was rather the Manichcean alphabet itself that left some impact on the Avestan script, although in an indirect form (borrowing of the principle of vocalization). All the Book Pahlavi characters of the 6th century were used with the sarne value in the Avestan alphabet:-= a. with Avestan-= 3 and? = 2 being modifications.. = i, - = T being a modification, used in Book Pahlavi for w and o. u, 0. 0, in Avestanforu,. ~-n$ b,

Christian books are for study, denying the ritual dimensions of the Judaism, while the most sacred Zoroastrian "texts" are for reciting, sewing for a cultic purpose. ~ u t it , is to be stressed that. in my oDinion, the idea behind the invention of the Avestan alphabet was not preservation of the t e x t as such, but conservation of its phonetical form, setting the norm for reciting priests. We know that while Avestan words and even whole phrases are transcribed in "Book Pahiavi",

vestan an 0 being a modification.?-

n. Avestan*

7 being a modification,? = t.
=

as in Dk 8 & 9, some weird orthographic conventions peculiar to the Avestan words only were in
use. This makes sense only if there was a tradition of writinq down Avestan in the Pahlavi scripr prior W the inventionof the Avestan alphabet The question of dating the invention of the Avestan alohabet is interconnected, thus. with the dale of the codification of

= 8 being modifications. o = p,~vestan< =r andw = 6 being modification.

= m,Avestan'tbeit~a modification. i-

modification of it. y, - = s. (=
= xv. Avestanr =

z, -u s, with two Avestan modification of it.^ 6 .

n,

;- = r. 1 (r in Avestan, theAvestan for 1 being a

and*

5,

the Avestan Corpus- There are divergent Opinions as t o the dates of the

f being a modification of it, etc.; especially important are the cases of

supposed codification of the Avesta: the 4th century, Reichelt 1913, S3, Morgenstierne 1942, Henning 1942. Hoffmann 1970. Hoffmann & Narten 1989; the middle of the 6th century. Bailey 1943, 172; the middle of the 7th century, Pagliaro & Bausani 1960, 49. m l e y 1943, 180, dates the archetype of our copies of the Avesta somewhere between the time of the early Manichaem texts and the time of naniJ5Clhr (circa 880 CE), on the grounds of the soundday-name means "cowday" (*gav-ayar). 47 skjsrve 1983s has shown that the ~ u r f a n~ s d t e r was composed not long after the great inscriptions of the ~arly Sasanian period, but, while inthe inscriptions there is no system of phonetic complements, in the Psalter one finds a regular system with minor orthographic variants, and simetimes phonetic and ide~raphic spellings interchange, to obtain variation. Skiserve 1983% 179, stated that the ~iddle Persian of the translator was his mother tongue[pace Gigrwux 19691, and the awkwardness in ~hrashn is due t o the Syhc original. The situation 8 % 8" fsd, vev sbm~iart o that *ith the Jude* Persian Bible translations. 48 M m blamed rhc Zorcastrirnns for distorIing the wads of t b l r prwhet !n their b k ,kcause t h ~ vesta an hopher himself was oral, as w a d knew ell. This means, they did have some books, but these r e 0 : those by the Prophet. The situation with Islam is somewhat similar their prophet was ignorant of letters, but he called his revelationa "~ook". lt is possible that our'an. a much discussed word, was f e e d , both phonetically and semantically. in the sense of "appeal". By the Manichsean X O V C S , "Call", the term which was later rendered, in *s turn, as dawa

c h a w hr -fif ><attested in the written Avesta. but stiii absent from the Manichasan and Arabic
evidence. However, i t seems safe to state that some written copies of soiw Avestan texts in soms

[more than one1 scripts existed prior to the invention of the so-called "Avestan alphabet" in the
Late Sasanian period. as we know from the Scgdian transliteration of an Avesian lext44.

.~ -

42 Cf. MacKenzie 1987. 30b. 13 Cf. Nau 1927; Christensen 1944. Slsff, 44 Cf. Gershevitch 19768.

xii
These letters are derived directly from a modification of the Book Pahiavi s, k, used in Middle

xiii

*re was a msk. kept with women, and a boy was trained t o memorize this one Nask.
Bagan, and in this way the Religion returned to S i s t g n , and it (the Nask) was arranged and oderedanew. andthere was n o m e n ~ r y ~ Naskl i of~(this n any other place except S l s t a n .

Persian transcription of Avestan words, like

uruuff = ' w / - w / w f t . The implication of this fact

6 that even prior t o the invention of the Avestan alphabet (or, prior to the last stages of the
development of a form of the Book Pahlavi script into Avestan as we know it) there existed some orthographic conventions of recording Avestan by means of the Pahlavi script.
AS

mentioned

above, many Avestan words in Dk 8-9 are still written not in Avestan characters, but in Pahlavi script in accordance with the orthography specific for "Avesticisms" only, thus continuing perhaps the scribal traditions of an older written fixation. Whether some parts of the Avesta did exist in some written form[s] prior t o the invention of the Avestan script4' or not (I believe, they did), this is without importance for Avestan studies Proper. And even if somemistakes in the transmission of the Avesta may go to an "Aramaic", i.e., ~ a h l a v i transliteration ~~, (as the Andreas' theory in its "classical form" states), nevertheless, i t would be of minor importance, too, as the transmission was basically orals1, even until

his implies that even in the post-Sasanian period texts were still transmitted orally by
memory. I t seems that S i s t z n especially was known for its prominence in the oral quoted in Bailey 1943. 161-2. tells us that one

transmission of the Avesta: al.Brrilni,

particular Zoroastrian in 5 l s t a n had recited the whole Avesta by heart, but this phenomenon
seemstoberareeveninSistan.

As to a written text. whether such a text existed o r not, the authors of the Denkard do not clearly distinguish between A b i s t a g in the sense of the Pahlavi version of the Avestan and the A m a n text in Avestan. cf. Bailey 1943, 167: Tavadia 1956, 48. does not tend t o distinguish, having been based on Wikanaer, between the written N i w e g and the oral Abistag, cf. DkM

recently, when written and printed texts already were available.

I1 order t o illustrate the oral character of transmission, one may quote Abaih T Sagastan where itisstated that n a s k e w bod. <abag> zanan bod aburnayagew naskew 7 w a g a n a z a
id

412.11f.
On the other hand, a spcimen of "fifteentkentury Pahlavi as written in Iran", an extract

S Pt4. printed in West 1904b. 84from the Middle Persian introduction t o the Pahlavi Yasna. M

m a

estaa paaaz han b r e w den anaar sayastan a b ~ zg a ~ t ,

5, states that "NN had written a copy for himself - the Avesta from one copy, and the e n d from
mothercopy e s t a a ... . We know of manuscripts in which the Avestan text is lnce~spersed with Pahlavi, but there are also manuscripts where only the plain Avestan (Szdeh) or only the plain Pahlari MSs are given. According to Bailey 1943. 193-4, the known Avestan text is a result of a Post-Sassman text going back to Late Sasanian [VICE] codification; the boundaries of that "Late Sasanian Avesta" were ftexTtrfe, and rt is intefssting that the incmpntion of the Greek and Indian material into the late Sasanian Avesta was contemporarywith the inventionof the "Avestan" alphabet

amst ua w i r z s t "away nawag, tie Dad Sagastzn anye, a b z r l g gyay

ne

... ", ~ w s t a gaz

paccen e, ua Zana az paccen 6 ... f l e 5 M y n i b l S t

warm,

52 A~ to the translation, compare mas 1976, 263. 53 d "to memorize, to learn by hean", New Persian ySa giriftan. Perhaps, "this Nask was memorized in no ~ t h eplace r except Slstan".

xi" Now a few words must be said about the history of the script used for Zoroastrian Middle Persian. This language used a system of writing designated as Pahlavi which is closely

X"

The ~ r a m a i c chancelleries were a Median invention as well, while the Achemenids continued t o rely on Elamophone scribess9. Thus, the situation of parallel usage of several languages in ~ ~ , a bit reminiscent different scripts, in the eartierstage of the Achsememan ~ o m m o n w e a l t h was of that of the eady period of occupation of the old Near Eastern civilized lands by primitive Islamic Arabs, where Greek, Coptic and Pahlavi, but not Arabic, were in use in the administration. Only gradually, the Achaemenian Persians gave preference t o the Aramaic

reminiscent of Akkadian, Korean

or

Japanese models. This is t o say, Aramaic words

were
his

written, or, were supposed t o be written. in Aramaic, but were actually read in Iranian.

way of substituting Iranian for Aramaic was called u z ~ s r i 5 n ~ This ~ .system is by no means more weird than that of our digits, pronounced differently in different languages, but commonly

understood in the same manner whatever their phonetic value.

Djakonov 1986 emphasized the mnemonic importance of writing which is indifferent to the reproduction of the flow of speech, and the Prestige value of some types of writing; the latter

characters, using them for their Iranian speech, as perhaps in the case with the "Darius Tomb Aramaic inscription"

(on which cf.

Sims-williams 1981).

The language designated as literary "Old Persian" was not actually Persian, as it has different

as in Iran, farhangs were point was, separately, emphasized by ~ k a l m o w s k i ~ In ~ Mesopotamia, .

learned by k a r t , and texts written in Sumerian

dialectal forms of Iranian words as compared t o the Elamite versions of the Achaemenian inscriptions - in Eiamite the Iranian loan wands were borrowed from the sookea ianguaae. i s . . from genuine Old Persian, while the "Old Persian" as written continued Median traditions6'. We know that the' Achsemenids used ~ r a m a i and c~~ Eiamite for their business activities, while the Median cuneiform writing, called "Old Persian" served only for representative purposes63.

or in ~ r a m a i c were, nevertheless, read in

Akkadian or in Old [Middle] Persian [Parthian, etc.1 respectively, as the Japanese read their kanjisymbols in their own language, not in Ancient Chinese. Djakonov noted that some "warammatem" analogous to those in Old Persian could be found in Akkadian, Aramaic and, especially, Urartian writing systems, but nothing specific was found in

la mite^^.
While Syromedia, with its huge Semitic populationof colonists, might be the homeland of both AryanD i.e., Iranian [not ~ersian!^l cuneiform and the Irano-Aramaic writing known later as "Pahlavi" etc., Persis, with its mostly Elamite population, had no known eady Aramaic scribal

It is unlikely t o suppose, may i t be remarked, that an Avestan text ever existed in cuneiform,
Iranian texts in Aramaic script (cf.. e.9, while there are some short Avestan or quasi-A~estan Bogoli~bov1971). Thus. the only logical writing device to represent the everyday Iranian speech was ~ramaic,both the language and the script According to Djakonov, the transfer from purely Iranian t o "Pahlavi' took four stages: 59 According to Gershevitch 1985, the Old Persian tents are actually Elamite in Iranian words. similarly t o some ~ramaic texts from ~ g y p t (which are, so to say, "Old Persian in Aramaic words", but no h m e degree). his observation of ~enhevitchdoes not contradict with the fact the "Old ~edian",called '~ryan". pentan" used by the ~ l a m o p scribes h ~ ~ was actually "~iterary 60 lt is worth notice that the Scroll of Esther reflectino Arsacid realities soeaks about "royal orders

tradition^^^.

54 There are traces of uzwSrI3n system In Sogdian, especially in the Buddhist texts, but i t is absent from the Manich~ean Middle Persian and Parthian, cf. Bailey 1953, 186. 55 In his lecture in Jerusalem in summer 1994. 56 The use of cuneiform writing in Westem Iran was widespread prior t o lndo-European penetration; used it, Schmitt 1993,457. Lullubi, Gutian. Kassrte and other populations, not t o mention ~lamites, 57 Gershevitch 1964; Gershevitch 1979. 58 The unbroken Bamite cuneiform scribal tradition was ~ontinued in the Achsemenian trilingual rock isriptions, Schmitt 1993, 458.

e listening tothe same dicta~o". 63 Monumental rock-irisenptions in cuneiform are peculiar to Urartian and Old Persian traditions. In urartu, they used cuneiform script not only for rock-inscriptions, but also for deeds, annals and other records while in the ~ c h ~ ~Empire. ~ ~ i la a mite n was used for economic documentation. nowever, ramai; was later used. with ~iamite.for this puwse (~aveh & snaked 1973). we have nothing in Iranian cuneiform comparable to Urartian annals, but some Avestan quotations translated into Old Persian, were found in the rock-inscriptions (Skjserro 1998). One of the reasons might be that only few lranian speakerswere hand in that period, having no economical or administrative training, and ail taken bu meakers of Elamire or Aramaic. Even in the Parthian Period, There wzs t i o , an urge t o call vi3t~spa-'s scribe ~ b r a ( h~ ~ ~s ~d g z T r zareran), who was Jewish (on this Abraham as a Jew cf. Schaeder 1930. 93-4: now cf. Russell 1992 pceMonch'+Zadeh 1981).
~

~.

xvi 1 the text written by a bilingual scribe in Aramaic and U I Q ~in 1ranian64;
2 standard formulas of translation from Aramaic into Iranian and from Iranian into Aramaic

xvli Nachwirkting geblieben", Henning 1958, 2467. In Asoka's inscriptions we find eady examples ( q g t n ) to render Middle Iranian speech by means of a Semitic alphabet, alongside Middle Indian passages in ~ a x i l a ~ ^The . Arebsun inscriptions were considered by Schaeder 1930, 201, and Rosenthal 1939, 28-9, as Ach~emenian. According to an important article by Bogoliubov 1971, they are of the same type as the Darius Tomb inscription9. l t is interesting to note that some Iranian loan words in Aramaic were used as heterograms, cf.
Y ~ GNP, Djakonov & LivshitS 1960, 38-9: MGWSH, M G W ~ 70, PTP,

developed; 3 any standard text read by an Iranian scribe could be read either in Iranian or in ~ramaic; 4 purely heterngraphic, when the whole text. both the standard one in "Aramaic" or Aramaic with Iranian inclusions (like borrowed words, so frequent in Egyptian Aramaic), written in the same script, could be read only in Iranian: "the grid of easily identifiable Aramaic heterogram gave the reader at once a genera! notion of the contents of the text and helped to identify the contiguous non-vocalized Iranian words. Anyone who knows cuneiform, knows that heterogram, far from hampering easy reading, actually are of a great help t o the reader" [ibid., 2371.

'TPH [compare

Qandahar I, mzst^_, "the elders']; MR 'Y, M R W ~ ~ thus Y ~ indicating ~ , a long tradition going back t o the period when the language of writing and reading was real Aramaic. It seems that under the Achasmenian% the Aramaic script began to be used for different

It is not easy t o decide when the u z w z r l s n ~ r a m a i c became ~ ~ ~ahlavi;Harmatta 1957.

languages: for Late Old Persian / Early Middle Persian (Darius Tomb i n s c r i p t i ~ n ~for ~ ) , Middle Iranian of the inscriptions from Cappadocia, Pakistan and Afghanistan, perhaps, also from ~ e o r g i a and ~ ~ for , ~ebrew~~.

298. gave thedate of circa 150 BCE, cf. Henning 1958, 34: under Mithridates I 1171-139 BCEI; Djakonov & Livshits 1960, 54, argued for a date not eariier than the 2nd century BCE; cf. Harmatta 1984. 224-5, who argued, again, for the first half of the 2nd century BCE under the reign of Phrahates I and completed under Mithrdates I about the middle of the same century with the creation of the logographic Parthian system of writing, later inherited by the Persian Sasanians.

As to Harmam's theory of the impact of the occupation of Mesopotamia by Mithridates

the First [he sumested that there are some similarities in the creation of a new writing system in

a hurry at the king's order], Diakonov stated that this clear influence might have taken place even
earlier^6, sticking to the traditional view expressed by Henning.

The Middle Persian logography goes back to the same prototype as the Parthian and other
Aramaic-based Middle Iranian logographles, white at Armazi we see a different repertory of ideograms, and. an alphabet connected to the North-Mesopotamianscripts rather than to those of Parthia or Persk. It implies that the process was rather a gradual one, without "big jumps".

57 As t o the Aramaic inscriptions a t Persepotis. an attempt was made to read the second Aramaic inscription on the stone window of the "Palace of Darius" a t Persepolk, Frye 198% 264. 68 Cf. Shaked in Kutscher, Naveh & Shaked 1970. adds also examples of ~ramaic renderings of Iranian phrases from Egypt. 69 ~ogoliubov 70 Cf. Humbach 1974, 238 n.4, about WGWS'Y'used as a heterogram for Tierbad, Frahang 13.2; the ~dentification was exolatmd by ~offmann as the result of a fusion of two traditions, those of the Median Magi and those of Eastern a e e r a ~ a t a l l O that ; looks plausible, and I would add that many Israeli3 a t o Arabs. even in Hebrew, refer t o Jewish rabbis as haxam; on the other hand, many secular

Thus, basically, the theory of Henning 1958, modified by Djakonov, must be generally upheid,
i s chronology: the transfer to the "Pahlavi" type of writing, as we know i t with the exception of h
from Book Pahlavi, took place a century or so eadier than Henning believed, in the middle of the third century BCE. and the Darius Tomb inscription was not "dereinzige Versuch 73 The "second" long inscription from ~rmazl-Mcxet'a,from the Amacid period, was partly published and translated in Tsereteli [G.V.) 1943 and Tsereteli (V.G.) 1962: is by no means In Aramaic. The ranslation of Altheim & Stiehl 1961 (who took it as being in Aramaic) is absolutely fantastic; for the .first" [bilingual) inscription, c f . Conner & R6lllg 1971-76, 11, 328, NO. 276. 74 Cf. the well h c w n saying in Talmud Bavli, Sanhedrin 21b.
, " , , 7 , . ~ , . ~ , N l , u > , " . , l ~ ~ ~ " , , m , " . ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ > " , " . , , " , , ~ ~ , l p , , ~ > , . 7 > ~ ~ " ~ ~ > N , ~ . > ",,"a>n.,">.n"> was i ~ ~ i i ^ i n ~ i i i ~ s n a n i ~ t . ~ ~ n ~ ~ m ~ ~ l ~ i i i ~ i n - '"first - i i t the i j ~ Torah aro> ~ - igiven w > . t o Israel in the Hebrew writing and in the noly ~anguage (Hebrew); in the days of Ezra the Torah was given for the second time, in the Aramaic ("Assyrian") script and In the Aramaic language, they chose for Israel the Aramaic ("Assyrian") script and the Holy Language (Hebrew), and they left for common folk (generally e n as the Samaritans) the Hebrew script and the Aramaic language". This much-discussed passage is a problematic one, and not all of its enigmas were so far solved, but the awareness of the sages to ?ha

... ohne

64 Cf. klw.

5th century BCE, Kraeling 1953, N 9 DOYMYV-dadayam d ' y a y d - ~ (Bogolrubov ~ ~ ~ 1971, 2934). Darius' tomb Aramaic, according t o Henning, Is t o be dated by the first haif of the 3rd century BCE. but Bosoliubov 1971, 283. dated it earlier.

problems might be seen, cf. Naveh 1982, 123. However, the change of script in "the dayS of Ezra", i.e.. tinder the Ackmenids, is a fact. From this quotation it may be seen Chat the transfer t o the Aramaic script was gradual.

xviii

xix

We have some indications that the transfer from the Paleo-Hebrew to the Aramaic "official"
script began already in the Persian Period: thus. we have a seal where the Hebrew name of the female possessor and the word "dawhter o f is written in the Hebrew script. while the Akkadian name of her father, one of those participating in the Repatriation Movement in the epoch of Cyrus/Darius, was written in Aramaic script75 Djakonov stressed that already in the Median period there were Aramaic speakers in

We know that the Iranian kings held their treasures, including books and registers, in their
palacesB0, as is clear from Esther 6.1. Thus, if an authoritative copy of the Avesta existed in Early Sasanian times, i t should be most probably stored in a Sasanian palace, e.g., in the new capital o f ctesiphon". However, it is true that we do not hear anything about any copy of Avesta

ran^^.

keptin a royal palace, but in Ganj T ^SabTgan, or in Diz T N i b i s t , or in K6h i N i t i s t .

me text that .dentifie* the place where a copy o f the Avesta was kept as ai Persepolis is a New
Persian text

Indeed, we have some important Aramaic texts from Iran, studied by Naveh 1965. A silver bowl carrying an Aramaic inscription from the 5th century BCE was found some time ago in Georgia, the so-called "Kazbegi treasure", Tsereteii 1994, 9. in Iran, Aramaic continued t o be used tong

of

Ibn BalxT's F a r s - NSmah 59-50. ed. Le Strange & Nicholson 1921, 49ff.; its

tradition seems t o be authentic, as it speaks o f Zand and KGh 1 N i r i s t , and a possible identification with D i z T NlbiSt, knownfrom Pahlavi texts, was suggested:

after it ceased t o be used in the administration, as may be indicated by the fact that Aramaic ban
words found their way into Iranian. One has to assume that scribes were trained in Aramaic and

e n in grammar and morphology and the fairly high level of standardization of Parthian and
Middle Persian orthography attested by the inscriptions, as reflecting some continuous acquaintance with Aramaic, must be taken into account. Perhaps it was that ever-felt presence of Aramaic that facilitated the absorption of similar-sounding Arabic lexica into Persian after the Islamic conquest It is worth noting that the Avestan alphabet used the Pahiavi, i.e., Aramaic, forms of letters and the direction of writing, thus indicating how deeply the ~ r a m s e o - ~ a h l a v i ' ~ script became associated with the Iranian national legacy. Nevertheless, the early Sasanian kings still used Greek in their inscriptions, and the extraordinary feat of recording the Avesta was performed in a meticulously elaborate phoneiicai based not only on Aramaic forms of letters, but also on a Greco-Bactrian (or, ~ y z a n t i n e ? principle ~~) of vowel letters. However, the histories and natures of the Avestan and Pahlavi scripts demonstrate that there were no parallel developments of Avestan and Pahlavi literary (i.e., written) traditions until a very late date.

c a n Zardust blyamad, V i s t a s f Gra b a 'ibtida'

qabdl na k a r d va bacd az 2"

a
a

d a

t i 2 n d Svurda bud, hama hikmat, v a b a r duzdah

h z a r p o s t I g2v 1 daba-yat karda n a b l g t a bad az zarr. V a V i s t a s f Bnra W b Q l d a b a i s t a h r i PZrsT kGh ast, KGh i N l f i s t gayand. Hama s a r a t h a v a

Kandagarlha az sang i xara karda and v a

mar

I ' a j ~ banoaron namuda v a i n

k i t a b i ~ 2 n d - uPazand ba a n j a nihaaa bud.

80 Cf. Shaken 1994b. 100 n. 3. It is merely by accident that in Armenia, whose culture owes so much lo its ,ranian iegacy, the famous Matenadam", "the storage of Tents", is one of the most important landmarks of Yere"=". n whose lranian name is rendered as i i z b o n in ~rmenian,Taysarun in Arabo-Persian, -Tezb<n/ Dlzbon in the Sasanian Dari. The dty's Greek name is a resuit of a popular etymology, drawing on the Iranian sound of the name close t o Greek words beginning wich kte-, especially, K ? , "to build", cf. Russell 1990, 39 n. 29. As t o the capital's Iranian name and its popular etymology, cf. Sahrestanfha T Eran 21-22 lef. Markwart & Messina 1931, 61.2): pat kast 1 Xarbaransahrestan 1 TsTr az framan 1 TGs 1 WlGurazag 1 W/GbSg kard, "the city of TfisTfOn in the direction of the West was built by command of T6S son of WIGurazag son of W/GSbSg5nm(note the interchange w l g and w l k B a r a z a g / G a r a z a g 1 Varaza-1. TeSlfGn here 1 s explained as a popular etymology of Tffs (still Hamza al-Isfanan1 was of this opinion, quoted in Markwart & Messina 1931, 611. Otherwise. SahresiZnThS T Era" names Ctesiphon AsOr (Judso-Persian texts identify Babylon as Baghdad, and KSOr is rendered by them as M w g 1). Thus, it is 'tempting to suggest that the name of the Sasanian capital was actually 'Diz-i Bun, *"court-fort" (or. "the main fortress'?), or +"camp (.bunaq)-fan", and it was identical with *Diz T SabTgSn, known from The Dfnkard.

.. . ., . .. .
79 I n traditions" dispersed in Greece, lndia etc. were assembled under Sahpuhr 1, 241-272 CE. cf. Bailey 1943, 8lff. cf. also Zaehner 1955, 32-33; Crone 1991, 30. wrote on Byzantinizing by tendenciesunder ~ a w z d and mosurwan, while written treatises were presented t o the ~ i n g i s religious communities, and some of these treatises were, perhaps, incorporated into texts from which Denkard's and Skand GumZnTg wlzsr's accounts on foreign religions were derived, it was the period when the Avestan alphabet was created, and it is not impossible that there was some connection between these two facts, the Byzantine impact and t h e creation of an alphabet so similar to Greek by i t s innerma "at",*.

xx When Zoroaster appeared, Viihtaspa at first did not accept him, but after a while he did accept him. He (Zoroaster) brought a book of Zand, full of wisdom [or the whole wisdom82], written in gold on 12.000 bull skins. And Vshtaspa accepted it and there is a mountain in Staxr of Persis, called the Mountain of Writings. All the images and carvings are made (there) of granite and marvelous monuments are shown (there), and he (Vishtaspa) placed there this book of Zandand ~azana83.

xxi In I a ' a l l b i , ed. Zotenberg, 252, whose informationcorresponds the data of the A r d a r y l ~ 1 r a zNamag ~ ~ - (AWN) 1.7, D l z 1 N i b i g t was situated in the qal'fffi, "fortress", of I Staxr T

bagan an.

he tradition89 took D l z 1 ~ i b l s as t "fort of written

documents". The word diz in the same spelling as in the D e n k a r d passages quoted below (* klyt', ^QRYT') is found in also in Kamamag T A r d a s i r 1 Pabagan (KNAP), applied t o Beiardi 1979, 2sg0, read the word in AWN 1.15 in Aramaic,

the serpent Kiriris fortress. It appears from the text that the locality owes its name of the Mountain of Writings (Koh I N i f l g t ) to the images and carvings (sUrathS va kandagariha; inscriptions?), not t o any written records kept there. The Achaemenid stone tower opposite the royal tombs at Naq I

kel1a;tS 1 tcall;rS, and one may suppose that the diz of the Writings was spelled by this

Aramaeogram because there was a well-established tradition going back to the times when the Aramaic scribes were keeping the books, associating Aramaic and writing in general. Shahbazi 1986, 165-6, strengthened ~enning's view by quoting the Persian (Balcaml's) version of the chronicle of TaDarT (Ta'rTh, 657, ed. de Goeje 1879):
i s own treasure house, a house of stone Then Gustasp placed this book (the Avesta) in h

a us tam^^, with

its carvings referred t o as 3UrathS va tcanuagarlfl2 . . va =zesr

<aJra,near Persepolis was called B u n - ~ a n a g by ~K ~l r d e r in his inscription [KKZ 4 &

KNRm 71. If there was in existence a written text of the Avesta in Sasanian times, there were merely few cop+$, may be only onee6, and the latter Middle Persian texts refer t o the Avestan text as t o bun, "original, basis, foundation". It seems that this usage is older than our extant Middle Persian renderings from Avestan, and it goes back t o the one real copy. Scholars,

(xsna-az

sang), and appointed custodians for it; and he did not give copies of it t o the

common people, but only t o the most privileged, and nowadays be., 10th century1 it is not accessible to all magi, and those who possess it possess it in an incomplete form-

combiningthesedataa7, took the name of Bun- xffnag as meaning "House of the original text of the Avesta". Henning considered b u n - x m a g as a designation of K a c b a - y e Z a r d u s t arid inclined to identify it with Oiz 1 Ni b i t but i t seem, with Humbach 1974, 204, that he was misled by Ibn BaIxT'sFffrs-Nffmah, identifying KO1 1 N i f i s t , i.e., NaqS I Rustam, with the so-called Ka'ba-ye Zardugt, i.e., bun- xffnag, and bothof themwith Olz I N l b l 5 t o f DkM 411.17ff. According to Shaki 1974, 334, Kirder's b u n - H n a g

Shahbazisupposesthat theoriginal text of Bal~amTshouldbeemendedtoread *bun- xana a z sangg1. However, B a l ' a i T ' s text, though frequently providing valuable information not

foundelsewhere, is not supported here by the TabarT's Arabic original. The Zoroastrian Middle Persian versions of the same story do not mention the surroundings of Persepoiis; the only exception is the AWN 1.1-1592, which placed the location where the Avesta was kept in Staxn ud

cannor be identical with

en

den ciyon ham39 ~ b i s t a q ua Zand 111 abar g a w - p o s t ~ h aT w i r a s t a g

KaCba-ye Zardu$t.

u d pad ab T zarr nib1Stag andar S t a x r 1 Pabagan pad d i z [TI n l b l S t n l h a d st

a w e p i d y a r a g 1 wad-Qaxt

ahlamffg 1 druwand 1 anagkardar Ill

Aiaksandar 1 hromaylg 1 musraylg man15n abar awurd ud be soxt. 82 Compare Pahlavi harwlsp.Sgahrti. 83 A similar text in Arabic, but without mentioning carvings etc., is by Miskawayhi. translated and transcribed in Shaked 1994b. 76. 84Kacba-ye Zardust in Persewlis, near Naqs-i Rustam. is an Amhita shrine; S a h ~ u h r i inscription i f 262 CE and K i roe& inscription were found there. 85 It is impossible to go here into all the problems connected with this term and with different !",erpretatio"s. 86 The opinion of AWN I, projected anachronistically to the Achsmenian period, is that there MS one single copy. 87 Henning 1957, Introduction [I]; Hinz 1961.16; cf. Gignoux 1984a. 145 n. 5.

88 de Memsce 1949, 3ff.. still maintained the reading Vrrar. 89 Cf. West & Hauq 1874, XL 90 For discussion, cf. Vahman 1986. 225ff. 91 shahbazi also notes that the name ~a'ha-ye-2ardu3t is relatively new, and was accepted under The influence of European traveilers. 92 Bailey 1943, 151-2; Gignoux 19842, 37ff.. translated on p.145ff.; Vahman 1986, 76-79, translated on p.191. notes pp.223ff. Cf. aisoTansar-Narne, ed. Minovi, 140-1; Bianchi 1977. 3.30.

xxii And these "Religtous Wtiiings". namely ail of the Avesta and the Zand which had been written with gold water on prepared oxen hide and deposited in Staxr I Pabagan in the Fortress of Writings, that wicked, wretched, heretic, sinful, maleficent Alexander the Roman, resident of Egypt, took away and burntg3.

I
composition of the Zand

xxiii Zoroaster's teachings were oral, that J a m a s p put some of them, but not all, in writing; the

is attributed t o Zoroaster himself quite frequently. Later, copies were

made, and some people made inappropriate use of these copies; clearly the ZanaTgs are meant. In some way. it was, then, Jamasp who was responsible for the misuse made of the prophet teachings. And indeed, we have another, Manichasan, tradition that attributes the corruption of Zoroaster's teachings t o JSmasp. In this Manichasan Zand 96, the greater pious men of the

religions of Revelation are described as vicious sinners: the murderous Devadatta joined by King A^oka, the name of Jamasp

is coupled with that Alexander as destroyers of Zoroaster's faith. It

is plausible to suggest that this Manichasan Zandwas based on thesame tradition about Jamasp

as, perhaps the first codificator of the Avesta.

Another version is found in Dk 7.7:3-':

pasaz az w i 5 6 b i s n I az Aiaksandar mad w a s ha" 1 xvadayan i az ha" pas 4. The signsof the making of hereticalmovementscame to manifestation, indifferent periods. The

az pargandagih abaz 6 hamTh awurd, hast i pad g a n j 1 *Sasabigan a s + t a i

framua.

n for this is that Jamasp preached some of the teachings of Zoroaster, and some of them he

wrote down. viz., the Avesta and the Zand jointly, on oxen-hides. He wrote them down in wisdom
1 gold

[letters] and kept in the Royal Treasury.

5. There were among the rulers and the authorities some who made several copies, and of those there were some that reached thesavants and the wrong-doers as well, and [the latter] turned them over to false opinions and false views.

Even after the havoc which happened because of Alexander, those who were rulersg8 after him
d l e c t e d some of it (the Avesta) from the scattered state and ordered to keep it in the ~ a i a b l g a Treasury. n ~ ~

The text is a bit compt here. it is impossible that the "savants" brought "false opinions", so,

e we h a a reference t o the assemblingthe dispersed Avesta anew, t h i s t o w s was studied

it must be supposed that the original text read something like:

"

both the savants *brought *right

in P i s 1990. The version of DkM 41iff. (cf. Nyberg 1964, 108:8ff.i, cf. West & Hang 1874, 3-S), West 1892, 413. Bailey 1943, 218, Shaki 1981, Shaked 1994b. 99-101, is as follows:

* i n i s and 'rig *views and the wrong-doers brought false opinions and false views", However, what is stated is that wrong opinions derive from the Zand, widely disseminatedg5 from the copy held in the RoyalTreasury. What is interesting about this t e x t is that it states that

...DSray 1 DarSyan hamag A b l s t a g u d Zana ciyon Zarduixl5t az Onrmazd

p a d g r i f t n i b i s t a g 2 paccen w pad Ganj T Sablgan Swag pad d i 2 i n i b i 5 t d35tan framud. ... [Sahpuhrl abaz 0 ham awurd u d =bag Abistag abaz

113. The reading and translation presented here are by Sh. Snaked, with some slight changes. 95 The wide dissemination of copies of the Avesta noted by Bailey 1943, 164, in DkM 406.9, was

96 Cf. Henning 1944, 133-144 Henning 1977, 139-150. 97 Cf. West 1897, 82. Mol6 1967, 71-2. 98 ~hese 'rulers' were rather the ~rsacids;compare West 1897, 82 n.1. 99^SasabTgan, Bailey 1942, 230-1; SapTksn, STEikan. Markwarl 1931, 108; S t i l k a n , Nyberg 1974. 186. Cf. below.

XX"

10IDarius,

sonof Darius, commanded that the whole Avesta and Zand as received b y Zoroaster

from Ahura Mazda t w o copies of (that) writing t o be preserved,

one in the

S a b i g S n Treasury

and one in the Fortress o f Writings.

...( S a h p u h r )

collected them1 O2 andcaused t h e m t o f t t h e

Avesta and every correct copy he ordered to be deposited the in the ^ S a b i g a n Treasury.

This is the only version t h a t mentions both *SabTgan Treasury (the Royal Quarters, the Palace?) and the Fortress o f Writings as the places where two copies o f the whole Avesta and Zand
100 This w o r t (cf. also DkM 405.39: 406.1. 9; 412.4. 22: 437.20; 649.19: AWN 1.181 was read and

were kept. Previously, the D e ' n k a r d account (DkM 406, cf. West 1892, xxxi, Bailey 1943, 2 17) stated:

translated in a variety of ways. ~aricwact1901, 108-9, identified ganiin ganj T xVadaySn(cf. now Dk8 341.2Of.; it seems that the form Sahlgan was influenced by that o f the name of Sez and s m p t e d because th!s name was unknown, being a mash for another place. That is the reason why in was substituted by the synonymous Ganj T xvadayanl with Ganjak .i.e., wlth C6s [Arabic al-Slz] > SrzTgan;on ~ a n Ti x V a a a y m "the treasure of the rulers".cf. ~affcwart& ~ e s s i n a1931. 108-10; t is worth notice that in 5 6 2 near Ganzak. where the Adur Gu3n3sp Fire was situatsd, there was " a Magi school, the antecedent and nurisher of the whole of the Magism, called S l r C 3 of the Magi". Vita Mar Abae, Bedjan 1895, Pigulevskaja, "Mar Aba I", 79. 57; (the form 57; w l l be used for c e ) , modem Tart i SulaimSn. on location and reading, cf. Marquart 1901, 108-9; Bailey 1943, 230; 8ailey 1971, XUI-XUII; STZ Ces<*Cest51zmay be f r o m c e 3 a s t ( C e s ~ ~ c e s t )cf. , ino or sky 1 9 4 3 6 256; 264. However, Shak 1981, 115 n.1, rightly showed that the Middle Persian form of the m e of The lake Cagcasta is C e c a s t GrBd 10.1, which may have been contracted to *Ce or C5s, as in the Arabic name of the place. J i s . not S ST& whtch is the Arabized form. Bailey 1943, 155 3, has SasapTkZn. The term occurs also in the opening of Ayadgar T Wuzurg-Mlhr [PT 851, where West 1887, 263-4, rendered it as "Moi, "Wuzurg-MI hr, fils de BOkhtek, president du conseil pri* el ministre de I'interieur du pays du fidale KhOsrb, Prepmi e t deposai dans la trtsorie royale bani-1 shahfkdn) ce memoire. : ; ~ a i l e y1971, xlii-xlin: abyaagar i wuzurg-mihr T 86xtagan a h r [I1 OstTgSn Xusraw-darlgbed, "the memorial of WM8, keeper of the b e S m e n , rmedofthestate 717, chief of Xusrau's court, was held in the ganj i S3hlgan"; Curakova 1991, 49, rendered it as follows: man Wuzurgmihr I B6xtagan winarbed [TI Sabestan Sahr 1 6 s t ~ g a nl ~ s r a u ,GarTgbeO en ataogar ~ a gani o I Samoan ninaa The woxd<aoexan ws dean with n riennng 1958. 45. and n Sha-cd 1969. 184 Ce.n.Ln"). the m o l e t ile transated a i d dealt -ntn n ~n-nncr1978. 46, snaked 19828. 299-303 [ * e n a n oaa tanSaoescan1. .ufconn 1987, 245 n. 81. As t o Ganj T sSHTggn, 'SZhigSn" alone was translated by Cunakova 1991. in her Glossary, as "pa-", palace. It is KW be noted that The word 3ablstSn occurs as Ai-CahSg's title; in SahrestZnlhS T Er3n 5518 & 49 we find:AZ-DahSg /wd T sabistSn calling AZdahSg a pea i SabfstSn may imply that his harem activities are meant, known from YaSt 5.34. Kasumova 1978, Kasumova 1994. 57, 63, 78-9. rendered Did i S a b i ~ t S n as " ~ n a c ~ e f Tbniu". in~ "the Prince of Darkness". In both Middle and New Persian S I D I s t f S i b i S t means "monster" etc.: the myth of Kirmas told in KNAP and in the SSbNSmah was strengthened by the affinity in sound of $ l b l s t / S l b l S t , monter", and SablstSn, 'harem', "eunuch'. As to the word z a n r n b e d used in the WMB passage, 56mer hannaSTm, "the keeper of women" in the Hebrew of Esther may be a wrong analysisof m r n p a t as if *zanTnpat. he reading adopted here is that by shaked 1994b. l o o n . 3: "the treasury of the (royal) quarters*. Shaked rightly alludes t o Esther 6.1.

*After it that is i n the *SabTgan Treasury (i.e., the Avesta) was burnt down and fell into the

hands o f the R o m a n s , it was translated into the Greek language1 03.

The act o f burning the Avesta is here anachronistically ascribed t o the Byzantines, confused with the Greco-Macedonia" armies. One can hardly imagine how a text, hiving been burnt, could

be after thattranslated into any language. Two traditions are combined here: that o f burning the
Avesta b y Alexander, as represented in AWN 1, and t h a t o f the Avesta dispersed amongst the nations104. But it is possible t o speculate here that this first tradition refers t o a well-known historical fact, the pillage of

STz, wlth

i t s treasures, by the armies o f Heradeus i n 6 1 7 C E ' ~ ~ .

It appears from these passages that at feast one written copy o f the Avesta existed in Sasanian

times; however, there is a big discrepancy as to the site where the Avesta actually was kept

101 The translation used here is that of Shaked 1994b. 99-100, with slight changes. 102 AII kinds of knowledge collected, inter alia, from Byzantium and India. 103 According to Tabari. 700, cf. Perelman 1907, 93, the Persian learnings on the sciences, etc., were translated, after Alexander, Into Aramaic, and then into Greek. 104 Again, cf. Pines 1990. 105 I t is possible that the spelling forms similar so much t o the name of S7z are actually a I k e combination of *GanJ T SabTgSn with The name of $17. It seems that a copy of Avesta was indeed kept and studied i n This ancient city of piests: Arabic sources mention "AySdgSr al-Furs" (which must be Avesta [with its Zand?], as the term BySdgSrwas used for "Avesta", cf. DkM 412.11) studied a t the "Gypsum Castle", Qal'at al->us$ <*Diz i Siz.

XX",

xxvii Avesta

here is another text, SahrestSnTha i Eran, 52ff. (cf Bailey 1943, 1531, which states-

For a better understanding of the Sasanian literary situation, some comments should be made
concerning the meaning of the word "Avesta". The word Avesta was explained In a variety of ways: from "praise", * u p = - s t a v a k a - (Bartholomae); from "basis", ^ups-sta- (Geldner and

Andreas);. from "knowledge", * v i a 1963~10). Then Zoroaster brought the Religion 1 the Avesta and by the order of the king Vishtaspa 1.200

(i.e., close in meaning t o V&A according t o Dhaila

has explained the term as *ADastana."~ookof~ommandments",or the

"Book of Praise" (*up=-stall: the term is still retained In O r m u r r word for "reading",
*abista); Bailey 1985a, 11-2. takes the first element as from &a, "separated,

fragards were engraved and written on golden tablets i n the religious script1 O7 and placed inthe
treasury of that (the Bahmm Fire of Samarkand) fire. Afterwards, the accursed Alexander burnt

distinguished", an adjectival form, not as a preverb. According t o this view, the Middle Persian 'pst'k was transmitted in the "Southern dialect", and s t ' k represents *$la-avafka-, the

it and threw into the a a .

This account is different golden tablets instead of 1,200 / 12,000 oxen hides inscribed in

same root as in Hittite i s t u w a - , "to declare solemnly", or in Greek otewai. "to speak boastingly" [Middle Voice]. Middle Persian forms are ' o s t ' c , a v a s t a w aEasta. "Avesta". 'pst'kyK and'pyst'k, 'pyst'k112; Pzzand has

gold; Samarkand instead o f STz. no mention of Zand, only the "Religion", i.e., the Avestan original
text, written id "religious script". This tradition ~cnkard'o8.

seems t o be unconnected t o those of AWN and the

Parsi Sanskrit has a v i s t a , and Abu ~ u w a s ~ ~ ~ u 5 e d B lfor staq

Sometimes the word for "Avesta" was compared t o a Middle Persian word found in

expressions well-attested on s e a i s l l j , 'pst3n 'L yzam, a b a s t a n l m 0 yazaan, "relnance All

t h i s may be summed up as follows:

according to the Zoroastrian Middle Persian evidence,

there were copies of the Avesta in existence; the traditions about the Avesta and Zand deposited a t Staxr, Persepolis or S i z are unreliable; a copy of the Avesta was kept rather a t the royal palace1o9. in ail the probability, in Ctesiphon.

1 thegods"' 16. The original Avestan text of Pahlavi Zandtexts is frequently referred t o as

bun1 17. "basis, origin", this analogy enabling to strengthen the etymology suggested by Geldner and Andreas; DhM 786.1 1-12 defines the prayer Ahwvar as "the seed of the sources o f the Religion", tohrnagan tohmag 1 Den, which is close to bun. Another Pahlavi term for the Avestan text is den, "religion". As is well known, den, "religion", is frequently used in the

n of "Avestan text" or even "texts based on the Avesta proper and as reliable as the Avesta

itself".

110 Cf. also Belardi 1979. Fora good review of opinions, cf. Glky0 110 1974. 111 Bailey, H.w., m e orbit of Afqhan studies, A ~ectureGiven a t the Society's [the Society for Afghan Studies1 Inaugural Meeting, p.1 [no date]. 112 m e final -k may represent the original adjective ending; another possibility is that this - k w s an orthographic device torender the long final - z 113 Syriac, Armenian, Arabic and New Persian forms are given in Bailey 1985a. 9. 106 ~aiiey 1943, 151, rightly made here a reference to the 'aiwah o f ~ a h a ' u i i ~ as h a parallel. 107 In the Awstan alphabet, cf. Tafazzdi 1993. 108 However, it is worth noting that, as far as I know, only this particular composition, SahrestSnThS T ErSn, knows Ctesiphon, named there simply Asor, "Assurn. In passing, it is worth notice that in Jud~eo-Persian sources K s O r means 'Mosul". 109 cf. noye 100,in the end. Cf. Capezzone 1989.91. E.g., Provasi 1975. 429, 433; Kirste 1888. passfm. Cf. also Benfey 1858. 676. mere is some semantic analogy between the name of the Avesta and its language, vesta an, and t i e name of the P31i language [absent from the Canon, appearing in the commentary literature], originally "text", hence "sacred text", hence "the language of the sacred text-, unlike "the language of the conMTientav"; cf. Jelizarenkova & Toporov 1965, 7. 114 115 116 117

xxviii This could be seen from the formula "pad den Paydag kU". etc., introducing Avestan "Avestam'and d e n being thus synonyms. On this basis, it is plausible t o suggest quotations1 I^, the possibility thai "Avesta" means actually not only "the Avestan text", but also "religion", exactly the way d e n means"~vesta"l 19. The meanings "religion". "Avesta" of the word den may have perhaps developed from slightly different sources than being merely a continuation of the h i soul-prototype124. Avestandaena- l2O. We know that the Iranian word den, "religion", was borrowed in the Achamenian period into Aramaic where it underwent the process of contamination with the genuine word for "Judgment, justice", Aramaic dTn. But previously t o that the Iranian d e n 1 da'ena- was, as I suggest, influenced by Akkadian
I o

xxix m en!, his interpretation was thus not different from that of the Sasanian Zandists,

who had a clear tendency t o identify their own concepts with those of the Avestan language, using Pahlavi etymons of Avestan words (it seems that they were not always aware o f the semantic81 gap). Etymologically, however, d a m s - could very well belong to the root o f Persian dTdan"to sse",sothat onemight regard aman's daena- as a kind of Platonic idea of one in the other world. The word daena- itself may signify "vision, conception" and thus it

continues the value of its underlying stative root d I-"view, consider", with which it is employed erymologically a t Y 44.10bd: t a m d a e n a m . . . d a l d y a ~"have ~ ~ ~ they seen t h a t ~ i s i o n ? " ~ ~ ~ .

Every man (and woman?) has his daena-, a representation o f his own virtues ( k i r b a g , in dinnum I drnum, '"ddocument,contract; strength, basis", dannltum. "document", ~ r a m a i c ~ ~ ~ dinnat-. "written text, d o ~ u m e n t " ~ from the root DNN. "TO be strong, t o strengthen". The 22, word occurs also in the Akkadian-Aramaic formula d n t z y [Whwbrzl, used Pahlavi)

- or misdeeds.

If the man was k l r b a g . k a T , "a pious one" in Pahlavi. his daena-

meets him on the Bridge of Separation, after his death, in the image of a beautiful young woman,
and if he was not - in the image of an ugly old woman, or a whore1 27; compare, ag,M X 28 ~ (and elsewhere) ha" 1 x v e s "@wag Kunlfin pad k a n l g k l r b , "hisown gooddeedsin formof a girl" ... hem n e k a n l g b e k u n i s n T newag 1 to, "I am not agirl, but your good deeds", etc. Most religions, among them Zoroastrianism. are based on the idea of a good reward for good deeds and punishment for sins; the Zoroastrian tradition is especially preoccupied with personal eschatology, the reward received in the afterlife. As the impetus o f Zoroastrianism is t o perform good deeds for the sake of one's own soul1 29, the word daena- / den, frequently glossed k u n i s n , "lgoodldeed, merit, ~ p r a n d u m " ' ~ referring ~, t o reward and obligation,developid in 124 with the word "idea" also belonging t o a base meaning "to see", *vfd-", cf. Gershevitch 1980b. 285 125 Translated 'standardly", en den dah6d. where the Zandist mistook the verb of seeing for the verb of giving. 126 Cf. lnsler 1975, 192 (Nyberg quoted). Sundermann 1992. 127 Cf., e.g., Vahman 1983. Calmeyer & Gaube 1965, Widewren 1983~. 128 Quoted in Sundemiann 1992. 163. 129 On the term. cf. Snaked 1990~. 130 There was perhags a stage when da6nS- was identical with k i r b a o , understood, on the level of popular etymology, as 'what is done by a parson", but also "what should be done". However, k l r b a o is a continuation of the same lemma as the vesta an kahrp-, "form", and that makes fclrbag semntlcally identical to daena- which also means "(visible) form", cf. Geshevitch 1980a and 1980b. It seems that no: the ~ r a b i c d ~ n "religion, , law", but the ~ r a b i c dain, "debt. obligation; financial claim" as well, r e loans from Iranian (In quite a number of languages, Including English, "debt" and 'duty', both of which are from debere. are svno"ymous). If it is so. then this second word, dam. was used as synonymous with klrbag, "meritorious deed, merit", and indeed, attention was called t o somewhat reversible u s of dffdkirbagin Iranian popular religion (Vahman 1983).

on a

newly

discovered coinlZ3. This highly tentative suggestion of a contaminated etymology presupposes the existence of a text recorded in writing. On the other hand, the Iranian d e n I d a f n S - poses several etymological and semanticai problems on the Iranian part, too. The Avestan word daena- is difficult t o translate.

Bartholope (AiW 662b), e.g., simply rendered it "Religion", after the face value of the Pahlavi usageof den.

118 Among formulas that are characteristic for quoting Avesta, thus introducing the Zand, are also k c , ay, had, as well as az Den PaydZg, bun, gySg Daydag, eic. 119 For this reason, I frequently Translated Pahlavi den as 'Avesta". 120 In the 9th century, Afsfri (Tavadia quoted in Sundermann 1992, 170 n. 46) named Zoroastrianism "al4Tn al-abyav, "the white religion" (no doubt, *den 1 spedag). Though the context there is Ifferent, as was noted by Sundemnn, this designation clearly reflected the old identification of the "beautiful (or, "shining", 'spedag) girl", daena, with the goal of pious life. 'religion".
72,
1

" I < 7 . .. 7, "IW 7 9 ~

122 The word was widely used by Achasmenian and Arsacid scribes. The root is perhaps attested 0 1 8 Hebrew: Genesis 6.3 [mm . n n i i ~ 2 i r i l ;the Hebrew for "Religion" (actually, "Faith'), nlim, derived from a root semanticalv identical with the Akkadian ONN (compare Exodus 17.12, n m n PT' n'l)]. 123 "Contract of Obonos" cf. Bivar 1994, 66; Bivar 1996, 37-38, prefers t o see here Mithraic e n The later Semitic word for "Law' in the sense of "Religion" is due t o a contamination of Akkadian dinnm, d r P , "strength, basis", Aramaic dm. "court, judgement, justice" and Iranian daena-.

xxx
Middle Iranian the new sense of "religion", "religious community" and even "the sacred texts of this reiigion"131. A particular revelation given to a particular person. Zoroaster, became the Holy Word, Span ta-

xxxi Asto theOrmurT word for "reading", it seems to be derived secondarily from the name of the Zoroastrian Holy Book, as it must be impossible that this meaning goes back to the epoch of preZoroastrian, completely oral, paganism. This example demonstrates. I believe, the differences between the Avestan, especially the GSeic. and the Sasanian theological perceptions, as etymologically related words, in many cases, have different range of meanings in Avestan and Pahlavi.

rigera-. for the humanity. Zoroaster held, of course, in very high esteem the Hymns

revealed t o him by Lord Wisdom, but it is plausible t o suggest that it was only a long time after the prophet that the connotation of "sacred text" was developed. In Pahlavi, @enmeans "religion", "Avesta" and it is the word used by the formalistic-minded ZandisK t o translate the Avestan for "revelation, vision". This type of translation I call the "standard", or "formal"

zand Now, some observations should be made concerning the meaning of the terms Zand and Zandrkfgl Basically, the

translation, when a fixed [Pahlavil word should cover all the meanings of a given [Avestan] word In the original text132. Derived from the root with meaning "to see", d e n may have been

lem Zand applies to -the Zoroastrian Middle Persian, or Book Pahlavi,

translated even "vision" or "revelation", referring not only t o Zoroaster's own da6na-. but also to the whole of information revealed t o him. On this basis of unintemipted, until the latest stages of the Pahlavi literature, usage of the word den for things seen as revealed to Zoroaster, Isuggest that the term * A b i s t 3 g (not attested in the Avesta itself) was coined laterthan den, as a gloss

version of the Avestan texts. Nevertheless, this varied genre of writings is by no means a unitary corpus. The vast dispersed material which could be put under the category of Zand was never organized as a body of texts. It contains material dating from different epochs and originating,

perhaps, from different schools of exegesis.

A sacral text is not complete without an additional interpretation1 35. The need t o interpret
to den133.

In my opinion, ^ A b i s t S g translating den derives from *"id-.

"to see"

the "scriptures" which may have been transmitted orally, brought to life during the Sasanian period this package of text-cum-exegesis known as "Avesia-and-Zand", or "Zand-Avesta". In

(synonymous with d l - and supplet'ive to it, cf. Persian dTdan / brlnl), and meant "things shown, revelation", being later partly contaminated with ' p s t

' n

found on seals. Regarding the

Western scholarship, the term Zed-Avesta was coined, following Oriental, but not specifically Zoroastrian models, as learning the Avesta meant basically studying the Zand of the Avesta.

phoneticformofAvestan daenS-, i t was itself influenced by the Sasanian pronunciation, *dayan3

>

daena- < den (cf. Insier 1975, 192). being a reworking of Middle Iranian den That

Zand is a Parthian term. originally applied, according to widengrenl 36, to the gnomic Andm
genre. The word seems t o denote, originally, merely "knowledge", thus implying the purpose for which these explanatory comments were made, namely, to better the comprehension of the divine word. in its ancient and dead tongue, that was no longer understood. The terms "translation" and "exegesis" do not fully render what the Zand really is. It was Schaeder 1330, 76. who identified the Zandas the Middle Persian Targumto theAvestan"text", and Gignoux 1986a, 56, defined Zandas exegesis like that of the Judeo-Christian world137; indeed, the Jewish Targum is the best parallel t o the Zoroastrian Zand. The most important common notion about both Jewish Targumim and ZoroastrianZands is that both were originally supposed t o be, on the one hand, strictly oral and literal, and, on the other, they were fluid, no"-

into the redaction of the text134.

is. the Middle Iranian word was read-in into the Avestan

texts during the period of oral transmission, and the Sasanian Zand tradition, which identifies den with *dayan3 ? daena-, follows thus the older custom. Concerning Bailey's etymology, it may be a good example of how the word was understood by Iranians later.

131 Cf. Sundennarm 1992. 165. aenerallv 132 AiW and The vocabulary in Dhabhar 1927 . . .omvide such standardrendennos: cf. also the illuminating remark in Kreyenbroek 1985, 76 whonoted that tarsayah, "devout, reverent', was "regularly used to render vesta an a51-, "recompense". 133 Which about that time, under the AkkadianfAramlc Impact, has develoned an additional sense of "basis, document". K is . orobablv . more than a coincidence that b0thdnland'~st'n are found onseals. 134, This observation seems t o me important as it eliminates phonetic problems involved in the t i d a r w e contamination with Aramaic arm

fixed, open to re-working.

".

1 3 5 fl Wansoro.qn '977. 100. 148-170 on the Koranc material. I y . . /l omgren 1960.40 n 136 3 3 V h f 0 i 4 I 10 den"? on", made 0; Ma? Ooyce.

xxxii

xxxiii Sundermann made known a Manichean Middle Parthian fragment where Ahunwait GSh Nask, ;.e., h m the Ahunuuaiti Gaea, the first of the 50 Old Avestan Gathas, which begins with the A

As with the Targiimim, there are different types of Zands as well. There are word-by-word
Targumim, like the Targum O n q a l f f s('Aquilas), that attributed t o Jonathan ben 'Uzzl'S and there are midrashic Targumim, like

( T a r g u m Yffnfesn, or "Pseudo-Jonathan") and

Vairiia prayer, is mentioned, while a Sogdian transcription of an Avestan text, the A X m Vohu prayer, a real Avestan text in Sogdian characters and in Sogdian pronunciation, was made known

others (the "Fragmental" Targum, Targum Neophiti, etc.). All of them have their parallels in the extantzands.

The basic difference is that while our extant Targumim are now strictly standardized and
fixed1 38. with littie new material being added at the later stages of fixation, the Zoroastrian

by Gershevitch 1976a140. AnotherSogdianZandmight beseenin 'xw

%ptk = r t w z r w E

(ax" aspate a r t a w Zrufic), "the perfect righteous Zaraeu<tra", standing for Avestan
asauua ZaraQuStrC SpitSm6, ( S k j e r v ~ 1998). where S p i t a m a - is rendered as
i s p a t e , "perfect". A s m the Old Sogdian Zands, it was stated that the pieces we possess are sort of a linguistical upgrading or adaptation, of the same kind which we meet later in the Zoroastrian Pahlavi Zands. ~ennlngl 41 published a Manich~ean in which the greater pious men of the religions

Zands represent an earlier stage in development:

different sages, like "NN said that

they have a more fluid character, and contain

two features not found entirely in the Jewish Targumim first, they use quotations in names of

...,but NN said that ...",or "but

some say", found in Jewish

writings in other genres of commentatory literature, namely in the Mishnah and Gemara, but not
1the

Targum, second, the Z a n d s frequently possess, in addition to the word-by-word translation

and midrashic matefial, also more than one set of glosses1 39.

of Revelation are described as vicious sinners. The murderous Devadatta is joined there by King A^oka, the great promulgator of Buddhism, and the name of the venerable in the F r a v a r d r n Y a ZamSsp iscoupled with that of the accursed Alexander. In light of such a great spread of the teachings of Zoroaster, one may ask whether some of the Greek (and other Western) books circulating under the name of Zoroaster, were not indeed some SOrtOfZanrf?

"These two feature are often inter-connected, and one of the tasks of the modem editors of the
Zands was t o discriminate between the "translation" proper and the sets of glosses (in tramliteration and translation, the glosses are put in the square brackets: [I). Though a 11 the Zoroastrian Zands we

possess now are in Zoroastrian Middle Persian, there is

no reason why there should not be translations of Avestan texts into Parthian, or "Arsacid" Middle Persian, or any other language; after all, we possess traces of such translations into different
i n tongues. Zands were known in several Iranian languages, including Old Sogdian (Gershevitch 1976a), Middle Sogdian, Bactrian, Parthian, Median, Old Persian (Skjaaws 1998), Armenian (Russell 1985-6, 7). as local versions of Avestan texts. The Avestan

Moreover, some Middle Iranian pieces of exegesis to Avestan texts (which could be well defined

as ",?a&)

were "tra~slated"~ 43 back into Late Avestan. as the Late

vest an' 44

term zanda

elements are most prominent in the Sogdian Manichean texts, amongst all other remnants of Manichaem literature, since these come from the general area where the Avesta itself originally

indicates. Thus, Y 61.3 and Vd 18.55 imply, according to Schaeder 1930, 88-9, that sometimes Avestan texts go back t o a Middle Persian Voriage, thus giving us some chronological data for establishing the epoch in which Zwidemerged. Avestan zanda yatumanta, with variants, in

came from (Skjaswa 1998).

140 The Sogdianized Avestan in the Sogdian fragment republished by Gershevitch is older than even the "Ancient Letters", datiw from an e m h mor to Man:. meanins that this small but important part of the

138 hey were written down and finally fixed as early as the Byzantine epoch, i.e., much earlrer than Zands he z m ~ ~ t i a n we possess now. The first Jewish prints, from the 16th century, included Targum, and since then only minor changes, if any, have been introduced into their texts. I" contrast, it i s only in the New Time that the Zands were printed. 139 However, it was observed that the way of giossization in Pahlavi texts is by no means different from that of the much later oldest Judeeo-Persian Pentateuch of London, edited in Paper 1972.

original meaning of the sacred text. No doubt, such Zands were among the texts that enrages ZorSTnan n a s o them t o ca Man. a zanoln, ~ s n q tne word as 8 r e m 01 ma-. 143 The v-wd "traitsated' ~ 9 c d here ooe; not necessarily iinp.es tnat 8 cena#rt e a , w t t e n &an w o r was a y translated, o.t ratner t n a a Mdoc lran.an-thn~ng a m o r o i ' e m that he .1 mmomng n A W * ~ O . ms 90" 01 m . s w ~ ~ 5mawt m .xrandst~onc o m p d n c o m d on l i i h the Latin of medieval ~uripean sources, or Hebrew written in Europe and elsewhere. 144 Cf.AiW 1662.

xxxw
v d 18.55, is clearly from Middle 1ranianl~5, and so

XXX"

is zandamca yatumatamca, in Y 61.3,

How could the Avesia in its original language be brought as an argument in a religious dispute, i f neither Mani, nor the arbiter[sl (say, the King), and, probably, nor even KirdeT (or other

too (where z m d a is glossed over in Pahlavi as "the prophet of wizards"146, paygambar T IadUg3n). Nevertheless, very few extant pieces of Zandcould be traced, unfortunately, to the Arsacid period. The Middle Persian Zoroastrian tradition preserves mention of a codification of the Avesta, apparently, with its Zand, under a certain Arsadd king Votooeses, and I think we should take this evidence on its face value: a Middle Iranian version, whether Parthian or Middle

high-ranking Magian politician) could understand the contents of i t without a vernacular version?149 Mani could easily pretend t o understand Avestan better than, say, Kirder. After

I M i claimed he grasped what Zoroaster actually taught better than the Magi do.
There are some reasons to believe that some of those Zands which Mani disapproved. were composed only in his own lifetime, as parts of anti-Manichean propaganda, while others had a longer history and were reworked by Mani himself for his own needs [cf. Chapter

1 1 1 1 .

That a

persianl^.

of some Avestan texts was in existence prior to the rise of the Sasanians. i see no Middle Persian version of some Avestan texts existed in ManiIKlrder's times150, could be

reason t o doubt that "Sasanian" Zandist traditions continued, in many aspects. "Arsacid" Zandist traditions1 48. Although sometimes i t was stated that The Middle Penian versions were made only in the Sasanian period, which would account for the lack of comprehension of many words and passages

seen, eg,from the fact that K i r d e r quoted Avesta in Middle Persian, i.e., as a ad, in 56-7 of
h i inscription, cf. Skjsnw 1983b:

on the part of the translator, but "the fact of matter is that the Pahlavi translations are
astonishingly faithful to the Avestan

W ZK-l'wglwn Z[Y dyny]

cygwn IPWN n l s k y nm'dty 'It'y

AYK AINISWTIA AMT OBLWNORIE NPSC ldyny?

... and we must conclude that the Pahlavi version was based

~ [ y t ' k ? l IW MNlW

ZK.

..... 1

^y

pt<y>rky

upon a long tradition of contemporary versions of the holy texts" (Skjsrva 1998). According t o this scholar, the KirdeTs quotations were taken from a complete Middle Persian version of the Avesta extant a t that time. even in a written form. This view should be

YATWNt W MNW 'It^ OLE ZK NPSE dyny OL whlySty YBLW?N W MNW dlwndy OLEc ZK NPSE dyny OL dlwShlwy DBLWlNlt, 'Iwgwnclm KON iPWn zylwndky pyt'k *yw YHWWN AYK OLE ODNA
W HT

strengthened by Mani's statement on the existence of books written by Zoroastrians, which books were, though, different from Zoroaster's own teachings; thus, one should see in these bookszands rather than the Avesta proper. It seems to me highly unlikely to expect Mani to state that the r a t e d - and incomprehensible- Avesta should not be Zoroaster's own words. When Mani said Zoroaster's pupils fabricated books, he cleariy meant books in vernaculars 1i.e.. the Zands). not the Av-. And in the same way as it is revealed [in the Nalsk that when people [pass on... And he who1 is just, his own [den] comes to meet him AnT[O]@[Lw]N[m APm ZK '1Py NIPSE ldyny ZK-'wgwn pyt'k p t y r k y ? YAlTWNt 'yw IHWEn ADYNm ZK NjPSE dyny ZK-'wgwn YHWWN cygwn MNW pyt'ik 'ywl

OL wh[ySty i w n y OZLWNt W HT diwnfly HWEn ADYH m ZK-'wgwn

YHWWN c y g w l n l tlINW1 OL I d w S h w y I DBLWNt,

... And he who is just,

him his own den [leads] t o

Paradise. And he who is wicked, him h i s own den leads to Hell. [thus a k o l may i t appear to me now in life, so that at the time when [I pass on, then my1 o w [den] comes [to meet 145 As*Zzanil-, with t. is expected In Avesta. Cmpr. as well yatdmand < yatck > laadg, cf. Schaeder 1930. 88. Avestan zanda occurs with yStumant, "sorcerer', Y 61.3; Vd 18.55 (pad zand jSdffgTh), Frahang TOFm 20: zinda. yatumsnta, zand y2tGK. ff. M X 35.167; ud 13om kc zandTgih kunffd ud l4om ke jadamh kuned. 146 According to Bailey 1963, 81, the meaning "sectary" of zanaTgmay have been developedfrom
"5orcerer-.
147 Skjasrve believes that all the extant Middle Persian versions go back t o the 3rd century versions, because it seems that it was only then that the Middle Persian dialed was put i n writing. 148 ff. Chapter 111.111 "Mani and Zand" n. 1.

me in that way].

And if [I am] just, [then] may [my] own den appear as

the one who goes t o Paradisel And if I am wicked, then [may] it appear t o me just as the one who leads to [Hellll.

149 Cf. Chapter 111.111 "Mani and Zawt'. 5 0 he lifetime of the two men partly overlapped.

xxxvi restored by Skjasrva 1983b. 290-1, as follows: m r m mure fiazd* "thus spoke Ahura Mazda",

i.<

g u f t Ohrmazd KG, "He, Ohrmazd, said, that..." versus K i r d e r ' s han 6w6n 19 According t o Skjasrve 1983b, 276, 290, K l r d e r ' s quotations are taken from the Zand to Vendidad [Vd 1 9 . 2 6 - 3 0 1 ~ ~"probably ~, not [from] the Hadflxt Nask". However, in my

p a d nalsk PaydSg k c
pas&

para.irlstahe msfffehe ... , rendered in the extant Mas

a s az be w i d i n g n 1 mardoman, "after the passing on of men",versus K i r d e r ' s m o m [ a (be) w i d i r e d l ; Vd 19.30: hS srfra <hu>Isrta ... Jasafti ...

opinion, there is a Gselc passage which is a better candidate t o be quoted by K i r d e r than a VendidadorHafldxt Nask passage;isuggestone hasrathertosee theNaskquoted by K f r d e r a s actually derived from the Pahlavi Yasna 31.20.

, "the

beautiful, the welkhaped is coming", rendered in

These texts are interesting as they provide us with a Middle Persian Zoroastrian 3rd basically not very different from that of our extant versions. What is worth notice now is the fact that

theextantzandas han newag (pad aidan! hugird ... rased . . "here arrives the brave [to look upon], the well-shaped", versus K i r d e r ' s * a w e T [den1 paydag, where the gloss den enablesus toidentify the passage; then. h z as-zunam uruufne t a r e haram BarazaitTm Sssnaolri tare CinuuatpsratGm

[PWN nlsky nm'aty, "[as]

it is demontrated in a Nask",

is a formula introducing a Scriptural

quotation also in Manichasan Middle Persian, but i t differs from the Zoroastrian Middle Persian, where we find ^pad Den paydag etc.; perhaps this difference implies that the Middle Persian but rather were organized versions of the Avesta were w t yet arranged154 as a complete corpu~,

rendered in the extant Zardas ha" T ahlawan ruwan t a r i s t hariburz wizlhened t w i s t a z en cy'w w i a i r e n a (k.6 *yazaan) xveg 1 menogan yazdan, widarg

as separate Nasks. Another possible explanation te that the term "NasK' was then identical with a

unit of the Middle Persian Zand, but not with a unit of the Avman texts.

Of m e . other explanations are also possible. It is possible that in Mani/Kirdr times, the term Zard, previously used for "Avestan texts in vernacular", became associated too much closely with heretical teachings, like those of Mani himself. It took time, and an almost complete destruction of Manichasans in Sasanian Iran, until the term reappeared in its original sense.

she will draw the souls of the righteous ones beyond the Hariburn. the cross over beyond the Bridge of Separation which belongs to gods,
versus Klrder's

As the Zandwas transmitted by priests who performedthe communal cuitic duties, they had t o
p w e the Avestan text properly, resorting t o the manthricl sS power inherent in the text.

[ud k e i arday han xu? [ d m ...]sky *pad<T>vag ayed ud k e arday awe ha"

Then. Vd 19.30:

, w

druuafam warn umuznam tsmo.hma nizarasaite

renderedin the extant Zand as1 s1 ban T druwandan waaag r-"wan andar tam [kc gyag T t a r ~ g ciynn dusax"! nayend (D&LWNyyndl, they will lead these wicked souls of these evil persons to darkness [which is a dark place, like Hell], in ~ a m ~ 1982, ~ ~ 631, ~ s who a does not specify where it is from; quoted in Skiserve 1983b. 151 ~ i v e n 291 n.12. 1 did not find it in Anklesana 1949. be Nask aux textes pehievis. D'autre part, on m peut imaginer qui'il se suit livd id S une fmovat~on douteuse et ;njustifiab,e. 1 1 hut c o n s i d e r qu'ii hit dtait d'une variants oftodon, ceue qui apparan en fiiimne des queiques iignes dll V. [Vdl 19". 5 4 The Arabic root NSQ, "to arrange", derives most probably from Iranian 'nask. 155 The Avestan maera s p a n i a was sometimes glossed as Ablstag, AblstZg ud Zand, cf. Phi ArdavahiSt YaSt 5, ZXA 82.6, Dhabhar 1963, 190.

xxwiii in Dadistan 1 Denlg 44-4s1 5 6 it is stated that "it is incumbent on believers in the Good Religion to learn the script of the Avesta so that they may not make errors in the recitation of the N l y a y i g n and the y a f i t " l S 7 . it is clear from this passage that the impetus to invent the A n script was the desire to avoid errors in the pronunciation of the sacred texts. But as the Zoroastrian God is the Lord Wisdom, His Word revealed to Zoroaster had t o be
understood, so that every human being could choose the Good. The use of Zand implied that some

xxxix translate the Holy Scriptures in writing; in the Parthian Period in lran (chronologically partly overlapping the Second Commonwealth Period), there were, perhaps, no systematically written Zadtranslations.

r a i n s before Islamization were not, basically, "men of letters". Even in Firdausr's epoch, they saw writing as demonic, partly perhaps because the Plural form of "demon", d i w a n , sounded to them as rhyming with the word for "office". Traditional religions feel no need to translate their tenets to the vernaculars on a large scale. A communal society that starts explaining t o itself its own beliefs is a society in crisis: in Late Sasanian lran. the " ~ r t h o d o x y " ~ was seriously challenged by Christianity, Manichasism and Judaism, especially by the first two. Seeing Byzantium as the model in many respects. Sasanian Iranians spared no
effortsto keepup, and It may be supposed that A d u r b a d compiled his Zand

basic understanding of the sacred text was desirable, if not required, from the laymen, that is, mere recitation of some formulas in Avestan was seen as insufficient to fight the evil. This duality of the text's purpose, both its manthric power, and its need t o be properly comprehended, were the factors which led to the emergence of a bilingual text, the Word of God in the "religious' tongue1 5B coupled with its explanation in the common language. At the same time, the emergence of the Zandas an exegetic translation in the common language implied the inclusion of Zoroastrianism into the Middle Eastern cultural milieu, where such a tradition of translation existed for thousands of years. The Islamic requirement to possess a Scripture in order to become considered as a Peopie of Scripture,

r Khorde Avesta asa

replica of the Christian Psalter. Some Avestan texts were seen as referring to or even quoting

) . moulded perhaps on Christian Christian texts. 9.a Zoroastrian prayer (cf. Hampel 1974. 2
and Jewish models, reads:

ah^

i- kftffb. seems to be

an expression of a long held notion which was current not only among the Abrahamic

denominations. The Written Corpus of Zandas we know it now was arranged only in the Islamic
59; ~ this may be one of the era with the purpose of obtaining the status of Peopie o f ~ c r i p t u r e

pad nam T Yazdan. nam i stayign 1 awe 1 ahrmazd hame bod u d ham? hast ud ham? bawea, nam I Yazad spennag men6g andar x v a d S y l h wa

ec

menflgan menflg 6.S

s for composing the important literature that was dubbed as the 9th Century Books, but

these works were not "sacred", they did not pretend to have the statusof Revelation, at best, they were comparable with fiqh orc//-fwo^ks.
It is worth noting that there are some loose chronological parallels between the attitude t o

In the name of God. His, who is Ohrmazd, name of praise, ever was and ever is and ever will

written translation of sacred texts in Iran and lsrael: while in the first Muslims centuries we r e a d y find the fully-developed translations, into Aramaic or Pahlavi, in Israel and lran, in earlier epochs, like the Second Commonwealth Period, there was some reluctance in Israel t o

be, the name of God, the Holy Spirit, who is the Spirit of Spirits, whose lordship is one.
Some Christian pieces were even incorporated into Zoroastrian texts, like DkM 498.17-18. which was seen by Asmussen 196s. 39. as a borrowing from 1 Cor.13.13: 6.San enaz w o n a a 5 t kfl menfigan yazdzn 3 CTS aber newag, d55Sram. tars<a>qlh ua Cmedag,

enaz

ed5n:

They also believe that three things are desirable to the spiritual gods, viz., love, piety, hope.
6stadan t z dar xvafidan 1 Niyayi5 va Yagt xata na r a w 6

158 ~ w a z T ~blstaa "am, "the tongue called Avest^.nl", DkM 455.11, or ewaz 1 demg, "the religioiis/scripuiral tonque", DD 36.41. are the Pahlavi names of the Avestan language; cf. Bailey 1943, 167. 159 mergence of ~ a n d ~ e a"Sacred n Scriptures' in the ~arlylslamic period may serve as 3 good parallel, cf. D . Shapira, "The Making of the Madbean Canon" (forthcoming).

xI
In other words, the Middle Persian Zands were open to influences. It stands clear from the above-quoted DkM 437.20-22 that authors of the Zoroastrian Middle Persian texts were aware of the fact that both right and false teachings were derived from the a n d . That is the reason why the orthodox are frequently required to keep secret the zandl 61. In Pahlavi, z a n d i k t g l means "one who interprets the Avesta andone who makes Z & without authority", and it was regarded to be a serious abuse. It was suggested that

This means also that a T a r g o m was supposed to be not merely a translation166, but also an
exegesis, which applies fully to the Zoroastrian zand.

and Sari? means "commentary-lG8, while in Jewish In Arabic, t a f ~ i risl "translation" ~ ~

vernaculars, as in Judso-Persian (especially in Bukhara), e.g, Sari? issometimes used in both

i.e., "translation" as well as "commentary". However, it is worth noting that in sensesof d,

Hebrew and Palestinian Aramaic, both Samaritan and Jewish of the period of Amacid and Sasanian rule over Iran, b * meant not only "to explain, interpret", but also simply "to write"169

the Jewish

62, is term Pharisees, paruSTm, Sng. paras, psrl5a. interpreted by Boyce as "~ranizen"~
mantically connected t o z a n d r k : "*ones who make [oral] interpretation ( p f i r a ~ l ~ in ~a) vernacular", referring to a practice well known the First Century CE Land of Israel preaching in Aramaic in synagogues was one of such interpretaton. Every translation is, a t the same time, interpretation and explanation. This is especially true when an attempt is made to explain the hidden meanings of a sacred text composed in a sacred -

- e-g., Jesus
I

In Iran proper, we do not often find the term zandTk. We hear about zandiks as "heretics" mostly from non-Iranian sources. On the other hand, we do not hear much about Avesta from i a n sources, and the impression one may get from these sources is that there was no

and, mostly, dead language by means of a vernacular. When the situation is like that, i t is only
natural that the terms "translation" and "commentary, explanation" etc. became synonymous.

written A"-'

70 at all, only heretics composing their books, supposedly Zands

The near absence of discussionsabout the Avesta in external sources, eg, in syriacl

",

could

Even in our days, "to translate" is sometimes "to explain"; "to explain", on the other hand,
shifts in some cases t o "to translate". This is the case with languages with a long literary tradition where reading of classical texts requires some background in the ancient stage of the vernacular or in the genealogically related language. Thus, in Modem Chinese, yfmeans "to translate", but in ancient Chinese it has also the meaning "to explain"164. In the Hebrew of the Biblical Book of Ezra, the term mao6rffS (Aramaic * m a ~ . a r a S )was used. as it seems, for public reading of the Torah with a simultaneous exegetic translation into Aramaic. Schaeder

nevertheless be quite telling, if we combine this silence about the existence of Zoroastrian "books" with complaints, found in the same Syriac sources, about the secretive character of certain Magian teachings. This silence does not necessarily prove that the priests' teaching were not extant in writing, but that these texts circulated in other circles than those from which the Christian conveffi came.

loth ritual and teaching were performed by priests, who made efforts t o restrict access to
their monopoly172; in the Sasanian period, the GSBas were viewed as containing esoteric wisdom, thus barriers t o their study were erected173.

1930, 11, was not nght when he stated that the real meaning of this muchdiscussedterm, m s ~ - ~ r a was S . not known in the Mishna period, for we have in Megillah 3a mao6raZ z e

161 cf. Shaked 1969s. passim. 162 Cf. Boyce & Grenet 1991,410, quoting Manson inn. 221. is derived from the same root as rna~6rSs. mseara5, cf. further. There is 8 163 mis word ~ e r o s r a e nhrase zndkv ZY vhwd'n in a omfitto a t the wall of the svnagooue of Dun-EucoDOS. Geiger

166 "TRGM means 'rendered onto a language", not necessarily by translation from another language", cf. Levine 1962, 34. In Yiddish, e.g., fartayct means not only "translated into *Deutsch", but also, simply, "explained"; similar examples could be easily provided from other languages, too. According to my own observations, ~sraeli children clearly tend t o confuse IaLargfimand laearfis. 167 T a f s i r derives from Aramaic E R , a douplet of PRS. Compare Qumranic ~ e s e i . 168 Prnes 1990, 45 n.16. 169 Cf. Ben-Hayylm 1966, 16Sff.. esp. 168. This might serve as a good semantic parallel t o the Pahlavi wlzScl5n. 170 m e western sources speak of 'psalmody' not of books; cf. ~ a 1927. u Compare Christensen 1944,

A n s i r w a n forbade the study [of the book1 in any place in their country other than Ardasflr.Xorra and E5a M.n-as Giro. Before him (the religion) was only studied in lstaxr, and this was permitted t o special elite. heir book which remained after it had been burnt by ~iexander, contained 23 sifr. 173 Cf. Shaked 1969a.

ixii Sometimes, in the later times, the Zand is referred to as a "secret", cf. the New Persian passage transcribed and translated in West 1904b. 112-1 174:

xiiii It is worth noting, however, that the fim appearance of the term z n d ' in Middle Persian is found about Mani's times, in the inscriptions of his arch-fiend, K i r d S r [Naqs-i Rustam, KKZ 10 = Sar Mashad 14. circa 290 CEl. where there is little doubt that the Manichean$are those
nt180: W y t ~ w d yW smny W blmny W n'E1.y

i n k i s l r r e, ba navan nTst, ba x a t t 1 Avista, ya x a t t i savad, avayad

i b i s t k i u z v a r i s bed, That which is a secret, written to a scholar, one must write in Avestan writing, or the writing ofbiackness175 which is i J z v a n s .

W klstyd'n W mktky W zndyfcy

BYN Z t l y MHYTN YHWWNd, "and the Jews, the Buddhists, the Brahmins, the Nazoreans, the Manichseans in the kingdom were struck down". Christians, the ~ a p t i s t and s ~ the ~ ~

As the priests were those who transmitted the texts, especially after the fall of the Sasanian Empire. they were those who chose what is to be transmitted. The result is that the bulk of Pahiavi literature that survived is the literature of priests. That is why amongst the texts that have reached us one finds a whole Vendidad Nask, considerable fragments of N e r a n g e s t a n and Erbedestan in the D e n k a r d and their Avestan

Thezandwhich gave the zandlks their name was not the Zandwe have now, of course182. In Kirder's times, as was mentioned above, the "official" Zandwas perhaps called Nask. The term Zand in DkM 412, referring t o Voiogeses' [Walaxs's] redaction of the Avesta, has the older waning of some Avestan texts, and does not designate Middle Persianzand (Tavadia l956b. 55).

originals and Pahlavi versions, etc., while other Nasks are summarized briefly, sometimes in a
few words and some Nasks, like the astronomical (?) Naxtar [Nzdar] Nask. whose name was

We have sometimes examples, in Arabic or Armenian sources, of fragments of Sasanian Zands that
r e a t odds with the extant Middle Persian Zand Thus. in Y 33.12, us m 6 i uzaraguua Ahur3, "rise up t o me, D Ahura", recited on adding fragrant wood to fire. the Pahiavi has u i man az han T reSTdar IahIamOgI Ohrmazd, based on*araSuua. That is while

seen as

derived from indie n a k s a t r a , " ~ e s t i r n e " ~ was ~~ not , handed down to us at all. in

addition. Pahlavi translation and commentary, generally, develop the original contents concerning

dutiesattachedtosacerdotalofficel 77.
The House of Learning was called "the place of Priests", and, though we know from some

one of the fire-temples founded by Mihr-Narsffh in the

fith

century was called, according to ~ a b a r l " ~ ~ r~a~z m , a r s awar xvadayan. thus being a perfect rendering of the Avestan verse in question. Of

sources that laymen went to study, orally, Avesta with Zand (Y 57.8, Visp 14.1. 16.0, m a t
. s z a n t i , "with Zamf, abag Snasaglh 1 zand. "with knowledge of ~anrf"'~'), the greater bulk of the Avesmn corpus was restricted to priests only. It is not a coincidence that when a layman boasts [PT 27-38, 8-91 that he has memorized Avestan texts with their and, he mentions texts we still possess. Thus, z a n d l k meant "one who makes exegesis without authority", with the emphasis on "without authority"; the word perhaps existed even before Mani, the zandik par excellence, was born179. Manichseanswere those who provoked the formation of orthodoxy and the appellativeof "heretic" on themselves for the Zoroastrian Church of Sasanian Iran, cf. Five 1992. 1874,169. note, asserts that the compilers of the nenkard 174 PrsRiv, quoted in west & ~ a u g "collected [only] some of the more essential (faria-tar1 mysteries of the religion (asrar T dl") as

course, this Avesmn verse,

used in a fire

ceremony, is well appropriate to be used as a name of a fire-temple, and there can be no doubt that r r a z mar3 a w a r xvadayanused to betranslatedus ma1 uzaraZuua Ahura in the traditional (oral?) translation-interpretation in the fifth century CE.

The Zand we possess now is the Zand developed near the end of the Sasanian period, representing the orthodoxy which had by then taken root; the Zandwe possess is the Zandof ~ z r s84, l based on the oral word-by-word translation of the Avestan texts, to which glosses were later addedor from which new compositions based on such translations were made.

.
176 177 178 179

Cf. Chapter I. de Menasce 1983. 1176. Cf. Sctiaeder 1930. 79 n. 5. Compare further, Siddiqi. quoted in Schaeder 1930, 78.

Frye 1992, 96-7. Probably Mandeans, cf. Bailey 1980 and ib.. 1985b. Back 1978: "Jains'. Cf. Schaeder 1930. 82. quoting Darmestetci. Schwartz 1896. 11. 69. However, there are traces of other Middle Iranian dialects, especially Parthian, studied in many works of Widengren. on the other hand, Middle Persian ahlamff" is not a continuation of the Avesta" asamaqa < *ctamaoya- > w asmq, but is a genuine Persian form, like *Amahrspand or -fraward. According t o the opinion of the "Scandinavian school", the Sasanian Avesta was codified under coalescence of traditions of Staxr and STz, cf., e.g., Wikander 1946, passim, and Widengren 1968.

180 181 182 183 184

xliv
It is important t o recall185 that the Manicha" writings frequently use typical Pahlavi.

. I "
Still, some written anti-Manichean propaganda, at least, formally based on Zanch, was in circulation. We know this from several references t o Mani and his teaching in the Denkard, Skand Gumanlg Wizar and other ninth century texts; these references were clearly based on some written records, as Manichseism was generally on the defensive in Iran. Other pieces of written propaganda and anti-propaganda also based on Z a n d s were in use during the W a h r a m Coben mutiny (cf. Czegledy 1957 and 1 9 5 8 ) ~ ~ ' .The struggle against the spreading Christianity also led the Magi t o produce some written works, as we know from Armenian
SoUKes.

Avestan technical terms, such as ahlawan, instead of the standard Middle Persian ardawan; h a f t Saur yagtag, having parallels as in K i r d f f r ' s inscriptions; adur waxsan y62dahr, "the pure blazing fire"; Sb zohr, "libation of the waters", and others. This interesting fact can be explained in different ways, including the suggestion that Mani's Iranian writings were indeed created as 22x3 to Zoroaster's wordsla6. This may imply that the
esteem.

Z &

were kept in high

There surely were different schools of Zsndsts: cf. the gloss t o Y 30.4 & Dk 9.30.4 and M X 36.16 (Schaeder 1930. Wff. [esp. 87-8 k 9311, in Sanskrit and New Persian versions, where i d T g T h kuned is explained in terms of *Uffwsyasns, Mazdak, seen,of course, not a- a

While on the defensive, the "orthodoxy" had to compose and even forge "Avestan" pieces. 'The old texts are used in a flexible and quasi-prophetic manner which permits Interweaving them with facts of a much later date. This is common practice in apocaiyptical literature and is found again at Qumran, for example, where the text of Habakkuk is applied t o the life of "the Master of Justice" (de Menasce 1983, 1174). In Zoroastrianism this system of interpretation is certainly earlier than the Muslim epch, even though the end of the legend of Zoroaster includes the episode of the Arabmnquest (ibid., 1174). Glossing work begins as early as in Young Avestan texts where sometimes the Old Avestan passages were explained. There are two passages in the Vispered, 14.1-2, and one in the Hymn t o Sraosa, Yn 57, where m a t a z a i n t r refers t o the running exegetical remarks, while m a t p a 4 t l . f r a s S - refers t o a kind of reSponsorium or catechisms, cf. Skisewn 1998. Yasna 57.7-8 is as follows: sraosam ... yazamaide y o p a o i r i i 6 gaesfrasr-auualiat ... a f m i n i u u ~ nvacastaStiuuat maf.Szafntr5 mat.paiti.rra5 "We worship Sraosa ... who was the first t o recite the GaeSs ... with phrases and strophes, with commentaries, with counter-questions"' and the Pahlavi there has:

social revolutionary, but as a dwayasni heretic, is known for "[he] made public a book which is ailed the Zand..." (Bosworth 1990, 12). The genealogy of the abusive meaning of the word z a n d i k is not clear-cut, as many factors joined together in developing this semantic shih- The secretive character of the official Zand as such. on the one hand, and subversive nature of unauthorized compositions, pretending t o be based on Avesta, on the other, were among these factors. It mioht be also supposed that the term zandTk as meaning "heretic" was coined, i.a., under the impact of the fact that Mani, who pretended to a better understanding of Zoroaster's words than the Magi did1.87. interpreted the t e r n zandfk in the sense of "he who knows"188, thus *gnostic Indeed, in P Y 32.

aa. zand

is rendered as snasagih, "knowledge". Another

plausible explanation is that Mani used the term for his Etecti [Aramaic t a h T r e , PI.], as if from ~ r a m a i c ~ l~ a~ d d r q i e (Arabic l ~ ~ ~ s l d d r q l meaning simply *3rusvlffn], "the righteousone[s]". Isuggest that it was this meaning "the righteous onetsl" attributed by Mani to the word z a n d l k that provoked the use of the term "hereticis]" by orthodox ~ a g i . Struggling against the Manichsean heresy, the Magi probably had to examine anew their own

sources of authority. It is, however, certain that most [or all) of the Iranian versions were
actually oral. The 5th century Armenian Eznik Kolbac'i tells us that the Persian beliefs are not set down in writing, so that the Mazdseans are apt to say one thing, then another, cf. Russell 1985-6, 3-4.

".

185 Cf. Skj~ervo 1398. 1 i1 .1 1 "Man, and Zand". 186 Cf. Chapter 1 187 Cf. above. 188 Indeed, the word zandis formed from the base with the meaning "toknow", ~ f above. . 189 Actually, Syriac. as the zconsonant suggests. 190 Cf. Schaeder 1930. 84-5. 191 Cf. Chapter IV. 192 Translation by Skjasfva, with a slight alternation; cf. also Kreyenbroek 1984, 3841.

xivii This implies that this particular Zandc tradition resulting in the confusion between marw /

..I
! v

/ mum hasexisted m the early 4th century19s.

Another example of deviation from the 9th century Zoroastrianism is reflected in Manichean Sundermann 1979a. 785 argued for an imaginative Middle Persian rendering of

Him who was the first t o sing the Gaeas, who *is the righteous Zoroaster, with yaier (metric Gae33). with v i c a s t (stanzas), with knowledge and the Zand and with questioning [aboutthe nerarig-formulas] as regards this worship of the Immortal Bountiful Ones, and the ritual, propitiation and Afrinagan prayers.

the Avestan of the Yt 10.115: W i h r , ZarduStrfftum, glossed as M i h r , ZarduStrfltum. 6h

6h

rnanig

r a d , wisTg,
Wished,

zandig,

dehig,

manbed

zandbea,

dehybed,

Asking why Adamas was called by Mani w i s h e d and not "zandbed the title he deserved,

Here the Avestan ys/er, translated by

a m

me as "metric

Gzeas", refers to the original m a t

Sundemann 197% 786 suggests that this was because of a very old

- and wrong -variant

; in the Vispered (14.1) version a f s m a n i u u a n is rendered by abag gah, "with

reading in Yt 10.liZ. where Mithra is described as v T s p a i t i m (Ace) > w i s h e d , while the

measured lines", thus reflecting the stage when"G3eas" was still understood as "a unit of song", not asmtheGaeic corpus"; "with vTcast (stanzas)" renders vacastaStiuuat.. "strophes", while "with commentaries", maL.azaintiS, glossed Zand, was unmistakably taken as containing the word for "knowledge". thus translated ab3g SnZsTh. "With counter-~uestions",

more correct reading is vTsUptTm, "broad-shouldered"197. Thus, Sunderman" wrote, "we

may assume that also in the Sasanian times religious authorities of the Mazdayasnian church understood and explained the hapaxleoomenon f i s d p t r m as a strange variant of the familiar v r s p a i t i m ...""8.

mac.paiti.rrasa,wasrendered byalongglossabag pursiSnTha [i "ran pad han i

I : is well known how problematic is the grasping of the original meaning of Avestan, especially Amahrspndan yazlSn ud niyayl<n ud Snaynldar f r a z afariganrh, referriw t o ofGSeic texts; in Denkard (DkM 459.8-22) the question is asked why God revealed his word in the way the Avestan text was learned, while the emphasis was put on the ritaul implementations. this incomprehensible language; the [-linear, As Skjierve has noted while dealing with Avestan "manthric power", and the D e n . A b i s t a g h a r w l 5 p . a g m r h , "thecompfetewisdomoftheAvesta". areso w l d i m a s r g , "miracufous", that have passed from ail the comprehensionof men^

Z a n d s ,the decorative arts of the Middle

Iranians contain motifs the interpretation of which is very difficult, because the relevant literature was lost. However, some indications of how Avestan texts were interpreted one could find also in some non-textual sources, including representations in arts and coinage: thus, the w n of Homizd I1 (r. 302-9) on his Maw dinar appears t o depict the head of a bird, perhaps a

^.

cock rather than the eagle (Carter 1990, 15); according t o Carter, the choice was a result of a Zandtradition, demonstrated in a Pahlavi gloss in Vd 1 (cf. Christensen 1943, IS), where the third best country created by Ahura Mazda was said t o be not Maw, but "the vigilant cock".

195 It seems that there were in existence some practices of "illustrative Zands", of the type of Mani's famous Affang (or the later illustrated MSs), and Sasanian bas-reliefs were perhaps influenced by lliatrated books mentioned by Arabic authors, cf. Ghirshman 1965. 5. On the interaction of written u s with arts, on an ~rmenianbas-relief, srinury i Senmurw is depicted in the mnn=r the a t m s s c r i b e d in the~undahign, namely. s6 angurag, "three-fingered", cf. uusseii ',990-91, 143. 196 That Zands existed in Mam's times one could see. e.g.. from the fact that the Zoroastrian idea of fibgad was known to Mani: "in the lowest Firmament they (the Demons transformed by Mani into Angels) bored a hole and suspended the Zodiac from it. Two Sons of God were placed by them (there) as watchers, so as t o... the Superior Wheel continually". Henning 1948. 313 [cf. also Chapter Ill. APPENDIX F r a. mn. l. 197 Gershevitch 1959. 261. n.llZ.2, quoted in Sunderman" 1979a. 787. 198 Cf. Sundermann 1979s. 784, but cf. also Bimr 1988, 13. 199 On this basis, Giky~110 1974, with good bibliography, connected Avesta to words meaning %hat keeps away from, what stands apart, what rejects lour human knowiedgey.

xlviii This Manthric *w ldlm3sTgTh of the Avesta

x1ix

means that all the knowledge iscompressed in

The expression used, "more current", r a w 3 g . t ar, (toes n o t m a n the same as "as current as",
the Zandcannot reveal all the levels of the ~ v e s t a because ~ ~ ~ , these are embodied in the very sounds o f the manthric formulas, n o t in the 'message' traditions. i
i s that

the holy sounds of the language200, thus Zand is n o t b u t a rendering, as opposed to translation i n the Western sense. Zand cannot "translate", it can render one

- or more - layer[s]

o f the

as such, or i n the letters, as in some other

profound meanings o f the Avestan utterances, b u t it is unable, written or oral, t o imitate the might o f the Avestan recital. I t seems t h a t in the LateAntiquity there was no notion o f a Holy Language, study o f which would promote better understanding o f the Lord's willzo1. Still, there

the historically fortuitous situation - the gradual withering o f Avestan and i t s

transplantation on a linguistically different ground in the Iranian West

- has gotten a theological

is

3 difference: the Western cultures, Jewish or Christian, have

no manthric overtones [or, very

explanation which resulted notonly in emphasizing of the hidden power o f Avestan, b u t also i n the actual substitution of the Zandfor the Avesta. T h i s led t o a situation in which we a t times are unable t o decide whether the sources speak o f the Avesta or o f the and, as the t e r m are interchangeable. In fact, the Zand didbecame

marginal ones], while in the Zoroastrian Iran, Avestan was n o t a Sacred Language i n our sense: u d Zand p a d w e n 5 g u f t f i s t e d pad m l y 3 n I g6h3n rawag.tar andar g e h a n

the ultimate source of the Avestan (in the sense o f

3 s n 3 g . t a r x v a d A b l s t a g , "and the Zand is expressed i n the manner as the Avesta itself becomes more current amidst the worid and more familiar i n the worid". The difference between theAv-anditsZandis self-evident you cannot perform the ritual in the vernacular, exactly

"Scriptural") lore, having undergone a process of certain secularization.

As the Avesta was supposed t o contain everything, introduction t o the Zandof foreign or "on-

religious material, when fining, also became possible. However, Avestan texts were still studied n o t oniy for linurgic purposes, though on a low scale. They must have been read mostly against their Pahlavi translation, surely compiled, grossoimdo, several centuries before the Canon was setduring AnGSurwan's rule.

as you cannot spread, in the Avestan language, the message of Ahura Mazda revealed in Avestan: the
tool o f revelation and the tool o f propagation are n o t identicalzo2.
200 This wIdlmSsTg could perimps seen as one of the sources of the Arabic ICcfSzidea; with Arabs, t i s that t h e language of the Koran cannot be surpassed; with Zoroastrians, the supreme wisdom of the Lord Wisdom as expressed in Awestan has some demons-destroyina power. I" passing, it should be

Thus, the interpretation o f Avestan texts was based mostly on Tradition, not on independent study; as Shaked 1994b. 79-80, noted: "studying Avesta and Zand could have been one o f the highest signs o f piety, b u t it never became a major act of religious devotion, as Torah learning on

alphabets, the extraordinarily phonetic Avestan script, and the Pahlavi, perhaps the most awful alphabet ever existing in this pa,, of the world, is striking. The very precision of the Avastan alphabet reveals 1 s later provenance. 201 I n the West, Veritas Hebraic8 was a function of a highly developed Hellenistic philological tradition; the later Sack-to-the-Sourcesmovements represented, above ail, tendencies of exegesis, and should be s e e in the Judseo-Christian context. mere remains this intriguing question of the status of Hebrew amend Jews during the first Christian millennium. 202 The vesta an was probably seen as belonging to the mn world of ideal possibilities, while Zand was i s g5tTg realization. In an anachronistic late Sasanian reference t o the existence of the Avestan script in zoroaster's times ( w i z ~ r k a r d T o f i n ~ g 17, cf. ~ o i 6 1967.132-3) we read: pas ham a w e ata[x] abar han dadTha g3ti nt3Zned. ud k i s t T ha" draxt I sarwan, US andar zamig k i s t , c i y m kadls u l r a s ~ d ,ud har war9 1 kad az *sax tiamag wax31d. spar ha" i aw na i b i bad pad mahria I abezao. ku: "5 hay w a g pad (raman T ohrmazd m ~ n ~ g i h w f t ~ s p en r weh be p a d i f , "then he (Zoroaster) placed this Fire on its appoin~edplace, according t o the statute, and planted the cypres-tree; he planted it into the earth; when it grew forth, and every leaf has grown from its branch, one every leaf, by Ohnnazd's order, there was written, in a spiritual manner, in the holv lanauaae 1 in the cure script, saying: "0 Kay WiSlasp, accept the Good Religion!". Though the expression used is ambiguous (Md6 1967, p. 133: "en lettres Pure%"), it is, however, ciear that this t e x t presupposes that someone at w i $ l s s p ' s court was able t o read, a i d the messav was written in Avestan (either the script, or the language, or both), seen as belongig t o the mEn6g dimension. I would add, in passing, that the t e x t (which is a version of the the story of the i n of the King Wi9tasp) demonstrates, otherwise, many Buddhist and Christian-looking embell!shmenIs.

Judaism and as Qur'an and allied study later became i n Islam". In Gathic texts, the translation

e r r s t o be interlinear, while, as a rule, each Avestan word is rendered by a fixed Middle Persian
wordzo4. in many cases, the Pahlavi sentence could be oniy understood when read with the e other examples. T o these, glosses are added, in many cases bearing exegetical

Avestan original. Such practice was common centuries later i n Judso-Persian Bible translation,

a d in m attitudes.

203 This is why a t least three different veins, or attitudes, of the interpretations were developed, represented by the exegeses of the same ten in the S[tIudgar, w a r s t m a n s a r , Bag Nasus, cf. Chapter I , . 204 However, it is not uncommon that an Avestan word is rendered by more than one Midlle Persian a d : v e 3 k a r ud IuxSSg explains xvarananhan-, DkM 312.21ff.. Bailey 1943. 37. Besides, in
Dffnkard, cases of glossed hendiadys are fairly common, cf. DkM 456.15, MRYA ud saxvan; AWN

16.7, AYNH casm. Bailey 1943, 3.

l In the Denkard paraphrase of Nasks, sometimes Pahlavi Zands are quoted at length, but in many cases they serve as a jumpino-board t o compose Midrashic style texts

I i
[cf. Shaked 1979,
Middle Persian
!

li Another example of how transliterations and exegetic commentary could be interrelated is GrBd 1 8 6 l.11-12, Bailey 1930-32b. 279f.: b u t dew hSn kC.5 pad H t n d i g Z n

xviiil. The most normal glosses, especially in the Gatha, are the so-called "etymological" glosses,

p a r i s t e n d u-5 wax5 pad ha" h u t l h s mehman <T> c i y o n Baaasaf Paristed,"the demon But is that which they worship in India and in his images a spirit is resident which is worshipped as Bo6?saf(~BodhisatNa, v i a S q d i a n p i v f v s W . The word in question is Sogdian pwty 'Buddha', pwt'n'k (*Buddhasangha). "of Buddha" > New Persian but, "idol", Uigur buman

as,

eg. [Bailey

1953.

1151, Gathic hakursna-,

"co-operation".

h a m k a r d z r l h , from k u r - , "to be produced"; some "etymological" glosses of this kind are "wrong", in our view, and some of them are clearly what similarity". Puns and plays on double meanings, that

can be

called "glosses by phonic [Shaked 1979, xxili-

are common-place

xxivl, also might be characterized as "glosses by phonic similarity". Such "glosses by phonic similarity" may be etymologically "correct", and they may be not [cmp. Mole 1967, 5-61. Sometimes, a particular Middle Persian word is known

The bwtof the passageisintendedtorepresent

I

the AvestanBiTi t i ,

Vd 19.1.2.43, a fact which

to denote a

specific concept only from the living Zoroastrian tradition, as is the case, eg, with Avestan ha6aenae- p a t s - "with seeds". Middle Persian hdnp'a, interpreted as "pomegranate"205. Avestan Spam saokantavaitim, "oath-water", was misinterpreted as "sulphurous water" (Middle Persian ah T gSgirdOmand), but the original chief ingredient is indicated by the next adjective, z a r a n i t a u u a i t l m "containing gold" (Middle Persian z a r r o m a n d [New Persian

I
i
i

may reflect an insufficient understanding of an inflected language210. Another example is, of course, the well-known case of the " A r i 5

emo on"^^', who, according to scholars,

emerged from

a grammatically wrong interpretation of the feminine noun araSay- (Y 31.5, cf. Dk 9.31.611) [cf. Chapter 111.1: Ar1< and Mahmr]. However, the Zand glossators were aware of the

different grammatical structure of their own language as compared with Avestan: the AvesianMiddle Persian glossary Frahang T O i m w includes some grammatical categories like

z a r r - a b l in s q a n c f - ~ a m a h ) ~in ~~ many . cases, the Middle Persian glosses are helpful for
establishing the correct Avestan textzo7. Sometimes i t

gloss is a "correct" rendering of a given Avestan word, or the Avestan word in

is not easy t o tell whether a particular question was

ln any case, "however critical one may be towards the Tradition, as contained in Pahlavi translations, there is no dewing that it has often preserved the t m meaning of word-stems even where it failed

interpreted by some similarly sounding Middle Persian counterpart, but rendered by another, synonymous. Middle Persian word. Thus, in the case of the widely discussed208 Avestan (Y 32.12) gr.hma explained as x v a s t a k = "wealth" ( l a k s m i ) or p ~ r a g "presents, ~ ~ ~ ,

...in the grammatical analysis.

Purely on the basis of experience Ishould claim

that a Pahlavi translation sets up a presumption of verity that holds until i t is displaced by argumenrm21 3.

bribe", it is possible that i t was rendered in this way on the basis of the Middle Persian transliteration (*gl' hm). The Middle Persian word transliterated may have been understood as the real Middle Persian g l ' m k
a

g r z m a k (connected toSogdianfram6,

Parthian g r ' m g

"possession"); the other possibility is that the Middle Persian word is not a transliteration, but

continues the same Avestan word. i h i s particular case Is illustrative of the problems one faces
while dealing with

the still elusive Ga6ii text.

205 Cf. Bailey 1985b. 871. However, on thrs word, cf. Schwartz in Rattery 1979, VIII. 111-3. 206 Cf. S c h m , 1989b. 295. 207 Vd 13.9, sp3na paSu.pSna, sag T PuhlbSn, has another reading which is: spanta pe5upSna. hast k6 abzOnT9 i PuhlTg g3w6d yay$ asti any5 Ragnu5 razlSto, "there are m e whosay about the helping bridge, of which one is Ra5nuS razlSto", cf. Kllma 1964. 208 Cf. Henning 1948, 139, n. 5, differently Humbach 1991, II, 86. 209 Cf. pro* < p'rg*, krg,, on which cf. now Sabato 1995; Arabicflurtdsh para, "a coin".

210 Cf. Bailey 1930-32b, 282. 211 Cf. ~ 4 6 1 9 6 3 204. . 212 Cf. Tavadia 19S6b. 37. or more examples for the Zmdtsss' awareness of Aveswn grammatical f . "OW JoseDhson 1997. 12m.

lii AN ADDITIONAL NOTE What is amazing about this passage (Y 31.20) is the fact that the text as a whole was understood by the tradition pretty well. The basic discrepancy is, however, in 31.208, where the key-word, aiuuamnsm, which is a hapax (AiW 747a: "sich fern haltend, fern bleibend"), was taken as if from the same root as dab- [ f r e b i s n translates also a a i b i t a n a in Y 32.3, and f r e f t a n is the standard translation for the derivatives of dab]; in addition, the grammatical form was wrongly analyzed. I , however, take diuuamnsm, with Humbach 1991, 11, 74, a$ "splendor", as opposed t o tamanno, similarly t o the Indie apposition tam2 l ) . . . dyumnsm, "darkness... splendor". The Zand Sewan is the standard rendering of x s i i a - , being its etymon. However, the waning is that of lament and crying in Pahlavi, but that of weeping in Avestan. The Avestan aiia

liii
Isuggest that the original meaning restored by Humbach was still known a t some ancient stage

of the development of exegetical tradition. I also suggest that, on the one hand, it influenced what 1

see as The older, now lost Zand of 3 1 . 2 0 ~(cf. further), while on the other hand, the popular
etymology and the specific Zoroastrian exegesis associated the root of diuuamnam, the same root as in the word daeva-, with deception. As the word in question, "splendor", has the same root as daeva- has, so in the course of the "de-daevafication" (cf. Gershevirch 1964a, Geshevitch 1986) the Tradition re-interpreted i t as if from dab-, bearing in mind that "deception". Pahlavi f r e b i g n , is the characteristic trait of the Zoroastrian dews. lsuggestto
see the impact of the older understanding of diuuamnam, as connected with splendor and light
1 the

older version of anag rawi5nTh gowed thathadanag *rCSnTh gowed, "he should

call evil the light". Note the gioss "i.e., evil comes to him" and the following "to the worid of darkness will iead you". In my view, this conjectural restoration of the text is connected with the original meaning of diuuamnam, "splendor, brilliant things".
I further will try to show that in other cases it is

,"existence",

is rendered as if a verbal form from the verb of coming and is

translated aylgn; the gloss, a i g r zaman, modifies the proper meaning of the word. It also suggests that the wicked should stay in Hell for a long period of time, but does not state that they

are destined t o be there forever.

As t o duS.xvaraQSm, it is normally translated by

possible to trace other "concentric ring"215 translations (cf. Chapter 11). Another striking fact about diuuamnam h o i aparam x 5 i i S / pad TrSbisn a w e az pasas sewan, is that apar-am is rendered az pasas, though the standard translation for a p a r s m is <bar.

d u 5 . x v a r i gn, glossed by the PSzandvf<S'ca, "even poison". This gloss was perhaps provoked, i.a., by the phonetic resemblance t o the problematic vats. The gioss specifies the sort of food given to the wicked in Hell. v a c 6 also is the source of the
Zandist's g6wed in 31.20b, implying that (as often happens In Zands) two independent

traditions appear side by side. auuaetas vaco, "the word "woe"" (cf. AiW 160: "Wehe'tum"), is wrongly analyzed as *avahya- t a t , where m a g renders *a-vahya-, "not good > evil", and r a w l Z n T h indicates an abstract214, for rawi3nTh translating - t a t has the same source as the pair A m a r s t a t and
H U ~ I S L rendered a m a r g r a w i 3 n T n andhamag r a w i s n r h (cf. West 1892, 338 n.1).

The D f n k a r a (Dk 9.31.24; DkM 835.5-8) version of this passage is;

rasidan 1 pad s t 6 3 Dad passaxt T ata(x13 i abzsnlg 6 ayarth ua b6zagTh T

ahlawan lid @warawi3nTh awe k 6 mara 1 ahiaw frabed ud bSSedud "laan T

Thegloss Lk0.S m a g mad s t e mod^iesthenotionof "movemnt/enteTJ'andseem to be

a recent addition. It is not implied here that the whole verse was translated as late as this period
(Late Sasanian. cf. above): the equation aiuuamnam, -with deceitful mind", rendered by the ~ahlavi version as pad frebisn,

"Also about arrival t o the assistance and salvation of the righteous, in the fourth morning after death, through the ordeal of the propitious fire; and the lamenting behavior of him who deceives a d v e x a righteous man, and leading the wicked by their own fitting deeds t o Hell".

"in deception",

seems w me to be very old.

214 Prof. Sh. Shaked, an oral communication. Another explanations are possible: *evil (*avai-) lranian m e n t (taz- / tas-) + "speaking", m a g rawlSnTh q ~ w e aA= *tas- is a b t e ~ i d d l e
form, *tak- > tac- > taz-, this particular passage goes back to the late sasanian period.

215 To use, in a different meaning, the term coined by Schwart; 19892.

if"
It is of interest that in the text the word correspondingto ^den or *kunisn, when speaking

I"

version.
Thus, a slightly clumsy nidan T druwandSn xv

of thewickedones'dan is ?SS

abaylstan (cardan,"[one's] own fittingdeed[s]".

As a

abayistan kardan 6 du5aiv,

whole, the passage is a commentary on the Yasna verse in question, strengthening my suggestion that dluuamnsm was once understood it its original sense, as the commentary speaks of death (cf. st05, "the fourth morning after death") and the salvation of the righteous, normally associated with the "bliss", "splendor" (diuuamnam must be close in meaning to wraza-, on which cf. Kuiper 1964). Here. it is referred t o as pad passSxt i atatxl 1 abzonTg. But the whole meaning of the Dk version is different from that of the Avestan verse and its Pahlaui Zanrf. in the 6393, one who assists the righteous, i.e., a follower of Zoroaster, obtains the bliss; in the Zandone who comes with XXXto the righteous, i.e., t o a pious Zoroastrian, obtains XXX. "XX>" here stands for concepts understood differently by the Zandist, but the basic

where the words den and k n n i 5 n were omitted, is an abbreuiation of the perfectly iniellegibie 3.t3n kuniZn i ?S5 den nayed [kardan ab3ySstanl.

The case of gfiwan rawi5nTh is different: i t may be a lost

- and good - Z3nritoAuestan

i a ? t S s , but it may be also a result of an abbreviation and re-working of $w ... =nag

rawi<nTh.

sense of the statement was not changed. For doing so and so to a living Zoroastrian, one gets in his
after-life, such and such reward. Differently from this, the Dk version takes "the righteous" as signifying not a living person, but a Zoroastrian who passed away2^

=. The Dk version speaks of the after-life of this deceased

pious Zoroastrian. The salvation of this dead pious person seems to be obtained by some manipulations with the sacred fire by the living fellows. The meaning of Y 31.20bc in the three texts, including the Dk version, poses no problem and is basically the same. That is why I stated that the Pahlavi Version of this verse as a whole is remarkablytruthful to the Avestan original. Again, the Dk version speaks of the misdeeds of a wicked and deceitful person towards the righteousone, and about the sorrowful fate of this wicked person, according t o his own "fitting deed[!]". The wicked ones should be led to Hell, as i t must be done with them. The last statement in the Dk versions goes back t o a gloss in the Zand. The Dk passage is a reworking of the Pahiavi Yasna
text, but i t includes some additional material, going back to a lost commentary, not necessarily t o

a slightly different and.

A different understanding of the word diuuamnam, as compared with our extant and, was contained perhaps in a gloss in the commentary: "*and some say, that diuuamnsm means obtaining the bliss by performingsome rites connected with fire".
it i

s perhaps not stated in the supposed gbss, whoobtains the bliss, one who is righteous or

one who performs the rites for the soul of the righteous. Another important point is that the Denkard version, in general, contains "mistakes" that result from its being an abbreviated
216 On some aspects of the 'righteous &ad" complex, cf. Shapin 1997, 226229. Iwill elaborate the
subject

elsewhere.

1 CHAPTER 1

in the cases of Nifcatum, 0uza.sac.iMjad, Sakatflm, we have nothing identifiabte left

outside the summary in Dk 8; some few fragards survived from the HUsparam Nask; two Nasks, N a d a r and Pajag, were virtually lost about the time when Dk 8 was composed.

in this chapter the contents of Dk 8 will be discussed, aiming t o provide an outline f,,

the

The original division to chapters of Dk 8

- or, of its source, if one suggests that it was a

Sasanian Avesta. In APPENDIX 1, someof the chapters of Dk 8 summarizing the contents of the Sasanian Avesta are given, edited and translated1. Dk 8, the fifth-extant book of Denkard, is eswcially precious as it is our main source ahad:

secondary compilation on which Dk 8 was modelled, rather than the genuine Sasanian Avesta, in

its entire or only partial form was, probably, different from what we possess now. The extant
text of Dk 8 is divided into 45 chapters, but4 the original exposition probably consisted of three parts, each of seven chapters, according to the number of Nasks in each group (plus the introductory chapter), thus, a total of 22 chapters. However, the introductory chapter (Dk 8.1). which was most probably derived from an unknown composition, arranges the Nask according m twodifferents systems: in Dk 8.1.9-11 the Nask are enumerated according t o three group, seven Nasks in each. what wmans was In accordance with the presupposed division into 21-22 chapters, while in Dk 8.1.12 the sequence 3 given as it

the contents cf the Sasanian Avesm, as known in the 9th century CE in lran. Some parts of the
sacred Zoroastrian Canon were lost already when the text of Dk 8 was cor-d, and there can be little doubt that the compiler was sometimes urged t o draw upon some secondary sources, of a character similar to the format of his own work. The division of Dk 8 to chapters seems t o go back t o the compiler himself, as it reflects his own interests, on the one hand, and the preservance of the original material, on the other. Every chapter in the extant composition, except the introductory one, is dedicated t o a particular Nask

must appear in the Avesia along the lines of the liturgical-magical principles5,

or m a section of a Nask.
, three 636Tg Nasks, The room given to different Nasks in Dk 8 is unequal2: thus. e . ~ the
namely ~ [ t l a a g a r ,w a r S t m s n s a r , Bag, are summarized in a few sentences. Nevertheless,
1 this

closely reminiscent of the double system of enumeration of the Avestan 658as and Y a s t s . The summary of the Nasks that follows the introductory chapter was arranged according to the second

system, as the Nask should appear in an ideal edition of the whole complete Sasanian Avesta.

particular case. the reason for the brevity in which these three Nasks are summarized in

Dk 8 is their more extended exposition that makes the entirety of Dk 9. in other words, this is an indication that inclusion of the detailed summary of these three Nasks into the format of the compiler's work was his initial intention. In other cases, a Nask is summarized at length in a fair way, as the VendTdad (or. Jud.dew.dad/WidCWdSd) NasK, which is the only Nask we

he introductory chapter explains the principles on which the Nasks build up the Avesta. The
eighth book of the D e n k a r d states implicitly (Dk 8.1.2) that its concerns are "about the summary of what occurs in the Nasks of the Mazda-worshippingReligion, each one separately".
It is clear, even from this short statement, that the most shallow knowledge of what the

This . detailed summarization, on the other possess in its completenessof the whole of t h e ~ v e s t a ~
hand. indicatesthat no more room was supwsed to be given to t h i s Nasks in further books of Dk.

particulars of the Avesm were about and their order were far from being the common l o t This situation was a function of Zoroastrian attitudes to the sacred texts rather than a result of negligenceo r a consequence of the Arab assault On the contrary, the idea to produce this precious reference-book" which is Dk 8, was perhap a testimony of an emerging awareness t o problems

But as a rule. the more place is given to a Mask in Dk 8, the less it has survived.
1 Many chapters edited here were already published, partly or id whole, in transliteration fcw different scholars, first of all, by Mole 1963; the only complete translation
is

of religious education (cf. Dk 8.1.3, "for the knowledge of many").

The problematic6 word gaa6rwan, translated by

that by West 1892, which is

me as "pond",

refers, in my view, to the

frequently inadequate, but still admirable; his notes and readings are of special importance. The chapters summarizing contents of several Nasks, namely of the Nikatum, Ouzd.sar,nijaa, ~msparam, SakZtGm, VendTdad fJud.dw.dSd/Widw

secondary source about the Pahlavi versions of the Avesmn Nasks, not to the

of the Nasks:

"the memory of that which is in the pond of this book concerning the categories of the Good ~eligion was written down and announced" (Dk 8.1.3).

Masks will be not translated here, for a variety of

The word 6murign rendered by me7

reS50"S. 2 Cf. Dk 8.1.4: "the categories [of the Avestal are more summarized in the divisions, summarized in the parts of the divisions, and more detailed in the sections of the parts". 3 This Nask. in the original Avestan (as the so-called VendtdadSadeh), must be recited every day by priests. The fact that the text was used on a daily basis forwarded not only its presewance in ~vesta", but also In Pahlavi a : well.

4 ~cconiing to elle ens 1989a. 37. and ~ i q n o u x 1996a. 2BEa.

5 On some aspects of which, cf. Shahbaa 1994. 6Cf. n. 4 to the translation of m 8 . l . 7 After Shaked, ibid.

3
4

as "category", in the sense of "status", was used in Dk 8.1.5 as synonymous with bazisn,
'division, one of the three divisions of the Avestan liasks" implying that the supnosed source was
dealing with different characteristics of the three 9 r o u of ~~ the ~asks'. "nils source was derived "from the a n i f , glossed by "[which is Avesta (Dn)l while it was stressed that this Zand existed in a written and authoritative form ("written as an a u t h ~ r i t y " ) ~There . seems t o be an apposition between "written down and announced", which is the Zad, "written as an authority for the commonalty in teaching the wisdom", and its source, from which this "written down and

~-

the Avesta that does. while the "Religion" is divided into three "levels"15,

Gaelg,

Here, ~aSa.naner-ig, D S ~ T ~ ~ G . "the Zand, which is AvestalReiigion (Den), for the knowledge of many" implies that the Avesta in its original tongue was not supposed t o be understood, for that

or other reasons, by "the

many"; moreover, it was "written as an authority

for the cohmonalty In teaching the wisdom", where the expression used, pad agah dahlgnm, is reminiscent of zand agahrh, the other name of ~ u n d a h i s n ~ ' a , composition based on Zands. Thus, z g s h d a h i s n i h means perhaps something like Z a d . "Written by the [uttered] word of the Avesta itself", e w a z 1 Den n l b i s t , refers to the written translation ofthe A v e m n text, as e w a z means"pronouncedword",opposedto wzzag, "word" in thesenseofZancfl One should quote here Dk 8.3.3:

announced" tert derives, namely "the

[uttered] word ( w a of the Avesta itself".

The expression ban 1 Den (in which 1 see a gloss to the word "zanrf")may refer to the fact that anaar

uen

serves to introduce a quotation from ~ancf".

Here I translate ha" I

en

boldly as "Avesta", and not " ~ e l i g i o n " ~ or " r e v e i a t i ~ n " ~bearing ~, i n mind the tentative character of such a translation. The term is not ambiguous by itself, but poses a problem of translating i t into a foreign language. in the Zoroastrian tradition, it was Zoroaster's encounter with Vohu Manah that led to the revelation and Zoroaster's prophecy,

the same encouniei

"Zand on every thing and every word, with a good arrangement, such as one says:
" w a r f t m a n s a r is that that has given forth an exposition of everything'".

delivered to us his Avesta and i t s Zand,according to the Zoroastrian Sacred Tradition, no matter which parts of i t 90 back to Zoroaster himself1 3.

The Zoroastrian concept of the sacred language

is different from the Western, i.e.. the Heilenistic-Chrktian one, which is focused on teaching/ study, on a better understandingof the text. The Zoroastrian atitude, on the contrary, stresses cultic purpases, so there is no gap in Zoroastrianism between the Avesian text and its rendering into a common language, as far as study is concerned. For the ZoroastrianTradition, the Zandis the Avesta, as the 2 a d is still believed t o be revealed by Ohrmazd t o Zoroaster, compare "Nasklha T Den T ~ a z d e s n " ~ in Dk 8.12: in our view, the "religion" has no "Masks", it is

1 Dk

8.1.6 we are told that "thecategories of the Religion is the exposition (Den 6 5 m u r i s n

n1~~~19)of~omp1ete~nowledge(wisp.danisn). Action (kar), andordinance (ewenag) of

the knowledge and actionof the whole Religion (ham Den danisn u d KunlSn)".

These three notions, "Complete Knowledge, Action, Ordinance", correspond perhaps t o the wellknown "Zoroastrian Triad" "good thought, good speech, good deed", while the order is different
8 Cf. also ~k 8.1.4: nibistan w =bar 63rnuriSn I Den T Mazdesn b a z l ~ n ,-there ;s rd'mance t o write about the division of the categories of the ~azda-worshipping ~eiigi~". 9 A composition written is referred t o also in Dk 8.1.15: ud paywastan T fraz o abdom T Hz86[kl.nanerYg *Wastag bahr a2 Ga8aO ciyfin W T andar Paywmd T 0 abdom Haaalkl.nanerIg WlStas~.s3st, "And the linkage 01 Wa<tag, a part of the 6395, to the end of Hada-Msneria is because v t is in connection with w l s t a s ~ . s z ~ the t , end of HaaZ.ManerTg". Cf. also Dk 8.1.6 ( T 3 n i b f g t , "these three are written"), and passjm. 10 As was noted by Shaked 1969, 192, concerning the passage inquestion ~k 8.1.1-3. 11 As it was translated by Mole 1963, 63; Shaked 1969, 192: Cereii 1997, 99. Cf. Introduction. 12As wasdone by West 1892, 1. 13 There can be little doubt about the fact that the work of exegesis has beqiin in the prophet's own days or immediately akec him. Thus, the kemei of the Z d must be airnost as old as the ~ v e s t s n texts themselves. 14 Translated, wrthe'.ess. as "the Masks of the Mazda-wcnsMpping Religion" putting "Action' ="deedm in the second place, while ewenag, "custom, manner", translated here "Ordinance', stands for "speech"
it is of interest that the word ewenag, standing for

"~peech", became also the word for "a written textmz0, it is "speech" that links "thought" 1 0

18 On which, cf. Shaked 1969, 187. 19 This word probably refers not to a literary source, but to a method of interpreting, cf. Gignoux 1996a. 285b. 20 Cf. New Persian a ~ n ,zytn, especially in the compound ayrri-nzrnah.

6
r e s p o n d i n g word in the second g a h of the Ahunvar prayer, and this is why we

"action', being here the third division of the categories of the Religion, HaSa.M3nSar, which was, basically, a "ritualistic", i.e., connected to words as pronounced in the ritual, division o f theAvesta. The triple division of the Avesta was seen (Dk 8.1.6, 18-19; Dk 8.46.1 and passim) as a projection of the "ideal" (to use a Platonic expression) prayer Ahunvar (Avestan Ahuna V a i r y a , also called the Yaea aha v a i r l i o ) , consisting of three metrical lines (gah-s) [APPENDIX ii].

can deduct (Dk

itself ~ t o the 8.1.15) that one (of eight) word from the first g 3 h of the A h ~ n v a r ' d e l e g a t e d " ~ secondgah. Weare told there thatthe linkage ( p a y w a 3 t a n ) o f Wagtag, an entirely lost part

oftheGaea.t~theendofnaaa.na-nerlg,i.e..aftertheHaaa.Maneric W i s t a s p . s a s t , "is
becauseit is written in connection with Wlstasp.sast,theendofnaas.nanerig-. Traditionally (cf. West 1892, 25 n. I ) , this W a f i t a g Nask, whose position is precisely in the middle of the collection o f 21 Masks, was taken t o be corresponding t o the eleventh, the

This is the most sacred formula of the ~ o r o a s t r i a n s ~ the ~ ; name is derived from its second and
third words. The formula is consisting of

one stanza o f three lines, containing twenty-one Avesta

toone group of the Avestancategories (ofimurifin).
Mask, ~k 9.2.19 (and

middle, word of the Ahunvar, namely manar) h6, which is found in thesecond gah, i.e., in g a h of

words. Each g a h comesponds (cf. Dk 8.17)

the Ha83.nSneric group, and for this reason it was the eleventh Nask. However, it makes sense
only according t o the liturgical organization o f the Nasks, as given in Dk 8.1.12.

A parallel passage is given in the first fragard of the S [ t l l l d g a r

! h Along the g3h-$, this Was t a g Nask must comespond to the&

aea, as it was the

word o f the Ahunnr,

elsewhere): abar bazlSn T naskan i21 azaS f r a d o m ud didTgar ud sadlgar gah T Ahunwar, "about the division of the 21 Nasks: this is from the first, the second and the third gSh-s o f the Ahunvar". Each Naskof the 21 A-an Nask is belived to have been derived from

rne a e i c Mask, or t o the .extra",

the eighth, word of the first gah,

namely haca, as it was certainly this word regarded t o be "delegated" t o the second gah. it is notwithout interest m note that the phonetic forms of these words, a 6 3 and haca, resemble the word s a s t of the w i s t a s o . s a s t 2 4 . Another interesting trait about the ~ a a a - n a n e r i c

a corresponding word of this prayer22.

Sltlodgar, Barifi, Wargtmansar, Bag,

The sequence given in Dk 8.1.12 is as follows: Damdad, Wagtag, Nadar, PSjag, Rato.dat.aetag, Bagan YaSt, group is that (Dk 8.1.10) there were no Nasks *"made unto the HaSa.Maner1g1', though it was
h i s group that "borrowed" a Mask, while there was stated (Dk 8.1.9 exactly t

KafikTsraw,

WIstZsp.SSst, HGsparam,

Clhrdad,

Spand,

& 11) that Nasks

N k a t a m , Duzd.sar.nljad.

SakatGm, VendTdSd, ~ a a 6 x t . StEd Yast,

existed "those made unto the G m , and their names are those of the invocations of the GSeic
worship" and "those made unto the Dad, and theirnames are those of the Dad". 'Those made unto

and this is the order in which the Nasks were summarized in Dk 8. However, the first g z h o f the Ahunvar prayer, the model and the source of the Avesta, contains 8 words,

the second has only 6,

and the third one consists of 7 words.

Though it was the third g a h only (corresponding t o the DadTg group of the Avesta) that consists of 7 words, the only group given in the Auestan Canon as an unbroken sequence was the second one, the H a a a . n a n e r r g group, corresponding t o the second g a h o f only 6 words: m a d , Nadar, Pajag. Rato.dat.aetag, Baris, K a f i k i s r a w , Wi5tSsp.Sast. The

...".or "assimilated".

Nasks included the Spand Nask for the GSeTg

group, the fifth G a e i g Nask, placed between the first and the second HaSa.Ma'nerTg Nasks, white "those made unto ...",or "assimilated" to the O z d l g group were "those whichare composed for the law with separate propitiations" (Dk 8.1.11). namely the Nasks C l h r d z d and BagSn Yafi t, i.e., exactly the Nasks surrounding the Gaelg Spand Nask.

position of the last Nask, namely the W i s t a s p . S a s t , was problematic, as it did not have a
23 The word for this being, perhaps, paywastan. 24 Alliteration and allusion t o phonetic similarity as a method of internrelation was quite normal in Zoroastrian te-s. Compare, e.g., Dk 8.4.2, dealing wjth the 8ag Nask, where rhe word k i m ~
"merit., " . a s prwoked by the name Of the &g Nmk: w a g i dahma" smd" kn 8 dahma" gurt estEd k(3 Ke en kirbag kune a en kirbag kard Hawed, "'Bag of the community is renown", it 3 said about the community , meaning that whoever shall do a, virtuous deed, a merit will be performed by him". In passing, it must be noted that this example demonstrates the pronunciation Sag, not 88y. as cereti put it.

21 Sundennann published a Manichaem Middle Parthian fragment where Ahunwait GahNask, Le., the Ahmumiti GS63, the first of the 5 Old Avestan Gathas, which begins with the Ahwa Vaitiia prayer, i i mentioned, while an old Sogdian version of the following f vest an text, the ~ f a mvohuprayer, was published by Gemhevitch 1976a. 22 Mani's and Mazdak's works were said to con-eswnded to the letters of the alphabet. too, cf. Shaki 1985.

7
1 other

words, in the middle of the collection stood W i t a s p . S 3 s (HadS.MffnerTg).

~-

Thus, the Nask were grouped together into three, according t o their "types":
eseanvg 1. S t 6 d Ya5t 2. S[tl0dgar 3. W a r S t a m n s a r 4. Bag 5. W a s t a g 6. H8aOxt 7. s p a n a Haaotki.nanerig l.~amaad 2. ~ a a a r 3. P a j a g 4. Raio.dafaetag ~ s m g I . Nikatum 2. Duzd.sar.nijad 3.HuspSram 4. SakStUm 5. v e n d r d a d 6. C i h r d f f d

;.e., the W a 5 t a g (Gaeig), C i h r d a d (Dadig). Soand (Gaerg), Bagan ~ a 5 (Dadrg). t

Nasks whose characteristics were seen as specific and containing elements of the group which is
not their ownz5, by mansofwhat wasdesignated as *mehmanTh, "hosting"26. The reason why the only sequence given in a row in the Canon is that o f the "ritualistic", the Ha9a.MZnerTg group, is that it is the ritual that makes communication possible between the o r i d of thought and that of action, " H a a a . n a n e r i g being intermediary" (Dk 8.1.16). Gaeic group is identified with the "ideal', menogic, world, while the belongstogetig, the world of action (;bid.). The m e n o g principle is The

'5. B a r i s
6. KaSkTsraw

Law, the D3dic group,

seen as motivating

and

7. wiStasp.sast

7. Bagan Vast.

causing, through the ritual, and this is "the reason of the H a a o x t and [ S t o d l Vast having been linked t o VendTdSd, the iast D a d i c Nask" (;bid.),

;.e., a t the very end of the Canon, returning

Another sequence is believed t o correspond t o the 21 words of the Ahunvar prayer and may have astrological connotations (cf. Gignoux 1996a. 2888); the List of the Nasks according t o their order in Dk 8 is as follows: 1. s t t l u a g a r 2. 3. 4. 5. WarStmffnsar Bag Damdad Nsdar

t o their "source". The ideal of Renovation was symbolized by placing the *VendIda8 Nask ( * ~ o r n ~ close ~ ) t o the one but last (the Gaeic) H a a o x t Nask, treating material similar t o thatof Vendidad 19: "the linkage of the end of the Dad, which is *Horn, again t o the 6398, which is the source, is the symbol of the primal men6gTh which was the pure Ga9anTg functioning; a t the end it will be even gStTg; and as it was obtained from menog,itdescended again t o the linkageof menog" (Dk 8.1.17).

6. p a j a g

7. R a t 6 . d z L a e t a g
8. B a r i s 9. K a s k i s r a w 10. W i 5 t a s p . S a s t 11. w a s t a g 12. C l h r a a a 13. Spand 14. Bagan Ya 15. N i k a t o m 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. Duzd.sar.nijad HOsDSram Sakatom vendrdad HnS6xt S t 6 d Yast.

25 Cf. Dk 8.1.13: "in all three (divisions) all three are (found): in the GaeTg are the Haaa.ManerTg
and Dadrg. in the Haaa.mffnerTg are the GmTq a n d ~ a d i g , in the Dadig are the Ga9anig ( ~ a g n n

Yasl)andHaaa,tiZnerTg(Cihrdad)".

26 ~k 8.l.i4: jud l u d han T xvad madiyanTha ud maaagwarTha mehmanrg, "6 ham r dld.bahrTg m a w awurd mehmanrg, "each separately hosts, especially [or: textually?] and e n t i a l l y , its own, and (also) hosts that which was brought into from other parts'. The notson of "hosting" is important also in Dk 8.46.34, cf. further. The precise meaning of the word madIyan (I l i e this transcription is more accurate that MacKenzie's madayan, judging from the form in Old Georgian and ~rmenian)in the headings of Dk 8 poses problems, as it can be translated as "text, book", or "essence, basis, particulars" etc., cf. MacKenzie, 1971, 53. This Middle Iranian word produced (* mStaoHan > matiyan, cf. Bielmeier 1985, 35) Old Georgian m a t i m e matianl, "Annalenv, Armenian matean, 'book". in my translation, I generally render madiyan as "particulars", but the

Persian of F Z r s and is a commonplace in ,453, especially in PXzanG as here. Compare a m i n Dh 8.46.2, w i t t a n mF,[totesWest 1892, 170 n. 1, "as usual in Iran".

9 This sequence is identical with the correspondence between the 21 Nasks and the 21 words of
the Ahunuar prayer as given in the New Persian RivSyat of Bahman Punjya (cf. Unvaia

10 contained O, 23 fragards and is The War<tmansar, whose name means * ~ a n t h r a - ~ f f e c t ~ summarized in ~k 9.24-46. I" ~k 8, as in Dk 9 and 8ahman ~ u n j y a Rivayat, it is the second Nask, while mentioned as the third in other RivSyats. Itcorrespondsto thesecond word, aha, of the Ahunvy prayer, whence the reference t o ahuyih in 5 2. References to Dk 9.24-5, where some close parallels are found, will be dealt with somewhere else. If we remember that the only
firm reference in Dk 8.2 is t o Dk 9.23, one might think that the summarizing work of Dk 8.2-3

1922, I, 3-4; Cereti 1997, 100 n. 37): az r i w a y a t - i Bahman Punjya "am-i 21 "ask
a

I s 3 ahu vairyo: p e a : Studkar, ahu: "ah-ista mantra, v a i n i f f : ~ a q ,aea:

Damdad, ratus: ~ a d u r , a s a t : ~ a z u n , cit.: KatoStayid, haca: ~ a r i s , v q h 5 u 5

m t a , mazdai: Bayan Yast, xsaeramca: Niyadam, ahurai: ~ w a s a r w a j i d , a: H u s ~ a r a m . yim: Sakadam, drtgubliff: JuddlwdSd, dadat: Hadoxt, vastarem: vast. However, the order given by other R i v a y a t s is different (cf. betow). The tree first Gathic Masks analyzed in Dk 9 are commentaries on the three great prayers, Ahunvar, ~ s a m Vohu,
Y e$h hatam. The first two Masks are mflhical or historical, while the third is a kind of

was made rather at random. TheZaodoftheWarStmans~r Maskis, so to speak,= philologicalone. while the S[tladg:r Nask is of 3 rather associative and midrashic character. This is referred W i n 2-3.

TheSag Nask is considered aseither the third or the fourth Nask, coresponding to the word
a i r y 6 of the Ahunvar prayer, its name meaning "divisions"; according t o Skjserva 1989a, 400b. the Bag of Bag Nask refers to the word bays ("part. piece"; "divine prayer", Pahlavi baxtarTh. "distributorship") found in the final verses of all three of the opening prayers,

meditation, serving as a gloss on the whole text28,

The SEtliJdgar Nask, whose name means "causing beneficence" [or, "praise"] and which is summarized in one-third of Dk 9 (Ch.2-23). lakes only a few lines

while the word Bagan is, indeed, the plural of "god". Its 22 fragards summarized in the third pan of Dk 9, chapters 47-68; some contents of this Nask win be dealt with in Chapter Ill,though
notatsuchalengthssthoseof t h e S [ t ] a d g a r and Warstmansar Masks. From its 21 (PRI or 22 (Dk) fragards, the first three are still extant as Y 19-21; these Yasnas are a commentary

in DkM 680 (Dk 8.2: West

1892. 10-11). We possess a rather complete concept of its contents from Dk 9, but the summary in Dk 8 is so vague that it would be i m k i b l e t o comprehend how Dk 8.2 is connected to the text summarized in Dk 9.2-23 in case the summary in Dk 9 were lost- lhs situation Is illustrative p r t i a p for the whole of the Avestan Masks. However, Dk 8.2.2b. "and about abstaining/defense from the law of the evil and the people m i ~causing t to adversary", may refer t o Dk 9.5.9. 10 etc.; according t o West. Dk 8.2.3.4 refer
to Dk 9.5,9,10 etc. and to Dk 9.23.7.

on the prayers Y a m aha v a i r l l f f (Ahuna vairiia, Ahunvar), Asam voha. and Y e6M
hatam. These three Yasnas (called in the MSs Bagan YaSt, not Bag Mask) are only ones in the entire extant A which represent a kind of an Avestan commentary on an Avestan text, not

Obviously, t h i s Is too foggy, as the ideas expressed in Dk

yet fully interpreted; they were compared (KeHens 19893, 38; Skjaervs i989a. 400bl t o Sayana's Sanskrit commentary on the Veda. The rest of the Bag ask, now lost, contained a commentary, in Avestan, as i t seems, on the
G593sandontheprayerAIlril~mna i s i i 6 ; thus, itistheopening partof theNaskwhichwe

8.2.3-4 are a commonplace of Zoroastrian Irterature. Dk 8.2.4 seems t o be a distorted rendering of an unidentifiable Avestan passage. The translation remains purely tentative.

The closing manthra, ahla'yih abaalh pahlom hast, "righteousness is perfect excellence", first met with here, closes, in different combinations, all of the chapters of Dk 8-9. This is the Pahlavi version of the ASsm Vohu prayer [APPENDIX closing formula is magic, it will be left untraslated.

still possess, and the central and the closing parts which are lost. Of the three prayers, the first
twoaresaid to be thewordsof ~ h u r a d a z d 3 but . the third one was littered by Zoroaster.

~ 1 1 As ~ the ~ .purposeof this

28 Cf. Gignoux 1996a. 288a. 23 A similar formula, obviously, a calque from our Zoroasttian one. exists also in uandsan,

30 Note the similar idea expressed in the name of Sttlddgar Nask, which probably means 'Pmis* Work.

11 addressing tothe Ama$a Spantas. The Ahunvar was created by AhuraMazdff before anything else in the worid (Y 19.14). but after the Ama Spantas (Y 19.8). The Ahunvarcommentary consists of 21 paragraphs, according to the number of its words and t o the number of the Nasks as well, while the two other prayers are commented in only 5 paragraphs each. Y 19.8 contains expressions like vac6 yak ahurnat yaL ratumaL, "the utterance containing the words ahuand ratd', Y 21.4: u 5 t a t a t . "being e

12 The C i H r a a d Nask. whose name means"Creationof Seed" or "Creationof Classes", tended to m snd classify things; however, the first element

of

both names could easily be

interpreted as "creature", or the like, as ail the seeds and all the classes and sorts are created.

The contents of both Nasks seemalso to have been notwithout parallels. So. i t is the Damdad
t i tahmaa ud S r a x t a q Ud CLU Nask(Dk6.5.3), notthe C l h r d ~ d N a s k , t h ~ s p k e o f sud ud k a r t "the c l a s s and sorts (of the creation a d their) being and d and parts, nature and
task". Both Nasks treated creation ("creatorship and the creation of the best creation", Dk 8.5.1;

ustS".

using nominal

derivation (cf. Skjeerva 1989a. 4DDb). so typical for later Pahiavi Zands. k a r a i i a - means
1

"*

point to, to *refer to" (AiW 448). and c i n a s t i ,

p a r a . c i n a s t i mean "*to assign"31,

creation of "Gayffmard, the First Man" etc., Dk 8.12.1), but it appears that it was rather the Damdad Nask, than the C l h r d a d Nask. that stressed the menog / getTg speculation, which

indicatingthe commntatory character of the text.

surely had taken considerablespacein the Damdad Nask. It would be, of course, an exaggeration
This Bag

ask^^, which belongs to the G a e a n i g group, now alsmost totally tost, must be

tostatethat most of theoccurrencesof themenog I g f i t i g kfea in Pahlavi texts go back to this Nask; what it interesting here is the mention of "visible form" (6 paydaqlhast T k e r b l h ) , which could be another term forgetTg, appearing also in the short account of the C i h r d a d Nask (Dk 8.12.1).

discriminated from the Bagan ~ a s t ~ ~ l (which ~ a s belonged k t o the D a d ~ g group), summarized in Dk 8 . 1 5 ~ (cf. ~ below). It is important to stress that the texts used in the liturgy, except the 6363s proper, belonged t o the "on-Gaeanig Nasks.

The Damdad Nask (Dk 8.5) is the first of the "ritualistic" Haaa.Maneric ~ a s k s it ; was set
as the fourth Nask by the account in Dk 8.1 (where is immediately follows the three GSeic
Nasks, summarized in Dk 9) and by the Bahman P d n j y a Rivgyat, and as the fifth Nask by the Kama Bohra Rivffyat. The name isderived from the traditional "learned" rendering of Avestar * d a m i . d a t i , "the creating of the creation", or, rather, from the Pahlavi phrase dam Gad, "he O h r m a z d ) created"35. The name of this, the first of the "ritualistic" Ha.3a.Maneric group, Nask, is, in any case, rather close in meaning t o the name of the first of the Dadic group, namely tireclhrdad~ask~~.

The Damdad Nask treated more the earlier stages of the eschatological drama of the Zoroastrian myth, exposing the Creation as a means "formed and made for the battle against the Assault (of the Evil)", while the C i h r d a d Nask stressed more the apocaiyptical, final. dimensions of the drama. As both are interwoven in Zoroastrianism, the Damdad Nask treated

also "the reason for

... creation and ... final fate",

"the manner and means of overcoming and

destroying i t (the Evil), and saving and freeing creation from it". Similarly, the C l h r d a d Nask treated some of the same contents, but on a lesser scale, as we can judge from the extracts found in Dk 8. As a whole, the "ritualistic" character of the Darndad Naskcan be seen in its tendency t o re-tell the "classical" Zoroastrian version of the basic myth (probably, in the form similar to that found in the Bundahisn); but laws are subjected t o changes. and the "legalistic" Cl h r d a d

31 Cf. Marten 1975, 86ff.; Humbach 1984, 54: "to refer': in my translation of the Pahlavi version: "to teach' in the sense of "to ascribe", 'to asign-. 32 Cf. Dk 8.1.9, ~k 8.4, ~k 9.47-68, ~ersian Rivayats (translated in west 1892, 41847: not repeated

Nask chose co update its contents with new. Sasanian, material.

e of tire lost Nask summarized in Dk 8.6 is uncertain; it was read W a x 1 a r or

* w a x t w a r (*"time, destiny, fate") in West 1892. IS n. 1, or as Nadir (i.e., Naaar), being 34 There are many quotations from the Pahlavi version of the YaSts in Ok and other texts, e.g., Yc 13.107 in DkS 14.51-52.55 11-12. p.48 55. Yt 13.97. rn7.3.42-46, 10.2. 7.50. Yt 19.78-81. 92-3. 11. In many cases they are from the YaSts for which we have no extant Pahlavl verelon. thus they are the only remnants of such a version. ~twould be an important task to assemble these quotati-. 35 Cf. MacKenzle 1993b. 36 Cf West 1892. 25 n.2. the traditional name. in West 1892, 15: *Naxtar (from 'Indie n a k s a t r a - . "Gestirne") i n Tavadia 1956. 59 (cf. Mole 1963, 65). adopted as N a x t a r in Cereti 1997, 98, 102, 110; the reading generally accepted now is N Z t a r or Nadai.

13 The Nask, b e i q the second of the Haas-MSnOric Nasks, corresponds t o the fifth, r a t u s , word of the Ahunvar in the Bahman Punjya RiVayat consequently the sixth Nask in other R ivsyats. According m the Kvayats, it consisted of 35 compilations (surats) on astronomy and astrology. If Tavadia is right and the name of the Nask is the evidence of its ultimately Indian origin, it must have been composeUtranslatedabout the time when the Avesta was codified under Husraw 11, at the end of the 6th century. This was. indeed, a period of massive import of Indian ideas and wisdom. KalllahandDimnah. T a n Namah, Sfnabad Namah were translated from Indii

14

~-

The formulas in use are paywastan, "to hand over, transmit" (6 amah [ra'yl, "to us"), pad dastwar[Thl, "through authority (of a dastwar)". It seams that the reliance was rather

on oral than on written tradition. If we refer briefly again to the question about the contents of
the tost Na'dar Nask, the next Nask, P a j a g Nask, the third Nask of the Haa5.MSneric group, gives us some insight how little we summarized.

can. sometimes, rely on the

contents of the Nasks as

Sometimes, the summary refers to the initial portion only, and omits the following portions. Thus, the summary of the P a j a g Nask (Dk 8.7) begins with sheep-s~aughte?~, and only

into Pahlavi about 550. Some other short Pahlavi treaties are of Indian origin or reveal Indian themes, first of all,

h i s Nask contained what we could classify as timetowards the end of the summary we learn that t
reckoning material. Should we possess only the first paragraphs, we would conclude it was

Adaptations of Indian material included treatises on "Logic" (Tark, cf. 3). "Time-counting" (g6wl5n T

de Menasce 1949, 1-

mostly ritualistic0; should we possess only the paragraphs of the middle portions, we would ondude it was mostly calendaric41. To some degree it apply also t o the HSa6xt Nask as summarized in Dk 8.45, while we possess parts of the Nask in both original Avestan and in Pahlavi outside the ~ e n k a r d West ~ ~ . 1904, 88. commentedon this problem:

nangamSnasag; K65ak is Sanskrit kosa, k a l a avyakaran is v y a k a r a n a ) ,

k6Wk1, ("Zeitrechnungsammlung"), "Grammar" ('by'krn,

"Horoscopy" (*HOra", Greek cope, "hour" > Indie), while K S l a k r i y S is a branch of planetary astronomy. Transmitted via Sasanian Iran, Indian motifs reached Greece and ~ y r i a ~ ~ . However, one could hardly believe that at such a late date some scientific material would have

..there is nothing in the [Oe'nkard 81 description of the Ha'f6kht Nask that applies to "the
fate of the soul after death" which is the subject of the two other sections; though i t must be admittedthat the last 121 sections of the Nask are hardly described at allin the Denkard".

been written in Avestan and, moreover, i t is impossible that the Avestan text, on astronomy and
s w l o g y (I).could survive up t o the ninth century, while its Pahlavi version was lost about the time when Dk 8 was composedOne tends rather t o think that this text wasnot dealing with scientific matters; the original Avestan text was still in use, while the Zandwas lost, thus testifying the loss of parts of the Phlavi Avesta. The expressions cSgI 6Smurlsn, "teaching, study", do not nessecerily imply study of theoretical matters, but intend rather learning of how to recite the text. as it was isedforzl< "worship". It is worth comparing the wording of the summary of this Nask now lost with what was stated about another Nask, which also is not extant anymore, namely the Wagtag Nask (Dk 8.12): Wastag ~ b l s t a g ud Zand pad dastwar 6 amah Compare: NSdarZand 6 amah ray

Several passages of Dk 8.7 contain valuable information about religious life in Late Sasanian Iran. Thus, Dk 8.7.13 suggests that some religious teaching took place during the Gahanbar festivals; Dk 8.7.18-19 refers t o public observances of Zoroastrian religious duties imposed on people suspected, as it seems, of apostasy or heresy. Though (Dk 8.7.19) pad r6Snkarlh az Yazaan kadam dad, "what is the law of God as the elucidation (is concerned)", can be translated also otherwise (&a, "which one of the Gods was created for elucidation [to entreat him in case of doubt]", or the like), nevertheless, the context,

ne

paywast. 39 On some aspects of this. cf. de Menasce 1947a, 231. 40 It is indeed the third or the fourth HaSa.waneric Nask, and many scholars, indeed, rendered Haaa.MSn6r- as "ritual[istic]". I use here "ritualistic" in a stricter sin=. 4 l The same might be tfue for the NSdN Mask, as well, though this is lather a speculation. 42 Cf. Haug & West 1872, 267-316 [Haug's "Appendix 11, -The TTiree Fawards of the HSd6kht Nask which r e still extant. The Zaod and Pahla* Texts, with a transliterationof the Pahlavi, and various readings (Westwgaard's Yasht Fragments XM.7-MI.36)").

ne

paywast Ablstag cly6n pad dastwarTh.

37 Wizarisn T Catrang, JarnaswAsana. 1897, I , 115-120. Cf. also Perry 1959: de loi is 1990 and de Blois 1993a; on Indian in D h (summarized mostly in DkM 428, 1V.99-100). cf. Bailey 1943, 86; de Menasce 1949, 1-3: Tavadia 1956. 70. 38 Cf. Shaked 1984. 49-50.

15 especially that of Dk 8.7.1 8, may suggest that in Late Sasanian Iran there existed an office, called rCs'nkarTh, "elucidation", which was, actually, some kind of Zoroastrian, so t o speak, Inquisition. This suqqestion is not impossible, judainq from what we know about persecutions of Christians. Manichasans. Mazdakites and others about the time when the Sasanian Canon was finally established.

16

he now lost ~ a r i s 4 6ask. the 5th Haaa.maneric ask, the 8th or the 9th one in the lists,
'contained matters concerning almost everything between heaven and earth"47. It was also noted that "no extant Avestan texts or fragments have been identifiedt'^% However, it was perhaps one of thesou,mesof t-ln
1 Xraa, and some of the "Tahmuras Fragments" (=PursisnThs) and

a n be found in legalistic What is especially interesting about this Nask survivals of which c
books, is the fact that it should have been containing sasanian additions43. This fact is of historical importance, as it demonstrates, once again, that the Late Sasanian Auesta was a compilation made of, partly, recent materials.

Avestanquotations in the PahiaviVendrcSd [=WTawdS could be taken from this

ask^',

its

Pahlavi version being periiaps the base of Dk 6 and other ~ n d a r texts. z ~ ~ Dk 6, edited in Shaked 1979, belongsmostlyt o thesame genre as the lost B a r i s

c ask"; the payman idea in Dk 8.9,

being Iranian, reveals, nevertheless, some awareness of the Aristotelian ethicss2.

~ a i o . d a i . a e t a g the ~~, fourth Ha6a.Maneric ("legalistic')

Nask, was the seventh (or,

m e 6th Ha6a.ManerTq Nask. called KaskTsraw, the 9th or the 10th in the lists, is briefly summarized in Dk 8. 10; West 1892, 23 n.1, saw the name of this Nask as containing the word s r a w , "statement", etc., and was probably right Though the Nask is summarized in only 6 lines (DkM), it is possible to reconstruct its character: the contents of this Nask seem t o be similar t o Vasts and t o apocalyptic compositions based on them, especially to ZWY. This Nask
was characterized by interest in the proper performance of the ritual and in the Last Days;

the eighth) Nask of the Sasanian Avesta. Its name means something like "concerning the habits of
a Driesttv master', according to West 1902. 19 n. 4. and indeed, its contents have some close

similarities with those of the Erbedestan Nask as summarized in Dk 8 . ~ 8 ~ ~ . I1 this Nask. some place [Dk 8.8.21 was dedicated t o characteristicsof the leader of the rad (rat")-priestly guilde [rad.ps'a s a i f f r ] , what is only natural in the Nask whose name

ZWY,

includes the word ratu. It was stated (ibid.) that i t possessed "portion[sI [bahr] of other authority [patih], even of the lordship [xvadayaz]", thus implying the pretension of the priestly leader to get also some secular, even, perhaps, royal authority. This text could be dated by an epoch during which the Iranian power extended also beyond what was traditionally seen as Iran proper, namely X v a n i r a h (ibid.: "rad-office of x v a n l r a h [radTh i XvanTrahl a n d other continents [kis'war]").
The rest of the Nask was dedicated t o the ritual proper.

the typical apocalyptic text. also shares (ZWY 5-7) this interest in ritual, and this trail of the relevant passages of ZWY and our Nask could be regarded as having common sources. This Nask contained some astrological (daxsag ua nlSan, cf. also ZWY 7.6) predictionss3. The notionof =bar rezlSnm, " o v e r f ~ o w i n g " ~ derives ~, perhaps from a lost Pahiavi version of Yt 8 (cf. Yt 8.21 Iff.). (dFwan ... ud abavig), at different times in the The evil produced by demons ~&@Es future, is predicted, but the faithful ones are promised complete annihilation of their enemies (T.s'an hanJSbiSn) and the final triumph of Yazdan; the usage of this word, instead of O m d Amraspandan,

&a,is due perhaps t o t h e y a c t source.

n i s implied that the

worship must be carried out with faith andspecial set of mind, pZhrez, lest it be turned into

01 COe mob4 To a n a h , 0 .no* cage an0 &Wag XZ 010 Odd Pa!Tn O a w S a 'AWL, the s* s ma m e aeh"t00" 01 ,ne , . , a <om, t, tes gfeacLr n o * Of one cmoa<ei n 0 " 0 0 8 8 2 IRat.0 dalaeiag) e l m I s323ilT" - 3 S 2 Z a a L a ? ) q DaC r a d ~ F ; d g .

,"

46The meaning of the name of the Baris Nask is unknown, it can also be read brffh. "fate. destiny", as Moi6 1963 did,

47 Skjsewa 1989b. 48 ibid. 49 Damesteter 1892-93. I M I , x>xvti. 50 Compare Cunakova 1991.11.

17 dam=-worship. The reference t o 'Spiritual SSSts (doctrines)" %n Dk 8.10.3 might be an

i -_1
I
I

18 whose place inside the Yas t collection was always questioned (the uncertain place-, Yt 23.b or Yt 24). that this composition is of a secondary and a late character. The Pahlavi W l s t a s p Vast (5200 words) is, however, in Old Pahlavi, and, taking into account the archaic character of the language of the Pahlavi version and the late character of the language of the Avmnversion, it could be suggestedthat bothversionsshouldgo back to the same

allusion t o the name of the next Nask, namely the Wistasp sast.

The Wi6tZsp SSst, the tenth

(or, in other versions, the eleventh) Nask, was of mythicalHaas-Maneric, Nask, and the

historical character, though being the last "ritualistic',

Wastag Nask was said t o be connected t o it; however, we know nothing about this particular

(or, to a close) period. The extant text is of Iranian origins9, preceded by an Avestan-Pahlavi
!

Nask (cf.

0k 8.12).

introduction, consisting of four formulas60.

There wasa tendency t o c o n f u s e t h e W WistasP SSst with Yt 24, the Wi5tasp Yast (cf. Mole 1963, 3731, and Cereti 1997, 104, read the name of the Nask as ' W i g t ~ s p Vast', stating (;bid.,

The fact that its Pahlavi version was, nevertheless, preserved, indicates the importance ascribed to this text. One could pmbably call this Ya< t a Zoroastrian apocryphon6', but i t is

110) that i t hadcontained A f r e n T Paygambar T Zardu[x]st and

the link between the YaSt and its Pahlavi version and

the Mask W i s t a s p

Sastthatsuggests

w i s t s s p vast. In principle, there can be no such a thing as a V a s t dedicatedwa kings5; the Vasts are dedicated t o Iranian gods of old, t o Yazatas, introduced by Zoroaster, to Ahura Mazda, but,

that Avestan texts were still composed at a relatively late date; in some cases, they were probably translated from Pahlavi. There is some correspondence between the order of the Y a s t s and the order of the days of a Zoroastrian month62.

nevertheless,we&possessa WiStasp Yast. This YaSt, called Yt 24,

Yt 23. A r r e n T Paygambar T Zardu[xlSt; the two texts composition, "Yt 23-24" (cf. Darmesteter 1884, 328.347).

i s generally linked t o

As Hartman has noted, in several cases the name of a Yas t

has nothing -

are frequently taken as a single

with Pahlavi versions available

or, very little t o & with its contents, and was given on the basis of the calendatic sequence.
tt seems that this is the reason why the second part of Uhrmazd YaSt (Yt 1) got the name

for both. In fact, under the name of WistssP Yast the second part of Yt 23 is known.
Sometimes, thistext (the WiStasp Vast) iscalledYt 24, sometimes the w l s t a s p Yastand the first part of Yt 23, i.e., Yt 23 proper, the A f r e n T Paygambar T Zardu[x)st. are seen

Wahman Yast:thelstdayofthemonthisUhrmazd,theZnd beingwahman mntraiytothe view expressed formerly by ~ i g n o u x ~ a 3 l,l t h e immortal Bountiful Ones were supposed to have a special Y a ~ t In ~ this ~ . respect, it is worth reminder that the 23rd day is Day pad D while the 24th day is Den (both containing the word for "Religion"), corresponding, respectively, t o

as Yt 2 3 . ~ 4 ~ ~ .

the A i r e n T
TheAvestan WistSsp Yast (Yt 24) has nothingtodowtth the rest of the Yast co1lection5~.

Paygambar

Zardulxlst and w i s t a s p Yast, whose contents tell thesacred

story of the acceptance of the Religion by Zoroaster and, later, by his royal patron WiStSsP

as its contents are rather [pseudo-]historical than liturgical and it was not dedicated t o a
divinity; it is a recent compilation, grammatically corrupt and compiled from different sourcess8, probably in the Parthian or Sasanian epoch. It is obvious, both from the corrupt and

late Avestan erfthe YaS t in question, and from the mere fact of existenceof such a strange YaS t,

55 8ut compare~ayan ~ a g t another , nameof the zamyao ~ a s t . 56 Similarly, the second part (Yt 1.23-33, cf. Darmesteter 1884, 31-34; Kanga 1941, 1-23, 105) of themrmazd Yast (Yt 1.1-23, cf. Damesteter 1884, 21-31) got the name of Wahmm "as,, avd somtimes this text was k m -1% a5 Y t 2. 57 For this reason the Avestan original was excluded by Geldner from his edition of the ~ a ? t s ,cf. also Geldner 1904. 9. 58 Cf. Geldner 1904, 9.

59 On speahc corruptions, cf. West 1904, 86. 60 Published in Wwtergaard 1852.54, 485; cf. Damesteter 1884, 328-347; the Pahlavi version of the WIStasp Yagt in Mole 1963, 348ff.. transliterated & translated: cf. also West 1904, 86; Kanga 1941, 105-8. is the vaeea ask. first edited in ffitwal 1966, P.M., ~ombay("on vidi), newly 61 ~notherapociyphon edited by Humbach & JamaspAsa 1993, taken in Boyce 1968, 66 n. 2, t o be a 18thcentW forgery. 62 Cf. Geldner 1904, 7: Hartman 1955: Hartman 1956; on the Ya5t divinities and the STrSzaq, cf. Wikander 1946. 229ff. 63 Cf. Gigma 1985-8; Giinoux 1986a; Gignow 1986b; but compare now Gignoux 1996b. 64 cf. ~eldner 1904, 7 n. I.where Anquetii bperron's remarks are quoted.

19 The WlStSsp S a s t Nask consisted, according tothe R i i a u , of 6 0 kardahs, of which only ten, or eight, survived after Alexander. Already West 1892, 24 n. 4, realized that the eight
fragarab of the WiStSsp YZ<t were meant This is how the confusion between both texts was
-

20 So, there are several possibilities: 1) the Nask was summarized in Dk 8.1 1 not in its entire form; 2) what we know now as Yt 24 (probably, together with Yt 23) is merely remnants of the
i t was the view of the authorsof the Riiyats); 3) Dk 7 was heavily based on much longer Nask (

caused.
This was. of course. a mistakeonthe part of the redactonof theRivayat (cf. Mole, ibid.), as
the Mask Wi5tSsp S 3 s t was hardly identical with the YaSt, which must be a part of another

the Nask, while Yt 24 was not part of it- As was probably felt from my treatment given above, I opt for the third possibility.

Though of historical-mythical character, the Clnrdaa Nask was listedas a DSdic Nask, put betweentwoG~9icNasks, namely the WaStagandSpand Nasks. Itwas the firstDSdic Nask, the 11t h or the 12th Nask in the lists; however, its position among the DSdic Naskswas of "those made [or. "assimilated"] unto the Dad" (cf. Dk 8.1.11). According t o Skjasrvo 1989b. It was

Nask, namely the Stod YaSt Nask.

As Mole, ;bid; noted, i t is not impossible that the WiSt3sp YaSt was a liwrgic adaptation of
m e c o n t e n u o f t h e W i S t a s p Sast. Mole 1963, 349, noted that WZs 24.5-6 retelling of the conversion65 was based on the version of the Spand Nask. while the Pahlavi R i v a y a t s (PRDD 471 used the version of the WiStasp Sast. The Zoroastrian New Persian Z a r a t u g t Namah goes back, according t o his view, directly t o the Sasanian Avesta, and not t o either version.
It is questionable whether Ayadgar 1 Zareran, a Pahlavi adaptation of a Parthian royal

possibly in error of the second element of Us name (as d a d could be interpreted as both %eat-", etc., and "law, legal"), but i t was said (Dk 8.1.11), ),together with Bagan.YaSt.tobe"composed for the Law with separate propitiation" (pad Jud Snumanlh). The original name was Prtiaps *cierC.dS t i . "the establishment of the origins"68, as stated in Dk 8.12.5: "the establishment of the Law and of customs: that of farming, for the tilling and fostering of the world .. and that of ruling, for the protection and organization of the creation...", or in Dk 8.12.20: "about the primal
creation of crafts, arts, and the proper functions of the ages".

epic telling the story of what followed after WI<tSsp's conversion, consistsof some Zandsof the F w i r d T n YaSt orwassomehowconnectedtothe WlStasp Sast. This conversion, on the contrary, was not mentioned in the Wl3tasp YaSt, neither in its Avestan, nor in the Pahlavi versions66, but is one of the major themes of Dk 767. Asthe resumeofthe Wlstasp S a s t given in Dk 8.11 has all the essentials characteristic of Dk7, not correswndinq t o thecontentsof the WlStasp Vast but vaguely. Mole 1963, 282, rightly concluded that WiStSsp YaSt and W l g t a s p S a s t are not identical, and it was the second (perhaps, together withsome material added from the Spand Nask) that was retoid in Dk 7. However, here the question arises why a particular Nask was summarized a t such a length (perhaps, even was preserved in its entirety) in one of the De'nkard books, without saying that implicitly? Or, why the version of Dk 8 . l l does not tell us that this Nask was already summarized in the book (i.e., Dk 7). whose end is separated only few folios from Dk 8.1 I ?

This indicates that much space was dedicated t o sanctify the existing social order, with its division of the society into stnctlydefined and rigid hereditary classes. Some division of the historical drama of salvation was probably implied ("the proper functions of the ages", ;bid.). should be noted here in passing that Iranian ages (5ahr6', In

or, here, xvadayTh) were

actually of rule of a certain monarch, and thus eschatological notions could be easily . periods .
"traduced, though the material seems to be generally old7o.

Actually, this Nask contained a history of Mankind, being, to some degree, a priestly prototype of the ~ o o k of Kings. Materials taken from it could be traced t o Bundahi<n and other later compositions. I t must be one of the most popular Nask and it is strange indeed that i t did not survive in its entirety.

R D D 47, WD, pp. 26-49, fragments in 65 Among the texts dealing with the conversion of WiStfisp are P Dk 5 and Dh 7, edited and translated i n Mole 1967. 66 Williams 1990. 11. 213. 67 mitea in Mole 1967.

sources, while 11 17-19 are undefiabiy SasaPhn.

21 Together with Dk 8.12.9 & 15, where Turanians and Arabs are implicitly mentioned (cf. also ib., for

22

A discrepancy could be seen here: as the 21 words of the Ahunvar generated the whole of the
Avesta, i-e., the 21 Masks, the words pronounced at the 7 conferences generated "other Nasks"

5 17: "and many families..!'),

5 3. which states that "each race being specifically accounted

... messengers (sent by the Creator) t o each separate race", possibly indicates that the Nask

(seven? twenty one?). In any case, this view contradicts with particulars of the tradition about
the Ahunvar, though being identical at the core. In Dk 8.14.7-9 the notion is that the Complete Wisdom enabled Zoroaster t o possess a text that can generate and reproduce itself, revealing more and more new layer;73. I t would be only natural that the Nask telling Zoroaster's, so to say, "pre-history"

included material relating to the history of non-Iranians (Greeks, Jews, Indians and others), as

seen from a Sasanian perspective.

It is interesting that the Creator sent messenger; also t o them, thus provoking in one's mind an

analogy with pre-Islamic prophets known only from the Koran, or Mani's famous statement about

h i s forerunners Buddha, Zoroaster and Jesus, sent t o their respective countries. The antiJewish polemics in the ~ e n k a r d ~ and ' . also parts of the polemics against "on-Zoroastrians in the S6W, were, i suppose, derived from this Nask. It seems that the interaction with other religious systems of the Eastern Mediterranean, especiaiiy, after Christianity established itself
3

st^^^),

his birth and his encounters with Ohrmazd was treated as "mythical assimilated to gaeic" (cf. Mole 1963, 276). By form, it was, actually, a composition similar t o some types of Jewish m i 6 rS5Tm and 'aggSdOt, re-telling, with embellishments and oddly additions, the scriptural

the state-religion of Byzantium (which corresponds t o the Sasanian period in Iran) played a

story.
This particular Nask, if I read into it correctly, contained perceptions picturing Zoroaster's

considerable r6le in the Zoroastrian agenda. The problems posed by the "Western" religions were dealt with in an ingenious way, and it is of great interest, I think, that several genres72 w in Jewish literature of the Late Antiquity find their parallels in what we know about one of

encounter withnose Who Revealed him his vision (daena) in a way we find in the Jewish
H e k S l 6 t 1iterature75; it was the Immortal Bountiful Ones rather than Ohrmazd Himself who revealed and showed things to Zoroaster (Dk 8.1 4.6), as in the Jewish texts in question where the Revealer is an angel, not God; the position (ibid.) of the Immortal Bountiful One

the Gaeic Nasks, namely in the Spand Nask, which follows immediately the Clhrdad Nask. It
l o t

be implied here, of course, that Jewish literature of the age, whether in its written or in

s (seven

in

its oral form, had made an impact of some weight on Middle Persian Zoroastrian wimngs, but t h e remarkable similarities of genres and motifs must be seen as representing both the

umber) a t the occasion of each question (seven in number) seems t o have a special culticmythic significance whose meaning, however, evaded me. This point could be important for Mold's reconstruction in his "Culte, Mythe i t Cosmologie", but he had translated the words r a n r a g n hangam T n i 5 a s t ud P a s t T har jar ud ewenag T n i g a s t a n

Zeitgeist and some built-in structural closeness of both religious traditions.

Dk 8.14.5 refers to "the bestowal of other Nasks through these 7 questions, through speaking out (pad 1raz.gOwlSnTh) of each place of the conference". This probably implies that the Nasks were produced by a few words pronounced at the conferences, but are not a literal reproduction of what was said, thus the Nasks being a product of emanation. The original words pronounced at the conferenceswere, thus, completely mmffg.

Amahrspandan ("the time of sitting down and rising up at the occasion of each question, and the i n n e r of the sitting of the Immortal Bountiful One s") as "la date des differentes discussions, l e w ouverture e t leur lev&; comment chaque fois les Amahraspand s'y sont placed, taking i 5 a s t ud c a s t as indicating the beginning and the end of each encounter; this translation

ignores the importance of ewenag T "?$astan 1 Amahrspandan, " the mannerofthe

73 This seems t o be a very '(~0s:-]modem* view, though similar notions are known from other mystic traditions, e.g., from some Jewish circles where zohar was studied. This book, composed in Aramaic, s attributed traditionally to R. Shimon Bar-Ye-chay (the 2nd century), having been divinely revealed t i him. Modem scholarship (cf.. e.g.. Scholem 1965) sees Moshe de Leon, who lived 1000 years later in Spain, as the author or redactor. The tradition, however, was not shaken by this discovery, and many Qabbalists, i.e., traditional scholars of the Zohar, of our own times see no basic contradiction between the re"el8tlm given to R. &.-Yrnhay and the "a"thhLp. of k h e d* Leo", which they do mt &"y. 74 The word means -not just existence"' cf. Shaked 1971, 93. 75 Greenfield 1973 and Alexander 1983 still remain, probably, the best introductions. On some parailel3 between the Zoroastrian and Jewish visions, cf. Shaked 1996a [Hebrew].

23 sitting of the Immortal Bountiful One s" / "comment chaque dacds"76.

24

fois les Amahraspands'y sont

Other elements of the Spand Nask included Zoroaster's consuming ( f r a z

b ~ r d a n of ~ the ~ )

i s vision of the future things; the episode alluded t o is the same described Complete Wisdom and h

Moreover, f r a z madan T zardu[xl5t 0 ha" handemanih ud gah

is

han gyaq,

in ZWY 1 & 3 and some other secondary sources; it is the wording of ZWY 3.7-9 that enables us
1

"(the manner of) Zoroaster's coming forth into their presence, his position in every place", with its handemanih, implies something like a royal audience, while gah 15, "his position (in every place)", indicated perhaps that Zoroaster was sitting on a throne during his conferences (gah can be rendered also this way77).

provide a better reading of the Oenkard text and t o divide Ok 8.14.7-8 in a more

comprehensive way. Later on, here comes the vision of Paradise and Helb in the Jewish He^ai6L literature, this

me same concept of righteousonessitting on thrones is

is an indispensable element of a vision once the revealing angel or God Himself was encountered by
a visionary. On the Iranian side, we possess, of course, AWN where the visions of Paradise and
H Ia o w n t o the visionary, but there is no introducing vision there (AWN 11.4-8 seems not
to belong to the original composition, as it is a t odds with AWN 101.3

probably expressed in Dk.8.14.8 (gab T m i z a 1 ahlawan, padag padaq ciynna3zn a r j ~ n i g i hi pad k i r b a g warzTdarTn, "the reward-throneoftherighteousones,gradesof position according t o their worthiness through performance of good deeds"; nevertheless, here "place of reward" is also possible). However, parallels could be found

Ell),

where we are told

that

AWN'^

....o
7.2-3 11-21: '...he

ha" asar r n s n i h ud hanjoman T Ohrmazd ud Amahrspandan burd,

[angel] carried me imo the endless light, the assembly of Ohrmazd and the immortal

Bountiful Ones".

Then,Ohrmazd speaks (101.7-8 [I):

"and Isaw the souls of the righteousones, from whom a radiance like a shining Star was ever
kindied,.and their thronesandseats were above the fight, lofty and full of glory";

abag hem k e Ohrmazd hem ha? ban T d r u s t ud r a s t gowed man

snasom ud aanim, be gow 6 aanagan,

. f o r 1. who Am Ohrmazd, Am with *theea0. recognize and know, so (thus) say to the wise",

Everyone who speaks correctly and truly. I

"the righteouson thrones and carpets made of gold";

and then, AWN 101.10-11 (6). Araa WTrazfindsoutthat u d k a Ohrmaza pad en ewenag g u f t man s k o r t be mand hem ce.m r6snTh d i d

manvother examples can be easily added. 76 mat Molfi's translation is inadequate on this point, can be shown from the Rai.S.daiL.aPtaQ~ask, ~k T ni~ast ud brahmag i ~mahraspanoan .... "about the 88.3; abar nimayisn ud a g a m i ~ n demonstrationand acknowledmment of the sittira and the (ritual1 . . manner of the Bountifui Immortals...", 77 Old Persian ga8u-. "throne, place"; Avestan gat-, Middle Persian & Parthian Q a h *throne, piace, rank"; ~ r a b i c ]a@, "rank, honour*. ~rmenian gah, "throne, seat, rank": ~ e w ~ersiangah, ~ 8 h "~hrone,place*; ~ i d d l e ~ersiangahug, "throne, bier", Pashio Tala!, f61a1, "place*, Sogdian faeuk, fw%k, "throne" Yaghnobi-yfftk,"nest", cf. de Blois 1993b. Sasanian kings were sitting before God[$] in their fire temples on a *dSn-Qahdg (for Arabic dybk'hw), cf. Tafazzoli 1988. This practice must
be relevant forthe Derkard passage in question. Forthe usage of gab. "throne", in contexts of death/ 1982. seeing the presence of God, ef. ~chmeia & west 1872: ~ignoux 1984a. vahman 1986. me translationhere is mine. 78 F~~editions,<i.

urn t a n n d i d 6.m wang 33ndd 6.m aanist k c en hast Ohrmazd,

"andwhenohrmazd spoke in this manner, I remained astonished, for Isaw a light, but I saw no body; i also heard a voice, and Iunderstoodthat this is Ohnnazd".

79 l r s z + a r d a n i n z W 3.7-8. 80 Cf. Haug & West 1872, 203; Gignoux 1984a. 21 5; Vahman 1986,218.

25

26 Spand NasM. m u s h the material is not overtawiq. One wssible explanation may be that our brief expositions of the contents of the Nasks are not that sufficient, as we would like t o admit

~ these i l elements have their exact correspondents in the HCkalCt literature, but these
parallels will be studied elsewherea1. Elevation, present in the Jewish versions, is absent from AWN and the Spand Nask, but was present with ~ a n and i ~ ~ a ~ r d e ~ The ~ ~ question, . nevertheless, arises about the nature of the relationship between AWN and the Spand Nask. Was Zoroastefs vision not enough? Was AWN modelled on the Spand Nask? Was it felt, at a certain period of time, that the vision of Zoroaster was just too remote in time to serve as consolation and to remove doubts about the fate of the righteous Zoroastrian's sou! in the afterlife?

The other possible explanation would be that the textsderived from the Nasks and identified by us

as such, also include much interpolated material.

more Zawfe.

The Zoroastrian perception of self-

reproduction of texts generated by the primal encounter enabled Zandists to produce more and

However, the interest in the figure of the founder of the Iranian national religion seems to be part and parcel of the intellectual climate of the epoch that we count as "Sasanian": it was an epoch when many founded religions widespread in Iran, like Buddhism, Manichasism, Judaism,

"Many marvels

... revealed by him (Zoroaster) through it (the conferences), such as these,

There are, indeed, many particular similarities, especially in the structure

Christianity, all of which venerated, to different degrees, their respective founders. The question whether the figure of Zoroaster inspired the veneration of Mani, Jesus, Buddha and Moses, or vice

assembled togetherandselected, mentionedintheDCnkard-scripture" (Dk 8.14.4) seems t o be

a reference to Dk 7.

versa, cannot be answered, but there is little doubt that these phenomena are interrelated.

of the text. between Dk 7 (Dk 7.1 must be noted) and Dk 8.14, butthere are motifs uncommont o both texts. Above ail, the scarcity of the material provided by Dk 8.14 disables us from drawing any far-fetched conclusions. As Mot6 1963, 279, has observed, " . . . i s differences entra les deux textes

~ h e n a m e o f ~ a g t a nYaStlNask l isconfusing, as inthe DnKa itapplies to the Y G t s collection (or, parts of it), with the word Bagan being the plural of "god" (while the Bag of Bag Maskrefers to the word b m ("part, piece"; "divine prayer"; or "division"?).

ne sout pas

Bagan Ya5t is used as the name of the last one of the Dadrg, "legalistic", Nasks, of the Avesta, and as the name of Yasna 19-21 in MSs (which seems to be a blunder, cf. above). It is Dadig, legal, while the St60 YaSt, of a similarly liturgic character, is BSSSnTg (cf. Mole

n6giigeables et p m n t we Ie k i t du septiSme iiwe ne suit pas exactement ceiui du Spanf. ~k 7 cleariy drew upon also from WIstSsp SastandCihrdSd Nask.
On the other hand. AWN and ZWY owed a great deal of their contents t o the Spand Nask, not necessarily directly. Thisseems to be the problem withsome of the lost Nasks, suchas Ci h r d a d

1963, 66). In the DCnkard, Bagan Vast standsforyagt or Yasn, Persian Riva'yats have Bagan Vast andBayan Vast. Mazda, "highest of all the gods", * w i s p [MSs: ~k 8.15 contained a description of ~ h u r a yst'l bayan abardom, "and the remaining visible and invisible gods in the world"; a b a r r g

or Spand: we possess an exposition of their contents, we do have as well longer texts which
pretend not to be extensions of these Nask. but which do contain material derived from these Nasks (I mean Bunaahisn and other sources, including x v a d a y NSmag, as derived,

presumably, from the Cihrdad Nask, and D m K a r d 7, as derived, presumably, from the

a.paydag ud paydSg st1hsna4az Yazdan.

This does not contradict with the general order of the extant Y a s t s collection, which places
81 Among those, the mention of water of the lake of the moist/Hue wood, AWN 10.8-11 (7-8): h3n war T ~b i ezm T xv ... war 1 wuztirg T SO T kabfld. The notion that ohrmazd couldnotbe e n , though containing nothing "on-zoroasttian (but compare the Sasanian reliefs), nonetheless, amone to ponder on a Jd-Christian setting (compare Snaked 1996a). 82 Ci. MUller 1904b. 86-88; 8oyce 197%. text e, 34-7: 87runl in ABSru-' 1-fiaqiyah, Sachau 1879, 191, informs us that FISni performed levitation: "the king SShouhrame to believe in him when he had ascended with him towards heaven, and they had been standing I" the air between heaven and a .nanr, thereby, mace m *tries< minde. h o e s iney rciatc ,"St ne somet ines .wl to "SO 0 e n horn among n s cmpanon.t o stay **re 1oi w m e W S . w r a ,he,, TO ,we%e"o to mem. 83 Cl. c q . Ggn0.n 1981, Gigno~x19840; Ggnom 1991b. R ~ s s t1990 i The Itcrat-rc on the subject

("goA")V a s t corresponds t o theohrmazd ~ a s first t on order55 (notealso,that t h e ~ a g a n

o . the 14th word of the Ahunmr pmyer, namely t
lt i s generally assumed that a t !east

someofthe knownYasts plus the H G yaSt. ~ Y 9-11 and the 5r6S YaSt, Y 57, belongedto

'

n* 2-a <a%*

m c,ea here

84 Skjerv 1989~: gtTga 85 Due to the calendaric seaueme. It seems t h a t this is the reason why the second part of thevhrmazd YaStgotthenameWahman V a s t t h e 1stday of themonthisOhrmazd,the2nd being Wahman, cf. Chanter IV.

27 this Nask, while the core of the Yasna belonged t o the S t 6 6 Vast (Skjasrve 1989ce6). ~ccording t o ~habahar1963, iii-iv, the present Y a s t s constitute a part of this Bagan Y S t Nask. ~ccording t o the Persian Riva'yats (Dhabhar 1932, 4)87, it had 1 7 sections, while m e R i v a y a t enumerates 16 Yagts (the 19 known Yasts less Yt 2, 3, 6, cf. West 1892, xlv n.1, Darmesteter 1893, 11, x ~ v i - x x v i i i ) ~ ~ . T h e o l d ~ a g MS t F numbers the last six Yasts, Yt 14-19 as Yt 11-16. based perhaps upon

28 The emendation was seen as quite hypothetical in Skjasrve 1 9 8 9 ~ . 406. However, this emendation seems to me t o be pretty plausible and convincing9^: memorizing liturgic texts, of 'pagan" provenance, for everyday use, in simple Young Avestan (after all, this is the character of t h e y a s t collection), with no theological depth, but with many frequently repeating formulas, fits well women and children, as the Pahlavi text put it.

Given what we know of the present poor preservation of the YaSt collection, which has P h i versions for only a few Yasts (Pahlavi versions exist only for Y-aSt 1, Ya5t 3, Y a s t 9, YaSt 11, V a s t 14, Y a g t 20, Ya5t 2% and bearing in mind the "Slstanic theory" forwarded in Gnoli's worksg2, one could, with right, t o speculate that this ^Bayan Nask preserved only in Sagestan / S i s t a n was perhaps the whole of the original V a s t collection

an old tradition. A few quotations from the Bagan Yast not found in the V a s t collection may
. West 1892, 470-1. have been suivived, d

The Bagan Yas't treated the veneration of the 30 divinities presiding on the 30 days of each month89: aoxt6.nmanO Yazata, gurt.nam Yazad, cf. Dk 8.15.2.

with its Pahiavi version, or parts of it, what is called Bagan Yas't in the D f n k a r d summary.

On this basis, it must

The Dk 8 chapters that follow Dk 8.15 consist of chapters summarizing the lost Nasks: Dk 8.16-20 (Nikatum Nask. the first Dad-ig Nask); Dk 8.21-27 (Duzd.sar.nija5 the second Dad79 Nask); ~k 8.28-37 (Husparam Nask,

have been contained of 30 units (as a month has 30 days), organized as separate Yas'ts. The two Slrozags, the Great and the Small according the same principle. Bailey 1943, 161, emended t o *Bagan an unreadable word in a Pahlavi text (Abdln i sagestango, 15) dealing with the history of the Avesta: ,.."ask

ones (edited in D e h d a s t i 1363h.<.), are organized

ask, the third DadTg Nask); ~k

8.38-43 (Sakatum Nask,the fourth DSdTg Nask); Dk 8.44 (Vendrdad [Jud d 6 w d a d / W i d f w d S d ] Nask), the fifth Dadig Nask); Dk 0.45 (HSS6xt Nask, the sixth Gaea'nTg Nask); Dk 8.46 (St6d Ya5t Nzsk. thesecondGaesn7g Nask).

bud. <abZg> zanan bud aburnayag 6w "ask 6w 7 *Baya'naz

TheNlkatGm Nask, Duzd sac n l j a a Nask, Husparam Nask, Sakatum Nask were legalistic in the strict sense of the word; nothing, eventually, survived from the N l k a t u m Nask, Du20.5ar.mjad NaskandSakStum Nask, except thesummary found in Dk 8; only

f l a n e m l warm kara sta "there wasa Nask keptwithwomenandcaUed*Barfan, memorized by a youth".

few passages were edited by various scholare (Dk 8.26 was edited and translated in Tafazzoli 1995b); as these three Nasks have no specific bearing on the theme of edited and translated elsewhere, while treating legal stuff. ~stothe~usparat m ask, the third m a i g 86 Cf. also Josephson 1997. 23 n. 57. 87 Persian RivSyats in West 1892. 418,426, 431, 436; cf. Mole 1963.66. 88 Actually, there are 2 4 texts in Avescan known as Yasts, plus the second part of Yt 1, known as Wahman Ya3t. thus total 25 YaSts. 89 There is some correspondence between the order of the V a s t s and the order of the days of a Zoroastrian month (cf. Geldner 1904, 7 ; Hartman 1955; ib., 1956; on the YaSt divinities and the STrffzag. d . wikander 1946, 229ff.). As Hartman has noted, in several cases the name of a Yahas nothing or, very littie - to do with its contents, and was given on the basis of the caiendaric sewerce. 90Cf. West 1916; Bailey 1913, 161:Tavadia 1956, 141; Boyce 1968, 62-3; Utas 1976.

t h i s work,

they will be

ask, the VendTdadNask, the fifth ~ a ' a i g

Nask, and the HSS6xt Nask, the sirth Gaeaclg Nask, we are an i n a happy position as we

possess, partly or completely, three Avestan Nasks of a rather representative for the so-called
'Sasanian Avesta" character, with their respective Pahlavi versions, and the D f n k a r d ' s accountsaboutthem. 91 ow ever, I can think of an alternative emendation, good both graphically and conceptually: the NasK, as >tconsistiq of g a b s 4 sTr6zags. "ritualistic" 92 Cf. Gndi 1967; ,bid. 1975; ibid. 1980.

29

30 1 H p a m 3 0 burrrnag e w Erbeaestan, madigan abar K C 0 Erbedestai

The three are. of course, the two sections of the 17th (or. 18th) Nask Hu'sparam, namely
Erbedestan, Nerangestan, and the 19th (or. 20th) Nask, namely the VendTdad (Jud.dew.dad/Widgwdad)

ask. 80th Hdsparam and vendrdad Masks belong to the

same, 'legalistic", Ha3a.naneric group. Comparing their Avestan and both Pahlavi versions, the long ones (their Zadproper) and the short ones (the Denkard's accounts), we can make

some deductions about what other, "on-extant, Masks were Ilk.

Among the three texts, this is only the VendTdSd Nask that we possess in itscompleteness. Thetwoothertexts, theErbedestan [Herbedistan, Erbedlstan.etc-I andNerangestan [Nrrangistan, Nerangistan, etc.1, are only w o o f the t h i r t y " s e c t i o n s o f t h e ~ ~ ~ p a r a m Nask. Dk 8.28 and 8.29 summarize the Erbedestan and Ncrangestan fragards of the Husparam Nask respectively. The full text of the Erbeaestan. first edited in Sanjana 1894 (folios 1-27, the first 18 fragments of the Nerangestan, contain an incomplete text of the Erbedestan, then the NeTangestSn follows), was translated in Bulsara 1915, without the original texts; Darmesteter 1893, 111, 78-148, and, later, Waag 1941, translated the Avestan and the immediate Middle Persian; the full text of Erbedestan was translated in Humbach 1990 (reviewed in Kreyenbroek 1991); another translation and edition is that by Kotwal & Kreyenbroek 1992 [with contributions by J. R. Russell] (reviewed in MacKenzie 1993s and Macuch 1995).

The Emedestanseems to be the firstfragardof

the Hasparam Nask, which corresponds to

the 17th word, a, of the Ahunvar, being the 17th Nask in a l l the Rivayats. According t o Humbach 1990, 9, the existing text, which is veiy corrupt, represents notes taken down by a student from an oral lecture, started from Avesta quotations; in the Erbedestan it is dearly

seen that the text in question was an oral Zand, the question is why we do not possess any other,
less idiosyncratic, variant of a written Zard

For thetextof theDenkard account (Dk8.28) of the Erbeaestan, cf. DkM 734.4%

DkS

X V 1 . 1 1 , 16-8; it was translated in West 1892, 92-4 and transliterated and translated in Kotwal
& Kreyenbroek 1992, 21-2; it is the latter transliteration and translation that is reproduced

here;

93 Sixty, according to the Persian RIvS'yats.

However, the translation of Kotwal & 94 Here jarnag and abzar are synonymous, "tools'. Kreyenbroek is retained. 9s ln ~rabic and syriac sources the corresponding term iszamzama, r r f n f , cf. rea air fie id 1974.

32 Here follo~~~contentsofsomeofthechaptersoftheextantErbedestan that, in my opinion, "TheHOsparam Nask has30sections.oneof whiihisthe Erbeaestang6the compiler of ok 8.28 bore in mind: Chapter 1. Who shall go to the advanced priestly stdies. If one is responsible for the property, under what circumstances can one go? Chapter 2. Continues this. Also: how far is it proper to travel?. The merit of pursuing religious studies vs. the need t o take care of property. There are two asides concerning the nature of the ErbedestSn (2.5) and the origin of Zand(2.10). teacher Chapter 3. How often, and for how long shall a man go t o pursue religious studies? The proper time for travel is "three nights". Two different definitions of this concept are admissible. Chapter 12. On the duration of priestly studies, and on those who are barred from them. On the wife and children of a man who comes t o the firth. On the estate of a deceased foreigner who has accepted Zoroastrianism. On a woman who dies shortly after embracing Zoroastrianism. On relations between Zoroastrian men and no"-Zoroastrian women. On "on-Zoroastrians who come to Iran to seek refuge. Chapter 13. On learning to recite the sacred texts. Chapter 14-1 5. On teacher's responsibilities. Chapter 18. On priestly teachers who are not good Zoroastrians. Chapter 19. On teaching those who are not good Zoroastrians. Chapter 20. On feeding a non-Zoroastrian. The question of remuneration of the priestly

1. Chiefly about who should go t o do religious studies; in which cases it is obligatory t o go, in
which cases it is up t o oneself, and in which cases it is not permissible t o go. Arid (about) the choice concerning a herbed, and the definition of the foremost priest, the middle one, and the last one,as regards the study of the wisdomof the righteous. 2. And about the arrangements for the priest who is sent (to study): the clothes and the resources t o be given him. 3. About the student who shows reverence towards his master; the fact that he (i.e., the master should) accept him and teach him the Word, and makes him his student; and (about) the master's advice to the priests, and the recitation o f the (sacred) formul~e,and (his instruction regarding) times of pollution. 4. And about the return of the priest to the region from which he was sent the leader and the people of the region should make him offer teaching and instruction in the region.

care of

5. About the five characteristics of the priest. Which of the sacred fonrmlae the priest will have
studied first up t o the final utterances of praise We., the formula of the Law] and whatever belongs to this subject. 6. About the various subjects on which there should be questioning and demands between priest and faithful, and a whole range of points concerning this subject.
7. About the son of a priest who culpably misrecites.

8. And about a priest who accepts the expenses for pursuing religious studies from the region, but

is negligent in pursuing them.

9. About the superiority of one priest to another in knowledge and skills; and the definition of the superiority which constitutes greater worthiness of one compared with another, and whatever belongs t o this subject".

This is of interest that we possess both in Auestan and in Pahlavi all the [short] texts frequently mentioned in Pahiavi texts: Erbedestan. Nerangestan, Bagan Yast, HaflOxt 1 these texts were maintained as parts of a cumculum of an Nask, VendTdad. It seems that a average Sasanian lay ktterato. ln xusraw ud Rfiaag pad hangam 6 frahanglstan

(cf. Unvala 1921, 13.510) we read:

dad hem ud pad frahang kardan s a x t

"a

t f i 5 t a b bud hem. a.m Yast T HSASxt ud ha" T Yasn ud WTdiwd2d. hrbedT warm k a r d ud gyag gyag Zand nfy6[xliS fidtad, "And at the appropriate time I was sent t o school, and Iworked hard and applied myself to my eduction, and 1 memorized the Ya i ~ S c ~ x and t ~ that ~ of , Yasna, and the Vendtad, like a herbed, and listened to all the passages of the Z a d ,

96The name of the composition was differently translated, cf. Kotwal & Kreyenbroek 1992, 15.

37 The translation adopted here is that given in Kmwal & Kreyenbroek 1992. 20-1 98 On the meaning, cf. Kotwal & Kreyenbroek 1992, 17.

33 where herbeaiha, "like a herbed", may somehow beanallusiontoErbedestan, The other, now lost, unnumberedlo2 sections, were G o h r l g e s t a n , 'Transaction code"lo3 737.6-738.14; D ~ D 561.5-562.9; West 1892, 97-99); (now: Hasparam 3; ~k 8.30; D ~ M Although both Erbedestan and Nffrangestan belonged w the same legalistic Huspzram Nask, the E r b e d e s t a n was more interested with learning than the strictly haiakhic and ritualistic Neranqestzn. The interpretation of the extant Avestan-Pahlavi text of the N e r a n g e s t a n is extremely difficult, and, unlike the Erbedestan, for which two modem editions are available, was not yet edited in a proper way", though two new editions of the then, Amextag, "a miscellaneous section" (now: HuspSram 4; Dk 8.31; DkM 738.15743.10; DkD 268.10-missing folios 101.8; West 99-105); then, one section containing a single paragraphlo4 (now: Husparam 5; Dk 8.32; DkM 743.1 1-13; DkD missing folios 101.8-10; West 1892, 105); then, a section of four short paragraphs105 (now: H u s p a i a m

% Dk 8.33: DkM 743.14-20: DkD missing folios 101.10-102.4;

745.22: DkD missing folios 102.4-105.13;

West 1892. 105-1061;

Avestan and Pahlavi texts seem to be now in preparation, by Humbach and ~reyenbrockl 0

then, again, Amextag, "a miscellaneous section" (now: HGsParam 7; Dk 8.34; DkM 743.21West 1892, 106-108); then. another section

West 1904, 85-6, estimated the original Nerangestan in about 3200 Avestan and 6000 Pahlavi words in the text proper; 22000 Pahlavi words in the commentary, including 1800 of Avestan quotations, 314 from the liturgy. MSG contains Nerangestan where the last 7/8 corresponds exactly with the description of the first half of the N e r a n g e s t a n section of the H u s p a r a m Nask as in the account about the Nasks from the Dk 8.29-1-7. West 1892. 94-96, and the previous part of the N e r a n g e s t a n corresponds with some portions of the previous Erbedestansectionof thesameNask",cf. West 1904, 8611

(now: Husparam 8; Dk 8.35; DkM 746.1-748.3; Dk missing folios 105.13-109.12: West

1892, 109-112); then, "six fragards of one section of the (last1 fourteen (sections)" (now: H O s ~ S r a m9; Dk 8.36; DkM 748.4-749.7; DkD missing folios 109.12-111.13; West 1892. 112-114). then, "one section of the seven" a t the end (now: Hasparam 10; Dk 8.37; DkM 749.8-754.193; Dk missing folios 111.13-121.3; West 1892, 114-121).

"As thiscorrespondence [of N e r a n g e s t a n and F r b e d e s t a n texts with their extracts in Dk

His Quiteas close as that of the account of the VendicBd in Dk. Vlll with the VendicSd itself, and
the describer admits that his descriptions are based upon the Pahlavi versions only, it may be considered practically certain that the N e r a n g e s t a n consists of two, or more, large fragments oftheHusparam Nask with Pahlavi, nearly as it existed in Sasanian times". West 1904, 86.

102 Each section is described as "one section is ...",not "the third, fifth etc. secmn is 103 Cereti 1997, 107: "Codice dei Cornpenso". 104 20 brinag e madiysn abar nr 1 war.passaxtan 0.5 ewenagan 1 boxtan ud raxt 1 mda5 ud c? andar ham dm, "One section of the 20 contains particulars about the power of ordeal trial, of passing and failing (through it), and whatever on the same subject". 3 0s ~. 1 b e l a g 6 abar Ewfnag T SSmSn ud band, abar stSr ud gOsPand ud sag idewanag ud wax*l3n.kar0.iSan wirZyiiSn t3 c6 paymanag, k3 n@WirSst. S kolxlZi3n mad. pahr 1 a d M i d , c andar ham 6av. 2.ud abar wlnah istGr ud gSspand ud sag kunend. 3.abar wln3h T ne winahkar fizadan. 4. abar Pahrffz draman 1 sag T wlmar c? zndar ham dar, 1. "One section about the mode of (putting) limits and bounds on a mad beast of burden, o r cattle, or dog; and ...,and what could be the (sufficient) extent of their recovering (from their madness); and when they are not recovered and brought t o liquidation, the care of them even in the bounds, and whatever 01 the same subject. 2. About the sin which a beast of burden, or cattle, or a dog could commit. 3. About the sin of killing an innocent person. 4. About the medicine care of a sick dog and whatever on the same subject". h e ""ranslated word in 5 1, waxiSl*".kSr, was rendered by west as "the operation 0 ' the affliction"; "work of rearinglgrowing" seems t o a n inadequate attempt to translate some agricultural " h ~ , . . , , k 0 US. term, "

...".

The D e n k a r d summary of this Nask was translated in West 1892.92-4; ediied and translated
in Bailey 1933-5b, 277. The same priestly legalistic approach, similar in character t o the latter Islamic fiqh works (as noted in Kreyenbroek 1991, 402). exists also in some other Zands, e.g.in thevendfdad.

99 The Avestan t e x t with notes on the Middle Persian version was published in Oarmesteter 1893, 24, 78-148: the DSnkardsummaw (Ok 8.29) was translated in West 1892.94-96. b e to consult ~ o t v i& l Kreyenbroek 1995 only after this work was finished. 1 0I 101 The Avestan text with notes on the Pahlavi version was translated in Fragments of Le Zend-Avesta. cf. Darmesteter 1893, 24, 78-148; cf. Oarmsteter 1895, 300; for the full, though obsolete, translation, cf. Bulsara 1915; the first fragard was edited and Translated in Kotwal & Kreyenbroek 1995.

3s

36 This Nask corresponds to the nineteenth word of the Ahunvar prayer, d r i g u b i iff, according to the Bahman Punjya Rivayat, but t o the twentieth word. according to the other Riiyatsl O8 Its Pahlavi version contains 48.000 words109, including 400 Avestan quotations, while quite a few Avestan quotations are, in fact, from some other books1 O . The Pahlavi version is astonishingly close t o the Avestan source (though full of glosses and super-glosses), but this could be not true, as was noted1 782.20) in one sentence:

it must be stressed that only about a third of the sections of this Nask (if the total was 30,
accordingto the o c n k a r d version) were available for the compiler of Ok 8. Now, we possess

n less, but still, with the Husparam texts we are in a happier position than with, say, the

SakaLum or N i k a t u m texts. Another Pahlavi text, WZs 28.4. mentions a "Husbandry Code". Jordafg. KaTlstan, clearly, a section of the HaspSram Nask, missing in the Oenkard accountlob.

',

for Pahlavi Zands to other Nasks.

Some fragards were summarized at length, while others, like Vd 17, e.g., were dismissed (in DkM Other H u s p a r a m texts, though, probably, indeed, derived from some Avesta, whose contents

are mostly legalistic in the stricter sense of the word, lie beyond the scope of my present work

and will be edited on another opportunity. But two first sections of the Hasparam Nask,
namely E r b e d e s t a n and Nerangestan (though, too, containing mostly ptiestiy legalistic traditions) were reported truthfully by the compiler[sl of Dk 8-9. Thus they serve as an

"about taking care of hair and nail and the sin of not taking care"l 2. Perhaps two fragards were not referred to in the version of Ok 8.44 at all, like Vd 1 0 ~ ~ ~ . 12. However, as the PhlVd is a widely-studied t e x t of considerable length, it was largely

evidence for the suggestion that somecontentsof some Avestan Nasks were well attested in their
Pahlaul form.

referred to; eg, in DkM 241.16 1415.18, the Zandof an Avestan text iscomparable with Vd 19,28ff114.

The VendTdad (Jud.diSw.dad/Widewdad) 777.12.784.15;

Nask was summarized in Dk 8.44 (OkM

Elements from other Nasks, now lost, were used by Vd glossators: two Nasks, namely HusparamandNikatam. were quoted, together, in ~ h i Y d 4 . 1 0 ~ 5. 5.25. 15.22, The three fragards of the H a 8 6 x t Nask which are still extant, in both Avestan and Pahlavl, w e published and translated in Hang & West 1872, 267-316; originally, this Nask included 133

Ok5 XVI. 90-106; OkD 582.6-missing folios 133.6; West 1892, 152-166).

Though its Dk and Zandversions are of greatest interest i t cannot be treated here and an edition of i t will be suspended for a better opportunity. It must be only noted that the Dcnkard summary

s extremely close t o the original Nask (though there are several problems with ofthevendrdad i
m e fragards seen as not belonging to the original Nask). The Vendlaad, the last, seventh, "legalistic" (oaaic) Nask, is the only one in the whole Sasanian Avesta that survived in its

sections (brrnag),

while the last 121 sections of the Nask are hardly described at all in the

Ocnkard; unlike thecases of the OSrikard summary of the Erbedestanand the

entirety and in a Pahlavi version. On the position of Vendroad we are informed, however, in 1993, 92-3). that "one is the o a a o f thedud- dew, that is the wzs 28.2 (~ignoux& ~afazzoii Vendrdad, and one the Dad of Zoroaster, that is the other D a d (the other OSdig Nasks)"

] . [APPENDIX N
texts in

me date of this composition is uncertain, but it is clearly one of the most recent

vesta an^'^.

108 Cf. West 1892, 152 n. 2, and Dhebhar 1932. 1-2. 109 The so-called "Conuneniav on the PaNavi Vendidad" (Zand T Fragara T Jud.DSw.DSd1 in the Codex F, following the RivSyals, contains about 27,000 words [West 1904, 1061, thus. being 40 %less only . 16 fragardswere (the fragaras 1-2, 19-22 are ~ i e*enswe ~ h than P ~ I V ~ comntaries of about 17 commentators, nearly all of whom are mentioned in the Pahlavi Avesta. Thus, d o g 0 West, these fragards were not originally parts of the Vd. Later, this text (240 pages in MS T02. pp.433-673) was printed in The Iranian Codices and Researches series, described in Jamasp-Asa 1981. A" incomplete copy made for West is preserved in the ubrary of 1970, 201 n. 1, cf. ~amaso-AS= the Royal Asiatic Society. London, cf. de Menasce 1958a, 59. The text in question is, actually, a kind of Rivayat, cf. Jamasp-Asa 1981. 317. 111 Geidner 1904, 17. 112 A Pahlavi text edited in Jamasp-Asa 1981. might, in fact by a part of this 10s: fragard in its Zand ereion, rather than having been based on the plain Pahlavi Vendidad. 1138utcf.West 1892, 160". 11. 114 Cf. Bailey 1943, 117-8. 115 West 1904. 83, were a text and its translation is given, used 5piegeVs chaptetinq

106 ~ o r d a ~ ~ a r l s t kc.< a n warzigarTh azs< paydSa 'Le Livre de Semailles par lequei est manifestfie ragriculture", cf. Gignoux & Tafazzoii 1993, 92-3. 107 About the middle of the second century B C E : Darmesteter 1893, 111. xlviii, cf. 2, 259; Herafeldt 1929-30, 79, n.1 & 136. n. 2; Bailey 1930-32b. 283.

37 VenaTaaa, the contents of the HaaSxt Mask as summarized in the DSnkara reveal no
closeness to the Haaflxt Nask known t o us from the three extant fragards: "there is nothing in

38

.-

ln ok 8.21-27 the contents of the Duza.sar.ni j a a ask are summarized, whose name was interpreted by West (West 1892, 74 n.1) as "the thief's head downstricken". West, ibid., also made a plausible suggestion that the "Nask was named from the contents of its first section, and possibly from its initial words". It included 18 sections, of which only "the first", "the second",

the [Okl description of the HStOkht Nask that applies t o the 'the fate of the soul after death' which is the subject of the two other [Dkl sections",as West 1904, 88, has noted.

"one of the (next) twelve", "the first of the (last) thirty-five", "the second", "the third", "the
Fourth" are summarized:

The N l k a t u m (or, Nikadum,

Nikadom, NigaiOm) Nask was the third "legalistic' 1) Dk 8.21; D u z a . s a r . n l j a d 77. 2) Dk 8.22; Duza.sar.nijad West 1892, 77-81. 3) Dk 8.23; Duza.sar.nijaa 553.19; West 1892, 61-84. 4) Dk 8.24; Duza.sar.nijaa West 1892, 84-86. 5) Dk 825, Duza s a r n i j a d
RG

1; DkM 721.2-722.15; DkD 548.2-549.9; 2; fimXta DkM 722.16-725.10;

West 1892, 74-

fHaaa.naneric) Nask. the 15th (or, the 16th) Nask of the Sasanian Avesta. Two Masks ( 0 u z d . s a r . n i j a d and HJsparam/Husparam) closer to the end of the list stood the Nask with a rhyming name, Sakatam, belonging to thesamegroup. The NikStam Nask included 30

DkD 549.9-551.15; DkD 551.15-

3; Pasu~hOrwestan; D ~ M 725.11-728.4; 4; S t m e s t a n ; DkM 728.5-729.6;

sections, of which only 5 survived, namely Pavkar Radestan, Zaxmestan, Resestan,

Hamemalestan, and a section of miscellanea. As this last "section" is the longest (more
b q e r that the four 'named sections), it is not impossible t o guess t h a t i t was, in fact, not a

DkD 553.20.554.16

5; Arzestzn; DkM 729.7-11, DkD 554.18-20; West 1892.

"section", properly speaking, but rather a summary oftherestofthe26sectionsof theNask. In

this case, the Dk account would report all the summary of the Mask in their entirety. The summaries surviving in Dk 8 are as follows: 1) ~k 8.16; ~ i k a t n m 1; ~ a y k a rRaaestan; D ~ M 693.2-695.5; D ~ D missing foiios 83.197.2; west 1892, 35-39. 2) Dk 8.17; NikaLum 2; Zaxmestan; DkM 695.6-697.2; DkD missing foiios 97.2-90.6; West 1892, 39-41. 3) Dk 8.18, N i k a t a m 3; R<esta DkM 697.3-698.9; DkD missing foiios 90.7-93.1; West 1892, 41-43. 4) Dk 8.19; N i k a t u m 4; HamemSlestSrv, DkM 698.10-704.22; 533.21; West 1892, 43-53. 5) Dk 8.20; N i k S t u m 5; DkM 705.1-720.22; DkD 297.22-293.22; West 1892, 53-74. DkD missing folios 93.2-

6) Dk 8.26; Duzd.sar.niJad 6; A r t e s t a r e s t a n ; DkM 729.12-732.12; DkD 554.22. 557.12; West 1892, 86-90; Tafazzoli 1995. 7) Dk 8.27; Duza.sar.nijaa 7; Amextag; DkM 732.13-734.3; DkD 557.13-558.17; West 1892, 90-92.

The Sakafum (or, Sakadum,

Sakaaom, Sagatom)

N~SK was

the sixth "legalistic'

Haaa.MaTneric) Nask, the 18th (or. the 19th) ask of the Sasaitian Avesta. It included 30 sections, though other figures were given as well. The summaries surviving in Dk 8 are as follows: 1) Dk 8.38, SakaLum 1; DkM 754.20-761.21; DkD missing folios 121.9-B 569.3; West 1892, 121-130.
; ^ApdagestS DkM 771.11-772.8; DkD 577.2-18; West 1312) Dk 8.39; SakaLam 2

136. 3) Dk 8.40; SakStGm 3; ZiySnagestSn; DkM 766.3-21; DkD 572.13-573.6 West 1892, 136-7. 4) Dk 8.41; SaKStflm 4; Waxsestan; DkM 767.1-771.10; DkD 573.7-577.2; West 1892, 136-143. 5) Dk 8.42; SakStam 5; Warestan; DkM 771.11-772.8; DkD 577.2-18; West 144-5. 6) Dk 8.43; SakatGm 6; Amextag; DkM 772.9-777.1 1; DkD 577.18-582.5; West 1892, 145-152.

39 The last chapter of Dk 8, i.e., Dk 8.46, together with the first chapter of Dk 8. forms the frame for the whole book. This is a highly interesting though short text treating the principles of Ggeic exegesis. The strange thing about it is that, unlike other chapters in Dk 8-9, it is impossible to tell wherefrom the text is derived: this is not a short summary, presumably of the StCd Nask. the last, seventh. Gaeic Nask, but a comprehensive text, perhaps, a l l the text that was before the compiler's eyes. One cannot exclude, however, that some Zand of Ahunvar is meant. This short prayer was seen as a projection of the whole of the Gma, which itself is the whole of the Avesta. According t o Dk 8.1.9.12.16, this Ya3t Gaean is identifiable with the 5 t o d Ya3t. Dk

40
The synonymity of tonmag and bun as words for "Religion. Avesta", on the one hand, and of

tohmag and zahag. on the other, is obvious in Dk 8.46.1.

In a midrashic120 way, inter-

i n e c t i o n s link between different parts of the Word of God. and, as the next (Dk 8.46.21 clearly indicates, words connected by nothing but sound are considered as containing hints to some more profound mystic closeness, being emanating from the same source. Some aspects of that kind were studied by arti in Schwartz in three papers121, having based on
Auestan sources only (with some ~ewish parallels in Schwartz 1998). but, as far as l know, the

Late Sasanian awarenessof this phenomenonwasnot yet attested.

8.1.16 placesthe "Gseic" HaaSxt NasKardVe"YaSt" intheendoftheAvemnNask,and thevast Gaean, indeed, follows the HSMxt Nask as the lastchapter of thesummary of the Nasks. Mol6 1963, 64. in West's footsteps116, defined 5tOd YaSt as "k textm6medesGs;fts mais qui est

a propremen1parler un livre liturgique; c'est la partie centraie du Yasna", having

derived the titie, Stod ~ a ~from t , 5 t a o t a ~ e s n y a ,Y 14.59'17,

According t o SSyast n sayas1 13.1118, vIsSi v e =mega spanta in Y 14.1, is the beginning of the Studan y a m 1 19. while Y 58-59 ends mentioning the whole collection of the Stod Vast. According to West's (,bid.) deductions, the StOd YaSt contained 32 hats, as statedintheRlvffyats. I the Bahman P u n j y a RivSyat, the Ya3t Gaean coresponds to the 21% word of the A h as seems t o be the order also in the Dfnkard, but i t is the first Nask, according t o the

other R i vffya ts, a fact that is responsible t o the change of numeration of aU the other Masks.

t sthes;m 116 West 1892, 169 n. 1,identifiedYaSt Gasan, St80 Vast 1 YasLof t h e ~ i v ~ y aas re*. 117 Note theinterchange of .St / s t , 118 As quoted in West 1892, 169 2 . 1; not found in Tavadia 1930. 119 Cf. the previous note.

120 Cf. Gignoux 19963, 2882. 121 Cf. Schwartz 1986; 19894; 1998

41
CHAPTER I I

42 Though legalistic, it provides mystical commentary on the Yasna, supplying learned people

h i s version which, in my Opinion, was the most successful in grasping 'the with answers. It is t
original meaning" of Zoroaster's words. The exegesis of the same GSeS in the S t t l f f d gar Nask summarized in Dk 9.1 5 is of a different, mythological and allusive, character [TEXT V]. Y 45.1a is rendered not as grammatical imperative, but as a religious commandment; the curious points are:

The Way O f Zans!

The Gaeic texts, as is well known, exist in four Pahlavi versions:
l), the version of the "Pahlavi Yasna' (PY), i.e., the translation proper with some glosses and

commentatory remarks, and the three versions of what is called "commentaries", namely, extracts from the G3eic Nasks, summarized in Dk 9: 2). S [ t l a d g a r Nask, 3), w a r s t m s n s a r Nask, 41. Bag Nask.

I), dam, which is a verbal pronominal ending, was interpreted as an independent word
meaning "reflection" (thus implying that the root of dahisn, "reflection" tcf. Snaked 1982b. 197ff.1, Avestan *dab-, "to teach",wasnotconfusedwith thatof dahlsn, "creation, gift" etc.; a derivate of this root, namely, dahma-. "a learned person", was felt t o be phonetically close t o darn); 2). a t f r a u u a x 5 i i a was rendered as a noun, f r a z gowl5n. glossed [den], and subglossedgos andar darisn, where go is used as an alliteration to gowiSn, in P Y 45.1, but

we a n n o t be sure that we possess the versions summarized in Dk 9 in their complete and

original forms. On the contrary, in many cases we do know that only a few excerpts have survived. Nevertheless, the comparison of the four versions might provide some important suggestions. Here two attempts are made t o demonstrate how intewoven the four versiors are. The first example is based on texts linked to Y 45. while the second example is based on texts linked t o y 51.
I

as a verbal form, frSz goworn, in PY 45.4;

3), P Y 45.1b is a rather faithful rendering of the Avestan original; the change of the grammatical number and person took place in the Pahlavi text itself, as a result of overlapping of 3 Sng and2 PI in certain forms; the lexical equivalents are standard (TS, "to move, t o approach",

The exegesis of Y 45 (here only two stanzas of Y 45 will be analyzed, namely, Y 45.1 & 4, the translation adopted is that by Humbach & lchaporia 1994, 73) [TEXT 11 in the three Nasks
summarized in Dk 9 reveals that there were three different attitudes, or veins, to read the Gathic text. Two of them, as signaled by the texts, are of some closeness each to the other and t o the PY version WEXr 1 1 1 . The two versions are t o be found in 24ff.; ~nglish:West 1). Dk 9.38 ( w a r s t m f f n s a r 15; D ~ M 854ff.; DkD 659ff.; ~ k XVIII, s 1892, 273-6; French: Mole 1963, 329-331 etpassiml [TEXT Ill] and 21, Dk 9.60 (Bag 14; DkM 921ff.; DkD 622ff.; DkS XI% Slff.; English: West 1882, 395-6 and E X T IV]. West 1892, 364-6) V One, rather legalistic, attitude is represented by the Bag version (Dk 9.601, which was aiming the laymen, providing them the answers to their "why" and 'how'.
It is of interest that

as "to seek, t o wish"); the gloss t o PY 45.1b stresses the need of religious teaching which will
take an universalist twist in the Dk 9.38, which, indeed, could be found in this stanza; 4). in P Y45.1~ however, interesting deviations from the 'original

sense' of the Avestan line

took place: unlike P Y 45.la, d a m was interpreted as from * d a t - in the gloss, the Zandstused
the word dam; probably, for him it sounded, as in vulgar New Persian, as *dam; l v F s P ? l
tier? was rightly interpreted as "manifestus", h a r w l s p paydag, implying thus that the

Zadist knew the original meaning of the word, and was not seducted to interpret it in the sense of
a next-of-kin marriage; the glossator, however, with his dam, contaminated d a m and the

"normal" sense of c i e r a / c i h r , "creation / creature as race" (Geschkht) l;the most important point of deviance from the 'original sense" is, however, the interpretation of the
as Ohrmazd dza, the reason for verbal form mazdighO.ddm, "take (PI) note!", in Y 4 5 . 1 ~

Dk 9.60.1 refers t o oral teaching t o be listened to even by those generally not supposed t o be permitted t o be taught perham, "on-Zoroastriansare meant, while the allowance was attributed to the Prophet himself.

which is obvious (probably, also an echo of P Y 45.4b);

The tendency of the W a r s t m S n s a r Nask version (Dk 9.38) lies halfk 9.60.3. dad (ad 1 However, there existed a tradition that interpreted cier3 in this sense, cf. D c i h n anothertradition, that of ~k 9.38.5, contaminated both with its zahaqlq paydsg~h.

way from the version of the Pahlavi Yasna and the Bag version.

43 5). in PY 45.1d, the general sense is rendered grammatically pretty well, while the setting was changed: the Gathic text refers most probably to Yima who lied one time, while the Pahlavi text assigns the role of liar to the Stinking Spirit (the same change took place also in the Persian National Epic) and projects it into the future, to the era of the Final Body; 6), in P Y 4S.le, hizuuS understood as Instrumental (pad uzwan), while akS varana GddraguuS asAccusative(han ... wad.tar k ~ m a g "a h m

. -

44

In P Y 45.4c, no grammatical forms were analyzed correctly; the "father of the abundant good thought" (the subject of the verb in Y 45.43) was rendered as "and he (Ohrmazd) begot Wahman through fatherhood"; on the relationship between Avestan v a r e z and Pahiavi warzTd'an, cf. Humbach 1991. 11. 168. ~nother versions i t ( w a r z t d ) corresponds to *dSd. The gloss stresses the pious character of the next-of-kin marriage and

... OruwandIh); therootof

Us function as

the problematic Suuarato was rightly identified, though the verbal farm was taken as a causative verb w u r r f f y n the Stinking Spirit wassuppo*d by the g i m a w r to be thesubject of the line

meritorious (and, in the version of Dk 9.60.3, "cherishing the creatureslnourishingthe world"; Dk 9.38.5 used w i s t a r i 5 n i g T h . translated by me as "cherishing", in the similar way, being a Pahiavization of Avestan v a s t r - ) . In the gloss toPY 45.1d. Spendamt explained as bawandag.meni5n.a standardequivalent

PY 45.4 renders the Gathic text as referring t o performing ~ " e d o a a n , the consanquinal next-of-kin marriage, though this is not implicitly mentioned in the stanza; moreover, the idea of right-mindedness, or piety (armairit being a female offspring of the creator (also, most probably [cf. further] unnamed) contains here no trace of anything anthropomorphic. Nevertheles, the Pahiavi version stresses here the xvEd5dah-point, making Spendamat (spenra armaiti) the daughter, and the wife, too, of the creator the Pahlavi version makes even wahmn here the Creator's son. in P Y 45.43. the Accusative is rightly rendered, though the object in the 6 3 6 8 must be the Creator, the glossator makes the object the next-of-kin marriage.
in py 4S4.b

for a r m a i t I-, is praised for not desisting from performing the next-of-kin marriage with her father, Ohrmazd. This emphasis on the merits of the next-of-kin marriage clearly belongs t o

an e p h (a late e p h , it s e e d when peooie were less eager t o perform this custom than rhe
"orthodox' would like to see them In PY 45.4e. one finds serious grammatiai and conceptual deviation from the Gathic text: the Infinitive n o i t d i b f a l d i i a i was rendered by the Participle Perfect n f r e r t , whose subject (in English) is Spendamat (as is clear from the gloss "[who did not desist from performing xvd6dahl" notGhrmazdasitshould be;vTsPS.hi5as, "the all-seeing". Nominative, an epithet o f Ohrmazd (ahuro). was taken as belonging t o Spendarmat,
c?

one can see a very old layer of the Zand tradition:

h r w l s ~ . n i g r T a Pad hSn T Ohrmazd. "for (she is) the complete observer in what b e l o w toahrmazd", which is rather opaque; the not entirely clear gloss refers, however, to

az ahlSyIh 3gShTh Ohrmazd SQSh k en dad

renders

%me functions of Spendamat as sort of supervisor over the religious matters: [leu pad Den 1

...that so must be all the action and Ohrmazd hamag k z r ud dadestzn (ih hawed, "fie
Judgment in the Religion of Ohrmazd]". Before turning now to the Dk 9.38 and Dk 9.60 versions, some points must be highlighted: Dk 9.60 explicitly states that the first creature of Ohrmazd were his children by the next-of-kin marriage, Wahman and Spendamat: this has some significance in the context of Y 45.1. where where mazdz was translated twice, in the older layer
a?!

SgahTh (rf. Wilkinc Smith 1929,

Yima was probably referredto as the first man I first creature2; in the Pahlavi versions, there

117.42; ~umbach and other took it asvocative), with a later gloss, Ohrmazd. not recognizedas such; the personof the verbvaeda waschanged, with Ohrma2d becomingthe subject.

is no traceof Yima altogether Dk 9.60.3. c i h r , reflects c l e r S inY 45.1~;"to teach", cagtan,

1 Dk

9.60.4-5, has some specific technical sense, something like "to experience',; the texts play

I the time withwarzrdanandaahlsn. 2 Note that in Dk 3 (DkM 73.14-16) Gayornard is said to be created by ahrmazd from his dauchter spendamat.

46 (cf. Y 45.1e, varan?). The procuranceof thedeed bythe thoughtwasequated thus by Zoroaster
mOhrmazd'sautogenesis(thiscould be the original sense of xvraSaah). What for Zoroaster

was, most probably, a statement about the nature of human thinking (cf. Gershevich 1995),

Dk 9.15 which pretends to be

a S l t l u o g a r paraphrase of Y 45 has actually nothing in

became a mythologizedmystical meditationt o be projected into the g6tTg world by performance ofthexvO6da

common with the contents of the G S 6 S in question, but contains rather a mythical account of K e r s a s p and S r 6 bar; the onlv reason why this myth was told there can be guessed from the end of the account (Dk 9.15.3-5) where Fire was referred to (on the "final function" of Fire with regard t o Y 45, cf. Duchesne-Guillemin 1949-51, 638-9). It should be noted that Y 45.1 introduces eschatologcaldimensions by its worry whether "the deceitful blasphemer, by his evil choice, may not destroy the world a second time with h i s tongue through preference being given to him" (an echo can be heard in Dk 9.38.2). What is important is that Ohrmazd begot Spendamat (and Wahman), notthat he tookit t o wife. The mention of Wahman in this context, though not without significance by itself, only

serves t o emphasize this point It is nowhere said by whom Ohrmazd begot her, as it was not
said either anything about the mother of Hrumazd and Ahremen in the classical Armenian and
other Z u m n accounts. This not only illustrates that O h r m a z a l Z u r v S n was both the father and the mother, but spotlights the irrelevance of this problem: the point is the paternal-filial pattern, not the marriage by itself, as in the Zoroastrian halakha the aim of the next-of-kin marriage is not the incestual coitus as such (true, its merits are enumerated frequently. cf., e.g.,

T h i s motif was

developed in the S l t l U a g a r version of the commentary which I see as son of some ta'wfi. spiritual exegesis, t o the (5393. Such

ta'wrlwas perceived (cf.

Corbin 1977, 12) as imaginative reconstruction of the

hidden reality, unveiling possibilities of other existences. I t is of interest In this context to ponder upon the double interpretation of clei-3, understood once as 'manifestus, bright", PayaSg, and once as'world, existence, creature" etc. Thisdouble interpretation may have been going back to an early period of the GSQS exegesis, and does not exclude the more rigorous insights of the B a g and WarStmansar versions. On the contrary, by the apposition of the world as "bright" (cler5). where the pun (mazd$h~.ddm) probably equates the world with Ahura Mazda himself, t o the dark existence of the Stinking Spirit, on the one hand, and by combining i t with Y 45.4, the spiritual unity of the father-creator-the thought-the world with his daughter-the mind-the earth was meditated upon. leading t o the demand (in the PahlaviYasna
andintheBagandWarstmamsar versions) to perform the next-of-kin marriage. It is worth

even in the passages in question, Dk 9.60.3, only in order to encourage people t o perform their
religious duty), but rather t o produce (spiritually) better descendentry, or, "properly produced progeny' (Dk 9.60.2), which is that produced "according the nature of the first creature, (through) begetting of one's own" (ibid.), i.e., the first next-of-kin begetting serves a3 the

h e future generations of zoroastrians. surely, it was the androgynouscharacter of the model for t
creator that was t o be imitated by the xved6dah marriage, while imftatfo Ohmazdi wasseem
a

m e i s o f the sacramental unition with the creator.

AT.tm point, an analogy with me Manicheean accumulation of light arises (and, \think, it is

not without importance that the Manichaism is a monastic religion, i.e., totally opposing the basic Zoroastrian tenets): the next-of-kin marriage purifies the creation and assists t o return it back t o the original motionless3 and pure state of oneness. The metaphor of the sequence "light splendor

noting that the Zoroastrian is taught to profess, on his initiation at the age of ffteen: "My mother Is Spendamat, Archangel of the Earth, and my father is Ohrmazd, the Lord Wisdom'.
it was probably overlooked by the Western scholars that the next-of-kin marriage of

radiance

brilliance" ( r ~ s n- brSh

fCr6g

bSm) in Dk 9.38.6,

which

resembles very much some Manichean ideas, serves as an illustration to the progressive march to~enovation(6 ~ r a s g i r dpaywastan maraom).

h m a z d with his daughter Spendarmat is void of purely sexual overtones. The pious Zoroastrian authors of the last two centuries were eager, of the other hand, t o deny, as is well

known, the historical reality of such religious demand whatsoever. As the right-mindedness of
good works, Spenta- Amsitk, is born in and produced from the lordly thought (Ahura- Mazda-

3 Note the stress of nemag i r6z , "midday' (the initial position of the sun a t the creation), in the
context of the next-of-kin mama* in

- the Lord the Thought) in the lofty world of possibilities, which we call "ideal" (cf. Y 45.4cd).
so [good or bad1 works are procured in the "nether", or, getTg, world by thought andchoice

27 of Dh 9.41 (which describes a Z^^d(Wa~?ImSns~ 18) t o

Y 48 (YezH; DkM 861.20-864.18; DkO 665.10-669.10; West 1892, 284-289) [Text VII.

47
As the primal consanguinai begetting set in motion the menag and gt aspects ofthe

48 i n d S r s t i i 6 . b a r a z a . "the heightofaspear"[TEXTVIIIl/3 nezag balsy k dagrandih 3

creation (Wahman, cf. Dk 9.38.6). there was a need t o introduce more menog and gStXg qualities into the men69 and ge'trg sphere (Spendarmat, ibid.). it was by means of this that Spendarmatacceptedhermaternalglory, madarig x V a r r a h i.e..becameOhrmazd'ssDouse, while the verb used (waspuhragenTaan) applies t o princes of blood, meaning that she was

n3y. "an altitudeof the height of three spearsof the lengthof three reedeachone" [TEXTVI], are leading phrases wnich, from the point of view of the compiler of the 51tJUdgar Nask version, enabled him t o establish the link between the text treating next-of-kin marriage and the myth.

The myth t o which refers [TEXT Vl occurs in Yt 19.40 [TEXT Vliia], whose verston in Pahiavi
is found in PY 9.1 1 [TEXT Vlllbl: it is t o be noted that on one point which is crucial in our context of Dk 9.15, there is an interesting discrepancy between the two last texts: in Yt 19.40, yo'

seen,indeed, asOhrmazd's daughter (cf. Dk 9.54.2 [TEXT MI]). 1.e. the emphasis is, again. on
her motherhood and princely status, not on the marriage (and sex) as such: i t is giving (or, creating) of him(her)self (ka xVadrh dahlsnrh, Dk 9.38.5) that the texts stress, ergo. accepting (cf. Dk 9.38.3). instead of intermingling. rhough all three, namely S r t l u d g a r , W a r s t m s n s a r and Bag Nasks belong to the

ylm upalri

vis

araofiat was adequately rendered into Pahlavi in P Y 9.1, except

aTStli6.bareza, understood, unexolainably, as "the height of a horse",

not "the height of a

spear,j4. The Pahlaui version (PY 9.11) of Yt 19.40 also leaves untranslated x s u u a E p a i i a GaeSnTg group, it is the S r t l u d g a r which possesses the uppermost GsSSnTg Vaalia.baraSna characteristics, while the WarStm5nsar has something of the H a t a t k l m a n e r i g and the Bag Nask has clear DadTg traits. While accepting the theory forwarded in Shaked 196% about y i m u p a i r i v i s a r a o a a i , adding instead a gloss. A quotation from mother Pahlavi version of the KarasSsPa- / K e r s a s p legend is to be found in PROD 18f5 (Williams 1990, 1104, 105; I 1 40. 165 [TEXT

1x1,
Fre'don,

the hierarchy of the religious texts in Sasanian Zoroastrianism, i t is. however, strange that the
~ [ t i u d g a version, r presumably made for the gSh5nTg people, became so widely circulating

The function of this myth in our context is introduction of the eschatological theme.

that many imponam secondary Pahlavi texts, like the Buhdahlsnandthe Zand

who is dead for 9000 yearss, is unable t o oppress A2i Dahag (PROD 48.32-34 [TEXT XI), so Waters, Fire and Vegetation askohrmazd t o revive F r e d o n [TEXT Xi], but it is not Frffdon who is raised from the dead6 [TEXTS X , XI, XI, Xlll, XN].

Wahman

$'as", heavily drew upon it, and not upon the versions given in the Warstmansa? and B a g
Masks.

me legendof KsrssSspa- /

KersSsp retold in Dk 9.15 [TEXT V] isof great interest: the

~enkard version is a short midrashic beginning of yasna SItludgar

Zand derived from the S[tlUdgar Nask on the

I t appears that, in fact, the version of

AdrravaxSyZ (Y 45.1).

ask has nothing in

common either with Y 45, or with the versions of the

4 Compare angu?tha, 'a kind of linear measure" in the Sanskrit version lcf. Bharucha 1912). 5 It is of significance (as Cereti 1995, 222, observed) that the battle between A5i Oahsg and Fred60 is placed (in2WY 9.14) a t the beginning of time (9000ago). 6 K ' s hffs, "consciousness", was supposed t o dwell in the KarkOy Fire of STstan: u r 6 z 3 6 5 xvanld ~ e r ? B s ph6s name be cast az j 6 5 nGS kun may-no5 aost bar ago? iihad bad afrTn gS5 ham<?= n6kT 25s d T godhasi 6 d65 $aha, xvadayganai be ZFFTW~ an^!, "let the light of the spirit of Ker?Ssp blaze forth1 Released from trouble, haste t o imbibe ambrosia! wine, take the beloved one in your embrace and indine your ear to blessing. Strive ever sfter god. F o r last night is past. King Lordy One, blfsssina upon your dominion!", Smimova 1974, 70 & 399 n. 133; Russell 1989, 53-4 n. 9. The form of the name given in G a d lD2 230.14 is oidec Karsvasp IKarssavazdahI k6 kSd3n xvanend, "Karsvasp whom they call kffdan- (in Indad K 20 fol.128r3, PSzand: kadsn, cf. Bailey 1990, 6).

w a r g t m a n s a v or Bag Masks, which treat mostly the topic of next-of-kin marriage. The actualsourceofthe originaIS[tlUdgar Nask was not a translation, or a commentary, of Y 45,

but mythologicaltexts which happened t o have only a couple of allusions to the Pahlavi versions of the 6 5 6 3 in question: the reason why the Karaszspa- / KersSsp legend should become a commentary to Y 4s is that a passage treating the xvd6a marriage contained expressions found also in the myth. R a p i e t i n zaman P E X T Vilibl / nemag 1

mz,"midday" [TEXT VQ,

50 in the parallel7 AyJ 17.6 [TEXT Xlll

it

is not Kerfiasp who was raised from the dead, but

II

The Gaeic Vahulkl-XSaBr fragard, a part of the S[tladgar Nask, is a kind of tafsir
' i r f i f n r , to use Mold's terminology1 ' o n the Gsea VohU Xsaeram (Vohux5aera Gaga),

rather his father 5am8, and it was overlooked that in ZWY 9.22 5 m 9 rises and vanquishes A i i Dahag. Unlike PRDD 48, Kay Xusraw plays here no role in assisting S6<ya<ns.
The legend is characterized by fluidity of motives, among which are: a hero performing some

"the6583 of Good Ruie/Power", or "Well-Royally", Y 51 [TECTsXV-WI], The Bag Nask version of the same Gaea is given in Dk 9.66, West 1892, 379-381; i t was also referred t o in Dk 9.10, Dk 8.13.8, 35.13 (and inY 41.1 and perhaps in other texts) [TECTXVIll. The W a r S t m s n s a r version is given in Dk 9.44, West 1892, 294-8 [TEXT XViII]. This fragard is summarized in Dk 9.21; the text can be found in DkM 810.8-815.2; DkS WII.1, 4958; DkD missing folios 174-182; transliterated and translated in Mot6 1959; translated in West

religious offend (Kergasp in Dk 9.15.1 and in Y 9.11: Freaon in Bd 29.8 [TEXT XIV]); a hero sleeping in some enclosed place, whether Limbo (Dk 9.15), or wormwood and snow (Bd 28.29).

or cave (cf. Dk 9 . ~ 3 ) ' ~ . The hero may have different names, and the myth can have variants,
thus demonstrating that it was the paradigm, not the story, that was important for the Zandist The confusion of s 5 m and KerSasp resulting in emergence of a new personage, Saman KersSsp, can only illustrate this situation.
It is interesting that in ZWY 9.19 it is

1892, 212-219; other important treatments in Zaehner 1961, 142- 5; Tafazzoli 1971, 197. This is a midrashic text of a composite character, and i t is this version which will be scrutinized here [TEXT XIXI. It must be noted that this text (the Zandof Vohuxsaera Gaga) which is supposed t o treat theGod Rule. V a h u t k I - Xsaer, treats actually Tyranny, stahmagrh. Theidea of "GoodRule" was central for Sasanian Iranians, especially in the late decades of the Third Iranian Empire, when the legitimacy of the ruling dynasty was challenged by pretenders and internecine strife. Immediately after decades of turmoil, the unthinkable happened and the Empire collapsed. This situation brought about a renewed wave of speculations about the idea of "Good Rule". It

unequivocally stated that Fire,, together with Water, was this who forced the Creator to raise up Saman KersSsp. if we take the body of ourtexts as a unity, we may draw the conclusion that this implies atonement of KersSsp's misdeed towards Fire. Certainly, the atonement plays some role in the myth retold as an alluding commentary, but the significance of it remains elusive; probably, it serves as a substitute for the concept of Renovation. It must be stressed that the Bd andZWYversions, admany componentsofthesetwo textsas a whole, go backto the S I t l u d g a i Nask, probably, not only re-working S [ t l U d g a r materials, but also quoting otherwise no"(:

extant passages. The gap between the actual Gathic text and its allegorical retelling in the form of
a myth in the S[tIUdgar version isso wide that one may be ied to believe that some apocryphic

1:

was during this post-Sasanian stage at the development of the Zand on the "Good Rule" that
Fredon's r6le was stressed (cf. further). On the whole, this version of Y 51 can be seen as an actual commentary.
I take it for granted that Dk 9.66.1-2 (the Bag Nask version, whose 22 fragards

texts, like ZWY, can be, indeed, real ZaixSs. This observation raises a question: why it was the 5 I t I u d g a r version of the commentary that was so successful t o survive? Why it was the material, partly, probably, going back to ore-Zoroastrian times, that was transmitted so well into the Muslim period of the Iranian history and incorporated into the Persian National Epic? The answer, 1 presume, is more complicated than the assumption that it was the narrative value of the myths of old that enabled them t o survive for such a long time. The myths have already undergone a profound Zoroastdazation, and Ido not think that they were included into the 'Gathic tore" by mercy of an attempt to reconcile the teachings of Zoroaster with those of his former co-religionists. In was rather the mystic insights of the old myths adapted t o allude to Gathic passages that assured their pertinence.
7 Cf. Messina 1939, 75, quoted as such in Kreyenbroek 1985, 131-2. 8 Oriqinalby, cf. Chrtelensen 1931. 60, 99-106, 129-46, SSmandKarasaspa were one and the ssme e n . f . o w some important remarks in Skjserva 1995b. 9 If one n lead'SSmSn, as it stands In P R D D 48.34-35. 10 lt could be noted, in passing, that the enigmatic apellative "Kept, preserved* of the uandaan Sam &wm may be (at least, padially) co""ect=d.

are

summarized in the third part of Ok 9, chapters 47-68) is not the beginning of the enlarged commentary on Y 51.1, but the compiler rather imported it from elsewhere pretty near to the start of the commentary original. The beginning was omitted as the redactor thought the contents

of tkZand were well-known.

As one could see, this is not the situation now: the PY version is of too interlinear a character,

while the Denkara version is too elusive. To use a parallel from the traditional Jewish exegesis, we have here no pJ<St. In my opinion, at least a part (line 2) of the PY version goes back t o the stage in the Iranian
Areacid epochs. As linguistic history that corresponds roughly t o Late ~chaimefw~/~efeucid/Early

t o t k Bag Nask version, itcould be dated t o the period after some political turmoil took place.

51 Theoretically, the date in question could be the epoch after the Arsacids overturnedthe Seleucid rule in Iran, or after the Arsacids were deposed by the Sasanids. On the other hand. as the style is characteristic of a much later period, one could suggest that this Zand was perhaps part of Bahram CSben's propaganda. But as the text contains nothingthat could be understood as some kind of antipdynastic slander, so i t seems rather that some interdynastic strife is meant.

52

The actual commentary to Y 51.1 is found in the version of War<tmSnsav Nask, Dk 9.44.1' 3. The passages is full of glosses and sub-glosses: am dad Zarduixl<t ha" 1 weh xvadSy Kdamag is perhaps a quotation from an Avestan commentary; a ddad could explain the strange

awe

weh xvaday kamag of the P Y version which has no countepart in the

1 OLm stands for

Gaea (if we do not suggest that'w.m The clue-word is "now', translating the Avestan n u c i t : the P Y version does not stress this word especially (nunaz: "it is up t o us now to perform the best action of Ohrmazd"); the P Y version does not stress the "tyrant" as an antithesis t o the "good ruler", while the Bag Nask version states: "They are authorized who are now in power. Tyrannical wicked lying people are not o w in power".
Moreover, tyrannical wicked lyiq people are accused of having"caused

am); a r z a n i g is an explanation of

abay found in the P Y version. gehan ("world") is connected perhaps to a fl i ast6mand ("corporeal existence") found in the Bag Nask version (Dk 9.66.1).

I
1,
!
I

Itseemthatthere existed a common sourceforthe WarStmansar NaskandtheBag Nask versions t o this Avestan passage, though it is impossible to tell what it was.

deception in the corporeal world by lament<. My impression is that this text was composed after Xusraw 1 ascended t o power, having been preferred by his father Kawad I to his elder son Kayos, the pro-Mazdakite Paaasxva'rgar Sah. There are three words in this version that supwrt this dating:
I), now, used frequently in texts undoubtedly dated by the reign of Xusraw I Anfiurwan 531-

Asa whole, the versionof War<tma'ns+

but the first three words, introduced

Nask here treatsnorthewholeof AvestanY 51.1,

in a quotation from a (Avestan?) commentary; in the

(as itdoes in

sequenceb5gam aibl.bairi<tam, the crucial word b5gam is translated by b a h r (or, *baT?), while d a h i s n maystandforboth albT.baln<tamandvidTZamnai

other versions treated above); i 2 3 c i t is translated, as in other version, by abzon, while the g o w l z i d a r dahlsnrh pahiom kunign translates ~ i l a o e a n a i S mazda vahi<tam

579 CE [his present ~ a j e s t y . 1m bag, etc.112;

2 ) . laments, reminiscent of the "Lament of the Ox" (Y 2% a text crucial in the Mazdakite
speculation, thus also indicating the same period; 3). the verb b6znTda translated here "to excuse", but which actually belongs t o the semantic
feld of salvation, the main aim of the Mazdakites.

( w i n e a r d a h i s n i h for mazda, cf. P Y version, k u m s n

1 ohrmaza

pahiom,suggesting

that mazda is not a Vocative and, perhaps, even not the name of the Supreme Being14); u d i b a r t a r T h 1 k u n i s n az m e n i s n g6wiSn is an "automatic gloss" to kunlsn. Two sequences,a$a antara c a r a l t l aid t a t n5 n u c l t varsSane, were left untranslated.

Again, it is stated that"when they will give the power to him who isgood, they would be saved by his sovereignty. But him who was deceived by laments, him you should overcome, and also to do this to death and danger and deception", and the ^Mazdakites should be overcome (wanenidan, the verb used also on AZ1- Dahak, cf. further). ft was perhaps about that time that the gloss [ka Den r a w a g b e karal, "[when he (the good ruler) propagated the Religion]" was inserted into the PY version (to the word nunaz).

The corresponding version of the S i t l u d g a r Nask (Dk 9.21.7, [TEXT XIXI), where the

I
I
!

a m Avestan passage was referredt o was put into a midrashic setting and is merely a gl-.

It is

of interest that this isexactly where the stitch between the two different sourcesof the chapter is to be found. The gloss reads: aman awe i weh 9 a d a y kamag bahr abar barlnTH
"We desire a good ruler to bring him our portion (taxes)".

13 But in other cases, e . g . , Y 45, 1 believe it was the version of the Bag Nask (Ok 9.38) that grasped m e successfully "the original meaningmof Zoroaster's words.
12 Cf. Ceretl 1992. 242.

I 4 Not always Ahura M a z e is rendered by the plain Ohrmazd (cf. e.g. A ~ W 1163-4).

53 The gloss there is actually taken from P Y 5 l . l a 6 m awe i weh xvaday kamag bahr =bar barlCnlh, "My desire is t o bring the portion (lanes)15 to him who is a good ruler" [Frawarden 54 ~ a < t ~ . 1 3 0 " [TEXT MI]): Jam abaz dz<t e s t a a az gehan n i y a

6 h ~ u hd sud u d t i S n ud zarman u d m a r g l h ud %wan u d mod ud sarmay u d

he only difference consists in changing of the pronomina from l s t s g to ZndPI, as required by

the context in Dk 9.21.7.

garmay T a-payman ua amezicn 1 dew abag mardom (translateaabove).

One only has tocompare the Avestan (Yt 9.5) and the Pahlavi (Dk 9.21.2) sequences:
~ f t e ~k r 9.21.7 we have a Zand derived from a different source, most pmbably, from a Y a c t , later incorporated into the S i t l a d g a r Nask. At this point we will turn to an analysis of the SltJudgar
N3sk midrash.

yimahe xSa6re aurvahe no11 aotsm @ha noil; garamsm n o i t zaurva anha

Pahlavi equivalents: sarmay garmay ia- payman zarman margin,

In Dk 9.21.2 we haveanailusion tomma's being sawn (cf.Yt 19.46: Bd 17.5 131.5) by A?! a . After his ascent to power, A f l DahSka enquires *collected/*all (hambastag)

n o i t maraeyus people why the conditions of the world have deteriorated after Yima's death. The reason is. of

course, the vicissitude of the royal glory, but this is not the answer A Z i DahSka receives.
The "*coliected/*aii people", to judge from the context and especialtv from the semantics of this (hambastag) adjective, are none other than the inhabitants of Yima's subterranean "steppen-arch of Noah", as it was called by previous scholars, i.e., of Yim's "am1 6.

while n o i t arasko daevddato, "the greedlenvy produced by dews", is rendered as SmSziSn T dew abag mardom, "inteminalina of demons with men". This latter alteration is of importance. The Indo-European tradition knew two important sequences, involving humans, namely, "gods and men"18 and "cattle and men": in Avesta, the formula p a s u . v r r a - is frequent cf. Indie vIrapS$n

1
?

<

*vTra.~Sv5-, meaning "abundance,

A2i aha aka is answered by the "people of the assembly" that 'Yima wardedoff from the world need. misery, hunger and thirst, old age and death, nmuming, lamentation, cold and heat when they are beyondthegoodmeasure, and the imemMnglingofdemons with men'. wealth", Umbrian u(e)iro pequo, Latin pecdesqw virosquel

'.

Destroying Yima, A Z i Dahaka

!'

destroyed the cosmic order, and this is what brought about the deterioration of the terrestial conditions. Moreover, the men and the demons began to intermingle.

his interesting passage is highly illustrative for the wayofzand. The Pahlavi version of
people's answer addressed to the tyrant (Dk 9.21.2) is a paraphrase of an Avestan passage (Yt 9.5 [TEXT XX]; compare also WZs 32.2-4 [TEXT MI, which is a very close rendering of Yt 13

Besides the evident echoes of the Zoroastrian notion of 'Mixture", gumeziZn, seen as negative, the word used in the Pahlavj passage, Sm6zin from the same root as gumz^ may have had some sexual overtones as well. Further I will t r y t o demonstrate that such

15 m e "portion (taxes)" standing for the problematic bsgammay indicate the date of the commentary by the epoch of the tax-reform carried out by Xusraw I . 16 yima's v a n is perhaps a resuit of confusion of Central ~ s i a nrania an traditions with those of Mesopotamia. The Mesopotamian vara was at Unik, which va known as "Umk-the-lsheepl-Enclosure', or "Unik-the-Sheepfold". or "Broad-Marted UnA Kovacs 1989. 3 n.1; Unik in the Tablet 1 of the ~ilgamesh pic has features reminding those of Kangdiz. Gilgamesh was known also as king of the ether world in the institutional Mesopotamian religion, cf. Kovacs 1989. 117, similarly t o Yima. The Giigameah Epic was known as far as Canaan (Megtddol and Syria (Emar): Gilgmys13 and Hwbb3 appear in the ~~~i~ ~~k of ~ i from ~~uinran. ~ ~umbaba t ~ features also rn ~iddle perscan ~anichsan fiaaments of the same work, meodor Bar Qoni knew Ganmagos (and so did as-Suyyati much later), cf. Kovacs 1989. w~t-XXXIV; Reeves 1992, 120-1 & 159 [compare also Reeves 19931. Judging from this vast dissemination of the Uruh / Giigamesh traditions, it is difficultto date Ih6 Avestan sources about Yima's vara: they may be as late as the beginning of the ciment Era

overtones were indeed implied in the fragardin question.

As to the structure of Dk 9.21, it must be noted that after the short 'Yima introduction", both
F w d r a c t and Zadsprahm passages go ahead with Fredfln account, This is an

introduction to the actual Pahlavi Zand (cf. West 1892, 212 n. 4). amplified by glosses, that

17 This link has not yet been noticed, as far as I can see. 18 This concept undeiwent serious change in Zoroastrianism: Old Indo-European devafdaeva 'gods" became Zoroaster's demons, thus the whole idea got a very different pitch. 19 Compare Perikhanian 1983, 41-2.

55 follows ( ~ 9 k 21 3) ud ~ n a z kii:

"ZsSnrhuzuzr bad J a m [kO.s c i s ha" k a r d T

s n a y g n ~ d a r i h ; kU.5 was

mardom pad f r a r 6 n l h 6 h snayenidl, "and this, too, that Yima of willldesire Zaehner "...he [Yimal was ffta-c/vlak ^, for royal Yima of goodly flocks whom you struck d m " unjustly and by guile. let his lambs wander free upon the earth, and stopped t h e veneration of the demons of Need and Misery, Straitrwss and Craving. Hunger and Thirst, Wrath of the bloody spear. Want that has
no pastureland. Fear and Bane that moves in secret. Old Age whose breath is foul, and the demon of

creatorofease We.,he made things by which people are a t easel and creator

[i.e.,goodness through the pleasing of the law; i.e., he pleased people through righteousness/for
he taught people the righteousness]".

~~fortunately we , do not possess Dk 9.21.3 in the original Avestan; a s a n l h - d a a a r

and
In my opinion, the general sense of the passage is: 1.. Yima was struck by DahSg; 2.. cattle was dispersed; 3.. U d a g established demonolatry. My own translation is as follows:

kffmaq- d ~ d S are r clearly translations from Avestan, as was noted by Mole 1959, 284 nn. 56; the original Avestan for SsanTh- dad3r was probably *"one who put peace", with SsSnTh rendering ^ S l i S t t or the likez0; SkSmag- dadSrThisglossed by newagTh and sub-glossed T O n T h is cleariy a "well wilr'; k a m a g generally renders v a i r i i a frequently glossed by newagTh.

^ and, in its turn, is

My

"And U d a q (who let loose into the world the lambsz3 of Royal Yima [of the goodly flocks], whom you (DahSg) struck down by a treacherous blow unjustly) established the veneration of the demons of Need and Misery, Straitness and Craving, Hunger and Thirst, Wrath of the bloody spear, Drought that has no pasture-land, Fear and Danger that moves in secret, Old Age whose breath is foul / depriving of issue (and the Seven Demons)".

he next passage (Dk 9.21.4) seems to be a glossed translation from an Avestan original. This
passage is one of the most difficult for interpretation; I suppose that the text is corrupt. reading arid translation is different from those offered in West 1892, Wikander 1941, 173. Mole 1959, Zaehner 1961, 142-3. It is appropriate here t o provide the three translations made by these four scholars. West 'And AQcfek. who made ti the splendid and rich in flocks who was struck down by you through violent assault . unauthorisedly desirous (varak) and eager for the world, produced want and destitution, distress and greed, hunger and thirst, and the sanctifier of Wrath the wounding assailant. Want without pastures. Terror, Destruction the secret-moving, Decay the descrepit, and the seven archdemons". Wikander: "UndOtak, die den gianzenden Yim mil den schonen Heerden, der von Euch gewaltsam getOtel worden ist, ungebdhriich lustem und begierig auf weitiiche Goter gemacht hat, und Not and Anrut, Bedrangnis und Lostemheit, Hunger und Duret, die Rasere! mit biutiger Keule, die weidenzeretflrende Not, den Schrecken und die geheime Gefahr und das teufelsgeschaffene Alter und die sieben rehrungswurdigen DZvs geschaffen hat'.

(It is possible. 1 think, that the words at the end of the passage, n a f t dew,

-w,

s a d Azaz d by 2aehneG4, ware in written ud Odag, 4.. reading 3 3 - w

!3- f
-"vwi

some way

confused by the copyist with the similariy

a t " , thusone has perhaps t o combine the first and the last words of

r w h a f t dew- Owgdaq).

22 Zaehner 1961, 143, wrote: "We cannot be sure what the word Sla#/utak means, but it is glossed 20 Compare in Bd la.13-51: C.3 dad 0 ay3nh f l a b asSnTh.dSdSr, "He (Ohrmazd) created the repose-giving sleep" (So also Anklesaria 1956, 27; Zaehner 1955. 320: "sleep, the repse of the Creator"), It is worth noting that Dk 9.32.9-10 which is a partly parallel to the 8d locus, has nothing minding of SsSnTh.dadSr; on the contrary, it speaks of "the 'sleep [or, "sweat") produced by d m This notion has no support in PY 32, the source of Dk 9.32. Cf. Chapter 111.1 "Sleep and
as h e k t his iambs wander free upon the earth"... anotak (which can be analyzed as "not-6tak")

meaning 'strange, alien, foreign or excluded", the opposite of xvS5, "kin"; 6tak would, then, mean l 'royal kinsman". But regarding connected words, d. 'kinsman', and *brama wouid thus be [ ~ i m athe Schwartz 197% 23 After tima' death, his flocks got dispersed. For the idea, compere, e.g., Zechariah 13.7: "Smite the shepherd, and the sheep shall be scattered", ha& >el harff'e utaDOsena hassoh 24 Zaehner 1961, n. 76 on p. 330: Szaz for 'haft or for 'iriit.

4
57 58

Giving besides "whose breath is foulz5" as a variant translation of a u f d a r t "depriving of is$ue", I keep in mind PVd 19.6, where GannSg llFn6g is a corruption for

However, we do not possess any specific Zandto Yt 19.34. exactly is we do not possess any Avestan original of Dk 9.21.4, but another word used in the Avestan passage of ZamySd V a s t (Yt 19) may nevertheless show that such a Zand did exist, as itwas reworked into the sources of theclhrdad Mask (which, in its turn, was oneof thesourcesof BundahISn). The word in question, f r a e S t 6 , posed to scholars a problem of interpretationz8. Hintze

auZ.damanag, translating d u ~ d a m 6 ~Here. ~ . *duf.damSnaq may

mean "of

evil issue1

creation", in both senses: 1). procuring evil issues; 2), having been born from evil creation, and in Pahlavi, the osciilation -f-/-m- frequently occurs ( d a f t / darn. like [Avestan] r a p - / [Pahlatil ram-). The myth referred t o in this paragraph (Dk 9.21.4) is unknown otherwise, but its general pattern seems to be clear: i t is departure of Yima's royal glory, his xvaranah, which was 1994, 193 [with bibliography of the previous studies], took i t as "in Bewegung versetzt", an infinitive from r r a - IS, but the word survives, in a wrong sense, in Bd 35.10 [TEXT XXIV].

For x v a r r a h there are variant readings in this Bd passage (cf. Bailey 1988a. 19): GrBd A
(TD) 229, 12

caused by some malicious deed of a second person ( A i i DahSg, in my interpretation), not by

, (also

8 (DH) 102.14 & C (TDl) 147.101 has FrCd6n az awe*

purr-

some obscure guilt of Yima himself. in our passage (Dk 9.21.4). Odaq, who is responsible for
establishing demonolatry,

W tar
purr.--

bod, while the IhdBd K 20, 127.5-6, Just! 1868, 78.5, has FrFd6n a z awF5Zn t a r hawed. Thus, and according t o Bailey, are synonymus; the

seems t o be a newer import from another Zand(s); in the original

Avestan text itwas A f i DahSka who was responsible for real, but later demonized, plagues; in Yima's vara the cattle wassafe, now it isdispersed; A i l Dahaka-'s intervention is very much reminiscent of both Ahriman's ebgad, the Primal Assault into the Uhrmazd-created good world, which assault caused the state of Mixture, gumeziSn, and of ancient indo-Iranian myths on blocking the waters by a snake ( A i l ) andcausing devastation2' in the earth and the subsequent

reading -can

be m n f i m d by aMitional examples, thus. "the Lmse of GDH t s far., m k i n g

impossible any longer t o suppose that famab is no more than a phonetic change from

hgarnar... 'The form hg3rnaf)-, Av Paranah-, Magian MP xvarrah. PSzand i u * xvarah, Armenian *xvarnahvant-, while MP fairaxw, NP farrux,should beconsideredto bea
Magian replacement of farnah- to avoid for doctrinal reasons a profaned word" (Bailey 1988a. 19-20).

As to the etymology. Bailey, ib., tentatively compares the Latin

for$ fen

and

1,

deliverance produced by, in many versions, e r a e t a o n a - (Freddn, who plays indeed the key role in the continuation of the narrative). Aswas stated above, the theme of thedepartureof the f l a r a n a h is referred t o in Dk 9.21 differently than usually. In Yt 19.34 (cf. Hintze 1994, 191ff.) [TEXT XXIII], eg.. the emphasis is on "lying fake word". Then Yima "moved around, wandered in distress, became stunned because i f his disordered state of mind and concealed himself on the earth". There is something in this passage that makes one think that Yima miflht have been sometimes perceived as akin. in some way, to Ahriman himself: the verb StarstG, used of Yima, must give Pahlavi s t a r a which is frequently used of demonic creatures, compare,

1,

rortm.
Having no intention to enter into the mine-field of the x'^aranaf)- etymology, I cannot but express my opinion that what we have in these Ed variants is a survival of an old and now lost

Zand to Y t 19.34. My view is that the Zandist was misled by

1). the fact that the word in question stands next to x v a r a n 6 ( x v a r a n 6 f r a e s t 6 ) andseems to agree with x V m a n 6 grammatically; 2), by confusion with %esa., "cupiti potens, giocklich" (AiW 31). TraSt) as synonymous.

&a,Bd

1.16: Gannag Men6g

...

pad

he mistake resulted in taking e a r a n 6 rraGSt6 ( > %"amah

s t a r d i h sayast, "the Stinking Spirit laid stunned" (cf. Zaehner 1955, 280), or Bd 4.1.

thus Bd 35.10. This example demonstratesto what degree Zanch were interrelated.

The "Seven Demons" mentioned in Dk 9.21.4 are pernaps those known from the yendidad and
25 duiOalt, a clear allusion to Gannag Menog represented by ~ f i ~ a h ~ k a . 26 A hapax; AiW 758b: "des Abtiditen schIechT slnd, der Biises ini Sin" hat, arglistig": Darmesteter 1880, 206: "guileful-. 27 Note h?z. "droughf: sCz 1 nlh5n rawl5naPpeare in W2s 32.2 (cf. above), Wd 18.8; 19.1-2 lperfiaps, it was also the reading in Wd 19.43, for which we have no Pahtavi version]; sSz translated Avestan lei i a j a h also in other passqes, being the normal correspondent t o its Avestan derivative. related sources, eg,PVd 10.9-10 1TEXT XXVI.

28 Darroesteter 1884, 293, ed.. translated frae5tff by "the great Xma". with a note: "doubtful"

59 These demons are mentioned also in Vd 19.43, for which no Pahlavi version is available. Ed 27.2-12 mentions six arch-demons [kamaragan a6wan1, identical with those of the Vd 10.9-10, adding AKOman before Indr, cf. also Bd 34.27. Now, let us checkwhatwe know about thedemoniacaaag, who wasconfused at an early stage with WaSayan of Vd 19.6 rroG"XXVI1. About W aSayan, who is otherwise unknown from the extant Avesta, designated as "dahyupat., "ruler of the

60 now mostly tost. i t is interesting to note that the compiler, as well as those who put the question to him. accept the sinning kunmarz Zoroastrians as members of the community. The question is whether does i t do any good to Perform the ceremony for the soul of the departed kunmarz Zoroastrian. a i u ? l n the author of DO, not only does accept them as members of the community, moreover, he even calls "Mazdayasnians" the seven arch-sinners he describes. The theologicai problem left aside, his text was invariably based on a Zsndclose t o the gloss found in PVd 19.6: "[there is someone who says that "Your ancestors also worshiped me, so worship me you too!"]".

one has to suggest that this

person was-a male, not a female (cf. [TEXT XWI]). As Vd, where the gloss is occurs, is a muchs a d text, i t was only natural that W a a q a n could penetrate also other Pahlavi texts. There w e probably more Zsncfe on this person, an echo of which we find in rienog T Xrad [MXI n ~ ~ Dahag dad, "as much a : 57.25 (Anklesaria 1913a. 155): cly6n 0 ~ a d a y a aanyupat

The Zsnd M a n u s E i h r was drawing upon was composed during theological disputes with
Mazdakites. and probably also with Manichasans and other 'heretics". pretended t o be good Zoroastrians (DD 72.9):

The heretics in questions

"One is that who preferred the heretical religions

i have given the dahyupat ~ a h a g from the family o f ~ a a a y " with ~ ~ ,Wadayan being
understood as a generic. Dahag, originally perhaps only a gloss t o Wadayan dahyupat,

t o the Law praised oy the Righteous One, by deceit of perverting the Avesta and Zand which they call their own...". There can be no better "orthodox" description of what a Z a n f f r g really is: he,

this unnamed Za/?fffg(Mazdak?], based himself on a Zandwhich was his own, i.e., he regarded it

,whatever its gender is. Later on, the name came to be associated becameadescendant of W a d q

as aim his own, or it was restricted only to him (and h i s followers).

It is perhaps the only example in the whole Zoroastn'an literature where an ahlamcy is defined as one who "perverts", w a r a n l the Avesta and possesses a land. Moreover, it is stated thai he was influencedfromother religious systems. aeniha, preferred by him t o his own Zoroastrian legacy. This definition fits Mazdak better than Mani. One could see that the text of M a n n e d h r in connected to PVd 19.6 also from the designationof the Zoroastrianfaith as dad 1

by popular etymology with words designating "bad progeny", "bereavement"; Central Asian New
Persian 'w 3 a, Georgian evadaqi, vadag-i, Ossetic avSd, "without descendants", fyd-vSd, fyd-

wtk, "having bad descendants" (on which cf. Bailey 1971, xi), are perhaps connected. The
graphic formof the name found intheVd M S s made such contamination possible32. Two points must be noted about w aa'yan: its being a wealthy (Vd 19.6) ruler, dahyupat.

andits being duzaa'mff, "of evilcreation", possessing thus some nesatrve attitude t o procreation
s t i l a w . "the Law Praised by the Righteous One", who is Zoroaster. This should be Zardu[xl<t

as e n from the Zoroastrian perspective. This is how it became Dahag's mother33, thedemon
compared t o the text of Vendic&j: ahlaw

Uda [read *Wad*?] (cf. Bd 21.6 & 28.19; also West 1892, 212 n. 5).
D 78.1-2 [TECT In two passages in Dadestzn T Den19 (OD 72.1-9 [TEXT 10CVi11 and O XXV11il) she is a demon. Dahag's mother, the initiator of Let us turn t o the first Mazaesnan, " 0 righteous Zoroaster

... abS2 s l a y weh Den

... scorn the

Good Mazdayasnian Religion", where the

pseudo-ewmological abaz s t a y stands fortheAvestan apa.stauuaquha. Dahaka-'s mother, the former Avestan male dahyupat, isdescribed in DD 72.5 asMazdak's (who is alluded to in DO 72.91 forerunner: the dissembling of the big harems is defined as "adultery' and it brought about a disturbance of lineages and an intermingling of sons without the

passage. The exposition found there was based onold sourcesgoing back t o the Sasanian period and

29 Cf. AiW.1344, Nyberg 1962, 4 9 2 5 , 90:22-3 {Nyberg 1974, 200-11 30 ~ t k ~ * ~ z~ a n vadagan; d: Sanskrit: vadaganaErSmel

husband's authority, which was indeed one of the accusations against Mazdak. Mazdak's epoch was

seen also as an era of "lack or royal command", a- f r a m a n i h . One may also assume that the
figure of Kirmin KNAF, being an A21 Dahag in <wise, was colored by the memory of

32 Cf. the variantsin mstm Hoshaq Jamasp 1907, 672. 33 The ideniiflcation of Odag as A21 Daha's mother must be of some age (as Mandate Or and Ruha belong to the same pattern, on which cf. Widengren 1960, 60, n. 216); compare TabacT I, 209.7, who has'w*. and Wikander 1941, 1714. 212. k 9.10.4 the form of the name, o t a k , enables interpretation as something like "kinsm:nq or 4 in D "strange, alien, foreign or excluded", cf. Zaehner 1961. 142-3 and Schwarxz 1975a.

61 ~azdak~~. in the passage quoted above from the 11th Nask, Hdsparam Nask (Dk 8.35.13-15 [TEXT 62 in the latter paragraph AZi Dahaq is identified on the mythological level with the Greeks (Seleucus Nicator, cf. M a w a r t & Messina 1931. 55). and.

XXX]], there is a link made between the Mazdakite sexual practices and A t i Dahag: the communist practices of the Mazdakiies are compared t o the tyramcal deeds of A i l Dahag, who i s renowned for

on the other hand. an identification

of the Parthian Arsacids with the "Greeks" (= Afdahaq) is implied. The appelition of AZdahag

h i s abduction of women (cf.

Yt 5.341.

as ped

r <abestgn

may refer t o his harem activities, known from Yt

s ~ There ~ .

is a

A very late and "vulgar" Z d i s t o be found in the title r a n " , a geqraphical-mythological composition,

of A i l Dahag in Sahrestaniha i

considerable literature on the word Sabestan3^, but as far as i know, these two S a h r E r a n paragraphs were never referred to while dealing with Sabestan. On its face value, ped i

55

18 & 49: m%nThS 1

Sahrestan T KSmis 1 panjburg Azdahag ped i <aDestmkard.

g a b e s t a n means "eunuch, in charge of a harem". In Ayadgar 1 W u z u r g - m h r

[PT 85;

West 1887, 263-4; Bailey 1971, xiii-xliiil the title zaninbed40 gabestan-Sahr t a z a n d c o i r\ersg pahr T ha" a r d a g [ ~ ~arg36. ~ > l "rhecity of K f f m i s of the five-towers was built by Azdahag the monstrous

[TI

o s t i g a n x u s r a w - d a r l g b e a , "keeper of the women, trusted of the state (?!?)" is given.

There

Thus the meaning of Sabestart a s a word dealing with harems becomes ~ o r r o b o r a t e d ~The ~. naming of A Z i Dahag a pea

w e the dwellings of the Arsacids. Y a z d g i r d thesonof Sahpijhr made it in h i s reign against The foraying region";

<sQ/'stan

is due to his association with oaag in DkM

C d (North-Caucasian and Turkic peoples) t o a strong watch-station of this

810.13ff.; Zaehner 1961, 142.3,

translated it "kinsman", from anoaag. "strange, alien,

foreign, excluded" (MacKenzie 1971, 10: "strange, alien"); Schwartz 19758, 407-9, explained K n o d a g as *an-autaka, "non-local", comparing Eogdian 'wt'kfi, Otm, Khwarazmim , "place" > Turkish ofe42. in two different traditions of the Zandthe word was treated in two

different ways: in that of Dk, the older *zantupatiwas interpreted as from zantu, "tribe" > 60% which has also connotations of "helpful", etc. [cf. Schwaru, ;bid.: Old Iranian *auta, Sogdlan 'The city of Nahr T i r a g was built during the misrule of Afdahag the monstrous rulerand i t was the [State] prison of the Iranian countries, the prison of the Arsacids". w t , "support"], while in the more popular (and later) tradition, based on the already existing Zand 6dag it was interpreted as connected t o the better known word for "room, harem", thus
ped i <aDlstan.

There are peitiaps also some anti-Manichisan writings a t the base of this text, alluded to in DD 72.4-5. While it is clear that DD 72.5 contains information about the Mazdakite movement andl

or its outshots, i t is possible that some survival of Manichfean lore derived perhaps from antiManichrean polemicsare to be found in this passage. a S u f t (DD 72.5) was closely associated

35 ~hough KNAP contains ~ l d e r traditions, the extant redaction goes back t o the last years of the Sasanian Empire. Cunakova 1987, 22-24 (with A.L SEervanovskiJ from the Special Astrophisic Observatory of the Academy of Sciences, USSR; cf. also Cunakova & SEervanovsUlJ 1982) ceded in dating two different astrologicsI/a*ronomical passages in the known recension of the KNAV the first and the older one (KNAP 3.51 may bedared by 223.224 C E . and tho wcond mw (KNAP 4.61 mustbedatedon1yby 23.12.631 CE mey also stated thai eenning-s emendation of KNAP 3.5 (in MacKenzie 1979, 524, n.16) does not add any important astronomic information. 36 ~ransiated 'side', cf. was 1988,42; compare Shaked 1993b. 76s. 37 Cf. further.

38 It can now be observed that the word occurstwice as AZdaharfs title. 39 Cf. Introduction, n. 99. 0 C i 1991,49, read it winarbed [TI SabestSn 5ahr. 41 lf this reading is to be prefered t o that of Cunakova, cf. the previous note.

64 63
i t w i y a r t a g 4 ? the Manichzean Middle Iranian term for the Fallen AngelsIArchons is

. .

5 1 12)49

The "sodomy"

is described as

gand, gandisn, "stench" This word contains thesame root as

wi54idag. "abortion, daevic creature", from wlSUdan, "bear daevic offsprings" (MacKenzie 1971. 92); another synonym was "qhwuq", d . MacKenzie, ibid.. Bows 1977, 4 2 " g u ~ u a ~ " , 'misbom, misbegotten"; another Manichasan Middle Persian term is abganag, from "to fall", as
1

GannSq Menffg, and in OD 7 2 both are indeed associated, though not called by these respective :
r

h kE.3Zn A h r i m a n - w a r z i S n nazdika3 6 Ahriman bawnd,"oft

e I , who were close t o Ahriman in their Ahrimanic Practice"; gandi3nfound close t o

Hebrew for "abortion, miscarriage; Watcher, giant", N P L ~ ~ Intriguing, . the Nephilim are

muhraqan, DD 72.7, must go back t o an ancient and authentic understanding of the Avestan e r a - (compare Schwartz 1985a. 488). DO 72.5-7 is connected to DD 78.1-2 [TEXT CT/lln. DD 78.2 seems to be a fuller version

sometimes glossed as "rebels"45. And it was Iranian where these two meaning, "to fall" (that of

the Hebrew NPL) and "to rebel" (that of the Semitic MRD) are expressed by one and the same
root, pat-, like in Old Persian DB A derivative from p a t - , p a s t , as an astronomical

than DD72.5: DO 78.2 hasrospTg.baragTh (DO 72.5: rospTgTh), a-dastGr i X r u t a s p I

term, "dejection", exists in Middle Persian, cf. MacKenzie 1979. 524, cf. n. 16. Similar notions
a w n also in Western Semitic.

A u r v a d a s p kf.5

s o y bad Wadag (DD 72.5: C.3 a - d a s t a r 1 Soy); kE.5 x v

a-

i t u r l h a a - a a a e s t a n i h a w i n a h warz15nTh g r a y a b 6 r was, omitted by OD 72.5; it preserves the nameof X r u t S s p l A u r v a d a s p . Dahag's father. The late and polemical, antiMazdakite, character of DD 72.5 could be better understood if wesee w/>?titaddedascomparedto DD 78.2: W wadag 1 Dahag madar ke.3 fradom r o s p i g r h Kard

As t o A f t S r o b a r IA 2 i Sruvara-'s watcher-function (DD 72.4). it is not entirely fruitless t o speculate whether i t is not an import from the Manichzean lore; Skjaswa 1996a. 267, quoted ~ u n d e r m a n n view ~ ~ that the Zoroastrian arch-demon A z is quite probably such an import from ~ a n i c h s e i s m ~ The ~ . Pahlavi version of the Avestan Y 9 (Horn Yt) 34-39 (where we r e told about A 2 i Sruvara-'s devouring horses and men), contains nothing helpful

iI.S

wisp.tehmagTh

regarding r a n - WEmag- bedarTh. It is only afterthis exposition of the sin of A31 DahSg, A2i Srobar and W a d a g thatwe cancome back to W l y a r t a g and W i y a b e n l d a g . The reason for combining all these persons together is A 2 i Dahag's lordship, treated in the Zandto Y 51 (the Yasna o f Good Lordship, Vohux5aera 6393). and the pedemicrble of KauuTn6 V a e i p ~ i o in the same Gaea (Y

bawd(additio italicized). Now, what is omitted: Passax" 6d k d r6spTg.DZragrh g r S y a6friS'n h a s t . fradom O a h s f O k a r d ,

Wadag

k c 3 x^CS a- sturrha

3-

USdestmrhZ w i n m warzIfnrh g r ~ y abm was

(omissions italicized). typical also for Dk 9.

Such truncation of texts used as a base for a newer Zand is extremely

3 w i y a f t a a /wiyabe'n~dagclearly means "passive and active pederasts'; however, the words in question could be easily understood in sense of 'leading astray', d.Bailey 1971, 27 n. 2 : ~ a r s c h 1 wiy3bZnTg-magician". cf. GrBd 228:13. 44 The role of the Nephilim, the Fallen Angels, in the account of Enoch and in the latter Manichaan material, is the background of such perceptions. 45 Maradayya in Aramaic, where the play on words based on The name of Nimrod and MardOn his s<, known from Jewish Midrashim, i s used. marldcn in Arabic 'there m s a 46Cf. Kent 1954, t1t:martiYah magus Shat Gaumatah Mman h a w Ud-Qta Maaus=~erson called GaumSta. he revolted". 7 InSouth Asian Studies 2 (1986). unavailable t o me. . 133. 48 Compare Zaehner 1955, 166ff.. and Sundermann 1979b. 124 i

49 Cf. Dk 9.44.14 (DkM 869.8): =bar du5manTh 1 Kay Wa6p T A x t 1 du$.d6n T tam.axv 8 ZarduSt. also Z d 25.10. Anklesana 1964, 92, Gignout & Tatazzdi 1993, 86 & 165, Tafazzdi 1995a; Dhabhar 1949,225 n. 14, has in PSzantf, according t o AiW 1323 and Humbach 1991, I , 189; 11, 2 2i s "pederasf, other rendering apudTafazzoli l995a. 296: according t o Tafazzoli, ibid.. there s nothing common between this individual and Axtiia-, A* the sorcerer, Yt 5.82. S O D O 72.5: Wadad

- .

65 Now we turn to DD 73.1-2 [TEXT XXIX]. This seems to be an extension of the theme dealt with in DD 72.7. The source is t o be looked for in the Sasanian Avesta, in an extract from which [Dk 8.35.13 (DkM 747.16, cf. West 1892, 112)l w l y a f t a g and wlyabenldag, A 2 i Dahag, 6 b T O IB a d ; 1 karapandanahiamoy are mentioned together (6 "sinners").

66

texts is ecquating of the "sodomites" t o the *sinnersmmentioned above53, while the DD text only compares both groups. It is obvious that the three texts go back t o the same source, but the crimes of the 'sinners" are given differently: A21 DahSg, DD 72: witchcraft and misrule; Dk 9.35: tyranny; Dk 9.10: witchcraft S r o b a r , DD 72: watcher's functions and devouring; Dk 9.35: witchcraft; Dk 9.10: tyranny Wadag, DD 72: adultery etc.; cf. there; Dk 9.35: absent; Dk 9-10: producing evil offspring B r a d r o x S , DD 72: killing the best of peoples4; Dk 9.35: the righteous-slaughter55; Dk 9.10:

In the version of DD 72 there are 7 "sinners"; the order there is as follows: A21 DahSg, A2i Srobar, Wadag (who is an import from the Zsndof Y 51, Dk 9.21), TOr i Bradroxs
1 karap, w i y a f t a g ,

wiyabenTdag,ahlam67.

The parallel list in Dk 8.35.13, again in the context of w l y a f t a g ud wiyabenidag, "both sorts of 'sodomites'", is as follows: A 2 i Dahag, Srflbar gazS1, Tar i Bradrox; 1

ib.
wlyaftag, wiyabenrdag, cf. there

karap, ahlamfly ("the deceitful heretic"). A very interesting chapter of Denkard 9 is Dk 9.10 (DkM 794 [TEXT XXXII), being an abbreviated account of the mythological Sttludgar Nask on the face value, this ninth fragard Yaeals must refer t o the sixth h a first GSQa (Y 32.1), but I failed to find any closeness

h l m f f y , DD 72: deceit Dk 9.35: falsehood; Dk 9.10: grave sinfulness.

Originally, Odag was not identical with WaSaySn. In PVd 1.19 we read:

between the Pahlavi version of this G39a and Dk 9.10.

However, similarly to Dk 9.21. Dk 9.10 is based on P Y 51, perhaps in a version different
,.

.. ,

from that which we possess now. The reason is perhaps that this particular Yasna, namely, Y 51, contains allusions to the v e n t s from the Prophet's life, thus being apt to acquire midrashic additions. It is not impossible that the sources of Dk 9.10 and 9.21 were similar to the sources of Vita Zoroastri (Dk 7).

$i

Ii !i
., ,.
,

,. h :,
,

The main subject of Dk 9.10 seems t o be "sod~myipederasty"~~. The theme (Y 51.1 2) was
already alluded above. The Avestan Y 51.10b huuo damfils drOj6 hunus t a du2dE y o 1 h 5 g t l can be paraphrased as follows: "this evil offspring of the creation of deceit he gives bad gifts imisery t o those that exist"; the Pahlavi version renders it h5n darn drOj hunuSak han 1 dufdanag ke hend, "this evil offspring of the creation of deceit, they are possessors of evil knowledge", glossed k c pad anagih pad daman 1 Ohrmazd kardan hawand hunusak 1 gannag rnenog hend, "i.e.,toactwronglytowardsthe~~eaturesof~hrmaza means to be similar to those who are the evil offspring of the Stinking Spirit", compare above, DD 72.2. Note that both Dk texts (Dk 8.35.13 and Dk 9.10.3) contain glosses: ""great in 53 This Dcnkard chapter contained also some other material relating t o illicit forms of intercourse. Thus. it Is stated IOk 8.34.14-1% 14. abar gran WInahTh T abus ud pmn zan ke.3 tffhmaq zahag az l u d gu5n marzldan uo c@ andar ham oar. 15.abar abzOnTg zorTh 1 zan az gu abar rawisnth ua kast zOrTh 1 gu3n 32 abar 1 6 ~nwT<nTh . . 7am 14. "About the grave sinfulness of a woman having just given birth and giving milk whose seed is the offspring from copulation with different maies and what belongs t o the same subject". 15. 'About the increasing strength of the female from male's mounting (on her) and the diminishing srcength of the male fmm (his) mounting on the female.. The last paragraph was perhaps of a rather "scientific" than purely legalistic character. One could speculate whether it was stated that it is by Ahriman's intervention that "the diminishing strength of the male" is caused. 54 Zoroaster is meant in all the three instances. 55 The D k wording is closer t o the expected Zsid version; that of DO is younger.

:? ;! ,!

sinfulness[, like

..." ; "one says that "the grave sinfulness" means...";

the common trait of the Dk

51 Or. AZ. 52 I will deal with Zoroastrian sources on the subject elsewhere.

67

68 is in Oaa (L5S) Here, *Odag Arang is the result of a simplification o f Oda I ^AraWestZn; u d a g became

'me 16th of places and lands, the best created by Me, Me who i s a h r m a z d ,
[there is

i * A r a w e s t a n [of Byzantium], who are lacking chieftains living 1i.e.. they are soon t o revolt]

connected with Arabs (cf. the latter Arab descent of Qahhak) and was identified with a demon with the same name (Ed 27.23, Anklesaria 1956, 236-9: Anklesaria 1908, 184.8ff. [TECT XXXII]). The next step was making Oaag Dahaq's mother (Bd 35.7, Anklesaria 1956, 292-3; Anklesaria 1908, 184.8ff.l: DahSg 1 Xrutasp I ZSnigSw ... a2 madaran Dahag i

one who

says: "they do not hold rulers as the rulers"] thereupon, the Stinking Spirit

full of death produced as their adversary the winter created by demons [it is more opresslvel the devastation o f t k Arabian country".

Here. Oda (1,557 [ i * A r a w e s t a n l renders Avestan soSa#$u

czgflai;a-'(cf.

A~W 42).

Odag, "Daha'g son o f X r u t a s p son of Z e n i g a w ... from his mother's side: Dahag sonof Odag". Actu~lly,this link was prob?bly hinted t o already in Bd 31.37, ITaziqatn

a vague expression found also in RaSn Ya<t (Yt 12.18), for which we possess no Pahlavi
This OdS (L$<) has nothing t o do with WaSayatn of Vd 19.6. Most editors read in the ~; text has, actually,l"r-"*^", PVd 1.19 A r a n g e s t a n , where I read * ~ r a w e s t a n ~ while

Odag, cf. PY Sl.lOb, Dk 9.10.3 (on WaSay). DD78.2 and Bd 35.7 have the name of Dahag's fatheras X r u t a s p . The theme of A21 Dahaga-'s barrenness as a result o f his (hinted) homosexuality is referred t o in Dk 9.21.5: in Dk 9.21.6 the astral functions o f Yima are stressed:

one MS. DDJ, glosses it as, ,?

h L u ^ (sic! ), cf. Jamasp 1907, 18, 20. n. 2.

ad3 1 Odag was perhaps identified with some Arabic word, such as *watar. or personal

name 'ud a y, or

= uda",

"enemies"58. As t o the geographical name, Oda may beconnected t o the

ua

enaz

ku: "pusar wenendat be A ? a - p u s m karddus.i^arrah

[had g i b 1 s t 5 9 walgd az tan

Greek [not Aramaic!] name of Edessa, and Arang may reflect *Atgar (though, i t may be read *Arwand and indicate Orontes). However, the identification of the country with Arabs be old, as reflected in an old Avestan gloss, taozji'a'ca aaqhsuff

seems t o

x v a a . k a ~ d l i abe k a r a s e j (k3.C catrag x v a s t ne gatyedl ke l k 6 p a y w a n d azas gaaag60 d a r e d ua

ne

ai'wi'stSra, where

ne

r a w e d ] . 6.

u.t

gospana 1 f r a x v . r a f t a r

a z mardomat"

w f l f f c a w s understood as Tazigatn, "Arabs".

Indeed, Ed 31.37-8 (Anklesaria 1956,

to

az amah be appura h a n I b a m i g i rfign ~ i m 1 5ed I

268-9; Anklesaria 1908, 208.13ff.). which is an abbreviated version of PVd 1.19, has:

huramag k e

pad h a r w l s p

. . % - (h,y,

,hy?61)

abar rasi<nrn

pad h a m a g

zamestan i.< pad h u t a b l s n i h t a f t [ka.< gyag pad newag1h kardan tie mad].

en w e s mad ku.s s a r d a r pad s a r d a r n e datrena, ud zamestanaz a n o h g r a y

abar ~ manend, bawed, ud T ~ Z T

"And this, too, that they see (look for?) a son, but it is you, 0 Snake, that made them barren

Gust having given birth), you, 0 that of Evil Destiny! [;.e., monstrous self-producedl notcompletely made draught [that it is impossible t o look a remedy for] who does not increase from their bodies [i.e.. there is no issue proceeding]. You rob from men their wide-going sheep and you (A21 Dahag) have deprived us of brilliant and bright Royal Yima of goodly flocks, who, a t every approach of h'y
/ 'hy during the whole winter, shone with his good heat [i.e.,he came t o

"The 16th best created is ^Odag Arang, *0dag being the evil offspring of the Arabs. Its
adversary came t o it most as they do not hold chiefs as the chiefs and the winter is there severe. The Arabs live there".

places in order t o do good]". 59 Mol6: "NP r6cuanant": West: "monster": SebSa. 'vi~er'. 56bl5n. "confusion". 56 Cf. PhlVd 119; MacKenzie 1989. p. 548b549a. noted that Avestan Ranha / Pahlavi Arang, was identified with Pahlavi ~rwand,property Orontes, but confused with the Tigris. Cf. Shapim 2000. 57 The wis from Aramaic. n Dk 3.184 etc.. h e r e the 58 An example of similar plays with Arabic words we most probably have i m e of an Arabian sheik, PStsraw/P3dO[k]sraw, was perhaps analyzed as containing badw/bSdT, "bedouin", in his name, cf. below.

. .

. .

Identified here several translations from Avesca: abar rasl3nTh=aiwi gatl. 'ys &/Ts Av-*Is"/ a r t P a x "ice"; "tofreeze", vd 9.6: zam6 isaos a i w i - g a i t r n "on the arrival of the cold winter"-zamestan IT1 snehomana.

69 The next paragraph (Dk 9.21.7).

70 serpents, and fastened him on a mountain which is inaccessible for men"65.

as was previously noted, is the place where the stitch

between twodifferent sources is to befound;

The Mandsan Ginza Rabba has similar traditions (translated in Lidzbarski 1925. 411):
0s6mand heh. Bewarasp, 16-2 be skih, c i y 0 n

en dadestan edon k c xvad5y

"Nach ihm war KOnig ASagan (Arsacids). Er regierte 470 Jahre. Nach ihm war K6nig DSamSid, den man Kfinig Salomon, Soh" des David, nennt. Er regime 1000 Jahre; 900 Jahre

i wad c i s e i Ed6n wad! aman awe 1 weh 9 a a a y Kamag bahr abar barl'Snlh [ c i s 0 awe dahom ke +adayih
1 weh =bayed ka kun6dli.

auf der Erde und 100 Jahre im Himmi. Nach ihm war Ktinig Brua ""whither away, 0 Bffwarasp, and be also broken, according to the law that a bad ruler

...(?Y [GR 383.10-13661;

Er regierte
Er regierte 450

"Hemach war Asdahag, Sohn des ~ s r a g den ~ ~man , K0nig 6 a h r a n 6 ^ nennt 300 Jahre. Nach ihm war KOnig F a r i d d n , SohndesTibian (*AeBiyZn).

deserves things as bad as he is! We desire a good ruler to bring him our portion (taxes) [I will
give something to him who will exercize the Good Rule as it should b e y .

m ~ ~ Jahre. Nach ihm war ~ a < m am?)-~ariman. den man den Fesseler des ~ a r k u nennt. Er regierte 500 Jahre" [GR 3 8 2 . 2 ~ 5 ~ ~ 1 .

~fterthattthethemeofthebattlebetween A i i OahSgandFredfin is introduced. It is known

g . , Bd 29.9 [TEXT XXXIII]. This tradition was well known also outside from many sources, cf., e
!ran proper. Armenian [pseudo-] t l o v s e s his "From the Fables of the Persians":

Here the basic scheme of the consequent rulers is preserved: DSamSid (Yima), Asdahag
(Aidahag, equated with an usurper called ^Bahram), *Fredfin, *SSm- Narrrnzn.

Xorenacci (cf. Thomson 1980, 126-8) wrote in

These legends demonstrate the vast dissemination of material relating t o FrCd6n and A21 Oahag in neighbouring cultures. This fact may probably reflect that the importance of the narrative of FrSdOnand A i i DahSg in the popular Iranian religion was greater than in the

"Then a certain ~ r u d e bound n him (Biurasp) with bronze links ( c a r S n H pindenkc)

and led him to the mountain called ~ e m b a v e n d and ~ ~ ; on the journey H r u a e n fell asleep and ~iurasp dragged him to the hill; and H r u d e n woke up and led him to a cave in the mountainand bound himand p~acedhimseif there opposite himasa monument^ (zink'n a n d r i anddem

nora hastate!); cowed by him, [Biuraspl remained subject to his chains ( ? ~ t ' a y i c n ~ and ~)
was unable to go out and ravage the eanh" [momson's translation adopted, with a slight addition]. m i s legend, derived from Armenian sources, was k n o w also in Georgia as well. According t o

the Qartfis Cxovrebs, "Georgian Chronicle", the Caucasian peoples, defeated by the Khazars, called
to support Iranians, with their leader A p ' r i d o n i , "who tied with a chain Bevraspc, lord of

65 r a t e d in Thomson 1996. 16; Georgian (cd. Oaux<;<i3viii 1955, I) 13.1-2 .rcmelman Jae'vtta bevrasocl. guelia u p w i , da daaba mtasa zeds, romel a r s kcact 5 a 1 1 o " . ~rmenian version (momson 1996, 16): "Abriton of whom they say that by magic he bound 0 m n bonds the lord of serpents called Biwrasp". 66 wlabatrh hwh asgan malka aha1 arbima w3ubin Snia wlabatfh hwh dtal3m5ld m a aSllmun malka br (iawld aarllh axal a i m G n i a tSfma baraa umia blim wlabatrh hwh brua matfca. 67 Clearly, the name contains the Iranian word Ssp: *Bwaras *XrudSso? 68 A pieceof Sasanian agitprop against &hem C ~ b e n which , makes i t possible to date this particular Mandasan passage. 69 K a i k m is a demon, cf. Drower & Macuch 1963, 201b his epithets in the Mandate tradition leave m doubt that his name is a distortion of the orioinal *karum, 'kwum [assimilated into the older JudceoGnostic Giant pattern], the Kirm, "Worm", of Karnamag 1 Arda5er 1 PSbagan IKN~PI; he was a relative t o iasdis tabi'an, who is ~rtaban [cf. omwer & ~acuch 1963, 17% & i86b], the last ~rsacid king: in KNAP the episods of Artaban and Kim are combined. it seems that in Sasanian )ran the older myth of FMd6n's overcoming of DahSq was doubled by a newer myth, that of the overcominq of Kirm

62 ~amawand;cf. zw 9.4. Bd 29.9. 63 Compare ZWY 9-15, kirh cf. further. 64 A different word used; gttcay is an Aramaic loan word, according t o H~bschmann 1897, 314, From *silts, "a tool of control", is also 6 3 a i t a . S O S I I ~ ~ ,' ~ e t t ~ . . A contamination with ~rarnaic

71 priestly tradition of the Zoroastrian books as i t is known now. The extant redaction of the short account of ~k 8.13.8-9 ( D ~ M 689.6-10) P E C T XXXIVl. derived from the genealogical C l h r a a d
ask, was clearly made after the Arab assault and the fall of sasanian Iran and could hardly

72 sufficient evidence to conclude that the compilerlsl of the Pahlavi Zands have referred in their work to many texts.

is not difficult to see how close this account is to genuinely reflect the Sasanian version. 11 Flrdawsf's version. The only difference is that the poet made the father of the three daughters king of Yemen and did not tell us his name. ~ ~ S3h- NSmah: Sarw), a The king'sname P a t s r a w means something like " g l ~ r i o s u s "(in proper name for a king72; i t was taken from a lost W t o the Nask of Good Rule, a survival of which we find in PVd 20.1, where P S t s r a w is mentioned in a gloss: bahromandan [tuwanigan ciy.5" ~ a t s r a w l ,"wealthy in portions (taxes) [rich like P a t s r a w l " , In Dk 3.184 (DkM 197.17) P a t s r a w is praised for his

Dk 9.21.8-9 begins with a o a r followed by an Infinitive, probably thus indicating that a new fragard of a Zand isquoted: i d abar wanlaan i Fredan Dahag margenidan r a y w a z r abar

"and about the vanquishing of Dahag by FredOn, wishing to destroy him with blows of the club on the nape of the neck, on his chest, on his skull, too, (but) DahSg did not die from those blows. Then he smote him with (his) sword, and on the first, on the second, and on the third b o w many kinds of noxious creatures were bursting like a rain 1 turning out"'5,

rendering Avestan yatamamtam.

bahro<man>dIh."his endowmentwith a lot". One may suggest that the traditions derived from Y 5 1 . l a and Vd 2 0 1 were combined. This perwin is mentioned for another time in

This scene is the reverse reflection of one clearly reminiscent of the famous Bull-Slaying Motifin the Western Mithraism where a scorpion, a snake and 9 dog are seen near the dying Bull, from whose blood all the good things were produced. This motif finds a parallel in the events that paywand dSriSn i x V e 5 dad. "...and the Arabian Plain was given by him [by F r e d f f n l into possession and inheritance to ~ u x t - x u s r a wthe Arabian king for the maintenace of his offspring". took place in 2nd stage of creation (cf. Kreyenbroeck 1992. 60). In our text here, the wooid had not known any noxious creatures: they were not produced at an eadier stage when Ahriman was trying to produce h i s counter-creations; it was only after Yima's death that they sprung. Yima was killed by Dahaq; his death surely was seen originally as a sacrifice of sorts, but drought and distress were caused as a consequence of this act: stopping of waters from flowing and

Here, Buxt-xusraw is a variant for P a t s r a w , being perhaps derived from a popular

tradition. The same popular tradition we find in another Sasanian text namely in "Day H a r o t of the Month F r a w a r d e n " 12-14. cf. Markwart & Messina 1931. 100-1 [TEXT

Wl. The

of plants from growing ascribed to Ahriman in Y 13 (cf. Kreyenbroeck 1992, 62). but in our
text they are actually the actsof A21 Dahag (h i a w a ~ t a r ~ goodthings ~); must have been produce from Yima's body, but instead, F r e d o n is ordered not to kill Dahag in revenge, lest worst things would be produced. As i t is Dahag's death that would produce noxious living creatures, he must be kept alive, to prevent greater harm to the world. According to the logic of the myth. i t must be the [benevolent?! death of someone else that had produced the good living things. Indeed, a survival of this myth is to be found in Bd 6e.2, where we are told that some

passage seems t o be pre-Islamic; it is reminiscent of PVd 1.19 in the distinction it makes

between Arabs ( T s z T ~ ) and Turks (A~estan T a o f i i a - , Pahlavi Toz), cf. Anklesaria 1949,
13. We have another reference t o this Arabian king in a Dk passage where *6dag. whatever the meaning here, is referred to: Dk 7.1.34 (DkM 597.19-598.3)

T IE X Wl].There is thus

71 Cf. Justi 1895. 246% 'mhmiich". 72 Does it. in addition, contain a hint to the Arabic hadw / badTl 73 On the meaning. cf. Penkhanian 1968. 9-16: ibid.. 1973, 445-6: ibld..1983. 223-5. having compared, ; . a , with Armenian azatoui'iwn. "heritage, inheritance" and ManMPrs '['Iz'dy. 'inheritance", and awuing that the meaning of m a d is broader, than just "free". This theory of Perikhanian was accepted by Nybeq 1974. 41. However, the reading "3bSdTh". "cultivstion", 0" which cf. Staked 1974a, 239-245, is also possible.

plants sprung from the limbs of the Bull. The text continues (Dk.9.21.10):

74 Cf. Heruiing 1946. 729. 75 A slightly different translation in Williams 1990, 11, 223.

74

As there are some canine species of xrafstras. there were perhaps some otter and beaver-like k i r r a m oahzg, purr k b

z m r g w n e d az gaz uaans2.g

gazaom ua karbag 1

rafsrras. Kapadia 1957,324, observed that the texts seem t o confuse "beave~". babrag, with
"otter I water-doga0". Indeed, the confusion might go back to a P5zand gloss: the Avestan

g u d kasug ud wazay". abag ewenag i bastan T pad 5 k e f t band andar

grantom p 3 t i f r S h i *zindan, "(about) the speechof thecreator Ohrmazd to Frao saying: 'Do not saw77 him who

i d r e , "otter", looks very much thesame as the Pahlavi babragE1; on theother hand, it may

is

be that babrag T abTg was read as *bewarasp or *bewar.az (cf. also Kapadia 1953,
324). In the passage in which a Parallel list is found (PVd 14. 5 [TEXT XXXVII]) the Avestan terms are rendered as follows:

~ a n a g because , if youdosaw Dahag, he will make the earth full of serpents (gaz), *otters (udarasag), scorpions (gafaom), lizards ( k a r b d g l k a r b u n a g ) . tortoises (kasdgland frogs (waza-,)'. (And about) the mode of binding him with awful fetters in the most severe

punishment of imprisonment". This passage deserves a special attention, as it is modeled on certain ZanSsmade from Avestan originals. The question arises whether there was an Avestan Vohge, and in this case we have here a survival of a mn-Zoroastrian myth, or we have here a blend of traditions derived from differentsources and arranged ata late date. The translation "lizards* for k a r b d g l k a r b u n a g is iiwd here only for cnnvenienr-p, at; this is indeed the meaning in A similar problem of a [pseudo-] zoological identification AiW 387 translates u d a r 6 - erasa as k~iechend;it regards u a r a s a g as an unreadable combination of Pahlavi letters, glossed pad Skamb dwarsd, "running-daevically on the belly"; karbOg1karbunag ( ^ k a l h l r p u n a l g l ) in Dk 9.21.10 is a transliteration of the Avestankahrpuna-, "cat". New Persian gurbah, found in PVd 14.5, where k a r b u g l karP<un>ag is rendering kah'rpuna: which is afl.spaka-, "dog-serpent", Pahlavi a2 1

one encounters also in the case of "otter"79; an almost identical sequence one finds in Dk 7.4,60
(where the context is different), p u r r gaz udarasak karbdg ua pizddg u d w a z w ,

translated by Mol6 1967, 52-3, as sefpencs reptiles, de lizards, de charen'ons et de grenouilles.

sag; zoologically very different animals are designated as serpent- /dragon-like or of canine

he glossar in MOICS edition of ~k 7 translates ~ d a r a s a k (Mole ~ ~ 1967, 310. 158) qui

marche sur Ie ventre, referring also t o our passage in Dk 9. The difference between the two lists is that Dk 9 has "tortoises (kasug)" where Dk 7 has "weevil (chsrenqons, plzdag)", which r e graphically similar.

nature; i t implies, i.a., that there are also canine xrafstras. an observation that reminds us again
of thedog and theserpentintheBul1-Slaying Scene. Other parallels are to be found in Bd 148.810. cf. Zaehner 1955, 236 (esp. n.1) [TEXT XXXVllll; another translation of Avestan udara.erasa- is ul.gazi<n, as in PVd 18.73 [ T E X Tm X ] .

he difficulty

is that both beaver and otter are seen as O h r m a z d

creatures. It must be thus that some specific kind is meant here. Cf.,

There are some other parallelsto the idea of letting loose noxious creatures over the earth,

eg-,Bd
are

14.15 (the list is slightly different: gzdwm Kiby5 k w W wzg); some

to be found in PRDD 21. Williamsl990. I . 113ff.; tmsl. 11, 45ff.; notes 11,169ff.,

parallels 77

I,

ow ever. Fredoniramgressedt h e command of Ohrmazri cf. PmD 47.9 (Williams 1990,l. 170I, 78): 6.S red on haxt awe.z ohrmazd t a r menld 6.5 pad h3n tar menlsnlh a$

~ ~thescene , and in Bd 22.10ff. l c is Ahriman who takes the shape of a frog, des 1 w a ~ a g and just depcted in the D c n k a r d passage seems to beanexactly reversed version of the Mitfiraic

m a n abar m a s t 6.5 tan T P e s s z pad kud6nag t u w m b m dastan azaS se gam ta.3 p ~ r x m o nhame p e t ~ therid, " ~ n d he [Ghrmazdl instructed FredOn (but) he also despised m a z l and for that contempt of his. zmman then fell umn him, and with a mallet (7) he was able to keep his body three paces from him until those around him repented". 78 For Khwarazmian, cf. also Henning 1951, 45. 79 However, it is not impossible to see here a combination of rS'sag, "weasel", With "drag, -otterv, ~vestao udra-.

80 81 62 83 33;

Combining together udraand sag.

( h i -"jq:1. In ashto, Babrakis used as a masculine personal name.

Ths ~ahlavi text is c m p t here.

GrBd 39.1 If, IndBd 8.6ff. Kh.31, composite t e x t in Widenoren 1967, 338-9; cf. Beweniste 1932Zaehner 1955. 355-360.

75 Bull-Slaying Scene, not an echo of the Zoroastianized version of the bull-slaying (itself being a development of the ancient myth); as a whole, the DnK.ardpassageseemsbecomposedfrom elements taken from Zands S i p p a r a / gTEi6ra (whence New Persian S a i p u r ) , Arabic s a y f a r ; the Quranic sur & a n iranian loan word, taken directly from the word continuacing the Avestan lemma in questionaa.

The blowing of a trompetwas regarded as an angelic a c t of deliverance in the Near East; i t was
perhaps under the impact of Yim's pastoral trumpet, so badly abused by Dahsg, that the notion

Turning now to Dk 9.21.11-13, the passage as a whole seems t o be a translation from Avestan, or is, a t least, likely t o have incorporated some lines, especially in such a translation. some mythical references cannot be identifiable.

of using it in proclaiming the final deliverance was developed. Yima's pastoral functions, and his title as "possessing good flocks" pastures".

12, taken from

are t o

be compared to Mithra's appellative "possessing wide

With his trumpet, Yima assembles human prototypes into his vara, a function

The golden sufra of the Azi Dahag must be that robbed by him from Y i m (cf. Vd 2.6)
whom he murdered. The Pahlavi sSlak6mand I suraxflmand, "something hollow, having a

comparable in the tradition (cf. WZs 35.20) to those of the Saosyants who shall use

hole", translates Avestan s u r r $ m and s u w r a y a in Vd 2.7, 18, 30. The Avestan word was frequently taken to mean "arrow" (e.g., ~ i w " :~feil")~ in ~facr, ; however, Avestan has two words for " o w " ,

The Middle Persian rendering sUrax6mand of the Avestan s u f ra- 89 is t h u s a d e q ~ a t e ~ ~ . With Jews of

The so-called "Intenestamenial" period, Suriel, whose name was formed from the

1s"- and t i v 1 - , but the PamTrr lanquagesdo have sap",

s e w , sarv

word continuing Avestan s u f r a - , became one of the four archangelsg1; in Qumran, the names of Suriel and Uriel frequently interchange. Suriel is the death angel with Ethiopian 8eta-1sraelg2 ( ( S u r y S I , appearing in such works as "Death of Moses" and the [Christian] "Apocalypse of ~aruch"~ and ~ )Mandasans ( S u r i e l ) ; contamination with r s r a f n of the Islamic tradition might represent a

(Waxr): s u r v (t4unjD; s u r v (Yidga), ail meaning "a hole"8s; that makes wssible to interpret the Avestan s u w r a as "something with a hole, with an eye", as the Pahlavi Zanddoes, with its sUr3gflmand. "having a hole", cf. New Persian s o r s x / sulax, "a hole". Thusour Avestan word must mean "a ring"86, with Avestan sOra-, "a hole", and Afghan s u r a i . ibid., being variants.
everth he less, in o u r pahlavi context the word clearly means " t n w n p e ~ ~ not ~,

"~eraphin"~~.'

Pahlavi " x v s s t a g T abaylSn1g (Dk 9.21.13) was translated by me here "desirable wealth", while the Arabic version [Text XL] rendered i t more precisely, dabbat" r a r l h a ,

"ring". Tafazzoli 1977, 25-35, stressed that the meaning "something having a hole" >"trumpet" follows a Sasanian exegetic tradition. The later tradition kept this meaning: the versions dating o m Islamic times have Persian gzwdumb. Arabic magarat or n a r r r . where Middle

'comely cattle"95. It was the cattle requested by OahZg to feed his snakes, as we know from
S3h- Namah and other sources. The only difference with the Pahiavi text is that in the Arabic

word as Hebrew < O Q Z ~strange . Syriac form T ~ 6and r Jewish Aramaic

n Dah5g has seven trumpets, while in the Dk text it is stated, too. that he ruled all over

88 cf. ~uchesne-~uillemin 1979, 545. 84 After the Shuwani surb"arrow", but according to Abayev 1984, 3, such a Shwnani word is a ghostentry. 85 Cf. Abayev 1984. 3 n. 12. 86 if "a ring" was the original - and known meaning of the word, it has perhaps something to do with :he "Seal of Solomon' in jewish and Muslim legends; as well known, King Solomon and JarnSd coalecsed in folklore. Note the gloss t o PhlVd 2.6. where suraxffmand is found: muhrag.dastai *a hand-seai". I" vd 2.30. 38 it is pertiapsi ~ l i e that d the vara was sealed by suwr-: however, the

The instrument's name occurs in the idd die Persian t e x t

"Xusraw ud RFdag". 562, as w^v, s0raC~k; Unvala 1917, 28, did not read it; Monchi-Zadeh 1982. 76 (and n. 98). reads sui^pTk. "Pandeanflute"; sOrriS, sornS, SilrnZy, zurnaare connected. 89 Still, we do not, actually, know what the Avestan meaning of he word was; it is possible that the original meaning "cup" (@ail) survived In the Scythian myth reported by Herodotes, on which cf. Berweniste 1938. 90 face Bailey 1943, 219 n. 1. 91 Cf. Duchesne-Guillemin1979; cf. also in Polotsky 1937. 92 Wrongly nick-named .Falashas". 93 Cf. Leslau 1951, 165 n. 3; 181 n. 26. 94 As was observed by Caquot, quoted apudDuchesne-Guillemin 1979, 549. 95 n many language the shift "wealth" >"cattle" and vice versa is recorded; cf. English "cattle" from ~iddleati in cap[i]t$le, -la tete de betail", ~uchesne-~uiilemin 1979. 542, or ~rabic ra's ni31 etc.: as was noted a b v e , Classical Gewi8n xu#stsgi m a n s b t h "we8lth. and.cattle".

expression is obscure and it was from there that the idea of DahSg's drawing people and wealth t o himself w s derived. It is of interest to note in passing that a similar notion is given h &neuW X d ~ ~ ~ o poem e ' s "Tpy6a ryiib-Mynnu". The "Avestan" sources of this Russian poet of the first quarter i f this century deserve a special study. 87 cf. ~afazzoli 1977; Duchesne-Guillemin 1979.

77 t h e 7 k1swars;thePahlavipassage usestwo differentwords for"women", [ n e ' w a g l c a r a d r g andzan (Dk 9.21.12-13), for which the Arabic has J a r i y a hasana.

78
H e a new passage begin, combining extremely old historical-mytholwical material dating to the Iranian expansion into Western iran" with mytholwized historical traditions of the Late

Sasanian period about the occupation of Yemen and the razzias of NorthCaucasiannomads through Darband pass1OO.

it seems that this was Dahag himself who established fires to protect the horses of his own
bad impact (Dk 9.21.15). However, A i l Dahag was a good ruler in certain regards: he "acted

This mytholwical account of the second part of Dk 9.21 (5511-24) was introduced into the
Avesta perhap during the reign of the royal codifier of the Sacred Corpus Xusraw 1 An6surwan. 562-572. whooccupiedYemen and repelled the nomadsgoing on razziahs via Northern Caucasus. m r a n is an old corruption for Humran/Him (Syriac and Arabic H i m y a r . Ga'ez ttgmer. Greek ' Q L T ~ ~ T ' T O L ) ' ~ ~ tJimyar , i.e., in Yemen called H a m a w a r a n (Firdawsr has Hamawaran as well) in Middle persian102. It is there (Sambara

in a mixed way" (pad gumSzag warzid, Dk9.21.16). and in Dk9.21.18, the peoplemme to FrSd6n complaining about his smiting of A f i Dahag. The reason given by them is the protection given by him from the Ma'zandara'nians. As far as 1 can see, this explanation is

unique in the Pahlavi tradition. However, the tradition presewed with the Armenian [pseudo-] MovsEs Xorenac'i (cf. Thomson 1980) knows about this ambivalence of A21 DahSg: flovsfis Xorenacci mentions in his "From the Persian Legends ii" (end of Book I) the

/ Hamawaran) that

Kay ~
"maleficent benevolence", a n b a r i barerarowfiwn, of B l u r a s p Afdahah., which consisted of his giving up the royal ceremonies, epecially that of *pardah 1 *hl~ab": "he

6 was s taken ~ captive ~ ~ with all his army and freed by Rastahm. The wholesetting of This passage seems to blur up

the story is referred to in the already quoted Dk 8.12.13104. allowed his friends [bareKamacnl t o come and go as freely atnight as in the day. And this is his so-called first maleficent kindness" [translated in Thomson 1980, 1281. Accordingtoxorenac'l, therealnameof B l w r a s p (otherwise, with X o r e n a c c i , a fairly good transliteration of an Iranian form with an 'idsfah: K
ias this

Yemen with a land in flazandaran, perhaps, because the ~ a s a n i a nconquestofYemenwas l~~ carried out by the 800 Daylamite soldiers106. Yemen was under Sasanian sway for a long time, and there are some indicationsthat itwas via Yemen (with H i r a h , B a t i r a I n a n d ~ O m a n ,too), that Iranian ideas. conceptions and loan words107 entered the Arab world and the Arabic languagelo8, and it isyemen/ MZzandarSn thatZWY6.8 refers to. In the already quoted

bfiwarasp T azdahak) was

t P l w r l d a . Now, bffwar means "a myriad" (10 000), and asp means "a horse"; it association with horses that probably urged Dahag t o establish fires t o protects these The Greek Kevrawoc was a mythical equid, half-

animals from his own affliction (Dk 9.21.15).

horse (*asp), half-man, thus we have a Greek "translation" transliterated into Armenian by K e n t a u n a s t o P i w r l d a , this form is itself a Greek transliteration of b e w a r > *~q/iu[a]pi&ic. Why
100 Cf. Maquart 1901,26ff., and Noldeke 1915. 101 Cf. Maquart 1901, 26 n.1, Martiwart & Messina 1931, 101ff. (cf. for variants, cf. also Sd 33.9; ed. Anklesaria, 212.10; 213.2). 1021he ~andsan ~inza mbba has Bee simraye, 8ee sind, 860 ~limdwaye;cf. also ~argum of Chronicles 1 19; sometimes Sawran was confused with Samaikand; the campaign t o MZzandar5n in . 3. Sahnamahis secondary and based on yemen, cf. aid eke 1915. 598 n I03 But cf. also Dk 9.224, where he is said t o wardoff the MZzanTg [fISzandaranrldemons.

*a became -da in Armenian, 1 cannot explaing7, but the alteration B/P

is normal in Armenian dialects: in those of the West, close to the Greek-speaking areas, the Greek B i n loan-words from this language was pronounced by the Armenians as their P. I t seems that "the real name" (i.e., its Greek form; x o r e n a c c i often uses this expression when he wishes t o equate some Oriental personage with its Greek counterpart) of B i w r a s p was taken from Western ~ r m e n i a n s ~ Tosum ~. up: b e w a r = P i w r i d a a n d a s p = Kentaur. Xorenac'l's

r was Greek, i.e., the Greek tradition knew of material derived from XvadSy- Namag

better than is generally accepted.

104 Cf. Chapter I. ~ppendix:han 1 x v a n ~ r a h eaday F r e d ~ n sraw pad wan~danT ~ a h a g . zadan T Mazandaran seh ud baxtan I XanTrah pad Salm ud TSZ ud Eric 1-S 3pus ... 8tc. 105 Yemen was occupied, circa 562-572, by xusnw I. ~nosurwan. 106 As t o Daylam / SamrZn association with Fred$% it Is t o be noted that the cult of FredOn was current in Daylam, d in or sky 1983. 190b. 107 Among some words regarded as Himyaritic in native Arabic dictionaries (cf. Beloua 1987, 159)

Pahlavi texts dealing with Arabs.

80 would rather reproduce a Synac form if having been appeared in Arabic only after Islam, then, one could perhapsspeculate about some traces of lrano-~esopotamian~ l5 syncretism as at least Nebuchadnezzar is concerned. raz~g san m a . p a y w a n d o a n 7 x v c g dad, "thetownof s a m r a n was built by FredOn sonof ABBen and h e killed * M a l n l s a r king of This text taken from the f l e n 6 g i Xrad, generally held t o be a Sasanian composition1 6, S a m r m , a n d he made the iandof S a m r a n the w p e r t y of E r z n . and the Arabian s t e w n wer* given b y h i m into possession and inheritance t o B u x t - X u s r a w the Arabian king for t h e maintanare of his offsprings". The name o f this city 1 country was rightly connected (Nybeq 1964. 1051 t o an imnortant ~enkard passage [TBCT XLI], unlike our o c n k a r d passage,doesnotmention any generai of L u h r S s p . I t is the Kayanian king himself who performed the deeds generally attributed to Nebuchadnezzar. Jerusalem is designated Here. t h e evil Mesopotamian king is a general of W i s t ~ s p ' s Jerusalem was mentioned also in MX 26.64-6

father, who went t o conquer Jerusalem. XLHI, under another name.

ITEm

as a "Jewish" city, n o t as a Byzantine one, which bears in Dk 5.1 a cleariy Arabic name o f Bayt

his passage demonstrates the difficulties posed by some late

M a q d i s 1 17, and its name is in accordance with the Aramaic tradition1 18. T h e t i e n a g

Xrad

pahlavi texts as the legendary stuff derived, sometimes, from non-Iranian sources, g o t e v e n with genuine historical traditions.
his partidar t e x t was arranged lately after t h e ~ r a b 1 onslaught, as indicated b y the

passage must be, then, a product o f a late Sasanian pseudo-historiography1 ^9. The passage in question has nothing to do with the liberation of Jerusalem from the Byzantine yoke in 614 CE: the situation then was completely different, the Jews saw Persians as liberators. ~erusatem was

not Jewish in any political sense, and the Jews were n o t dispersed b y the ~ersians.there were
reference t o the Zoroastrian sage bearing a post-Sasanian title, a contemporary of al-Ma-mGn,

together with the Arabic name X a 11 d (if read correctly). Nabuchadnezzarl

is here an Iranian

rather the Christians who were oppressed by the Persians a n d ~ e w s2 l0 1 1 I e here "Mesopotamian" in the most vague sense. It might include Jewish, Christiav~mmic and g e e Assyro-Babyloman traditions. Shaked 1987 and Shaked 1990 spoke of les maws s^mitisesand these two ?ems ~ " l be d ~"erl8~ci"o. ,, 116 Cf. Tahzzoii 1992, 554-5. 117 Against the Hebrew *B5L ha-Mtud35 or the Syriac BE MaUaaSa; the vowel after Bayt- must

- ~ a r s e h13. l According t o the A r a b P e r s i a n general, bearing a good Iranian name of B u x 1

tradition, B u x t

a i - N a s r (=Buxt.Narseh]

was a general o f ~ u h r a s p ~ ~the ' ? problem

-~

~ h e t h e the r ~rabic form ~ u x al. t ~ a s has r influenced, i n the wt-Sasanian e w h . the Iranian B u x t- Nars.Cn, or the way around, cannot be solved here. However, i f it was the Iranian form which has influenced the Arabic one, and this seems n o t entirely impossible as the Arabic form e l u d e s Buxt, an element looking all too much iranian, and bearing in mind that the Arabic form

..

t o be rejected.

118 It would be better % Y r ~ ~ l however. But the difference is small and could be easilv Mn~ained by many factors, which have not t o bother i s here. 119 On the other hand, unlike in our Dk passage, where Jerusalem is called "Byzantine", reflecting the political situation of the early years of the 7th century, our MX tern calls ~erusalem"~ewish", cleady, under the impact of the latsridamic tmdrtion. n e conclusion is thst the word "~ewish"is a post-sasaniao gioss. 120 Jews generally welcomed the Persian troops, according to a long history of Persophile attitudes. Byzantine sources stress the point of Jewish defectors. :n 609 the Jews of ~ n t l o c h revolted, they killed
~~

- .

1 0 i prefer the reading Buxt-Xusraw rather than Baxt-Xumw. T C s is the reading in "The Day H a r o t The Month F r a w a r d i f l " 3 14. Marawart & Messina 1931, 101. "The Day HSrfft of the M0"rh w i r d r n " was composed under X u s w [I, circa 608 CE,cf. West 1904, 11 1. s quite frequent mentioned in the texts dated from 111 AS Bausani 1971, 58. has noted. the ~ r a b were t b Sasanian Period and it is therefore wmng to think of the Moslem invssion 2% the first acca$iOn 0" whichthere was contact between ~ r a b and s Persians. 112 or this identification, cf. G-Y 1904, ray 1905, 465, Gray 1906. 189. The question of the historicity of such an identification must not bother us here, as <hers is nothing historical about our text (cmp. Shaked 1990a, 90). 113 One would speculate whether some memory of Mihr-Narseb, the prime minister of Yazdgird 1 1 , renowned for his refutation of the Christians, could be racked down in this personage. . 114 For sources cf. Tafazzoli 1364. 46 n. 1
of

the Patriarch and helped Persians in the next year t o seize the city. in 610, the Jews of Tyre (4,000 r u n g ) revolted, though unsuccessfully. In the Land of Israel the Jews counted 1 0 % to 25 %,especially n h e Galilee. Led by Binjamtn of Tibenas, Jewish insurgents opened the way t o Caesatia, the capital of .he province. it seems that the ~ersians promised t o give krusalem back t o the ~ews. when in 614 the city fell, SahrawSZ established in it a sorl o f Jewish admin8strsr8on. A. . lbw w. ? e Me d name . .. . . . -. . .?he . .... ... Nechemia and tried to re-establish the sacrifices. Many Christians were cruellv killed dutina the war.

again, the Jews were prohibited to settle in Jerusalem. In 629-30 the Byzantines returned. In 628 the Emperor gave an amnesty to the ~dessan ~ews,and so in ~iberias. In Jerusalem first the coilaborants, and then ail the Jews were persecuted. uany ~ews,including Benjamin of ~iberias.convened t o Christianity. In 632 all the J e w in the Empire-were ordered t o convert.

81 The Persians destroyed all the churches in Palestine except one the Church of the Nativity -, where they rightly identified the adoring Magi on the frescos as their compatriots wearmng Sasanian garblZ1. Thus, the MenOg T Xradpassagewascomposed ante 614 CE, while the Denkard passage, depending on it (or, on aclosely associated tradition) reflectssome knowledge of the Last Sasano-Byzantine war1 22. In the light of all this evidence, one has t o draw the conclusion that the tradition of sacking Jerusalem by an Iranian king (or, his general) was known in Iran prior 614 CE; this tradition was a pan of the late Sasanian poiemic against the proselytizingJudaism; it was provoked by the Jewish tradition of Cyrus, thus implying that this Jewish tradition was known t o the Iranian priests-scribes. As Shaked 1990a, 90, noted, the idea of the synthesizing history as known from the Arabo-Persian sources is not a product of the period of these sources, but a heritage from the s i n a , and in this context of a synthesized popular lrano-~esopotamian pseudoal-Naqr's being influenced by the earlier

82

outside the borders of Sasanian Iran. and also probably as a hint t o the legend of the Avesta dispersed amongst the nations after Alexander's onslaught The Good Rule in the Sasanian political philosophy was held t o be the guidance of the Lord Wisdom. The nations not ruled by the Zoroastrian Law were doomed t o suffer from the, politically. Bad Rule, as DkM 25.15 [TEXT XLi11l may well indicate. This passage is seen as reflecting the Uigur (called plainly "Turks") ~anichasisml 23, and as one of the few non-Muslim sources t o make note of ~ h a z a~ rudaism'~~. Itwould be better for the Byzantines and the Turks, from the Sasanian point of view, to convert t o Zoroastrianism and to be ruled by the Sasanian Good Rule 25. Though it was stated in a text (MX 21.25-6 [TextXLNl), which refers t o Sasano-Byzantine and Sasano-Turkish wars (cf. Tafazzoii 1992, 555) that these enemies of the Sasanian Good Rule ( *erIh) shall convert only after the Renovation takes place, nevertheless, t h i s passage implies that the enmity betweenthe descendants of the three sonsof F r e d s n will come one day t o an end, though it is not clear in which way: by reconciliationor by destruction of the Byzantines and the Turks. I t seems, however, that, as there were hardly any theoretical objections t o spread ~ o r o t r i n l s m among, ~ ~ ~at Hast. the Turks (AJ 12.8-9 8.15 [Text XLVI), that the first possibility is the likely one1 '-'. In principle, a Sasanian general should first invite the enemies

historiography, the suggestion of S u x t Buxt.Narseh, makesbettersense.

IF so, although our D e n k a r d passage is, as wassaid above, far later than the Men69 1 Xrad

r Buxt-Narseh's destroying Jerusalem might be two passage, the notions of Luhrasp's o

parallel, and Sasanian, traditions.

t o embrace Zoroastrianism before he begins t o wage a war (Dk 8.26.21-22 p e x t XLVI]). In the post-Sasanian composition SSh T

The strange thing about Dk 9.21 Is that t h i s chapter, being a midrashiccommentary on the Yasna of Good Rule, gives us no examplesof a model rule^ it consists of an account of a good king
who warded off the evil and ruled over the whole world, but was sawn by another king. actually, a tyrant, whose deeds were a mixture of good and evil; this

ahr ram^^^

[Text XLVlll even the "demons" of

MSzandaran, together with the most of the nations known to Iranians, are said to have beer converted, in the future, by military force of the triumphant Savior. Non-adherence t o

one also ruled over the whole world.

Zoroastrianism was necessarily seen as leading one t o ultimate destruction in the afterlife, cf. Sayast

Later he was overcome by a hero, Fredfin, whose lordshipexpanded only as far as the Continent
o f X v a n i r a h , i.e., Iran only.

n gayas1 6.7: Kay.Kaur.bOz

g u f t kU agden ka tanapuhl ew Kirbag

kc winah

32 d u s a f l bOxt "Kay.Adur.bOzed5aid that

an infidel, when his merit

i
i.e., Iran, and it is even stated (Dk 9.21.24) that some people of MSzandarSn came later t o

n t m a p u h i more than his sin(s), is saved from hell" (Tavadia 1930, 97).

inTrah, i-e., Iran, in search of wisdom. It is difficult not to see here a description of the Late

Sasanian conditions, when the hopes to restore the rule of the kings of old of the Continent of

X v a n r r a h over the oecumenee~aporated and the rulers of Iran were forced t o contentwith what
they had. The coming of spiritual chiefs of MazandarSn t o Iran in search of wisdom must be interpreted as a reference t o the spread of Zoroastrianism into far-flung areas, somewhere 121 Cf. Russell 1990-91, 143-4. wish to reconquer syria and ~gypt, the lost Achemtenian provinces in the West 122 he ~asanian apeared almost immediately after the new dynasty has arisen, d.Lettre de Tansar, 548.

123 Cf. de Menasce 19478. 240. 124 Cf. Golden 1984. 140 n. 38. 125 heo ore tic ally, lran was supposed to extend its borders. The problem arising then was to be dealt with. d.DkM 748.13-1s (shaki 1974, 334): abar madan I ZamTg, ~'Jastagud c i s 1 aneran d S t fi <w>aspuhrag8n xvG1h T yat az E M & "mthecomingof propey or anything, held by foreigners, imo the private (absolute) ownershin of one of imn". 126 in SShpuhr's times, but not in those of KardFr, some non-Iranian areas were designated as Iran, Gtanoux 1987b. 127 At-BakiT, ca. 1094, noted that the king of the Khazars previously was a majOsT. ""pagan", perhaps "a Zoroastrian", cf. Golden 1984, 1-12. 128 To be dealt with lin details in Chapter IV.

83 Conversion to the State religion was by no means a theoretical problem in Sasanian Iran; or the contrary, it was a topic of vivid practical interest. H?rbedIst?n 12 (cf. Kotwal & Kreyenbroek 1992. 20-1):

We read thus in the Sasanian

"

On the wife and children o f a man who comes to the faith. On theestateof adeceased

In this Chapter, some andtraditions will be studied which reveal interaction between

p On . a women who dies shomly

zoroastrians who come to !ran t o seek refuqelZ9".

after embracinq

i o nZand texts and itsdifferent layer.

I

Zoroastrianism. On relations between Zoroastrian men and "on-Zoroastrian women. Onnon-

S^ss and Sweat

Here we will turn t o an old, though seemingly solved, problem, in which both textual and
theological aspects are confined. My main interest here is t o show the Zandist at work, demonstrating, at the same time, the textual "global history"of a number of Pahlavi passages. In 8d la.13b [TEXT

Both Judaism and Zoroastrianism are originally communal religions with a universalist potential. Found itself in two multinational empires, Judaism did realize, to a great degree, this potential, working on man-to-man basis. That is how entire populations were converted TO Judaism in the Roman Empire. On the contrary, Zoroastrianism was congested by the political borders of the Sasanian State. The stateless Judaism, having no means of enforcement, chose to convert the entire known humanity, i.e., peoples of the Mediterranean; the state-backed Zoroastrian priests preferred to convert, sometimes by force, the subjects of the King of Kings, demanding from them both political and religious loyalty, leaving the hopes of the universal

1 1 Ohrmazd created "Sleep" and brought

it forth to the First Man

GNmard, so that he might suffer less from the onslaught of Ahriman: 0.5 (Ohrmazd) dad 0 a y a r i h xvzb asanfh.dadar, c5 Ohrmazd ha" xvab f r ~ z br5nnTa,"Hecreatedt repose-giving sleep1 to (Gay6mara'sl assistance, for Ohrmaza created forth this sleep..:.

conversion of the humanity to the Last Days.

However, this passage may be an interpolation, whether into the Bd text, or into its Voriage,
presumably, the Damdad Nask (cf. MacKenzie l989b. 549). The reason for this assumption is that while the creation of Gayornard is referred to in Bd la.l3a, after the statement quoted

above (Bd 1a.13b) one reads:

'...and He created Gayomara and the Bull from the earth". It seems t o me also important, before we turn t o the notion of "Sleep", t o make a short remark on the definition of x v a b asanTn.dadar.

as

This is found also in Dk 9.21.3~. the text dealing with the whereabouts of

another Iranian mythological First Man, namely Yima, and an Avestan substratum was looked for. Unfortunately, we do not possess Dk 9.21.3 in the original Avestan; 5sanTh.dadSr and kamag.aaaar3 used there are clearly translations from Avestan. as was noted by Mole 1959, 284 nn. 5-6; the original Avestan for asanTh.dadar was probably *"one who put peace", with SsanTn rendering * < i i a t i or the like. The Pahfavi textof Dk 9.21.3 is as follows;

129 Such refugees were, e.g., the members of the "Greek Academy' established in Gund<3hpuh which lasted into Islamic times, after Justinian closed i n 529 the Academy a t Athen.

h e Creator". Cf. Dk 9. 21.3. 1 S o also Anklesaria 1956, 27: Zaehner 19S5, 320: -sleep, the repose of T "Bead of sleep" (xew) appears in the Kurdish version of LailF & Maman (cf. Rudenko 1965, 15-7). in a ather similar hnmi~n. 2 Cf. Chapter (I, Appendix t (TEXT KKI pp. 83-4. 3 * k a m a g . d ~ d a r ~ r i , g i o s s e d b y n ~ w a g ~ h ~ n d s u b - g l ors rs ff erd f f n i h is clearly 'gooddesire"; m a g generally renders valrt i a - and, in i t s rum, is frequently glossed by newag~h.

85 d :as a kc: "SsSnTh.dadZr bad1 ud kamag.dSaar" bod Jam Ik6.S c i s han kard 1 mardoman SsSnlh

86 The version of the myth recorded there (Dk 9.32.7-1 0 [TEXT MI). supposedly part of the lost

-.

[kQ.s newaglh pad dad CnayenTdarTh; ku.s mardom

commentary

on Y

32, is worth quoting:

pad f r s r o n i h o h snaynid

! L e i

f r a z mad pad beg

... 6 han 1 man GayO[klmard ha" 1 1 hSn ... ."a ka az hzn K Q J f r a z bod a s ~ y a gbud

KG t a r i g i h andar mad bod ..., 'Then the sweat created bv demons came on t o My
"And this, too, that Yima was creatorofease [i.e., he made things by which people are a t easel and creator of will/desire [i.e., goodness through the pleasing of the law; i.e., he pleased people through righteousness/for he taught people righteousnessl". Gaycmard, to h a m him ... . And after he went forth f r o m t h i s m he becsm shdodess, for the darkness came in

... " (Ok

9.32.9-10).

In the version of Dk 9.32 we find that

(LQA wascreated b y & g s

. , for

while in Bd la.13b "ahrmaza> created ... the

w &U>

This parallel between the two texts is worth consideration, though one cannot draw decisive conclusion from such meagre evidence. In another Bd text, namely, Bd 1.53 [TEXT Ill, Sleep ( x v a b ) is created by Ohrmazd Himself as the 17th among His very significant creations: 13th Rasn, 14th Mihr, 15th ArSlswang, 16th. P S r a n d . 1 7 t h 18th Wad (the Wind), 20th Quarrel, Prosecution, (legal) Defence and Peace of Bounty (Paykar, Pasemalih ud A s t i h I Abzomglh).

Ohrmazd created forth t h i s Sleeo...".

The word translated here as "sweat" was explained a long time ago as a corruption of the word for "sleep" o r as a homonym of it. Schaeder 1926, 217 n. 1, 351ff.. explained this strange notion as a result of a textual error, stating that the same spelling of "sleep" and "sweat" may have been the source of confusionin the interpretation of the Gayarnard myth.

... ,

PesemSlTh,

Later, Tafazzoli 1990, 53-4, postulated x v E y as another Pahlavi word for "sleep",
homonymous with the word for "sweat". However, as x v s b and x v e y look very similar in the Pahlavi script, one should rather suppose that the scribes would make an effort to distinguish

This should provide Sleep with what may be called

-archangelic' position, though the proximity to the ambiguous Wffd (who. in its turn, sounds too close t o w a y ) and to No. 20 ( Quarrel, Prosecution) makes Sleep a bit suspect. Though

between two homonymous or similar words. Pahlavi has numerous words for "sleep", x v s b , opposedtobusasp, "(the demon of) sloth"4, nevertheless. Steep, first created by Ohrmazd, is a i d t o be defiled by demons, like everything else'(fradom x v z b 5 pad dahign dad

... u d

Y v a m n / x v a m r (and x v postulated by Tafazzoli); besides, it has the luxury of using Aramaeograms:

one could spell it simply H Ln1to avoid discrepancy!

. . , Bd 19.1 [TEXT 1111); the following description u e . z dewan ahogenid c i y 6 n.

impression that what is described in Bd 19 is rather some busasp-like demon6.

(towhich 1

Three remarks should be made here: 1), in several cases in which the word for "sleep" was used in the context of creation, i t seems as if the scribes made efforts on purpose t o blur them even more; in Bd (Pazandxvay), eg, the similarity goes so far that Anklesaria 1956 adopted the transcription khv@: Tafazzoli 1990 and Gignoux & Tafazzoli 1993

will return) of Steep rather strengthens the mixed feelings about it and one can hardly avoid the

I t may also be added that putting Sleep in the "archangelic" context may imply that it was supposed t o possess some visible form, to which we shall return further. But in DkM 837.1 5 it was demons who caused Gayornard t o sleep. This second version has to do, insome way, with theGnostic dimensionof Steep, maybe touched by Genesis 2.217.

(&a,p.

170 n. 32; p. 438 etc.) adopted the form xvf [ x w e

h w y y l for "sleep": in Bd 19.1 ( m 2 128.11) the reading is, actually,

hwLbc&

two

alternative forms used together, the second one being perhaps a gloss t o the first one;

2). i t should be observed that the context of our Dk 9.32.10 passage ("he went forth from...",
4 On i t in later Judaso-Pereian texts, cf. Asmussen 1974.

5 TD2: xwyh xwyb. 6 By popular etymology, the word bi355spshouldbe analyzedas containing the element "horse" (though ic does not: Avestan boslfasta-); compare the description of Sleep in Bd 19.2 as a stallion trvina t o tape both women and men. ln zoroastrian texts basasp, "sloth", and (good) sleep became interchangeable, as in the example quoted in Asmussen 1974, 239 (PY62.51: k.G t2.m tez az ba5asp bc tuwanao budap., 'in order that i can quickly be (awake) from sleep", where there is no negative e x . The opposite, probably, happened in 8d 19. 7 Cf. also e d 1a.13b: "created from earth".

"shado~less"~, the appearing of darkness) suggests rather *xvab,

"sleep", than x v

"sweat", and 1 believe the reading x v Sb, "sleep", was the original one, only to be corrupted later

8 Compare Theopompus' statement in Plutarch. Isis and Osiris 370C;on the notion of "shadow" in Zoroastrianism, cf. now de h n g 1995 [19971.

88 t o v ey, "sweat". "Sleep", unequivocally, is also the meaning in the Bd passages9, though there So, Ibn Abr- 1 -HadTd. quoted in Shaked 1993a, 234 n. 45, wrote: wa-yazcumuna f a

the whole notion is different;

3). it is worth noting thai our (Dk 9.32.9-10) passage has no support in the extant PY, while the passages before and after i t have abundant references to P Y 32. This should be expected, as Y 3 2 (and i~ pahlavi version, of course) speaks of

anna mabda'a

takawwunihi

wa-hudaeihl

anna Yazdzn ...

rT

a m r l Ahriman

..

f i k r a t a n a w j a b a t an 'araqa jablnuhu ra-masaha

I - Q r a q a wa-rama b l h l f a - s a r a minhu Kayomare, "they claim that the origin of the formation [of K a y i l m a r e l and his coming into being was thai Yazaan

Dm

anocher Iranian First Man, not of

Gav6,marata-IGavffmard. and our references to "sleep" and "sweat" in Dk 9.32.9-10 are but

an interpolation from a source other that P Y 32.

... reflected in the matter of Ahriman a thought which made his forehead sweat He wiped

The conclusion should be that the versions of Gayamard's sleeplperspiration have their origin
not in a corrupt text of PY, as no such a text exists, but rather that they represent two independent (but later contaminated) traditions. These traditions were mutually attracted by

the perspiration and cast it, and K a y o m a r e was formed from it",

A similar tradition was known long ago from B i r O n i (.&ear, ed. Sachau 1923, 99.7)l l. it e m s that "once "sleep" was misread as "perspiration", it was removed to the stage of creation, where it seemingly made better sense" (Shaked 1989,247).

some linguistic reality (phonetic and graphic similarity of a pair of words for "sleep" and "sweat").
"Sweat" was certainly characterized as a kind of fluid in the Sasanian Avesta. Similarly t o the typology of Fires which, indeed, one finds in 8d l B 1 O , such division of fluids into different types could have easily found its way into the Bundahizn. The context in which "sweat" is mentioned in the fists of fluids in P Y 38 [TEXT V] and 8 d 11b (cf. notes to [TEXT VI) has nothing in common with the context of Dk 9.32 f P Y 32. No perspiration of the First Man is mentioned, as might be expected, and bothgroups of texts are unconnected in t h i s respect

The crucial text 15, however, Y 44.5, where the word for "sleep" appears. its Pahlavi version [TEXT Vial is not of a great interest (though there, too, one finds f l e y as a variant reading to S b ) . DkM 852.8-17 [TEXT VibI is a late text drawing upon different sources (e.g, such

notions common in Yasts, as "this creation of Mine, full of ail kinds, was excepted from old age and immortal, 0 Zoroaster!, during 3000 years there was no hunger and thirst, and no sleep of the body k V tan] and no vigilance, no old age and no death, and no cold wind and no hot (windy), between them, i t is true, P Y 44.5 ("sleep and the vigilance" in both P Y 44.5 and the Knkard passage). in h w y of DkM 852.11.16, Tafazzoli 1990, 52, n. 45, saw xvey. *xVafya- "sleep, dream" (mythological), derived perhaps from Avestan xvafna- of Y 44.5. Nodoubt, he was right, as the

There is no need to stress the point that in this particular case, namely in P Y 38.3, the Pahiavi
version has very little i n common with what was supposed to be its Avestan original. This

absence of evidence should obviously strengthen the feeling that no perspiration of the First Man

was mentioned in the Pahlavi texts, and that the word in question must be read "sleep". ~owever, we should ask ourselves whether an average Pahlavi reader (or, hearer), seeing (or,
hearing) the "text' speaking of Gayornard's h w y y l x v e y thought of "sleep" or of "sweat/ perspiration". The evidence of the Pahlavi MSs, with their stubborn spelling hwyy, rather suggeststhatmany Zoroastrians could have been led t o believe that Gayffmard perspired, rather than that he fell into a coma (on the contrary, we should give a high mark t o the (sources of? redactor of?) Bd 1 with its x v S b which is a gloss t o hwyy). The notion that Gaynmard's creation had something t o do with perspiration was preserved by authors who wrote in Arabic, thus reflecting, no doubt, a popular tradition.

n the contexts corresponding to Y 44.5; even more, the whole idea word is used in the Dk passage i
of Gay6mard's steep and wakinq UD in thecreationstory seems to have beenderivedfrom the

9 Though, e.g., Christensen 1918, 16, took Ed 19 as speaking of s i t 10 Cf. below: "Fire".

I a qad qalu f i mabda'i ~ - ~ a i a m aaawrla i kaeiratan 'aj~batan w a f~ t a w a l l u d i Ahriman wa huwwa IbIIs mi" rlkrati-LLShl ... fa.anna-LLaha tahayyara r1 amri m i ra'ariqa jab~nuhuwa masana flalika wa ram2 blhi fa-sara mlnhu KayCmare, 'They have told many fascinating legends about the beginnings of the world and about the birth of and that God was perplexed in the matter of Ahriman, who is the Satan, from a thought of God Ahriman, and His forehead sweated; He wiped it (the perspiration) and cast it, and KayamarG was f e d from it". The translation is mine; cmp.Sachau 1879, 107.

89 SteGZeic verse1^, which was interpreted, in a midrashic way, as referring to Gayffmard. Wecannot state thatwhat thiiGZeii verse treats was an allusion to GayOmard's story; I would rather believe that the story was invented to explain the GZeic verse, and the existence of the "perspiration version" seems to imply that the midrash given in DkM 852 and its relation t o Y 44.5 wasnotcommon knowledge1 3.
It should be observed that our bothering word for "sleep / sweat" appears i n all its

90

.-

*d ti9n i har do mn IOhrmazd ud Gannfigl i pad Yim lewag gfiwffd ha" i Gayffmard bod1 x^Sb 1 x v 6 s r d d 1kO.Sfin abar Gayornard xvZb 1 x v a w u r d hend; ewag C a b T newfig, w f l a b T baZasp T marnjenTaar1, *"thus these both spirits [ O h r m a z d and GannSgl were renown for Yima's [there is one who says it: was Gayffmard] sleep / perspiration [i.e., they brought upon Gayffmard sleep 1 perspiration; one (brought upon) a good sleep,

one the murderous sbthsleepl".

m i n c e s in contexts where Ahriman has some r61e t o play (especially in the Bundahign
account and in the Arabic versions). This observation may lead one to suggest that in the original StOV However, the Zandisrfs) did not use this option, perhaps, because the equation of Yima and Gayffmard seemed w them untenable, or for some other doctrinal reason. The fact remains that

%%m had to d0 with Ohrmazd and Ahriman rather than with O h m z d andGayomard

(note also the above mentioned remark of Shaked and the fact that our Arabic sources connect their notion of "perspiration" with 0 h m z d ' s perplexity "in the matter of Ahriman"). If one turns t o the highly problematic Y 30.3a. where (supposinqly) Ohnnazd and Ahriman. beside

x%ranawas nottranslated~as "sleep". To sum it up, the episode in question in the version of Dk 9.32 has no support in the Pahlavi
a

&%m the Avestan forerunner of h w y y , appear, one reads: a t

% % t a n s

tZ mainti9

a d I an import from a text similar t o one which was the source of the Bd version of the

event. These proto-versions were however not identical. Their tendencies, on the contrary, were opposite. This conclusion implies that the notion of the sleep brought upon Gayornard was known from a "on-Avestan source (pre-Zoroastrian? Semitic?). Now, some texts should be compared

pourulie ya ySma

asruuatam, which the Pahlavi version rendered as follows:

d h3n 1 har d6 mn [Ohrmazd ud Gannagl aZfin l r a d o m ban 1 Jumfiy s r o d I k ~ . s a nwinah ud Klrbag

& ^ a d

in order toillustrate what form the Sleep was held to possess. In Ed 19.2 Sleep is given the-form of a 4 or 5 year old stallion (asp karb i gusn i 4

& ^ a d be guftl,
in the

ayab 5 -satag), a description which "sounds Yastic". His behavior towards both females and "thus these both spirits l a h r m a z a and Gannagl, they praised -tcgethe~ kginning Lie., they pnouncedmales implies lewdness. If we compare it t o other "forms" in which Sleep appears (cf. further), andcombine them with the maleness of Sleepin Bd 19.2 and his appearance before both females and males, one cannot help being reminded of the 15-year old Manichaan ~ e r y o s a n g ' ~ , The text as a whole will be dealt with later [cf. below, "AriS and MahmT"1, now we should only note that S a f a r i ? , generally rightly rendered as xvSb, "sleep, dream", was rendered here. and onlv here, as x " ad, "himself". Were the myth about the steep of Gayffmard known to the Zandsrfs) of Y 3 0 . 3 in the form we know i t now from the BundahiZn account, one cannot think of better place w insert it than In appearing before both female and male demons in order to cause them t o perform some acts of basically sexual character (ejaculation, i.e., iron-productive issue of semen, and what was seen as

sm and merit]".

its female counterpart, abortion). The parallel passages are;

PY 30.3a. 1 can imagine, as a rendering of the Avestan line at, t 3 m a l n H d p o u r u i i e y 3

12 Exactly as 8d 1 as a whole was based on a zandto Y 44. 13 Perhaps, on the contrary, the "perspiration version" preserves the older myth which was Zoroastrianized in The "sleep version".

n 14 In whose namethe element "male" is obvious, cmp. the repeating "male fonn" in our passages. O NeryCsang in Manichsiam, cf.. e.g.. Cumont 1908, 61-62; Benveniste 1932, 185.

91
T E X T I]: Ohrmazd ha" cab r r a z brehenld pad mard karb 1 buland T Bd 1a.13b [

92

~-

In the Zoroastrian myth as reflected in the sources, Gayornard's sleeo/perspiration was a

necessary stage preceding Gayornard's death (another, though textually problematic, refereme

15.salaq male,

1 rfisn, Ohrmaza created this sleep in the form of

a I S years old tail luminous

to "sleep"in the context of "death" one finds in W2s 30.32 30 ITEX7 MI) and his ejaculation; from Gayornard' semen fallen into the earth a rhubarb grew, which became the first human couple (cf.eg, Bd 6F.8-9; Bd 14.2-7; Wzs 3.71-72). it is worthquoting here a passage from Bd 14.5-6:

d . 19.1 [TEXT III]: K Q rradom xvab pad dahisn dad pad mar0 karb 15-saiag T sped d61sr. first He created Sleep in the creation, in the form of a 15 years old male, with shininglbright eyes, W2s 2.10 [TECC Vll]: Ohrmazd xVS tirehenid Pad mard karb i 1 5 - s n a g T r 6 s n T buland, Ohrmazd created Sieep in the body of a man, tan and bright, 15 years old. Bd 4.22 K E X T Vlli]: K6.S brhgn Ohrmazd hSn xvab pad mard tan T guSn 1 1 5 salag 1 r o s n T buland, Ohrmaza created Sleepin the male body of a man, tali and brioht, 15 years old. ~d 1a.13b and Wzs 2.10 represent basically the same text (as WZs and B d ' l a are based on the m e source), with adjectives put in inverse order Bd 4.22. though close t o both Bd 1a.13b and ~ z 2.10, s has two important deviations from their tradition: I), it has gucn. the word which has more masculine (even bestial) connotations that the plain mard, though m a r d is also used by it, so, p!eonasticaily, we have "the male body of a man" here; 2), it has tan, "body", instead of k a r b , "form" ( k a r b and t a n are interchangeable also in the contexts of Fire). Bd 19.1

P a r s e d b? p a l a d hend, 5.5 d6 bahr Neryosang nigah dad, ud bahr Sw Spendarmet p a d i r l r t ud cehel sal andar zamTg bud. pad bawandagih 1 cehel

"When Gayomara, while passing away, ejaculated his semen, they filtered this semen through e the light of Sun, Neryfisang kept two parts of it, and Spendarmet (the [female] Earth) accepted one part, and for forty years it was in the Earth. After completion of forty years, Masye and tlasyane (first human couple)15 grew up from the earth in the form of a rhubarb".

fla5ye'andNaSyanS are, of course, (the hermaphrodite?) Gaycmardsplit into two; even the names of ail three of them contain the same element of "mortality"; the Manichasan version (the so-called "Seduction of the Archons") which is merely a sarcastic parody of the Zoroastrian myth, possesses all the componentsof the latter: abortion and ejaculation (one single ejaculation split into two, as Gaycmard was split into t l a 3 y 6 andtlasyan?; note that in the Manichiean

represents another tradition, in which the emphasis is put on "shining eyes", an expression with
an obvious Avestan substratum (such substratum could he looked for also in Bd 4.22 with its t a n

and, especially, gusn). it is curious that while Bd 19.1 Sleep was "created in the fonn of a 15 years old male, with shiningbright eyes", in the next paragraph (Bd 19.2) Sleep is given "the equid form of a 4 or 5 years old stallion, [which] goes after females, and he even reaches after males, from the top of the head to the knees, and he remains for as long as..." [TEXT version, there is no Masye, only Gayornard = Adam andMasyane = Eve); Neryosang (split into two, Neryosanq proper and his female assistant Sadwes, who stands instead of SPendarme t); creation of plants (cmp."rhubarb") from the semen, the semenllight link. It seems to me highly important that Bd 4.23 puts Sleep in a context of astronomic revolution ( g a r d i s n ) and the war of "giant demons" (MSzTgan dewan) with the Signs of Zodiac ( k o t x l s i s n T abSg axtaran), both latter notions easily recalling of the Manichiean myth in question. It was perhaps this astral aspect of the battle connected with Gayomard'sdeath that
provokedthesubstitutionof Spendarmet by SadwSs [cf. APPENDIX I 1 Sadwes].

1 1 1 1 , where

obviously two different traditions were mechanically combined; the wording of Bd 4.22 [TEXT Vlii]: k c 5 brehenld Ohrmazd h3n f l a b Sleeppad mard tan T gusn, "Ohrmazdcreated

male h d v o f a man", may be an abbreviated echo of Bd 19.1 and Bd 19.2,-3: "he

( s k p ) was not created

w.... for e

m in h i s own k i n a mmethin~ like S W .

15 For graphic presentations of the forms of the names of MZshyS & Mashyam with some of the Arabicw i g authors, cf. Bailey 1943.179-180.

93 In the light of this evidence, and especially, bearing in mind the logical connection between h w y y / h w 'pandGay6mara's ejaculation that followed, 1 was led to ask myself: was there some additional, sexual, shade of meaning shared by both? "Sleep" and "sweat" have one thing in common, besides their phonetic similarity, namely: both would be easily imagined as euphemisms for sexual intercourse1 6. Had theZandisris) something like that in mind?

94
II

Mff and Hammu

In Y 31.5b appears the word s r a s i s , seen by Bartholomae (AW 356) as a hapaxlegomenon "arssay-, f. "Neid", mit Akk. der Person und Gen. der Sache verb", with the phrase hllaE. m i . data vahi16 .., y e h i l a ma era515 [ a a a t ] translatedas"v0ndembesserenLos

. . ,worm E ~ G mch

m.Bartholomaewas lead t o this tmmlat4on by the Pahlavi version,

which introduces here the demon A r l s (on whom cf., ag, Zaehner 1955, 26, 27, 31, 430) being merely a transcription of the Avestan word, and by the supposed closeness t o the word for

'envy", araska-: in both, Bartholomae followed West 1892, 246-7 n. 7, whom he quoted in
AiW. In taking this route, Bartholomae dissociated the word in Question(indeed, he put is as if being

a hapax) from arasya-, "recht handelnd, gerecht" (AiW 3561, Y 40.4, rendered by the Pahlavi
version as rast, from arasva-, "recht handelnd, gerecht; wahr. sicher" (AiW 356), Y 28.6; 29.3; 44.9; 51.5,11, also rendered by the Pahlavl version as r a s t . from aras', "richtig.

s c h t wahr" (AiW 355). Y 30.3; 44.10, 1-19; 48.9; 49.6, also rendered by the Pahlavi version as r ~ s t . However, i t seems very unlikely that even on formal grounds a r a s i S could be taken apart from arasya, arasfva, sras'. This was early felt by scholars, and Bartholomae's explanation of the word in question was put aside. Thus, Wiikins Smith 1929, 75, translated i t

as "reward"

[vTduiie vohu m a n q h a m m c a d a i d i l Z l y e h i l a ma aras'lg, "for knowing through good purpose,

and for keeping in mind - (that)

from which reward (shall come) to me"], clearly,

from the same root as arasya, s r a s v a , w a s ; Insler 1975, 37, translated "seer", and was , 127; 11, 63: "seer";Humbach & Ichapotia 1994, 35: followed by Humbach [Humbach 1991, I "prophet"1, having based on Indic Cs i-. The clue t o the whole of Y 31.5 [APPENDIX Ill TEXT I] lies, in my opinion, in the word =$a: this word, generally translated as "by truth" or "through truth" (only Wilkins Smith translated slightly differently: "for my justice"), refers, in my opinion, to the real things) which can be revealed and propagated to the mankind, the "realm of righteous bliss" where these of the better 16 In many languages "to sleep" serves also in the sense of "to copulate", though, as far as I know, this 1 not the case in ~ahlav, or uassica! ~ersian [~acher1900 (p. 3 of the ~ebrew pan) published excerpts from a 14th centuw Hebrew d;dmnary f r m Eastern lhn, in h i c h the Hebrew verb m (YDc, .to know " ithe ~ibiicai sense") was rendered in ~udso-~ersian as ingia (kwptn, xu: tan). AS to "sweat", this secretion could be easily could be easily seen as a euphemisms for another secretions occurring during the intercourse, d.Bd 11, on "semen"as a fluid, beside "sweat". (lot) (vahi i 6 ) dwell immortal. T h i s can be seen from the continuation of the Yasna, Y 31.6~: u a t S t 6 a s a h i i a amarstatasca, "wholeness and immortality of a$=-(bliss")

95 Toachieve this, one has to know to "discex+ ( v T c i d i i s i ) betweenthegoodand theevil. The Pahlavi version [TEXT 1 1 1 rightly introduced two glosses with m i z d , "reward" (in after-life), into the line where a5a is found. As I have already noted, I do not dissociate the root of a r a f l s from the similarly sounding words whose basic meaning is "right", etc.; there is no doubt, t o my opinion, that the roots of r a 5 1 f a n d a were felt as identical, at least by the Prophet himself1. In my analysis, he used two related words, while the second ( e r a s i s ) serves to specify the meaning of the first (a$=):
it is the blissful existence of the righteous ones, not merely "truth". The connection between both

96

I think what happened in our Pahlavi commentary was comparable: the Sasanlan reader was not expected to believe that there exists, indeed, a demon A r l f , exactly as the Jewish reader m 3
i t supposed to think that Abraham, amongst his many children, had a daughter named l b a k l -

; no, the reader realized that this midrashic tour de force, in both cases, serves a didactic

purpose, strengthening, in the case of the Sasanian reader, the traditional Zoroastrian value of the right choice. So, we came back to what we rejected in the beginning: the Zandist(s) knew their job; as in many other examples, not only in this, indeed, illustrious case, we find out by closer reading that Pahlavi versions of Avestan texts reflect a better understandingof the original than was earlier supposed. Though it is not Y 30 proper that concerns us here3, nevertheless, it seems to me important to note here that the end of our Yasna (Y 30.3~) contains words that "Invite" an eschatological
exegesis: ya n o i t vs anhat a g h a i t i va, "these which are notto be. or are to be". But itwas

crucial words was clear t o the Zandistfs), as the notion is reflected in the commentary t o P Y 30, surviving in Dk 9.31 [TEXT

remnants of the

&&f!J of dews'' (Dk 9.31.7-10) as

prohse A r i f , "themst&&f!Jof 9), i.e., of a%.

1111~: the ZandMs) used the words "the most the epithet of A r i f , not *"the most envious one"; the

d w makes is the vomiseof ~EWE!&Y (Dk 9.31.8-

understood by the Zand'ds) as referring rather t o after-life and personal, not collective, eschatology. In another part of the Pahlavi version of the same Yasna (PY 31.14 [TOfT IVI), the possible eschatological implications were played down, too. The passage hascertain eschatologicalovertones in Avestan [yS z i Sit7 j m g h a t i c a , "the things that are approaching and will reach (us)", tr. Humbach & ichaporia 1994, 371, but the Zandist, though correctly grasping a,, transformed the whole of the passage into a legalistic problem about the debt obligations to righteous and wicked people. it was achieved through using

He cannot deliver, of course (Dk 9.31.10), and this is the point of this nice

midrash the, so t o speak, "liar called "Truth*" cannot make people immortal, because in order to become immortal, i.e.. to enter into the better (lot) = the 'Best Existence", Zoroastrian paradise, one has t o discern and remember that real, pre-existent truth as revealed by the Lord Wisdom (d. also Dk 9.30.2) [TOfTV].
Our point of departure was rejection of the reliance by West and Bartholomae on the Pahlavi

of "standard" Pahlavi equivalents of Avestan words: abam for i s u d - and h a n g i r d i g i h for hsnkarat-. The possible eschatotogiraidimensionsofAvestan h s n k a r a t - were, thus, played down by the more prosaic Pahiavi hartgirdTgTh. In its existing Pahlavi form, this passage could hardly be used in any secondary apocalyptical literature; however, it is plausible to suggest that the word abam (standing frequently, as here, for Avestan lsud-), pronounced (New Persian warn) similarly t o awSm, "period of time, era", could have been inspired some apocalyptical commentary. It is not without interest, for characterization of the notions current among the redactors of the "authorized" PY version, that they did not choose this option.

tradition in explaining a highly difficult Avestan passage. After them, much ink was spilt to convince the reader that the demon Arif was conceived in the sin of ignorance of the Avestan language by the Zandistfs), or by some controversy between the "orthodox" and "heterodox" (d.,

eg,Zaehmr 1955, 80. 148).

My analysis shows, I believe, that on the contrary, the Pahlavi version grasped the sense of the passage well enough, and introduced here, with much good humor, a literary convention which was not strange to theepoch and theregion. So, e.g, inGenesis 24.1, God blessed Abraham bakk f f l , "in all", or with all"; there is a Jewish midrash (cf., e.& TB Baba Bathra 16b; Sepher haBahTr, d. Kaplan 1995, 28) on this verse which makes IbaK- l k 6 i thenameofadaughterof Abraham, because a daughter is eveiythiq.

At this point, we leave our imaginary demon A r i f , only in order t o return to him later

1 mere are, of course, orher viewson the roottsl of araSlsEand a s a as well. 2 Remnants of other commentaries of the same yasna, partly preserved in Dk 9.7;9.53. have m mate"al *,Ch could h s reievant fw & 3he-.

3 After much consideration and many doubts, I decided t o exclude almost completely the material pertinent t o Y 28-32 from my work, for such material, dealing with various aspects of these GSOSsand the!, bh1a"i "ersio"~ 8"d mmificstcons O f such vem;ons. ,s too "#St.

97

98

Some Western Iranians evidently held the belief that Ohrmazd was unable to create the light,
anditwas thedemonrlahmi who had learned the secretfrom Ahrimanand taughtUhrmazd how t o beget the sun and moon by the intercourse with his mother and sister (cf. Kreyenbroek 1993, 304b). This can be seen from the Manlcheean Mahnfl fragment4. which supposedly represents a Zoroastrian, though "unorthodox", tradition; another polemicist ~znik5.

~.

The views of Nyberg and Schaeder about the origin and meaning of Mahmr's name were reconciled by Russell 1987b. who rejected Schaeder's etymological objections, while adopting his ingeniousguess about da6uua mzhmT m a n 6 i in Y 32.1, and accepting Nyberg'setymology and translation. According to Russell, the demon M a h m r was known in Arsacidfsasanian Iran, and h i lame originally meant "mediator".
It seems that Russell opted for a non-scriptural

source

is known from the Armenian

provenance of Mahmr. An Avestan background was looked by the Z a n d i W ) for r l a h m r and found indeed in the word of Y 32.1. Ifso, one would suggest that the story told in the Oenkard version (Dk 9.32) could be an "Avestization" of a "on-Avestan import, probably from Western

The Manichasan text in question actually states that Ohrmazd isslandered by the saying that
k0.3 NahmT dew hammoxt 3ahr r o 5 n kirdan,"thathewastaughtbythedemonwa'hmr to make the world light". The name of the demon was explained in Nyberg 1938, 385, as "mediator", similarly to the Greek appellation of Mithra, d z q c (on which cf. Shaked 1980); this view was rejected in Henning 1951, 51

(or, Manichasan?) sources,

Nahmi sstl survives in the living Parsee tradition, invoked in called n f r a n g - e haJat

an Avestan n e ~ a n g - p r a y e r

n. 1. cf. also Zaehner 1955, 63, 150 and n. 1.

maqsOd xvastan, "spell of asking a wish for something sought"

However, the demon Ma hm r works indeed as a mediator betweenOhrmazd and Ahriman in some
of the anthzoroastrian passages assembled by Zaehner. However, Schaeder 1941, derived the name of the demon from a mistranslation (similarly t o theway thedemon A r l s was conceived. Y 30.3~.cf. Zaehner 1955, 149) of the words daeuua mahmr m a n o i in Y 32.1, where we now read in the extant Pahlavi version dewan pad man mnlsEnTh "dews by my thought". In the Gaeic passage (Y 32.1), the demons want to be Uhrmazd'smessengers; acertaindemonsoughttocome toan urtderstandingwithmhrmazd,the idea being not unfamiliar t o Dk 9.32 (cf. below, "Mani and Zantf'). (Two points should be noted here: I), the word daffuuS in Y 32.1 can mean not "demons", but just "gods"; 2). daeuua could be taken not only as a Vocative, but as a Nominative, as well (cf., e.g., Wilkins Smith 1929, 83).

(cf. Russell 1987b. 77-8). No wonder, the spell quotes, as one would expect, from Y 32.11 This
implies two things: 1.. M a h m i derives, indeed, as was postulated by scholars, from Y 32.1; 2.. anti-Zoroastrian sources that mentioned Mahmr described something that really has been existing, in Zoroastrian (popular?) practice, so, we should conclude that Y 32.1 was once interpreted in such a sense as these sources (according to Schaeder) suggest6. Moreover, thesame Manichasan text scourges those who assert that O h r m I z d and A h r l m e n

are brothers, 'wd gwynd k w w h r m y z d 'wd Tirmyn br'dr

hynd.

Hereweleavet-lahmr and return t o A r 1 5 . Besides PY 31.5 and Dk 9.31.6-11 derived from

it, A c i 5 appears in Dk 9.30.4-5,

a chapter which is supposed t o be a remnant of the

and in t h i s case, it agrees with other subjects (.x^aetuS,

vaerazsnsm).

Nevertheless, the

commentafy t o Y 30. In the extant Pahlavi version of Y 31 there

is no A r l 3 . but there are two

extant Zandof the Gaeic passage seems to have not much in common with the Denkard version

connected (and identical) passages, namely Y 30.3c.6a. which are paraphrased in Ok 9.30.4-5, and in which the words arsS vT<liatS, "they discriminate rightly", are found, being natural

M 28; partly published in Moiler 1904, 94; Saleman" 1908, 10; the relevant passage in Henning 1996b, 1951, 50; Zaehner 1955, 431 F 3(b), 439 F 7(b); now the t e x t is fully published in S k j ~ i v e 244-7. 5 8, 0 m 1926. 153 c f . also Zae-iner 1955. 63. 147lf.. 438 F 7(a) zayn IOLMI Manmea) d -i va-.aar omzd "2sa"<., e * z.C.+o.ran "ma ver haner, .h2.?W nea,, ,"a, 0 8 , "anm, a,,,,eo

candidates tolookfor A r i s . However, A r i s is absent from the Pahlavi versions of both Y 3 0 . 3 ~ and Y 30.6a.

'

,",

t o b m ths pan- EL"< m m oned a m m m n s m.r8ai K T (which is also known from Manichsean texts, as summarized in The zoroastnan polemical compositionSGW and from Bar Komay, cf. Benveniste 1932-33, 203) and Gmirp, Gunnarf, * d w monjing t o Henning 1951, 51 n . 3, pace Benuenisce 1932-33, 201 6 de Meoasce 1949, 4ff.). A similar story was told by Theodore AbG Ourra (cf. Zaehner 1955, 428 F 2) and referred t o in the Syriac Acts of Adur-Honrod (ci. Zaehner 1955, 148, 435-6 F 5). who, however, did not mentiw the " a m O f mm1.

oetone o m z d wch 8,. w w a d OW=,W

6 And, probably, we should give more credit to the anti-Zoroastrian sources in general.

99 The Pahlavi version of Y 3 0 . 3 renders Avestan 2sc3 hud3iih6 w a g u T < i l s t a n 6 i t au2dLqh0 a s k e aweS3n a w e T hudansg Iohrmazdl r 3 s t be wl2Td "6 h3n du5.danag lGann3g nen6gI. " t h e o n e o f t h e m w h o ~ s g m d k n w l e d ~ 1 U h r m a z db l not the one who has bad knowledge [the Stinking Spiritr; the Pahlavi version of Y 30.6a (almost) rightly renders Avestan aiia n a l t a r s 5 vTSiiata daeuuacina h i i a t 15 a d b m awesan ne r a s t be wlzenend kc a6wan hend cegamaz ew,"thosedo and eider brother)"'.

100

in o n e womb" in Dk 9.30.4 is very important, for it This is to be observed that the addition "

finds its parallel in Eznik's version of the "Zuwanite myth": Ormizd ew Arhmn y-=can y w i m a i r lwreanc, "Ormizd ai Arhmn strive in the -of their mother.

Thus, where the Avestan text has srag, the Pahlavi commentary has A r i s , and Dk 9.30.4-5
called A r i S the one whom the noir-Zoroastrian sources named Mahmr. tt is not easy to explain this fusion. We cannot state that a supposed Mahmr passage was censored (and eliminated completely from the texts, first of all, from P Y 32.1~)and A r i s was introducedinstead from P Y 31.5 (where A r i first occurred) into a lost Pahlavi version of Y 30.3.6 and henceforth, via a lost commentary on Y 30, into Dk 9.30.4-5; this is impossible because the quote put into the mouth($) of A r i s l M a h m T in Dk 9.30.4 and in the Manich~ean manuscript 28 is based, indeed.
on Y 30.3, where ara5 is found.
I have only one solution, though i t s plausibility can be easily questioned: Dk 9.30.4 and M 28

notchoose riahtlv. even a little, who are dews". Compare the quotation in Dk 9.30.8: ud enaz k c n6.5an r a s t be wizTdan dug.gann3g dew "6 hagirz r s s t be wizenena ke kamag ha" T Akaman, "and this. too, that they cannot choose riahtlv, badly stinking dews, they never choose riahtiv, whose will is that of Ak6man7', in which M P Y 30.3~ and 6.a are c o f i n e d (with slight -riation owing t o the bad

/ r s s t be WiZTd manuscript tradition): r 3 s t be w i z ~ d a n duSoama~

[ ~ a n n a q~ e n c ~ a l a n d r a s be t wizenena / r a s t be wizenend.

,,,

duS.dznaq

have so much in common that one could certainly suggest that M 28 reflects the commentary on Y 30.3, most probably, the same text that is still extant as Dk 9.30.4ff. At the same time. Dk 9.30.4ff.. though a paraphrase of Y 30.3, differs considerably from the text i t is supposed to comment upon. Let us compare again Dk 9.30.4ff. and the Pahlavi version of the "Twin Passage". Y 30.3:

Ibelieve that the context and the syntax of the Avestan passages are such that they could not

Y allow the demon A r i g to be introduced into their Pahlavi versions, even as an import from P 31.5. Nevertheless, A r l 5

W in the Dk pinphrase of them, but before turning t o Dk

9.30.4-5. it should be recalled that Y 30.3 is not just another Avestan passage, as interesting as
it is: it is the "Twin Passage", probably, the most "sacramental" passage in the whole Avesta.

What is ascribed to the demon A r i in the commentary t o P Y 30? I t is exactly what is ascribed t o the demon t l a h m r by the Manichaan Abursam and by the Armenian Eznik: ""Ohrmazd and Ahriman were two brothers in one womb (Ohrmazd ud Ahriman do brad T pad w a5komlbl bod hend). Of theman Amahraspand chose the worse inasmuch as his adherents preach the worship of demons and that they should offer cattle (as sacrifice1 t o the d e m w o f ~ And . on the deem of the demon AriS, and (on) l i ~ hand t darkness". Now compare the wording of M 28 as quoted in Henning 1951, 50: * w d gwynd k w 'whrmyzd 'wd 'hrmyn br'ar Ahrmen are brothers". Compare also the Manichen Uiiur x V a n s t w a n T r t (Asmussen 1965, 169, 194): Xormuzta q r i l i S m n u lT q E i l i 01, "Xonnuzta taqri and Simnu tQri are brothers (actually: younger hynd,"andthey say thatOhrmizdand

'These are the two spirits (existing) in the beginning, twins who have been heard of as the two dreams" (tr. Humbach & Ichapona 1994, 31).

d ha" T har a6 men6g Iohrmazd ud ~ a n n a g la5an rradom han 1 ~ u m a yx v a d

"thus these both spirits [ O h r m a z d and Gannagl, they praised themselves together in the beginning [i.e., they pronounced their sin and their virtue]".

schimnu (der

7 Cf. alsowon Ie Coq 1911, 282; Bang 1923; 147; Zaehner 1955,432: "Khomuzta (der Unnensch) und urxeufe~) sind jiingerer und aiterer ~riidsr".

101 The crucial hapax yama, undoubtedly "twins", was rendered by the Zandkt[s] as (etymologicaily related) Jumay. Old Pahlavi *yumay, "together" (glossed over "sin and virtue", cf. Blochet 1898, 2% thus having evaded the peril of making Ohrmazd and the Stinking Spirit brothers. As Schaeder 1930, 82 n.2, rightly noted, i t is simply a transcription, with a Lesezeichen (the Sanskrit version made from the Pahlavi rendered here bhumanclale,
o n the earth-circle", being a misreading: jwm'y > *zamlg).

102

~-

To return for a moment t o ~k 9.30.4, it is interesting that A h r i m a n Is called "an Amahraspand", thus making him look like a Lucifer, a fallen angel, rather than a principle absolutely opposed t o Ohrmazd, thus perhaps indicating that he was perceived by the commentator(s) to be a twin toOhrmazd. There is, probably, an indication in the following of P Y 30.3 itself, namely in PY 30.4, that the Pahlavi versions of the GaQSs were perceived to contain abbreviated and triggering
D C r1 1in the APPENDIX I t o "Sleep and Sweat"). Ia.l3(b) (cf. P

Avestan x v a f a n a , though generally rightly understood as t^sb, "sleep, dream" (AiW 1863) [cf. above, "Sleep and Sweat"], was rendered here. and onlv her?, as cad, "himself" (some partial reason for which was, perhaps, the phonetic similarity of the Avestan word t o Middle Western-Iranian dialectal forms close t o Parthian w x y b y [ w x e b e h l , "own";

associations. Thus, PY 30.4ab presupposes some knowledge of Zands like that found in Bd

P Y 30.48b(a. a t c a h i i a t t a ham mainiiO Jasaetampouruulm dazde

P a r a n a thus could be understood as "selfhood", and both twins seem to have chosen their "selfhood" deliberately (compare Zaehner 1955, 120). (In passing, it seems to me not without importance that the word x v a t u related t o x v a d , is found in the passage that was presumably the source of M a n m l speculation, namely, Y 32.1; on the link between x v a e t u andnahmr, cf. Zaehner 1955, 150). The fart that two words in a row were wrongly interpreted, white one of them was rendered so only here, requires explanation and one might suspect that the wrong interpretation was Y 30.3 and Dk 9.30.4 i s the difference intentional. My solution is that the difference between P between two mode of exegesis: while Dk 9.30.4 rightly translated Y 30.3 as "Ohrmazd u d ~ h r l m a do n brad 1 pad ewag akom[b bud hendm,.OnnnazdandAhrimanweretwo brothers in

b.gaemca a j i l a i t i m c a h i i a t c a anhat aparnm aghu5)

one womb",

it itself ascribed it to the dew AriS, "who daevically chattered

a. "Thus, too, these two "spirits" come together t o this first creation [;.e., these two mme t o

( d r a y i s t a n ) that' etc., making from the line a quotation of an idiotic statement of the "liar named 'Truth"", naturally to be frowned upon. At the same time. P Y 30.3 having been supposed to represent the shorter and the matter-offact version, read by ordinary fellows unskilled in Avestan, rendered the GSeic text in a form of
a resun+ it just had no place to explain a t I e w t h x k y O h r m a z d a n d A h r i m a n were =two

Gayffmard] b. one, too, life], I

(came) with life [Ohrmazd (came) with this effect that they could preserve more

one, too, (came) with "on-life [the Stinking Spirit (came) with this effect that they could

r e ] , who, too, is thus this until the last one among the existences [i.e., it will happen so

also to other men]".

twins and what exactly this x v a r a n a was. In other words, the 2andisti.s) of PY 30.3 wasfwere limited by the lack of place and thus forced to translate in an "incorrect" way.

103 GayGmard of thegloss to P Y 30.42 stands for Avestan paourvlm dazde, understoodby the Zandfet as "first creation" (dahlSn, one of whose meanings is "creation", regularly stands for Infinitive d a z d i l f f i ; here dazde is a finite verb). "Creation" must be understood here in the
s e e of "creature" (cf. Shaked 1994a. 54 n.15, who observed that "the two spirits came t o

104 reference t o Bahrain 1 C6ben's revolt and the mutinies thereafter?) was seer as such a tremendously important event that the defeaters are said t o "put on the shining light" (51 4); the members of all four "classes" of the Sasanian society are praised (supposedly, for their support of the ruling family) for making well to themselves, having good and peaceful mind (supporting the King?), etc. (514). Though the extant summary of the Pahlavi commentary on the Yasm in question stresses (Dk 9.30.2,8) the importance of the human choice t o discriminate between the evil and the good, nevertheless, Ohrmazd's rulership needs here special attention: it is not selfevident, one makesahrmazd (and the Avesta[n Religion]) the lord of the world when he accepts him as such (514), because choosing Ohrmazd's rulership and Avestan wisdom, Oen danagih (510). one enables Ohrmazdtobecam&
abZz, the lord of the wrld. Though basically

Gayffmard presumably as a creature, not as a deity").

An error in analyzing the Avestan

grammar provoked the midrashic reference t o the myth which was supposed to be widely known,

cf. Bd la.l3(b).

Another factor responsible for Inserting here Gayffmard was, I believe, the

phonetic similarity t o gaem (formed from the same root), which stands in the next line (rendered as [pad] zrwandagrh; [padl a.zTwandagTh stands for a j ' i i a l t r m c a , two

Accusatives understood as ^Instrumental). In conclusion, some remarks should be made about Dk 9.30 [TEXT Vl, which summarizes a lost text of a late provenance composed in circles which could be defined as ritualistically minded and open to mystical speculations. These circles were loyal to the throne and eager to stress the wellknown Sasanian "twinship" of the Religion and the State, but, at the same time, some ideas which I

this scheme possesses all the classical features of Zoroastrianism, nevertheless, one could hardly help feeling here some "Manichean' or rather "Gnostic' flavor: Ohrmazd here is too reminiscent of a savtar captured and awaiting t o be redeemed, as in many Gnostic systems. Y quoted in the summary of the Mask, while the In Dk 9.30.12 we have a version of P (containing glosses) version quoted differs from the extant PY. One could easily see from the Y 30 given in my notes t o [TEXT V] how closely the commentary surviving quotations from the P In Dk 9.30 followed the Pahlavi Yasna, building on rt, at the same time, a different text.

h e , only for convenience, "Manichean" managed t o find their way into their mode of

thinking8. Being a Wargtmffnsar sortof commentary o n t h e G 3 e a A t . t 3 . v a x 5 i I S (Y 301, this text treats liturgical effects reached by a proper performance of the ritual by a properiyminded and knowledgeable priest (51); the text included 'advices" (andarz) incorporated into the midrashic text, to look for a peaceful place where one can devote himself to religious studies (53) as long as he can, to keep one's mind always to think that which Is righteous, as "his sagacity increases" therefrom (515). t o seek the true religion, to abstain from sinning towards creations, t o strive for the benefit of people (16) as these is the means t o bring about the Renovation and the prosperity of creations. At the same time, the text saw both the Avestacn Religion1 and the [Iranian] royalty as a mans to forward the salvation of the creatures, while the mission of the Religion and the royalty is to u s e wounds and harm t o the dews and t o restore rulership to Ohrmazd (510). as it was prior t o the Mixture (gumezisn). Defeatingsome hostile ("lying", dr6zan) army (a possible

While Arl/[-1ahm originated in PY 31.5 represents a strange tradition of midrashicaggacfccharacter, it is necessary to take i t not only in the isolated context of the verse for, line) wherein in appears, but also in the fuller context of the Pahlavi version of the Yasna in question and the remnants of its commentary.
It could be an illuminating (and, at the same time,

probably, frustrating) exercise: one reveals that the texts deal with the merits of studying the Avesta and its Zand properiy and with oppression of the heretics with arms. In most cases, the Pahlavi version of the Yasna is relatively dose t o the Avestan original (cf., e-g, Y 31.18-19 [TDCT VI]); were we not in possession of both Avestan original and its Pahlavi translation of Y 31.18-19, but only the paraphrase given in Dk 9.31.22-24 [TEXT Vil], we could be easily led to the (wrong) conclusion that what we have in Dk 9.31.22-24 is, actually, a sequence of antiheretical diatribes of the period of, say, the fierce reaction to the views of Mani, Mazdak and other heretics. This is, of course, not the case, and it is why such an exercise could be frustrating: the task of dating Zoroastrian Pahlavi texts is extremely difficult

.
particular
r e
text,

m e s t of

together with some other Wargtrnznsar texts, are, on the contrary, old and IZoroastrianl reliaious meditation which Mani himself could have been able to

106 Catholic liturgies). With the disappearance of the Aramaic-speaking Manicheean communities, Aramaic Manichasan texts, including most of Man% original works. fell into disuse.

In the following pages I will try to demonstrate that the evidence preserved by the extant Pahiavi tradition of the Zands might go, in several cases, as far back as the beginning of the 3rd a n ? $ ' Sahbuhraqfin andsome passagesfound century CE, for 1 find correspondences between M in Bundahisn and Denkard 9. thus ManinsSahbuhragan should be taken as preserving older Zand material1, but first we have to turn to a brief review of some problems connected with Mani's only Iranian composition.

Unlike Zoroastrianism. Judaism and Islam, but rather iike Buddhism. Mandaism and Christianity. Manicheism had no "language of truth" uniquely containing the divine word. However, Mani, who grew in a Judceo-Christiansect as a speaker of Aramaic, was never referred t o as a non-Iranian in Zoroastrian sources; his religion was never dubbed as some sort of Christianity which in its turn derives from Judaism, as is the case, though much later, with Islam in SKand GumanTg W i z a r ( s G w ~ ) . On the contrary, Mani was called an Iranian zandlg, not an inventor of a non-Iranian religion. It is true, Manichaaism was easily disguised

c~ There can be no doubt that a substantial Manichean literature in ~ y r i a c / ~ r a m a iwas flourishing, as Mani himself wrote mostly in this language. it would contain not only the originals of Mani's works now extant only in translations or partly/entirely lost, but also perhaps translations from other tongues, iike Western Middle Iranian and Greek (and, possibly, Coptic, as there exist fragments of a Manichaean Syriac-Coptic dictionary3). Aramaic seems to be the original language of the Manichaean liturgy, thus some remnants of A m : (and Hebrew) formulas (cf. Schaeder 1930, 84 n.1) were preserved in texts in Parthian, and even in Chinese transliterations of Aramaic (cf. Yoshida 1983). There are some indications that secondary usage of AramaicJSyriac had some place among Manichean communities in the Iranian World in later epochs (cf. Sundennann 1993a. 164)4. The same phenomenon is known in the West as concerning some Hebrew and Greek cultic formulas in the Latin Catholic liturgy (and remnants of Hebrew formulas in the GreekOnhodox and Roman

as some sort of Christianity, as in the Greco-Roman West, or of Buddhism, as in China, but. i

think, the case of Manicheean mimicry in the Zoroastrian world was different Neither a Hellenist iike his Babylonian LandsmannTatian, who went West and wrote in Greek,

o r entirely Iranian by culture and iaquage. Mani chose t o trade a religion for the New Imperial
ErSnSahr on the tide of her global expansion. We shall never know for certain whether Sahpuhr. to whom Mani presented his only Persian work, named "the book written for King S a h ~ u h r " .sahbuhragan6. realized that the religion Mani was trying to sell t o him was actually a form of (Gnostic) Christianity, or the King of Kings comprehended the possible political implications of a new syncretic religion for a

new multi-cultural empire; or,

probably,

the King imagined that "the doctor from Babylon", born near the newiy-estabiished Sasanian capital, and presumably a scion to the overturned Arsacid dynasty7, speaking poor Persian (cf.

n d , an Royce 1983b, 119618, was one of those m6bads who knew how t o recite the a
explanation of the SacredAvesta? 1 On the possibility of Parthian Zands, cf. Sundermann 1979a. 784-5; Royce 1985b. 473a. 2 If 0 rioted otherwise, the terms Aramaicwd Syriac are used in this discussion indiscriminately. 3 On Syriac Manichaica from Egypt, cf. Lieu 1994, 62-4. with bibliography. It Is believed that tam's Aramaic fragments are preserved in Syrisc (Christian antl-Manichaean) writings, cf. schaeder 1926, s t a r k 1931. Of course, Aramaic, lranian, reek should count as possible candidates for the -urnlanguages of the Coptic Manichalca (though some secondary reverse developments are also possible); one i f the most intriguing examples of Aramaic impact on the 1awuage of the coptic Manichaica is M i n e used in Kephalaia (e.g., Keph 49). which was seen as a word of a possibly Semitic origin, being a derivative of Aramaic lorn, thus *l l h m c "links, connections" (cf. Syriac laoamutz, "conjunctio"),
as m2lie signifies non-material threads pulledfrom the heaven to the earth (cf. Chapter 111.1 ~ppendix 11 Sadwes). A similar notion is known also in the Mandaean tradition, where i t is called (by the originally

However, though we do know that Mani usedsomeZad traditions (Sundemann 1978). we do

not know whether he was able to read Pahlavi or recite Avestan (cmp. Sundermann 19798, 7834). The last one probably n o t as it was a priestly business, and the school training of

on-Mandaean term) q i t ra. 4 Sogdian or L'lva'nyv "wk, "in the Taiiki tune". Parthian swrva tune",. i.e... .. nw'o. "Svnac . Aramaic, cf. Sundermann 1993a. 163. The Syriac inscnptlon MSni Sailha aaVl561 MaSTHa, "Mam the Apostle of Jesus Christ", on Marii's Bema presented on a gem (cf. de Menasce & Guillou 1946) may have been peculiar to Syriac-speaking Manichseans, but probably was in use also far eastward.
~ ~

5 Edited in cte Menasce 1945. On this aspect, cf. Shaked 1990s. 6 I prefer ihis transliteration rather than the one used in :he title of the edition by MacKenzie 1979.80. for reasons of standardizationand convenience. 7 However, many scholars took Marii's Arsadd descent as a later legend. 8 Onthe r61e of the Aramsn Naozadag and Mani's ability t o speak Middle Persian andlor Parthian, cf.

Widengren 1983a. 971, and n. 6.

107 Zoroastrian priests was perhaps not yet developed as fully as in the Late Sasanian period9

108 At the close of the fourth century, John Chryisosmmus declared that the doctrines of Christ had been *ranslated into the languages of the Syrians, the Egyptians, the Indians, the Persians, and the Ethiopians

Mani himself had only an Aramaic name (though one which could be interpreted as Iranian, and this was made, indeed, by the author of Dk 3.200), and no trace of his Iranian name, KirbagTg,

- but he added "and ten thousands other nations", weakened his own evidence in regard

t o the Persian or any one version in particulad4; the Syrian bishop Theodoretus in the fifth century mentions a "Persian" version of the Scriptures, and the extant quotations in S O W from Biblical [Old and New Testament] sources may be derived from this or a similar text [cf. APPENDIX I "Biblical Quotes']; inasmuch as during the second half of the fifth century an

was preserved in sources Iranian or Manichasan proper1 O . He was called even in Iranian with an
Aramaic title, M a r ("Lord")

nanT.

The names of his partisans were mostly Aramaic, in any

case, not distinctly Zoroastrian. We know almost nothing about the cultural affiliations of people first converted into Mani's religion (outside his own family, though some information we possess about it is indecisive). We do not know, &g., whether there were among them Zoroastrian priests who could transmit Zoroastrian lore into the new faith. The use of a form of the Syriac alphabet may not indicate that the target group for conversion was exclusively the SyriacIAramaicspeaking communities: the so-called "Manichsean alphabet" could serve an Iranian language not w o w , even better, than eg,the Arabic script did later1'.

eminent teacher, Macna"of STrSz, made translations of the works of Oiodorus, Theodore of Mopsuestia and other ecclesiastical writers, from Syriac into his native Persian dialect, we may be confident that Christian Scriptures had already been translated (Metzger 1977, 276) in the fifth century. As to the situation about ManTs times, i t remains unknown. However, our sources for valuating latter Middle Western Iranian Bible translations are: the Turfan Psalms,

quotations from the LawBook, S 6 Wquotationsl ",and finally, Manl's own works. On the Jewish
side, at least the Scroll of Esther was known in some Jewish Iranian vernacular (TB Megillah lea).

The first point made by Mani concerning the question in what ways his religion is better than
the previous ones is purely political: many languages, one religion. The third point

is that all the

There existed a rich Christian literature in Sogdian, mostly translated from Syriac, but almost
nothing has survived from the Christian literature in Middle Persian in Iran proper. The reason may be the fact that the Christianization and Judaization of Iranian populations in Sasanian Iran w e accompanied by a partial linguistical-cultural Semitization, when a Semitic tongue (Syriac for Christians. Aramaic and Hebrew for Jews) became adopted as the language of religious training and writing16. When the Zoroastrian MardSn F a r r a x V son of Ohrmazd- dad wrote in the ninth century for his son his apologetic work, S G W , refuting the other religions, he included into his work long quotations from extant Middle Persian translations of the Jewish and Christian Scripture;

Ouls that did not achieve perfection1 through the former religions can reach it through that of Mani It imolies that all the souls can be saved, even those of our ancestors13. The idea of "many languages one religion" derives ultimatively from Mani's Judaic-Christian background. We do not know whether Jewish and/or Christian scriptures existed in any f o m in Iranian vernaculare about Mani's time; it is only at least a century after that we hear about such versions.

9 M 5794-T 11 D 126, cf. Henning 1933b. 295-6; Boyce 1975a. 29, seems of Mani's writinas upon those of the earlier re1iaions. The text has "oeriont" ~. place and, in its extant form, affords plenty of speculations. Among those: did M Z intend ~ to say that the earlier writings, including those of the Zoroastrians, were distorted? Does It imply he saw them? was it stated by him that the "Mania"" s c r i m was too difficult? or. did he mean that the Zoroastrians possess no writings at all? 10 Or. MSrii's name, cf. now Shapira 1999; t o the bibiiography of the topic given there add K l i m 1962, 260-270. 11 Compare Tardieu 19B2,44. 1 a d w y g dyn qyrog'n ny hnzrt, "(jene frohere Seelen, die in ihrer Religion die WeAe nicht ollaebracht haben". cf. ~enning 1933b, 296; "(by whose souls) in their own religion good actionwas not completed", Boyce 1975a. 30 n.3; tinzf t means "to be fulfilled, perfect", a dear calque of the Semitic I S I a m O / lgtallamu. In latter Middle Persian Manichsean texts, Syriac *sfllamacon-esponds to D r r g S r r h ; compare Shapira 1999. 13 I deliberately avoid here to deal with those elements of MSrii's doctrine which had Buddhist origin.

bearing in mind that a Pahlavi translation (from Syriac) of the Psalms 94-99, 118, 121-136, found in Turfan (cf. Andreas & Barr. 1933). used a local (or communal?) derivation of the ideographic Book Pahlavi script, it must have been understood by the Magian scribes without much labor. This fact implies that i f a l l or most Christian Middle Persian writings were recorded, like the Turfan Psalter, in the ideographic Book Pahlavi script, then Zoroastrians and Persian Christians would be able t o read the writingsof the other denomination. 14 But. cf. a Christian fragment in "Median" in Armenian characters published in Bailey 1943a. which

109
it is a strange fact; Zoroastrians and Christians shared the same script, whiie the people who

1 i ! ,

110 ManTsSShbuhragan is partly a pericope of Mt 24, 25:31-46 [M 475 and M 477, Miiller 1904, 11-151; Mrk 13, 16.1, Lk 21, 24.1, as has been noted for a long time. Though i t was statedthatMan? used for his book S a h b u h r a g a n some existing Middle Persian translation of the o f it (on Middle Persian Bible translations cf. Snaked 1990b) rather ~ e w ~ e s t a m e nor t ~parts l h a making his own adhoc translation into Middle Persian from the Syriac New Testamentz2,

pretended t o understand the inner

truth of the 2x4, namely the Persian (and some other

Iranian-speaking) Manichieans, used not the script in which the Zands were recorded, but another one, used for the Syriac language (which is, of course, more convenient for recording Iranian speech than the ideographical Book Pahlavi"); Pahlavi were found. However, whiie the Pahlavi Psalms from Turfan (Bulayiq) are in Book Pahlavi, a Christian Psalms' fragment from the same place in NewPersian is in Syriac script (cf. Miilier 1 9 1 ~ ) ~ ~ . The identification of

so far, no Manichsean texts in Book

o r evidence is insufficient t o pass a judgment Generally, the text was supposed t o be Tatian's
~ i a t e s s a r o n but ~ ~ ,according t o new researches, the situation was more complicatedz4; however,

one's religion with a particular system of characters used for

later on Manichseans made use of the four Canonical Gospels. I n any case, an Aramaic Voriage is traceable, for the author of the book was thinking in ~ r a m a i c ~All ~ . of Man?$ works were composed by him in Aramaic, with the exception of the Middle Persian Sahbuhragan, which is thus the only surviving literary work by Mani (as most of the original Aramaic material was presumably lost26).

writing the

same language in the later Near East (as is the case with Arabic written in Greek, Coptic, Syriac and Hebrew letters) by members of different communities may go back t o Sassanian times1 9. Among Jews, only very few linguistic communities used to record their vernaculars in "onHebrew characters, mostly, those whose languages could oniy with difficulty be recorded in a n a n t a ! scriptz0. As a rule, one may say that recording a vernacular in Hebrew characters

h i s composition (Sahbuhragm), Henning wrote: "Mani Bearing in mind t

knew some Persian and even had composed one of his books in, it is true, somewhat halting ~ e r s i a n " ~ ' . Going perhaps in Henning's footsteps, this single work written by Mani in Iranian

is a specific Jewish trait; on this basis, it seems that the Jews had less recourse t o the Middle
Persian Bible versions than the Christians, but this impression may be wrong. As t o Mani's

was seen a s full of "mistakes", "because of Mani's scanty knowledge of this language"28. Boyce
1983c, 1196, did not accept MSnTs authorship of the Middle Persian text of SShbuhragan: "whether Mani himself wrote the actual Middle Persian version [of Sffhbuhragzn] is doubtful, for years later, after long sojourn at the Sasanian court, he still chose t o be accompanied by an interpreter a t an audience with Shapdr's son, B a h r a m I... Probably,

choice o f a variation of the Syriac script to record Iranian speech, it was probably motivated by Mani's universalist outlook (though we cannot know for certain whether the "Manichsean" script in which the manuscripts o f ManTs Sahbuhragan exist now was the original script, or the text written down in, say, "Book Pahlavi" script was transcribed into the "Manichaan" script some time later.

..., as a young man he

r o t e the S h a n b u h r a g a n in his mother-tongue, Aramaic, and had it translated into Middle

17 His reason for introducing "Syriac" alphabet might be not oniy practical. BTrUnT in A 9 3 r a l Baaiyan, Sachau 1879. 190. says that Manr arranged his Sahbuhragan according to the twentyt i letters of the alphabet, the alphabet being, invariably, the Aramaic, cf. also Reeves 1992, 33; unfortunately, this information could not be proved from the fragments published by MacKenzie. H e r , the parallels both to the 21 Nasks of the Avesta, arranged accordingto the 21 words of the most holy Zoroastrian prayer, and to Mazdak's the mystical usage of letters is striking. 18 There are more Persian pieces written in Syriac characters t o be found in Nestorian texts, cf. de Menasce 1945, 178. also n. 3. 19 lt is worth notice that the Scroll of Esther reflecting Arsacid realities speaks about "royal orders sent to each nation in its own language and writing" (*characters). 20 The most spectacular exception being the Hellenisttc Jews; however, this example has very peculiar features that cannot be dealt with here. It is worth noting that Byzantine "Romaniot" Jews wrote their Greek in Hebrew characters.

21 H e e m s to have used especially the Syriac version of Tatian's Diatessaron", cf. Schneemelcher 1991, I. 401. 22 Passion and resurrection fragments M 132 and M 18 are pans of the Diatessaron, ib.; Parthian M 4570 is fromPassion Diatessam. cf. also Sundennann 1986, 82ff.. 23 I 1s a remarkable land stiii not explained) fact that the New Persian Diatessaron led. by Messina 1951). which is of great value, has survived. n 24 Thus, according to Tardieu 1987, 144, the Manichean Gospel is an abbreviated Harmony, based c Matthew as concerning Jesus' oral teachinqs and on Luke as concerning Passion events. 25 On Marii's language, cf. Lidzbarski 1927; Rosenthal 1939, 207-211: "many Iranian Mantchaean writings have an Aramaic substratum", (bid., 207 nn. 5-6, "and even Coptic ones", ib., n. 7 ; ~enning's remarks toTsui Chi 1943-46, 217: "...the~gudagan E*qwd' a f r i w a n had originally been written in the Syria= language by Man! himself"; Haloun & Henning 1952-3. 205-6: Polotski 1933. 66ff.; Vdotski 1935, 242.6-14, 243,3546). 26 It was supposed, and, probably, with right, that the account of the Syriac bishop Bar-Konay Is based on ManTs original writings. 27 Henning 1940-12.953. 28 Khanla" 1347lh1, 256.

...

111 ~ersian-29. Quotations from S a h b u h r a g a n were known a long time age8 from al-BTruni's A the Islamic period (cf. Reeves 1992.40)

112 pragmateia3I, ~ i a n t s ~ ~ , Treasure o f Life, Dawn o f T r u t h and Foundation, Gospel, S a h b u h r a g a n , and

a number o f ~ p i s t l e s ~The ~ . Middle Persian t e x t of S a h b u h r a g a n was

a volume was known in X v a r i z m , which contained the

found, however, in ~ u r f a n it ~ may, ~ ; in its extant form, be Maniasipsissima

verba. T h e t e x t o f

the S a h b u h r a g a n as quoted here, is based on the edition and translation prepared by MacKenzie
1979-80. with important contributions b y W. Sunderman".

31 Pragmateia and Gospel ('wtigiywn)

bear their Greek names, undoubtedly, given to these works by

Man? himselk this evidence is important for evaluating the ~ P C C of the Greek language in the 3rd m n t u w Mesopmamia. However, the "am of Pragmateia 1% not even mentioned in Iranian Mmich?an texts. The name probably means "stories', cf. Tardieu 1982, 55. 32 The Book of Giants, Kawan, Man1 wrote a t request o f the Parthians, ci. Keph. 5.23; the book contained material dose to, but not identical with, that of Sahbuhragan. The Enoch literature must be h e m i s o w of this wotk (ci. Reeves 1992); the mention of "Parthians" in the connection of K a w S n may be a result o f a linguistic error, as Persian p a h l a w m (from the ethnic name of the Parthians, "a

Manichean Middle Persian "mazan" is used to translate Greek 'fviw,", "giant", cf. Pahlavi " m a ~ a n ( r Q ) ~ [e-g., Ahriman mazan,gan Az spahbed, "the giant-demons of Ahriman. A ? (Concupiscence) the m m d - i n - c h i e f " , W2s 35.35, Mot6 1963, 96; Gignoux & Tafazzoli 1993, 134-Sl, Sogdian "Mzny'n Syw"; rendering the Avestan adj. 'mazaniia-', 'giant' applied t o "daevas". Cf. M3zandar3n in the anti-Manichaean passages of SKand 6umSnTg W l i S r , rendering Nephilim, "giants/abortions' fin the double meaning of Hebrew n a ~ T i I m : "fallen angels [ > giants1 I abortions', cf. Sundennann 1994b. where J.Ch. Greenfield is quoted], restored also by Sundermann in M 5900 (m'zndr'n Giancs,

Sundermano 1989, 71 n. 38; Reeves 1993, 161 n. 392). These "Mazandaran", who were glossed over as "demons", are actually 'giants', cf. also Russell 1985, 456. This use of an d d Avestan term, ethnic in its character cf. (Burrow 1973, 134.6). as an application t o imported Jewish NephlHm, Is typical for MZfl'S system of thought; but, i t is also the usage of some Pahlavi texts, derived from S[tl"dgar Nask

. ..
29 On the l-ille of the Arama'an NuhzSdaa and Mani's ability ~.t o sneak Middle Persian andlor Parthian cf. Widengren 19832, 971, and n. 6. 3 Sachau 1923, 207, 14-18; Sachau 1879, 190; Adam 1969, 5-8 -1- Keph. 1, for a parallel; cf. Boyce 197%. 29, notes; SahrestanT (ed. Cureton) 192; Adam 1969, 6, text b: Hutter 1988, 159160.

(Mole 1959. 282ff.); MSzandartn as a demonic term is used several times in MX, written down in Sasanian times; the White Dew [-.-.---.----.---.-~~ 1 of Sahnamah still dwells in ~ i ~ z a n d a r i m ~n ;D ~ M

----

594 T h e Great d e w " (dyw nan < mzndrf'n]) was distrayed by HfiGng, while TabarT calls him I b l i s (Tafazzoii 1969, 117). The Iranian tradition still uses -Great Satan- and "Small Satan" as political, ethnic abuses. The circle gets closed: an ethnic name got the meaning "demons", and the word for .dew"" h r n an ethnic slur. 33 I t should be noted that Sahbuhrag3'n was, presumably, not a part of the Eastern (Parthian-Soadiai-

113 There are many Aramaic features in Manicheear? Middle Iranian texts: in some Manichaean fragments from the Book of Giants we find Aramaic ir3' for "Watchers" of Aramaic Enoch; the word goes back t o the Aramaic parts of Daniel. And there is the well-known now (cf. Reeves 1991, 296) example of Aramaic h a t l t a , "sin", for "semen", resulting, partly, from a connection with YYT, "to abort", as a part of the Aramaic-Gnostic parlance36, used in the texts; if this, or similar, usage was found in Iranian, this should be regarded as a semantic calque

114

~T

Its Aramaic counterpart is qsyamta / qayamia [ d a m l t or, in a shorter form, simply qsyamta 1 qayamta, which may be a calque from

rania an^^, though no longer felt40 as such.

i Aramaic aayamta I a s y a m t a (the Syriac word means also "ecclesia, covenant, law,

convent"41) was later borrowed into Arabic as qiyamat-. The Arabic word, in its turn, made a
semantic impact on the New Persian continuation of the Pahiavi word, as reflected in the New Persian pronunciamn r z s t S x E. Pahlavi r i s t S x imp4ying "the rising of the [ r d s t ~ " or, ~ ~ "the , risinn-UD lrasti". having been adapted to Arabicsemantics. In other cases, an Iranian word was used as a dear calque from Semitic. It

L Q L ! E L S

[compare sub-chapter I."Sleep and Sweat"].

There are words whose range in meaning in Western Iranian and Semitic3' is close or
identical, due probably t o a common background and long period of contacts. In many cases it is impossible t o decide in which language the Middle Persian, etc. w y r ' s t ,

can be easily

illustrated by the Manichean use of d r 6 d as a word for "greeting", in the sense of Aramaic, Hebrew etc. salama, s a l a m etc. (cf. Pelliot M. 914.2.3, de Menasce 1971b. 305-6): 'md hy p d drwd, "tu est venu dans paix", cieady a calque from Aramaic ^ a i e i ManTs use of the word may reflect a specific Israel (ma-rana). 39 The idea of resurrection of the dead is of course Iranian. In the Jewish sources it was first attested 1 Ezechiel. AchEemenid epoch. 40 The Christian Pahlavi usace (SGW 15.61) was r6z T SxziinT perhaps a back-translationfrom bis13ma~~.

sense of a given word is original.

To these belongs

identical with AramaicfHebrew TON I TKN, "to repair, to

arrange, t o compose" etc. Both words are mutually fully translatable, while we use in modem languages more than one verb t o render all the shades of their meanings. This mutual translatability of Iranian and Semitic words might sometimes blur our judgment as t o Man%

as a designationthe land in which Jesus appeared as a messenger

and well-attested

- ~ewish-~abylonia expression n~~ for the Land of

sources or the original language of some given pieces. How easy Mani's work in picking up his
i n vocabulary sometimes was can be demonstrated by the example of his word for

resurrection: Man1 chose existing Zoroastrian terms to render his Aramaic vocabulary. The Pahlavi term for "resurrection", "the rising of the dead", r l s t d x contains the word for '&ad', s t a - , and the verbal root "to stand up, to arise" (on the vocalization r i s t a x e z in Manichcean Middle Persian, c f . MacKenzie's notes in his edition of ~ a h b u h r a g a n ~ ~ ) .

s , r

ac 4, Ct Broc~emmn 1928. 6530. n ran, t a d " and .nqnteoiis" sere Ireqi-ently seen as s>rion,rno.s. cl Srapra 1997 ( rope to 2 u t SaSanan Ira", 2 pem-3 e,ec.ted 0, ,m.m ,o ,"S t0C.c ~ ~ ~ ~ " mean*" ~ , e e, , :: 5 -0.t" "OtCe r a z court of a*, was s-coosea to become "nnhteo.~. ana -norm" of the Best Ei-s~cncc. m n ..

"

35 In statusabsolutus! But this i s also the case with man? 'Svriac" (i.e.. Svriac and Aramaic) loan

he repented his sin, ~ f s . ayisi i a y a s t 8.6, ~ ~ 1930, ~ 106: ~ ud g a r rad sar brTdan l"ram3yEd. pad gy5g ahlaw. Lid sat& 6 yaziSn, "and if ratuorders to cut his (the sinner's) head, he (the sentenced person) becomes "righteous" on the spot, and the s a t S i ceremony is to be celebrated". The Jewish idea mTtStC kappSrStS/taqqSngtS, "his death is his menwcorrection", found elsewhere, may serve as a parallel. 13 Schaeder 1926 quoted an Aramaic poem composed presumably by Man7 preserved by Bar Konay in the 11th bookof his KataQS* HaEskOlyOn (ed. Pognon p. 128:Sff; CSCO Scrypt. Syr. I! Vol. 66 p. 314:ZOff.): Er sprach [der Lebendige Geistl zu ihm [dem Unnenschen]: w,m~ l h "Friede Ober dich, Guter, innatten der Basen, i l m 'lyk tb' dbyt Dyi'

conquests. 38 Tafazzdi 1974b, 339 mentioned also the vocalization of the word r i s t S x e z in Zoroastrian Middle

....

Persian and Manichean Middle Persian, against rustax?z in F 3 r s and rSstSxSz in New Persian. Baygnu-'b'adyan by al-'-AlawT has: "(alb-gum tiem patdl "asti" I Hormazd U Amipandan, <pa(dl> rustaxez", as a phrase loid by a MObad in a fire-temple in F S r s t o Muqqadasi", after showing him a copy of the and reading a passage from it; this New Persian passage was compared to the two extant Middle Persian ones: pad hastlh <P YazdSn . ud IstSxEz .. abe-guman horn, FT, 87 54, and ... ud bodan T ristaxez .. abe-guman badan, FT 44 5 16, Tafazzoli 1974b. 339.

myt, "Komm zu Heil, bringend die Schiffsiast vonFrieden uod Heill". gyn' w i l m ' The translation in Adam 1969, 18, is different. Cf. also Widengren 1950, 94-95. 44 ~ ~ r i j (cf. n r Sachau 1923.207.17) also used M a r r i bin his quotation from Marii's Sahbuhrag~n. 45 It is quite possible t h a t not miy Jews, but also other speakers of Aramaic in Babyionla designated Palestine, Phoenicia etcetera as "the West". I, however, am aware only of the Jewish usage. The later speakers of Syriac in the Nastonan East and the MonophysiteIMonophylite West may have lost the sense of their cultural unity and thus lost the need to refer t o each other by geographical, rather than religious, designations. t'grt

115 Mani's "Religion of Light" may derive its designation from a Jewish tradition: i t is only among Jews, of ail the speakers of Aramaic, that a bilingual pun was possible, juxtaposing the words for "light" and "Religious Teaching", namely, 'Orayta, the Jewish Aramaic for Tflrah. Though Aramaic O r a y t a and the Hebrew Tflrah are both derived from the same root for "to teach", Aramaic ' O r a y t a was frequently understood as containing the Hebrew ' O r "light", which is impossible in Standard Aramaic or in Syriac, where another root for "light" was used. The Hebrew saying, no doubt based on this Hebrew-Aramaic pun, states: T 6 r a h h 1 H 'flrah, "the T 6 r a h is [the] Light". It was thus perhaps from this Jewish tradition that Mani derived the name "Booksof Light", cf. Keph 5.23.

116 In the last case, the original reading was "*the Son of God is strong", being, in my view, an I l i o n t o the words of John the Baptist in Mt 3.10. It is Mani's JudEeo-Christian background that makes possible to explain a problematic word in the SShbuhragZn. The demons-tormentor, d y w - ~ i[ n y l x r w s t ' r , was restored in

Sahbuhragan 33-34 & 206, cf. MacKenzie 1979, 523. MacKenzie told us that Mani'sown d e i g n of the Adversary of the Fiend means "tormentor", not "reproacher"; he rejected the older translation ("the verbal noun

... must

be something stronger than mere rebuke,

"torment", <

reproach"), arguing that there are two partly synonymous verbs, 1: nxrwhyd, nxrwh-,
'reproach", <Old Persian * n i - x r a u 5 , Avestanxraos; and It nyxrwst, nyxrwh;

The ManichEean use of Iranian s'f)r\n nwg 5?rembodying a conceptionof the New Paradise as
the New Aion as well, due to the dual meaning of the Syriac word 'a1 ama, "world, age, a m ' ' 4 6 ,

* n i - x r a u d - , the two to be put apart in Boyce 1977, 99. But even i f MacKenzie's postulation
about the existence of two "partly synonymous verbs" is wrong on the Iranian part (and I believe, it is not), we are able, nevertheless, t o strengthen MacKenzie's view about the range of meaning of the verb in question by a parallel from Mani's own iinguistical background Zecharia 3 . was ~frequently ~ ~ used for magic purposes, thus one may expect Mani to have

a s noted many years ago by Mary Boyce (cf. Boyce 1954, 16 n . 7). It was the temporal aspect
of the Semitic word that preceded the spatial one47. The choice of this particular Iranian w r d She, t o render calsmS, indicates perhaps Mani's acquaintance with Iranian legendary history as reflected in some Nasks abbreviated in the Denkard: "Shr of NN", "the rulerehip of NN", was understood as "ageof NN", and then thesame S h r was introducedto render the concept of "world". Thus, we find in the SSbuhraqSn: 'ndr Shr, "in the world".

been acquainted with it. Magic in Babylonia was an international business, easily crossing religious and cultural boundaries. Many magical texts were composed by Jews for Gentiles, while using Jewish, including Biblical, formulae, sometimes in Hebrew, sometimes translated into Aramaic The zicharia t e x t reads y ^ y a r Satan2
YHWH bad2 hasearan (the Syriac version reads:

Skjairva 1996b, 241, called the use of the verb wFf t- ( w i y ift-) "deceive, lead astray" "especiaily noteworthy", as it applies "both to the deceived worshipers and t o the idols themselves". In my opinion, this usage is a semantic calque from the Aramaic T cY, "to go astray, wonder, err", from which the substantive t a c G t a is formed, applied t o idols and idolatry,

n e g q r bad Marya, in King James'sversion, T h e Lord rebuke thee, 0 ata an")^^.

The original Hebrew has here the verb gSCar,generally rendered as "to rebuke". The more exact range of the meaning of the Hebrew word was studied in Macintosh 1961; in Genesis Apmvphon,

s only the translation back into Aramaic that enables us whence Arabic Wt. In some cases, it i
t o reach a better understanding of Mani's intention, as in M 18, "[in] truth [he] is the Son of

eg (cf.Beye' 1984. 176). one finds: w k % ?!y <Iy w c l b y t y w

u mmnh

rwb, d, bayst, w $ l y clwhy

... w

w mnh rwh, b2ySt,, "andnow pray for meand

w4% where the Aramaic version could be easily reconstructed as *Zrr'

Srr' vocalised * g a r a r Z [ ' l , "truth' or *gar

hw b r " d31h',

for my wife (byty, "my house"), that this evil spirit may be expelled from us... and I

r r a [ '1,

"power" (Sumpid.

(Abraham) prayed for him

... and the evil spirit was expelled from him (the Pharaoh)".

A shade

of the Hebrew meaningof ga'ar

here survives, in my opinion, in its original meaning, in the

1
46 8ut =IS ~m chns~im M ~ W I S G W 1s.116: smah az sn & hca, man M azas horn, "YOU are of thk but Iam wt of it", cf. John 8.23. 47 me (rather late) development of Semitic cCIam. '#lama, 'Slam from "(eternal) time" TO -world" is due perhaps to the impact of Persian gab which has three meanings: "place, throne, time", in passing, note the Persian semantics of the Aramaic loan word in Armenian, at'or, "thronem. 8 Cf. Molier 1904, 3-1-6; interpreted by Alfaric as Pan of Mam's L i v i m Gosoeh studied in Tolman 1919; readings improved in Klimkeit 1989, 401ff.

Syro-Palestinian Arabic k a ' a r , "to reject, to expel"51. I t was this double sense, "rebuke" 1

!
I

49 T^ie Book of Zecharia belongs to the Persian Period and is full of Iranian material; the idea of Satan, a is i I known, was not onginally &wish, thus the locus Is a priori suspected of Iranian influence. 50 Cf. Naveh & Shaked 1987. A1.5-6 (pp. 40-1) and 811.5-6 (pp. 184-51, where the orthography is vulgar and differs considerably from the as so relic text. 51 Macintosh 1961 made references to Egyptian and Syrian Arabic colloquialisms, but not to this particular word; cf. also hat1 blk'ar nan, "he pursued/hauntedone"

117 of the Biblical verse (cf. MacKenzie's "reproach" 1 "torment") that was rendered by ~anias[nylxrwst~~. Another group of Mani's terms has no possible Semitic equivalents and must thus reflect Iranian notions current in Marl's times. To this group belongs the important term denwar, translated by MacKenzie as 'religious". This highly interesting term ultimately goes back t o Mani's "Iranian", not "Semitic", background. There is no indigenous Semitic word for "religion" in our modern sense: New Hebrew for "religion", dat. is a Late Old PersianIArchaic Middle Persian loan words4; Aramaic (whence Hebrew and Arabic1 or", resultsfrom a contamination of da > d l n with homonymous Semitic for "Judgment" [cf. in ~ n t r o d u c t i o n ] ~There ~. is no Semitic word Icould think of that would stand behind Mani's drnwar. Theterndoes notseemto have been coined by Manl, but existed before him and was used by him. However, it does not mcur in Iranian sources that could be dated ante Manl. The word dyny, in two senses: I ) , ""religion' (mazd&nne)" and 2), "den (double eschatologique)", occurs only in Middle Persian inscriptions of ~ i r d e (cf. r ~ Gignoux ~ 1972, 22). No doubt, Mani'sperception of d g n w a r wasconnected

118

The extant Sytiac version was seen as departing considerably from the original text, due to its
systematic catholicizing effort, thus "Bride" was replaced by "Church" in the Sytiac version.

However, ifone substitutes the Iranian den for 'edta

symnymous.5~

l C i d t a a n di j xopn, bothnotions become

After these remarks on the vocabulary of Maril's Sahburiragan, we will turn t o a comparison of several passages of this work with some Zoroastrian Pahlavi passages preserved in books whose final redaction is centuries later than Manl's epoch. However, the similarities between both groups entitle one to suggest that these passages were known t o Man1 and t o his Zoroastrian readers/hearersS9 in some form. and, moreover, that Mam made efforts t o

make it clear that he refers t o familiar Zoroastrian tore, with the aim to disguise his teachings and t o pass them as a better exposition of Zoroastrianism. First of all, Mani's Sa'buhragan was entitled dw bwn, "two baseslorigins", and it is tempting t o compare this name to that of BundahiSn (though this name and its age is problematic). Man7 wrote in his SahbuhragZn (MacKenzie 1979, 504-5) A 10-1 6:

with his own "twin reflection", and d e n w a r must be translated not as "religious", but as "righteous", "one bearings7 theimageof hisgooddaena in his own soul", "one who shall see a beautiful dan o r the like, as only the righteous ones wili see her in glory. "ecclesia", /'ifita, Sytiac for

from Hebrew 'Faah, "community", was used in a very interesting b r t nwhr' ..will alsojoin himself to them. And at that time, when things60 wili be thus in the worid61, [then] also on earth and in heaven, and on the sun and moon, and in the constellations (of the zodiac) and the stars, a great sign will appear".

sene in the Hymn of the Bride preserved in Acts of Thomas. The Hymn begins; 'dty z y w dmik' 'yt Ih, where the Greek reads:

ti

to5 qwiAc &OTdmpetc., "The Ecclesial

Bride is the daughter of Light". 52 Prof. Sh. Shaked and Prof. 1. Naveh kindly drew my attention to the fact that the late Prof. J.Ch Greenfield wrote on this word. in fact. Greenfield 1980, xxi'vfll-Xmxix, came t o the same onclu%ions about the meaning of the word in the Hebrew Bibie ('roar, rebuke" 1 "to turn back, drive out") and in Aramaic magic contexts ('to drive out'). I am thankful tothem for that remark. 53 Thouah it Is not imoossible that M Z r G knew some Hebrew. nevertheless. this oarticular examnle does not necessarily imply it, as the Syriac and Aramaic use of the word in this formula may have been known also to people who did know no Hebrew a t all. k is of interest that the same lranian verb was used by MSni's archenemy K i r d C r i n KKZ 13f.. as was noted in MacKenzie 1979, 523: 'Pm nhlwsty H WHd. "and I tormented them".

Though these ideas could be easily explained as taken from the apocalyptical fragments of the New Testament, nevertheless, it is plausible t o suggest that Mani did refer on purpose t o Zoroastrian passages like that preserved in ZWY 6.4:

58

cf. sundennann 1996, 418b.

at

on the abstract parthian denafiarrrt, "unders~oodas a collective

..

56 A special study undertaken by me has shown t h a t there are many parallels between Mams and Kirde'r's texts; my conclusion is that Klrdervras forced t o use the parlance created by Mam. i hope t o publish my results in the future. 57 Cf. Sundermami 1996, 418b: "Old Iranian -bars-'carrying,' rather than S-bar-'to bring.'"

designation for the Manichean church as a whole". 59 Prewmbly, t o 5zhp"hr.

60 y I

c caique from ~ramaic gatlo, "thing; desire'; Caw (*33bG) was used in F-ahiavi a 1

an Aram=ogram for xgr.

...

61 As already mentioned, 'ndr 3hr. "in the world", a semantic calque from Aramaic 'SlamS.

119 ka be ayend, Spitaman Zardu[xlt xvarsed nezm n i 5 a n nlmayed, u d mah

120 Sahbuhragan (MacKenzie 1979, 504-507) A v 17 (41)-24 (48) indicates that the idea
of "anoels/messengers" was not unfamiliar to ManiasZoroastrian audienc:

a :

gonag warded pad gehan nezm u d tom t a r i g r h bawed pad asman ni5Snag 1

gonag.gonag paydag hawed ud bum.candag w a s hawed ua wad ~ t a h m a g . t a t ~ ~ aysa ua pad gehan m y a z ua t a n g ~ hud d u s x v a r l h w e s 6 aeaar ayea u d ud ahrmazo wad tar.2" r a y padixSShIh rayenend,

~i101r

"0 S p l t a m a n Zofoaster! When they wili come, the Sun wiil be veiled63, the Moon wili
change color and there wiil be haze, darkness and gloom on earth, various signs wili become manifest in the sky, there will be many earthquakes, the wind will blow stronger, much need, distress and misfortune will appear on earth, and Mercury and Jupiter will determine the sovereignty t o the wicked".

"andthengodXrade<ahrwiil send messengers toeast andwest. and they w i i l w and [bring] the

religious with (their) helpers, and those wicked ones [together] with (their) accomplices, before Xradesahr".

The meaningsof NewPersianfor"angel", f e r e s t e (Panhian f r y s t g , Armenian h r e s t a k ) and for "messenger, ambassador65, f e r e s t e (Middle Persian p r y s t k l f r y s t g , ~ramaic and Syriac p r y s t q ' ) must antedate the Islamic period: two Arabic words for "messenger" cannot be gwdcandidates, asArabicma1 'ak is a loan word from Aramaic, having no etymology in Arabic,

sahbuhragan ( ~ a c ~ e n z i1979, e 504-5) A 9-10 (w d y n w r k y x [ w y s l dyn ny w ' d . "and the "religious' who may not believe in his own religion") finds its parallel in
ZWY 4 . ~ 3 6.m ~ ~ : pad han 1 x v e s den ne wurrayend, "they will not believe in their

s a calque from 5slThS IcoioGtcAoc; though word-lists to Manichaem texts while Arabic r a s i l l i
register f r y s t g l f r y s t g as "apostle, angei", however, the contexts 1 was able to check do not

own religion".
support the meaning "angel". In fact, there is not much room in MZnTs mythology for "angels".

S~hbuhragan (MacKenzie 1979, 504-5) A r 17-18 (ps xrdyshr y2d hJn k y n x w s t w y

@ S I ! d,m, "then Uadesahr (the god of the w d d of N who first that

acreation...")

The only occurrence of the word in question in the sense of "angel" 1 am aware of is that found in SahbuhragSn (MacKenzie 1979. 508-9) C v 5 (125): I g h l y p r y s t g a n 'br awisoyrdq'n gwm'r(yd) w s n tgiyr'nd w 'w 'wyS'n

should be compare t o Bd 1a.6 [cf. APPENDIX li Fraganl:

dw?wx '(bg)[n-nd], "then he

i z d i s t asman dad, r o 5 n paydag, i aber dQr.*kanarag,

T hast gohr almast,

xayag.des, x v a n a h e n

(XradeSahr) appoints angels over those evildoers, and they seize them and cast them into hell".
We should remember that Maniashearer/reader was

no other than the King of Kings; Mani's

"f~rst,~e (ahrmazd, rhe 'Lord

y&&m") created

Sky, btight and manifest, with extremely

personages should be familiar to him. Thus, Man7 wisely refers to the god of the world of wisdom Xradesahryazd, "who first made that male creation", implying that Sahpuhr would comprehend that X r a d e s a h r y a z d is, of course, the well-familiar "Lord Wisdom", who created, in the.beginning, the male Sky.

remote boundaries, in the share of an egg. of shining metal that is the substance of steel, male".

62 cereti 1995, 141: stambagcar. 63 With C e d i 1995, 160 n. 34. 64 nus assuming that this zoroastrian passage not necessarily reflects latter vicissitudes of the zoroastrian church, but is rather an old literary top-.

!
65 But also lerestadeforrasill. nabr.

122 121

. -

In

5 7 7 two Pahlavi synonyms are used, a s t a g abargar

and paygambar; a b a r g a r

So, using here prystg'n, "angels", MSrfi could be sure that he will be understood by the King.
And indeed, in a Pahiavi text, which, according to Boyce l985b. 473a. would be a Parthian zand,

probably reflects Avestan u p a r c - k a i r i i a - , Vd 19.13, 16 (cf. Mole 1967. 187); the normal Pahlavi meaning of a b a r g a r is "god, divinity" (cf. 8d 18.16). His possible that the semantics of this word were similar to those of Greek-

e . , a text that already hadexisted about Mani's time, namely in Dk 7.4.74-78 (DkM 639.17ff.;
Mole 1967, 56-7), we read:

or Hebrew m a l ' a t . The point is thatthe idea

of a non-human being serving as God's messenger was no news to the King (bothto Wl s t a s p and tosahpuhr).

Another fragment from Mani's work makes a clear reference to a problematic Zoroastrian

Zad. The fragment inquestionis Sahbuhragan (MacKenzie 1979, 504-5) A 1-9:

pa ayw'n

'wd

...

]bw[

i(p)tg (kw)[ l(.dPnd w gw'nd

[kw 31mh [ylzd'n

pyysgr hwm

** (..m...)

p d c y n pna *yg 'mti [Im r d w m v pr'yst ~ y p s l ~ n d 'ws'n l

rw'nd,

pd dw<qyrdganylhl q'm

. . w i t h demons and ... will

... and say, "We are the agentsof the gods68.

[You should go1 in this

path of ours". Mankind will mostly be deceived and will proceed according t o their (the false 74. Ohrmazd sentasmessengersWahman,A<wahi3t and the bountiful fire

...

prophets') will t o do evil".

77. The Fire i f Onrmazd said in a human voice: "Do not be afraid! Because there is nothing for you to be afraid of. 0 powerful Kay W i t a s p Those who have come to your abode are not messengers of A r j a s p ! Those who have come to your abode are not two similar to ArJSsp. wishing tribute and revenue! Those who have come t o your abode are not all-conquering (men), greedy thieves, or highwaymen!". 78. We are three who have come to your abode: Wahman, Aswahlst, and also the bountiful Fire of the Lord The corresponding passage is included in Dk 9.32 (DkM 835-841; cf. West 1892, 25260% which is supposed to be a commentary on the xvadamed ( x v a t u m a I Ham1

g a d o f t h e W a r s t m a n s a r Nask. Thisfragard isa commentary onY 32, the S l t l d d g a r

and B a g Masks versions are given in Dk 9.9 and Dk 9.54 respectively. The beginning of this
commentary in the W a r t m a n s a Nask version, being a very free paraphrase of PY 32. indicates that the Zandists defended fiercely the idea that the forces of evil who punish the transgressors arenot uhrmazd's agents. Dk 9.32.1-3 is as follows:

...".

68 ylzdan oayssgar. .teachers". 69 D k 9. 32.14-22 (DkM 838-20-840.12) transcribed and translated in Mole 1967, 208-9; Dk 9. 32.23 (DkM 840.12-171 transcribed and translated in Mole 1967. 211; several passages were treated in Mole 1963, 225 (Dk9.32.121, 227 (Dk9.32.131, 228 (Dk9.32.191

124
1. The ninth fragard, X v a e t u m a i ti,

is about the coming of three deceitful demons, and their

lamenting to Ohmazd, that He, through this lament, should consider and reward them and join (Himself) t o their power t o destroy the creatures.

2. These demons *vomited *saliva by clamourous supplication from the abyss^

that he is the family that

upwards, one is undeceitful, another one that he is the community that is undeceitfui,

and of the third one that he is the clan that is undeceitful. saying that, namely: 'We are that spirit when the members of a family, a community, a clan do not break promises, one with the other;

afe we not really Thy tocte? Our religion and law are Thine, and we do Thy will; we assist those
who are Thy friends, and we injure those who are Thy enemies; we are those who ask Thee of a

w i t i o n in the best existence, the reward that is a reward of the worthy".

3. The reply of Ohmazd t o them was thus: "You u h out t o Hell, t o this m s t homiole source, as you are all from demon(s) and your seed is really from Akoman (Evil Thought), ;.e., your seed is from there where AkOman (Evil Thought) and W a r a n (Lust) the destroyer and also A? (Greed) the Swallower, and 1 n d r the Slayer, too, (are), the splrit(s) of the religion of heresy.

You deceive the worldly people as to good life and propagation of immortality and you first tight

up their minds'".

70 Spelled ~ k l w n d ~ ; k l y y . a f r e ,stands for Avestan a-rrya-; Middle and New Persian a q a n a it

seems, however, that the passage 1 s derived from Pvd 15.47. where one finds 0 bun T a 9 a n T tom n a , with ^rang standing for Avestan arqat0. 0 " this basis, it would be proper lo k e emendour ~k passage and to translate it: "to Hell ... t o the source of the wicked [of]darkness ('erang
*1 * t o m y . 71 Zaehner 1955. 171: 3zaz T anhantZr, vm%tlate''.

I: Cf fnocn 10.13. abyss of fife as place of pi-n-nmer"; 0rgA.d 126 22-23, 3& (the "coos" acoii sns are to Do cast a w n i n ab,ss). Tariiiros O C O A the A W S S (hipArcn 95.12,; Eacin as pr85on of
0 .

n c M m cf Cnavawics Pe jot 1913 514-5 528

125

The unnameddemonscomplain t h a t although they d o O h r m a z d ' s job and will and are his tools
(abzzr), they do n o t get, nevertheless, their reward. They go on and complain that O h r m a z d does n o t add t o their rower t o destroy (His, presumably, wicked) creatures, who later implicitly

Its Pahlavi version is as follows:

h 3 n [ g y a n l T a w e pad i^E<ih

=bag ~ ~ ermanih x v g s t ha" Ia w e w a ~ a n T h

are caikd Ohrmazd'senemies; they also tell that they are of U h r m a z d ' s Religion. No, answer;
Ohrmazd, you do it on your own, it is your evil nature that pushes you t o the destruction of your own ~ u iRealm. l From Ohrmazd's answer it is dear that the three unnamed demons have some specific links with W a r a n , Az, I n d r , who

[ha" m i z d T o h r m a z d K^S< dewan pad 6" k c w a i a h u d e r m a n T t o h e m a.san o h xvast1 h a n T a w e d e w a n p a d man m e n i s n l h IkCiman m e n l s n d r r a r o n c i y 6 n

are akomentioned in the S l t l f f d g a r commentary

u d a.marg.rawlSnTh1.

of Y 32, namely D k 9.9.1; they could be even identical with these. Their sin i s described as
leading astray as to "good life" and "immortality" (huzTw?ni<n

The Dkaccount issupposed to be based on PY 32.1, which reads:

Compare a few translations of this passage: (for bliss) from him shall the nobility beg; from him the community with (its) sw~ality; "~nd from him, (even) the daCva-adherents Idae'uuSl on my terms ImatimT marniii, for I r i s luruuzzamal from~hura the wise. (~eople:) ~ e us t be messengers 1d0tSnh01for (your) strengthening IeSffil; for restraining those who are-hostile-to you (Wilkins Smith 1929); "(to the gods). A t my insistence ImahmI manoil, ye gods, the family, the community together with h e a n . entreated for the grace of ~ i m (uruuazams), the wise ~ o r d ,(saying:) ' ~ e t us be ~ h y messengers, in order t o hold back those who are inimical t o you"" (insler 1975):
"7% family entreats, the community along with the tribe (do so) in my recital (mahmI man~174!. 0 youDaevas, (entreating) for His. the Wise Ahura'3 favour; "Let us be Thy househdd~
Thou breakest up (the groupings of) chose who hate You"" (Humbach 19661 d i i t % h ~Zqhamai. ~~ 1991); I n my recital, 0 Dacvas, the family and tha community along with the tribe ask for His, Mazd5 ~ h u r a ' s . favor (by praying): "Let us be your people. You scatter those who are hostile t o you""(Humbach & Ichapona 1994); "Of Him have they sought -family, community together wish the clan, Of Him, o false gods, a t my inspiration ImahmI man6ll; His, the Wise Lord's blessing: Mawe be Your messengers, t o hold back those that hate You,"" (Schwartz 1986. 3391.

7 6 his word (translated by west 1892, 252: "serf, serfdom") means -community etc."; it translates (cf. ~habhar 1949, ~lossary,168) varazffna- (which was differently rendered: warzlsn, walanth, 1425; ~ e ~ersian w has barzart; it was frequently confused (cf. also ~habhar 1949. Glossary, cf. A ~ W 168) with pi,g a l an, according t o Myberg 1974, 80, "the gang, the villains labouring on the estates of the king". Old Persian garda2, "servant, worker" (Elamite Huwta5, Aramaic grij131, Babylonian ~ i ~ r~ ai), Lugar-du), old lndie ~ ~ -servant", h a ~ hg g a ~ "familye, ~~ t-> pahlavi ~ gat ~ "attendants, followers, household". Cf. KNAP 10.8 (Tafazzoli 1990, 51-2); 9513" T K i m hSm6Yen
r

i^astag ud bunag 6 drubuStIh 1 d i z 7 *GuIZrSn "!had, "theattendantsoftheDragon

deposited aii their p~onerty, weaith and baggage in the citadel of the fetress ~ u ~ a r a n q - .a l q ~ y b e r g 1974, 80) in Ayadgzr 1 ZarerZn25, should be read d 5 r "blade" ITafasoli 1990,511. 7 7 ~robably,an old emendation for the original *dUdag, "household". The reading is problematic: Dhabhar 1949, Glossary, 154, 197: *dffwag, "messenger, etc."; dCwag, in PY 32.13, this word translates maneran6 d a t l m AiW 749 supposed *gswag; the gloss rayenIdarsupports the meaning like that suggested by Sartholomae and Dhabhar, rather than the original 'dadag, household". It is nol mpossible that 1Sbag in Dk 9.32.1 is a destortion of THe same word here.

73 Schwartz 1986: *vrZzamZ. 74 maria bainq a technical term (Humbach 1991, 11. 77). 75 ~enerallyconnected with Vedic dots-. .messenger", but must be equated with dod. dudag. "smoke", hearth, family" (Humbach 1991, 11, 77).

.T
I
127 That [the life] asked (to be) His own, that of the community (together) with that of the clan [this reward of Ohrmazd Himself, the demons, in these (words): "we are Thy community/ adherent($) and clan/friend(s)"; so they askedl his demons in my mind [i.e., o f a h r m a z a [sothey askedl 128

comeare ~k 9.32.2 awesan myGg *w

az zurray 6 burz mag e w a z i h a a x v z r a

i adru]l$n e w q k u

k c X X E E T a a r a j i s n ud ewagaz k g

our thinking is as righteous as that (of) Zoroaster] this joy

i adrGji<n h a d m g u r t pad En k c " h m men09 hem ua xK Erma" ud

e w q =bag d i d m i h r

n a r m e n d ...,e t c

We are thy speakers 1i.e.. we are Thy arrangers], we hold (back)78 those who hurt Thee
[Le., we hold them back of Theel.

This version should be compared with that of Dk 9.9.180:

hagtom f r a g a r d

'
ann nag
men6g r a y

xvadamed abar pahrez i az eziSn i

m a s t s w a n i Den ua han T az e z i s n i indr u d 0 s a w a r r a y [email protected] The Avestan t e n o f Y 32.1 was translated in the Pahlavi version mostly etymologically. word by word; it seems, nevertheless, that the text remained obscure, perhaps, on purpose. Dews,

h a ia ray

n 1 T

a ud

a
han

w-mfig.dwarisn, u d han az

e m

Akatas

dusnigeraygar,

az

ezlsn

hamSg

dewan

ray

meaning here, perhaps, "gods", not "demons" (compare the translations by Insler and Schware),
is clearly Vocative. In Y 32.1a. a i i l a c a was analyzed by the glossatordifferently from ah1 12, for reasons rather graphical than textual (>( looks very much as x " , so the glossator of [gyan79] confused it with a * ) , the grammatical cases of x'faStuS ..": vsrszsnam m a t xve<ih

amar.gan.dad mardom u d Snayenidan madagwar,

The eighth fragard, xvadam (is) about the avoidance (care/abstinence81) and special propitiation of people of non-reliance on the Avesta, because of (being involved in) the worship

a r i lamna" were misunderstood (han i awe

... han

i awe w a i a n l h ab2g

of the Stinking Spirit (namely) because of (practices like) the worship of Indr, and of Sawar,
practicing being ungirdled with the sacred kastig-girdle; because of the worship of T a w n c i d zair1c8^, (daevicailv} walking around with one shoe; and because of the worship of Amatas, who (the demon A k a t a 5 is the) producer of bad observance; and because of the o r s h i p of all the demons, practicing being without the serpents-killing-mace.

was grasped; the problem is, however, ~rmanih), but the general sense of 32.1a and 3 2 . 1 ~ ~ i tY h 32.1 b. one point of importance is that a h i i a daeuua mahmT man61 (the daevaadherents - on my terms; at my insistence, ye gods; in my recital, 0 you Daevas; 0 false gods,
at my inspiration)redeed as ha"

awe dewan pad man m e n i s n ~ h ,

"m&morn

by

my thought", whichseems t o be, by thezandsts' standards, a rather faithful translation. it is not impossible that h5n men09 h in 9.32.2 is an echo of this Z a d ,

78 ~ h infinitive * daralio, "to push back, zur~ckzuhalten", rendered well by sense, especially in the gloss, but grammatically wrong. 79 ~n interesting gloss, no doubt, of some age; there are more examples for rendering a<llScS by gy~n~ , f mabher . 1949, ~iossary,140. cf. also ~k 9.32.3: f m rrmeo mardom [TI g e t ~ g ad
i nd

80 Dk 9.9: DkM 792.17-794.4: DhS XVII. 13-16; DkD missing folios 147.7-150.1; West 1892, 181185. I I similar double sense The verb is used In M a n ~ s SahDuhragan 131 (~ac~enzie 1979, 508-91: Plwd k' w d ~ S h ry z [ d w {hr o h w % "andwhen gcdxradecahr will m%f~ the rid..:.

. m g . r w ~ s n r t i "you , deceive the wcridly people as t o good lifeand propagation

of .

92 OnTere5 ( T a r i c l in Esther, and Haman's wife, Z e r e 5 (Zari?), cf. Snaked 1985, 51% d.mlso Duchesne-fiuillemlne 1953.

129 b e n other cases ( e 4 , Dk 9 6 as compared to Dk 9 29), it is the War$tmanszr version, rather than that of the S [ t l d d g a r Nask, that preserves the older material, while that of the S [ t l G d g a r Nask underwent serious censorship, exactly because being originally of mythological character, was entitled to be more popular. e c i l dignity of zardu[x15trfl:om

130 was replaced by bahragbed, "the headof the frontier

post". Moreover, Sundermann 197% 786, hasobserved that in the Sahbuhragan theorder of

the five sons of Mihryazd corresponds t o the order of the rat= found in Zoroastrian texts (as in the case of Dk 9.32.23 and, according t o my identification, also in Dk 9.32.2), white in other Manichsean texts the order is different. To these should be compared another Zoroasuian t e x t though a much later

We do not know who are these three demons or what their names are [cf, APPENDIX Ill H z r u t
w a n a r o t l ; they represent themselw as ?+?wag kfi
i adrdJl5n m a g ka

one, namely

Grad 29.1: gowed pad Den ku: han $a5 radTh [ T

X U -

1 a d r n j i s n "d ewagaz k o

k i w a n l , har ewag ew r a d ew hast, "He says in the Avesta: "those sixa4 (spiritual)

I adnljign,

"one that he is the

that is

undecemtful, another one that he k the -that is the &that is undeceitful".

k undeceithi, and of the third one that he

means that ) each (continent) has a (spiritual) rad-". rad-ships" [of the c o n t i n e n ~ s l ~ (it ~;
There are two ways to explain the deviation in Dk 9.32.2 from the normal rendering (*man, *wis, * z m d > x U S i h . w a l a n i h , Crmffnih): 1) another, peculiar, probably, I x a i

i t btemptjngtofind underthetemxLE5Th. w a l m i h , e r m z n r h another, oiderstnmm, such as the (partly synonymous) sequence *man, ^wis, *zand. Indeed, the sequence is found further in this fragard (Dk 9.32.23)83. 1 believe that the terfhsin question areconnected tothe terms found in Mani's Sanbuhragan, who, in

tradition of ZandisB; 2) secondary and conscious substitution of the older *man, *wls, *zand by the newer Manichasanconnotations. I find an allusion t o (Manichasan?) unauthorized distortion of Zoroastrian Zands in Ok w a l a n r h , Ermanih. when the older sequence became tarred with

my opinion, used while composing this work,

Zoroastrian zands similar (if not close till identical) t o Xvadamed f r a g a r d and * ~ r o t o Bundahi5n. In Mani'sSahbuhragafn (cf. Suncfermann 1979a, 777). Spiritus Vivens (*rub2 hayya) was called Mihryazd, while in ail other languages used by the Manichasan

9.32.20, where heretics are blamed for their reliance on the Avesta and Zand, but having actually robbedthem: awesafnaz g6wSnd k c ed T 16 Den T Mazdesnan o5murend. awegan Zardu[xl5:

tradition, the name was simply translated. His fivesons are called in the Sffhbuhragafn: mznbed, "head of the house" (Atlas, Sb13); wished, "the head of the clan" (Adamas of Light, d m w h r 3 ) ; zandbed, "the h a d of the clan" (King of Glory, mlk' Swbrp); dahybed, pahragbed, "the headof the cf. Sunderman" 1979a, 780.

az 16 hanaz irayis" u d w i n d i s " kfi apparendud t a r ed 1 t 3 yaziSn menend

ud tar niyafyi5n. ud t a r han T ha? do wabariganiha menend Abistag u d Zand k c 6 16 man f r a z guft k6 menogan abzSnlgdom ham,

"the headof the country"(the Keeper of Splendor, s p t zywl); frontier post" (the King of Honor, m l k 3 rb' d'yqr'),

These, too, say that they recite this Mazda-worshipping Religion of thine (0 Zoroaster!).

Sundemann argued convincingly for the Middle Persian names being derived from a zanrfto Yt 19.18 or Yt 10.115 (Sundermann 19792. 784-51, with a single deviation; the Zoroastrian

hey, 0 Zoroasteri, rob from thee that which is to be arranged and found, anda7 they scorn thy
ritual and cult. They scorn these two truthworthinesses, the Avesta and Zand, which 1 have

spokenout t o thee, I, whoam the most bountifulof ail the mcn6g beings!"
84 As Sundemann 1979a. 780, has observed, sometimes the Manichaean pentad of Mihtyazd's sins is accompanied by the sixth member, whom he identified with the god Call (XruSi'tag/X"andag). 85 It should be noted in passing that the Zoroastrian seven continents mav have influenced, at least partly, The Manichsan ideaof eight Earths. 86 M o 1 6 1967, 209: " 1 1 5 empomeront mSme ce qui vient de ton heritage frcxn]". The translation of West 1892. 258. differs considerably; the word read as r?xn by Mole and rdylSn by me, wes apparently read *re<ne ("these whom they iiurt") by west. 87 Mol6 1963, 228: 'et ils s'opposent a tes sacrifices e t a ?a priere, e t 1 1 s s'opposent aux dew ascriptions, I'Avesta et Ie Zand, que je t'ai dites, mi Ie plus saint des esprits"; Mol6 1967, 209: "ils m6priseront tes sacrifices et ton culte, mepriseront les deux documents, I'Avesta et Ie Zand, que je t'al donnes, moi Ie plus saint des esprits".

131 One finds a reference to Mani inserted in Dk 9.39.13, this particular chapter, namely Dk 9.39, being, supposedly, an abbreviation of the W a r t m s n s a version of Y 46. The chapter has little in common with the Pahlavi version of the Yasna in question; it begins: 16-om f r a g a r d ka'mnmez. abar f r a n a f t a n T 0 kadaraz e tiom pad n6g ? a h l f i n l h
1

I -

I
"namely. matters t o come in the later times, producers of harm. such as Alexander the smite, of Avrerae, MahrkGsgO and Dahag and other makers of lands, such as Jesus and M m i , and also other epochs, such as that of steel and iron mixed with earth, other restores, organizers and introducers of the religion, such as Ardaxser, Aduraad, Xusraw, PesyCtan, Hosedar, H e e a r m a h . Sosyans, (and) others".

P a r r a h , "The 16th fragard kSmnmez. About departure toany land whatever, in the new Y46.1~ 0 search after xvamh". It is worth noting how different is the wording in the extant P kadar zamTg anamom (sic!), "to which land should I bend?". The reference t o Man1 (Dk 9.39.13) is as follows: abar n i 3 n T aruz T xastag 1 MsnT ud druwandan 1s niyaxsag zani5n 15 az a w e i dahyped mad, "about the mark of thesmiting of the druzdemon, the crippled Man and his auditors, which (smitinfl) came from the lord of the country88". There is nothing in the Pahlavi version of the Yasna that would support this mentioning of Man>; I
believe it was rather the context, with a series of "trigger-words', namely, ^ad,

His teachings were known t o Zoroastrian polemicists centuries after his death: Dk 3.200.4(3) (Olsson 1991, 277, 282); EWag padlraq han T ahlayTh S r a s t a r Adurbad weh mehman p a d i r i f t a n hanaarzenld, druz xastag Man7 mamz hanas mehman

andar ~ a d i r i s nbawed asvanas d a w i s t , "contrary t o that which the restorer o f righteousness. Adurbad, declared, namety. i s house Man T clamoured thateven h
to

receive the good as guests. the crippled demon

enman,

was fonhe receptionof those guest of his, i.e., his nest".

ham ham.haxag ( ~ 9.39.1)89, k felt as havinq somethino to do with Mani. that has provoked this insertion. In the latter Zoroastrian tradition. Man7 was seen as the zandTg. "zand-maker", par excellence. ~e was set together with the worst enemies of the ~ o o ueligion, d cf., e.9.. Dk 5.3.3 (DkM 437.9ff.); West 1897. 126-7; Bailey 1943, 217, 154; Mol6 1967, 110-113:

which is paralleled by Dk 3.200.12(11) (cf. Dlsson 1991. 281, 283): ewaq paelrag han 1 ahlayrh a r a s t a r Adurbad yazdan pad tan mehman kardar handarznT aruz 1 xastag T man1 yazdan pad t a n mehman ne bawed b e andar tanbastag hast dawlst,

"contrary to that which the restorer of righteousness, Adurbad, declared, namely, t o make the gocfsguests in the body. the crippleddemonMsnT clamoured thatthe gods were not theguests in the body, but are feneredin thebody".

One point of the Manichiean lore seemed to be especially provoking t o catch the eye of the
Zoroastrian compiler of SGW (SGW 16.51-2, cf. Jackson 1932, 180-1; de Menasce 1945, 254-5):

90 vesta an ~ahckasa-. the evil winter, later became the name of the flood rain nalkii5. nodoubt (cf. West 1897. 108 n. 1) bein* identified with the Hebrew malqffg. "autumnal rain", cf. Dk 7.9.3. The Hebrew word is a frequent one, as it appears in the Jewish prayer read thrice a day. 91 A" obvious play on words in a n attempt to etymologize Marii's name; cf. Shapira I399.

' .
134

But doing that. he had no choice but to make some theological concessions; having performed this first step, he was led. by the natural inner logic of the texts he himself has composed, to move in the "Iranian" direction. Of course, this assumption does not explain everything Iranian in Manichasism; numerous Iranian traits were already found in Judaism and Gnostic Christianity

"Again, (the Manichasans say that) these two 'original creations/principles" exist contiguously having common borderg4, iust as sunshine and shadow, and they have no interval or w i d in between-.

as Man1 inherited some of them, due partly to direct Iranian impact of many centuries on the one

hand, and to some basic structural parallels between Judaism and Zoroastrianism, on another. Sundermann 1979b. 108-9 etpassirn explained the discrepancy between the Middle Persian and Middle Parthian Manichasan terminologies, an old problem in Manichsean studies, by the

We cannot know whether an actual Manichseantext was quoted or what we have here is 3 piece

assumption that Mar Amma, Manis missionary t o Parthian*. had taken the religious terminology of his teacher in its earlier form, as i t was prior t o ManTs composition of his S a h b u h r a g ~ n .This explanation enables us t o resolve many problems and makes possible to date several episodes in the early Manichsean history more accurately. But it also entitles us to suggestthat Manis SahbuhragSn was, actually, a sort of revolutionary development in Mant's religious thought.

of oral fore; we cannot know whether this idea goes back to Mani himself, but it seems to be an old notion, because many old authors, like Ephrem and Augustine, refer to it

On the other hand, it is

impossible t o tell, whether the Zoroastrian notion, which was just the opposite of the Manichasan
one, was there in existence in ManTs times, o r i t was coined as an antithesis to the belief held by

Manichasans.
For this Manichasan notion, Bd 1.2-10 [APPENDIX IV TEXT 1 1 could serve as the background,

though no textualcorrespondenceissuggestedhere.

The terminology of Manis Sahbuhragan is less "Semitic" than the terminology of any other Manichasan Iranian group of texts; Jesus, so prominent in any other Manichasan tradition, including those of the cultures almost not touched by the Christian impact appears in a heavily

h i s book for the King of Kings, as its Zoroastrianized disguise. This is natural, as Man1composed t
name indicates, in the King's language, aiming a t propagating his own religion in Eransahr, rather than for use of the already existing Manichean community (cf. Sundennann 197% 106).
I think in the conditions in which ManisSahbuhragan was writtenone may see the clue forthe

explanation of several enigmas connected with the character of Manichasismas such: this religion appeared as, basically, a Judaso-Chtistian Mesopotamian Aramaic sect, but it was the attempt to convert the King of Kings that gave this religion its Iranian flavor. Mani was urged t o present his religion in the form of a Zand(and, I believe, he made use of some existing Zands while composing his Sahbuhraqan), in order t o pass as a Zoroastrian.

Unlike many proper GS6ic passages which were analyzed in their Pahlavi version while dividing the text into small units, with the fuller context frequently remaining obscure, the texts on the contrary, as an inter-referring of Yasna Haptagha1ti were comprehended by Zandi?~, On the following pages i will deal with the textual history of some important Zoroastrian notions connected with Fire personified and with cosmogonical matters as far as Fire is concerned.
Im not interested here with the developmentsof the Zoroastrian attitudes towards Fire as such,

unity. Beside the already mentioned, though trivial, example of "action", P Y 36.3 contains a 910% ''I will take away from it (the Fire) the spiritual and corporeal dung" which can hardly be motivated by the Avestan text, It should be an echo of enTgiii, "pollution", rhyming (in the glosses) with the more frequently found anagih. k e 0 =WE gnlgih [k3 pad ata[xlS anagih kunEd1 hanaz hanaz pad awe anagTh kuneal,

or with Fire worship, only with some Zands referring to Fire. It may be taken for granted that
the Iranians before Zoroaster certainly knew some form of Fire worship, as many other peoples did. and Zoroaster himself referred several times elsewhere to Fire in his G a e ~ s . a Haptqhalti, "the Yasna of Seven Chapters" (Y 35-41; these are short prayers

awe entgth dahea [ku

addressedtothevazatas),though apart of the GaQas, is not, nevertheless, generally regarded by the majority of Western scholars t o be Zoroaster's ipsissima verbs. Oneof these Yasnas, Y 36, was addressed t o Fire, and these are the textaul ramifications of this Yasna that will be analyzed here. Y 36 (for the Avestan t e x t and its English rendering by Humbach & ichaporia 1994: [TEXT I]) was misunderstood by the Zandistfs) on some crucial points (while grasping accurately the sense of the others), thus conceiving new ideas, later reflected in subsequent Zands. Already PY 36.1 [TEXT Ill introduces the stress on "action", w a r z l g n , glossed as"care and propitiation / Gaeas". being a misunderstanding of the Avestan texts. This stress on "action", Y 36 (where echoes of P Y 36.4, and not only k u n i s n , is obvious in Dk 9 passages derived from P the wrongly interpreted PY 36.1, played a role). P Y 36.2 (and P Y 30.2~)presents us with g r e a t work through the constituation which is oflin the Body to Come", yah- being generally rendered both p a s s a x t and k a r , which were quoted in two slightly different versions in Dk 9.35.12 [TEXT HI1 and in Dk 9.57.15 [TEXT IVI, and with a personalizationof urw Snmlh, Joy, derived from Avest uruuaz- (Y 36.2), cf. Dk 9.35.11 [TEXT Ill]; 9.57.13 [TEXT IV]. The m e PY 36.2 took a stand of reciprocity, perhaps having been influenced by P Y 36.5, clear echoes of which could be heard in Dk 9.35.13: 9.57.13.15-16 (Dk 9.57.15, which uses the verb 6 d , "to invigorate", seems to represent better the original understanding of

"one t o whom (there is) pollution [who badly afflicts the Fire], even to him He gives pollution
[i.e.. He badly afflicts him, too]",

which translates

'you who are pain to the one whom you seize for painful treatment" (Humbach & Ichaporia 1994, 55) I

"You who are taboo (=off limits) for him whom You have established as being taboo" (Schwartz
19853, 493).
There Avestan axtay-, "Schmerz" (AiW; Schwartz: "taboo") was rendered by the Pahlavi

in other cases this word was glossed, besides anagth, "evil", n as enTgih, "pol~ution"~;

alsoas w a t a g l h "sick", aard. "pain". and b e m a r l (ibid) in a New Persian version.

Y 36 was one of the I t is this translation, namely e n l g l n , that enables as to state that P o r e s of the glosses of Smaller STrOzag 9 (which is practically identical with A t a s NiySy is" 5-7) [TEXT Vl. There are two problematic words in these two mostly identical texts

written in a sliqhtiy different way. The Pahlavi text reads there:

i d b@Sa'z?nTdSrih menoglha ZadSrth ^She[gISn.*gardSn daman, 'his healing is (his) smiting (of demons) mSnfffcally Bountiful Spirit".

az Spenna[gl.MenOg

AvestanlSudllSmahi, than P Y 36.5 with its abamentaan). P Y 36.2 cleariy misunderstood the indeed difficult Avestan huu6 naa y a t S t l a . which it rendered as 6 awe mard pad tuwan.

and ...? ...? from the creatures of the

FW the semantics of vesta an axtay-, cf. the

Armenian loan word axt, "pain; defect; blemish"

137

138
were explained by

me problematic, and, no doubt, corrupt, words ^aho'Fqlan.*gardSn

~-

This misunderstanding was of upmost importance, because once it was made, another Fires w e looked for, and, indeed, found: one of them, in the same Y 36.3, another in Y 36.2. Both Fires newly found in the GaOic passage became pcominent in Late Sasanian metaphysics, but while their ultimate source was Y 36. i t was not (1 will stress again) Y 36 in its extant Pahlavi

Dhabhar 1963, 320 (cf. aiso nn. 12-13) as "averting (gartan] infection l*3hGkTni5ni [from the creatures of Spenak minol". Dewasti 1363 h.S. (1985), 50-1 (cf. also nn. 4-5) read themasaxvisn dartan, translatiw "to carry away the material pain (from the creatures of the Bountiful Spirit)" (az b i n burdan- i m h S - i maddi Faz daman- i SeplnZ mrn~]). The first problematic word in the version of A t a s N i y a y i s n 5 is written siightiy differentiy; Dhabhar 1963, 69 (d. aim nn, 1C-11) tmnSi2ted "averting D&&C Hequoted

m!
The names of these two newiy-born Fires are U r w a z l s t , the Fire residing in trees, and Spenlst, the Fire produced by friction. To the Fire Spenlst / abzonig belong the fires known in our world, and the Sacred Fires of Zoroastrian Iran were of ,that type, while S p e n i s t andataFxls 7 WarhrSn were identified, to some degree, d.Bd 18.6 [TEXT Vi] and WZs 3.7a3

both the (Zoroastrian) New Persian version (btmarg gardZn) and Dhalia's reading and translation (unavailable to me) apparently based on i t ahus", "rendering unconscious". In my opinion, the first corrupt word goes back to P Y 36.1, enrgTh, "pollution", which translates a x tay-, "Schmera", glossed anagrh, wastagih, dard; the New Persian version of P Y 36.1, bemarr, "sickness", is of interest, when compared with the also corrupt New Persian version of ~ t a s Niyayisn, namely, brmarg, "immortalT2. This example demonstrates that Pahiavi versions of the 6 3 8 3 were used for drawing upon glosses into other Pahiavi versions of other Avestan texts.

[TEXTVlil (the gloss mentioned the Fire W a r h r a n in PY 36.3 is taken from a secondary source,
most probably, from PY 17.11 (TBCT VIII]). Their names, as in the case of Waz^St, are just "learned" Avesticisms, Avestan names adapted to Middle Persian pronunciation, with no meaning in Pahlavi.
However, the Pahiavi version of Y 36 does not have these names! i t Translated u r u u a z i s t o ,

thesourceof U r w S z i C t , by UrWahmTh, "joy", and spSnlSt6, thesource of S p e n l s t , by abZ6nTg. In other words, while W a z i s t could have been taken into the later Zoroastrian literature from PY 36 in its present form, U r w Z z l ~ t a n d S p e n l g tcouidnot So far, we met three "arch-" Fires, but the Zoroastrian tradition knew 5 (or, 6) "metaphysical" types of Fire, only one of them being the fire known t o us ("in the world"),

To the rendering of Avestan

uruuszltflanduruuaz<a>iiaofY36,2asurwahmTwe will return later.

The most important misunderstandingof the Avestan original occurs in P Y 36.3: the Avestan sequenceto1 namanam v a z l s i m Stars mazda a h u r a h i i 3 was rendered as awe i t o a m c1y6n w a z i s t 6 z t a t x i s T uhrmazd, resulting in the creation of a Fire of uhrmazd, whose name is W s z i g t . 'The emphasis on the name(s) of Ohrmazd /His Fire(s) found in Dk 9.57.15 [TEXT IV], resulting in an error in understanding in Y 36.3, does not go back totheextantform of P Y 36.3. The error is reflected aiso in the Pahlavi version: "to this name of thee, which is W ~ z i S t . tothe Fire of uhrmazd". In the latter Zoroastrian tradition in Pahlavi this is the name of a Fire, namely that of lighting.

lamely the above-mentioned Fire of the S p e n i s t (or, abzonig) type, "produced by friction" / "which is in the stones". The information about these Fires comes mostly from Bd 1 8 [TEXT VII and WZs 3.78-86
[TEXT VIII. These archm-Fireinclude (the forms of their names are given as in Bd 18):

B a r a z i Sawang, shining in the spiritual world; invisible Wotiu-FriiSn, inthe body of manandanimals U r w a z i < t . in trees

2 AS LO the sec0"d ward, one has co read it perhaps not *gardaR but *dardzr, "pains", 2nd to identify it with the glosses dard in the Plural.

3 Bit compare WZs 3.82, where it was the Fire buiand.sCti, whose f l a r r a h is inhabitant in the Fire w a r i n for that change will be explained further.

139 W a z l s t , the fire of lightning Spenist, fire produced by friction Neryosang, thefire in the body of kings andgreatones.

140 The fourth fire is V a J i s t which appears from lighting and fight with Spenzaraskdemon. The fifth fire is Spenist which is manifest in the world and is in the stones. The sixth fire is Neryosang which resides in the navel of the kings". Two important lists provided in Bd 1 8 and in WZs 3 have a common feature: they omit the iast, sixth, Neryosang Fire, that of the kings. However, despite this omission, both lists disagree on the order of the first and the last (the fifth, in their sequence) Fire. The order of Bd 18 .Iff. is the a m a in P Y 17.11 and the RivSyat, with AtaCxIs T BarazT Sawang / ( a t a [ x l s 1 ) buland.sud on the firstplace andwith K t a l x I S 1 SpenlSt / ( a t a [ x I s i ) 3b;flnTgonthe iast, fifth, place, while WZs 3.78-82 put ( S t a t x l ? T ) abzfinrg on the first place and ( a t a [ x l s T) buland.sud on the last, fifth, Place. The order given in WZs is secondary as

It is not entirely clear what was the scriptural source for such a tradition; i t cannot be P Y 36

in its oresent form, as only one name is found in it, and two others could be supposed to exist in a Pahlavi version of Y 36 which we do not W s e s s now. However, all the six Fins appear in Y 17.1 1 [TEXT Vlil], a secondary ~ v e s i a n text, and one should suppose that this text was drawn

u w n sevemi Awestan texts, in ail probability from Avestan commenmries 10Avemn tern, &
o m beiw Y 36.
However, P Y 17.11 cannot, in its turn, be the source of the list of the Fires in Bd 18, as the names used in the Bd version are "learned" ~vesticisms~, while the extant Pahlavi version of P Y 17.1 1, where the Fires are named and glossed, used only Pahlavi translations of their names, not the Avestan forms, as in other sources. HereBarazT Sava[q]h/Birz Sawangisglossed buland.sad, "of lofty profit", identified

compared with other lists, especially with that of Bd 18, for in WZs 3.82 the Fire buland.sud moved to the last place, retained the Warhranian nature of the last Fire, which originally was SpeniSt. Y 17.11 Besides, WZs 3 used Pahlavized names (for three of the five Fires) as given in P (though the number and the order are slightly different), while Bd 18 and the Rivayat used the "learned" Avestan forms. Thus, there were four group of texts on Fires:
5

with the Fire of WahrZm/Warhra'n: Wohu-FrilSn,glossed w e h . f r a n a T t a r . " t h e g d propagator/confessor"; U r w a z i s t , glossed over r r S 9 . z T w i s n . both of these analyzed by closenessof sound (cf. also 8d 18.3-4, weh.fran5fti?r/Wohu-EL!ian. andar x ~ 2 r Z n l Urwazist); W a z i s t , unglossed (but in Bd 18.5 it is said W a z i s t han i andar- abr.'"is

F i r

five Fires
Bd18 WZs3

"1eamed"Avestan Bd 18 Riiyat

Pahlavized P Y 17

P Y 17 Rivayat

that which is in the cloud[sy; clouds do move. W a z e n d . the verb used also in Ed 18.13); S p e n i s t was glossed regulariy abz6nTg. H o w , the sixth Fire, A t a [ x ] s Neryfisang, that of the kings' race, apparently,

WZs 3.

In W Z s 3.82 we can still see why the sixth Fire was dropped: the Fire buland.sud (*BarazT Sawang), "whose profit is lofty" and whose f l a r r a h dwells in the Fine

identifiable t o some degree with the royal xvarrah, does not appear in ail the sources, and i t w s left unglossed in PY 17.11.

me order of the Fires is also sometimes different

thus, the order

W a r h r a n , was clearly seen as being of lordly nature, and this is why the royal functions of the Fire NeryCsang were absorbed into it. It is stated of the Fire buland.sad in the same WZs 3.82 that his dwelling (mehmanih) in the Fire w a r h r a n i s like that of "the masterof a house on (his own) house" (ciyfln kadag.xvaday abar xanag); this is another Pahlavi translation of thepassage on the Fire Neryosang in Y 17.11, but derived from
3

Y 17.1 1, which corresponds to the latter order given in the [New] given above is based on in P P i Rivnyats. Shapur Bharuchi gives a New Persian list of fires (cf. Dhabhar 1932, 59) as

follows:
"The first fire is BarziSavang which is before U h r d

The second fire is "oh"- F ryan which is in the bodies of men and animals. The third fire is U r v S j i s t which is in plants.

translation different from

the extant P Y 17.11 (which has the corrupt man manbea, cf. also Dk 9.12.4). This absorption of the Fire Neryosang into the Fire buland.sud ('Bsrsz Sawang) was. consequently, the

4 i t note the Pahlavi

glosses

to

the Avestan names of the Fires in Bd 18, which correspond to P Y

reason why *BarazT Sawang was removed in WZs 3 from the first place to the last, that of the

17.11.

141 Fire Neryffsang. It seems that WZs 3.78.36 was based on texts very close to, but not identical with those of the sources of Bd 18. The sourcefs?) of the WZs version was, as a rule. smoother that those of Ed 18, as can be seen, eg,in the treatment of the order of the Fires and in the midrashicstory toki in WZs 3.86 and in Bd 18.9. Here it should be added that midrashiceiements 1 1 1 , as Dk seem t o have been serving also in sources of Dk 9.12 ITEXT IX] and 9.35 [TEXT 1 9.12. 9.35.13 use quotations from some extinct Avestan sources of legendary character. P Y 36.6, especially its second half. departs considerably from its Avestan original, partly becaiee of the wrong grammatical analysis of the text: it was not realized that !ma raoctstands in Plural, moreover, these two words were divided, with r a o c t taken asDative, not Accusative. Besides, Accusative Singular b a r a z l s t e m wasunderstoodasanLzafe t o r a o c k resulting in e n 6 h3n T r 6 s ~ hwith . e n (for vesta an Plural lma) glossedouer as ruwan. "soui". The words 1ma raoc; were taken in the scholarly literature as referring the Sacred Fires, while Gershevitch 1959, 293, explained them as "daylight". We must give more credit t o

142 best]; this [souij ( r u w a n ) they elevate to this the most high light

... ", recalling Mankhasan

Y absorptionof accumulated6 Light in * g r i w 7 and transmitting i t t o the Moon and Sun (cf. P 36.6: r o s n t h T b a l l s t . . e a r 5 s d ) . That such interpretation of the P Y 36.6 is correct can be seen from its echo in Bd 18.15, which thus must go back to a Zsndof P Y 36.6: after one's death, "the body mingles with the earth and the soulgoes back t o the menflg" (compare also the non-motivated stress

on the "Body t o Come" in P Y 36.2; Dk 9.35.12; Dk 9.57.1~)~.Dnemay

(and should) elevate his own soul (cf. the gloss to P Y 36.6) t o the station of the Sun, cf. Dk 9.57.1 8. This could be achieved by means of learning and teaching, wherefrom good deeds and other spiritual boons occur (Dk 9.57.13, 16, derived from a wrong analysis of c i ? t 0 1 s of Y 36.4 and fromY 36.5, both unsupwrted by theextant P Y 36). I t seems that the Manichmn "Light" took place of the Zoroastrian "Fire". There is an

indication that Zoroastrian Z a n d s ctose t o these studied here were existing about Mani's time9. In the Zoroastrian lore, the Fire WSziSt resides in Cloud (abr),cf. Bd 18.5, WZs3.81. in latter Zoroastrian Zands, Cloud became so cbsely associated with Fire (of

Gershevitch's view on the meaning of the words also in the Avestan text for the simple reason that in the Yams ded'sated to ima ram: was

the W a z I S t type) and Wind,

rn understood as referring to W by the

whose function is to fight back the Assault, that Cloud (abr) became desintegrated from the Fire
WazlSt, was turned into anindependant entity and the Fire Wazlst, W a d (Wind) and Abr (Cbud) were seen as elements, d. B d 2.1 5:

Pahlavi version. This is also true because of the usage of k s h r p - /kart), "body-form": the ~ahlavi version makes it clear that these are rather celestial bodies than "form of fire". Passages like Bd 1.44~may indeed go beck tolost Zands to the GSQS in question ("from his own seIfnesSn, az ha" T xvG$

~ b m in Bd 1.44 reflects pehaps the m l s u n d e W b i ! a t

i d mlyan 1 nm.spi gumara Wad ud Abr ud A t a l x l s 7 Wazlst. kc ka Ebgad rased, pad han 1 ~b menog han T T l t at) staned ud w a r m warened, ~ . s banaaz a w e s m ham

of Y 36.3, rendered as ~V-aJin the extant PY 36.3). but not to a text we have here now.

xvarsga ud Mah ud staragan kard, 6,s d i d t 0 t i s t r T

The problematic (cf. Humbach 1991, 11, 123) barazamanam of Y 36.6 was translated by a verb in 3rd PI., "they elevate", balsnffnd, coming upwith "this [soui] they elevate t o this the most high light [(high even) from what is open to the eye] there, which is called Sun". The result sounds rather "~anichaaan":here k a r b andiruwa'nl stand in a parallelism "Good is this m y e [i proclaim thus in the woridfs) that this bo@-form of Thee is the form (karb) of ~ h e ...

Xvarasan spahbed. hamkar ud hamayar 1 A t a l x l s T W a z l s t ud Wad lid Abr.

Y 36.3: "[I will take away from it (the Fire) he spiritual and corporeal dung]", 6 Compare the gloss to P which clearly refers t o refinement of ire "in ~ h e s e Both" (!bid.). i.e., in the m e n ~ g andget~gaspects. 7 Cf. Shaoim 1999.

'And among the hem~sphere'~ He appointed Wad (Wind). Abr (Cloud) and A t a [ x l g (the [iightninq-]Fire) W z z i f t , so that when the Assault arrives, T Z t r could take water($), and cause the rain (to fail). He also tied them together t o the

There is nothing uncommon in the fact that traditions going back t o the Arsacid period (as in
-

the case of Zancfe presumably utilized by Man1 and Mar Ammo) could survive into the Late Sasanian epoch, about the time when the extant Pahiavi Avesta was canonized. Boyce 1985b.

through the water-"spirit"2,

4738, observed that ata[xIS

ahrmazd 1 a b z o m g "the bountiful fire of ahrmazd", of

Sun, the Moon and the stars, and again, Tistr the Chieftain of the East, is the assistant and helper
of the Fire w a z i g t , w a d (Wind) and Abr (Cloud)".

Dk 7.4 77 [TEXT XI (going, according to her view, directly TO lost Avestan tents) is identified in d 18.14 as A d u r T Burze'n.Mlhr. As the notion of this Parthian Fire being the most

important of ail the fires must go back t o the Parthian period, Boyce suggested that the It seems that the traditions about Five Fires (not six) and that ckse to reflected in Bd 2.15 were apbited

Dk 7

passage should be a remnant of a Parthian zand. Another fragment derived from the Arsacid period must be W i z i g a r d T DSnTg 43 [TEXTxi1l4.
It probably only remains to be noted that the Fire w z z i < t became so prominent that it was

m in Manichzean writmgs:

1) Mani utilized a tradition similar t o that of Bd 2.15 while identifying the First Son of the First M a as "aidether". This should be a reflection of the Pahiavi a br; we cannot state whether Mani rendered a b r as "aidether" intentionally or perhaps he interpreted erroneously the Pahiavi word, because for him, it sounded similar t o the Greek hewirt'3. 2) Five Manichaean elements (Middle Persian: Mahraspandan; Syriac: hams3 elahe zTwanfi), the sons of the First Man, were called in Parthian pan1 rosn, "five Lights". revealing the same tradition as in Bd 1 8 and in WZs; this Parthian identification was prompted by MSr Ammo, not by Mani. Sogdianl "airlether or breeze" 'wind" The Five elements include (Greek; Middle Persian; Parthian;

inserted into newer texts, tooether with the demon Spinjw, cf. Vd 19.40 [TEXT Xi;]; P Y 17.1 1; Bd 18.5 (and the quoted above Persian Rivayat); i t is remarkable that the episode of the Fire W a z l S t and thedemon Spiniavr is not found in WZs 3.

atro (cf.

Kurdish for "cloud", e'wr,

T h i s short study shows, I believe, that some errors in the interpretation of the Gaeic text
w e made a t the pre-Sasanian (probably, Avestan?) stage of exegesis; that newer texts, including in Avestan, were composed a t a rather late date; that some layers of pre-Sasanian traditions may be found; thai features of the Z a d known t o Man1 can be revealed; that the sources of Bd 18 and WZs 3 were, though simiiar, not identical; that the source of WZs 3 had better readings; that the extant version of P Y 36 is different from that underlying the sources of the commentaries on it as represented in Dk 9.

(crfp, r r a w a h r , ardaw frawardfin, ' r f w

"light" (& rCSn1, "water"

frwrtyy),

(ovEiioc, w3d.

w't),

(tiSai),Sb),

"fire"

(e, adur,

"tr); it was the sonship of Fire (note that Fire is regularly called in Zoroastrian texts
Ohrma2d.pus;'thesonof ahrmaza") that prompted the inclusion of other elements, as there

w e five types of Fire presenting in the fvestoichea (compare Bd 18.7).

11 29.2, Bailey 1943. 148: nem.splhr, "hemisphere"; Henning 1942, 233 & n. 3: mlyan Zam<Tg s ~ i h r "between , the earth and the (lower) sphere". 12 Henniw: "with (the help of) transcendent water". 13 Jewish Aramaic and Hebrew 'wyr['l, "air", is from Greek li*; Syriac forms are cimssr t o the original Greek word; so, the Syriac Anonym of Rahmarn (cf. Nyberg 1929, 238-2411, speaking of the Z s t r i a n i s m , used "r, whoin he called oneof the Elements Pstwks'), after Fire. Water, Earth, who ail four together are gods inferior Plh' irytyhwn dz'wryn brbwthwn) TO ASiqar, FraSSqar, zarmsr, 2 u ~ a r ~
0

14 SmSlrozag 9, with its gloss ala[x13 1 Daray, "ihe Fire of Danus". may reflect an even older epoch, if the reading is correct. Dsray, Dartus, is mentioned in several Pahiavi texts, e.g., in Dk and in ZWV. An mterestiw passage is found in Bd 35A.2 (TC 2 236.15-237.1): ciy6n "Bag andar SShpuhr m a z d a n nobedan mbea D Q ud ~ ad andar Daray wuzurg Framaar (sicfnotethatthe spelling is identical t o that ised by Arabic authors) bud, "As *85gwas the M6bedSn MSbed under Sahpuhr son of Ohrmaza, while (his ancestor) K5d was the Prime Minister under Daray".

146

. -

also by cereti6.

The textentitled zand 1 Wahman ~ a s n / ~ a g ts ' by no means a plain of as up posed

The sources dealing with apocalyptical and eschatologicai themes in the Zoroastrian Middle Persian Tradition include, ;.a,. the apocalyptic passages in D e n k a r d [Dk] 7-6-11, edited and translated in Mole 1967; Greater (Iranian) B u n d a h l s n [Ed] 33-34. edited and translated in Anklesaria 1956; several chapters and passages in Ayaagar i J a m a s p i g [AyJ], edited and translated in Messina 1939; JamSsp NSmag [JN] (=AyJ 16). edited and translated in Bailey 1930-32 and in Benveniste 1932 (cf. below); Zand 1 Wahman Yasn/Yastl IZWYI, edited m Chapter 1 and the second pan of Chapter 3 go ultimately back to two different recensionsof the e Unext, mechanically combined in the extant form of ZWY; Chapter 2 is a small Avestan text, but rather a late combination of different apocalyptic and historical fragments of different length. The division into chapters made by 'Anklesaria, nevertheless, reflects, g -

rrato, the original composite structure of the text and its different sources.

interpolation going back t o one of the redactions of the text, made underxusraw 1 AnOSurwan. Chapter 4 goes back t o sources common with JN (= AyJ 16). as does the first p a n of ZWY 3, although here the problem o f sources is more complicated; Chapter 5 goes back to the original Pahiavi Zand of o h r m a z a Vast, thesecond pan of whichYa5t. known as Wahman Yagt8, was also among the sources o f ZWY; the last four chapters have more complicated sourcechapters: all history9, It is t o be observed that glosses are not found a t all in the three first1 the glosses in the text are t o be found only in*. 9-10. 13, 26, 40, 67; 12;

and translated in Anklesaria 1957 (cf. now also Cereti 1995); WlzTaagTha T Zaaspram [wzs] 34-35,. edited and translated i n Gignoux & Tafazzoii 1993; Pahlavi R i v S y a t accompanyingtheDadistan 1 DenTg [PRDDl 48-49, edited and translated in Williams 1990. Somofthesecompositions, such as B u n d a h t s n or Ayadgar 1 JamSspig, could be easily defined as texts based on material drawn upon the lost parts of the Late Sasanian Avesta. Some components of these texts go back t o the Pahiavi versions of particular Avestan texts, including Y a s t s , while other components are originally Pahlavi works (sometimes o f non-Iranian provenance) of the Late Sasanian period2.

2 . 6; 5.

2-3, 5-6. 9-

7 .2-7,

9-10, 19. There were scholars who argued that ZWY has a thorough Avestan

substratum: so, Widengren 1967, 343, called ZWY "one of the Pahlavi transmission".

most authentic Avestan

texts in

To the last group belongs the Pahlavi ZWY, a late apocalyptical work o f a very composite
character. The Middle Persian apocalyptical texts are closely associated with eschatology, both personal and collective. It was frequently stated that apocalyptic5 in general have their source in lranian thinking, and that the Jud~eo-Christian apocalyptics were heavily influenced by Iranian ideas. It is also a well-known fact that it was in Muslim Iran that upocaiyptici; flourished. However, the evidence of the Zoroastrian, especially Avestan, sources is scanty. The text analyzed here is mostly ZWY, with its parallels. This composition, in its extant form, is o f a rather late, while uncertain, date3; in the MSs, it generally follows Bd. The text was translated into ~ n g i i s h ~ in West 1889, 189-235, Anklesaria 1957, Cereti 199s5. The division into chapters in the first and second translations is different The division given here is that of Anklesatis, followed

6 Also by me in my Hebrew translasion. 7 On the name, cf. Gignow 1986a. ibid. 1986b; ibid. 1985-8; ibid. 1986-7; ibid. 1996b; Sundemnn
l o o , , , "-.

8 An Avestan hymn called by the tradition Wahman Vast, of which we have a very distorted Pahlaui

Z d , \s known as the second part of the extant Ohrmazd Vast, and, in my opinion, the Z d o f this socalled Wahman Yast has indeed some clear affinities with the text known now as Zand i Wahman

?as". ~urther,I shall try to prove that some ideas of the ZWY were derived from the Pahlavi -mion (of this Avestan text) which was larger than the extant one; nevertheless, it is not impossible that the

1 As t o the name, cf. now Gignoux 1996b. 233. 2 It should be remembered that not all the religious Zoroastrian Pahlavi literature of this period formed part of the A"**=. 3 Surely centuries after the fall of the Sasanlan Empire. 4 Besides, several Gujarati and New Persian translations exist. 5 And i n t o Hebrew by me in 1991 (unpublished). Sesldes, many Gujarati versions exist. The renowned Iranian author Sadeq Hedayat translated it into Modem Persian ("on "do.

a 1 w m a , , and the source under this name quoted in ZWY, owe their existence co the "real" Wahman YaSt. There is some correspondencebetween the order of the Yagts and the order of the days of a Zoroastrian month (cf. Geldner 1904, 7; Hartman 1955; ibid. 1956; on the Yast divinities and the Srrozag, cf. Wikander 1946, 229ff.l. As Hartman noted, in several cases the name of a Vast has nothing - or, very Iiltle to do with Its contents, and was given on the basis of the calendaric sequence. ~t seems that this is the reason why the second part of ohrmazd Ya5t , namely, Yt 1.23-33 (~armesteter1884, 31-34), got the name Wahman ~ 3 % : the 1st day of the month is ohrmaza, the 2nd being Wahmam conTrary to The view expressed formerly by Gignoux, a l l the Amesaspentas to d have a special Vast. cf. Geldner 1904. 7 n.1, where Anauetll Duperron is quoted. Cf. r e su~~ose also Chapter I, pp. 17-19. 9 E . g . , ZWY 7.19-27 derives from JN, cf. Kippenberg 1978, 66. 10 And the last two.

147 Other scholars denied any Avestan substratum whatsoever, arguing for the extant ZWY being a late composition built from different fragments of the Zand (especially ~ i g n o u xl, l who argued that no Avestan original of ZWY ever existed). ZWY 3.1 indicates as its source Zand of Wahman Yasn (with *Yasn emended into V a 3 t by
It was stated that no such Yasna was known, and (as demonstrated by Gignoux 1985-8,

148 important thing about the last-quoted D f i n k a r d passage is that there is no allusion t o the ham.PursagTh, "conference", betweenahrmazd and Zoroasterregarding the fateof theworid.
s his ham.PursagTh and the world historyare the t h e m e s o f ~ I~ [TEXTVI ~

a n d m 3-19.

29 [TEXT Vll. The Tree Vision

is presented in ZWY 1 [TEXT V l and ZWY 3.19-29 [TEXT VI] in

two slightly different versions. It was the acknowledgeable common origin of both versions that prompted them t o be out together in the same late composition, desprte all the differences between them.

71-2) even the emended name of ZWY is a modem invention13. But from a thorough study of the text it is clear that this is the most important Middle Persian Zoroastrian apocalyptical text derived from older sources, including those in Avestan; i t is also evident that the text is a bit eclectic and mechanical1 composition from some apocalyptical texts [compare the case of ZWY 1 & 31, a fact that implies the existence of a richer literature o f this genre. ZWY 1.1-11 dearly refers t o the S l t l a d g a r Nask (which ZWY itself quotes here as its

ZWn andDk 9.8 are more closely related toeach other than t o w 3.19ff.. not only because

both of them represent the scheme of four ages; ail three of them place the golden age in the timeframe in which O h r m a z d and Zoroaster had a conference, while the two versions given in ZWY merge thisage with that of W l f t S s p ; DK 9 considers W i s t a s p ' s reign as the silver age. The silver age according t o the two versions of ZWY is that o f A r d a S e r I A r t a x S a e r , i.e., the i ~ for that matter, the whole n A r d a g e r I / the Achsemenid ~ r t a x e r x e s '(representing,

source) as summarized in Dk 9.8 [APPENDIX 1 TEXT 11. Theseventhfragardof t h e 5 l t l i T d g a r

~ a s k l summarized in Dk 9.8 was based on the Gaeic Yasna 31. Dk 9.8.1 is an allusion t o Y 31.14 [TEXTS 11, ill, IV], the locus classicusof the Avestan apocalyptical revelation (cf. Boyce 1984b. 57). where the prophet asks Ahura flazdatogrant him the knowledgeof theendof the

dynasty). From ZWY 1.9 it seems plausible t o suggest that the figure of the K a y a n l a n king A r d a f m represents a contamination of the Achsemenid Anaxerxes, A r d a x f
0

T Wahman,

times. The Pahlavi version of this passage is grossornodo close t o the original text, grasping the idea of the final reckoning prepared for the pious and the wicked ones. It is especially the last gloss in [TEXT 1111 that is o f interest here: it explains the "completion", being a Pahlavi transcription of the Avestan for "reckon", as "the final judgment in
the end o f times". Contrary t o the PY [TEXT 1 1 1 1 , the version given in the summary of the W a r 3 t m a n s a r Mask, Dk 9.31.18 [TEXT iV1, emphasizes overtones o f the personal, rather than collective, eschatology. This passage is rather moralistic; there is nothing apocalyptical about it, especially when one reads both versions against their ZWY parallels, and the most

o f S p a n d i y a d / l s f a n d l y a r , who is Cyrus the Just, called also A r d a c i

SPandlySdan, with the Sasanian Ardaser " i ~ b b g a n ~ (in ~ the mytholwized history, Artaxerxes and Xerxes are thus the same person1

The Sasanians claimed t o be descendants of the Achsemenids, this idea presenting also in Karnzmag T A r d a s l r i Pabagan [=KNAP] I1It is possible that the name of Daray i O a r a y a n (known also from the Dk, AWN etc.) was derived from a non-Iranian source, although

'.

11 Gignoux 1986a; ibid. 1986b ibid. 1985-8, 1986-7; but 6f. now Gignoux 1996b. 233. -sn 1 1 "vanants are common in different forms 12 Cf. Sundennann 1990a. 492. However, the -st I 1 i n , cf. paper 1976. in the Dk texts, the variation Vast I ~asn is frequently found. or both forms Wahman Yast / Wahman Yasn used in the same paper, cf. Gignoux 1996b. 233. 13 Similarly t o the case of the name of Bundah I s n or Zand T AgZhTh cf. MacKenzie 1989, 547. W Y as compared to the sources o f this text is of great 14 Nevertheless, the composite structure of Z i i t and I will study it elsewhere. 15 WahmanYasn is quoted only once in ZWY 3, while SltludgarMaskis bothquotedandailuded to. The original SttliJdgar Nask spoke of overcoming of Dahag by Fredfin, and about the onrush of the G
y o m

16 Although the historical value of the Pahlavi orthography is uncertain, it is worthwhile noting that the m n d Z W version fZWY 3.241 uses the hate Old Persian I Earlv Middle Persian form of the -me. The am, I cmon 01 tme hog 01 ZUV 3 2 4 Mtn Amaxerxes soems ?m hs #he ng s c d e a a son 01 01lhoogr.3. pe'sonaoe The oroimt, ,n tint'&-t*ei.n t n s LC* to v s!3sca- nccateo ut o m nq been d l t m m "to m e s 8 w age, by olferem amm.?t5, mas mm bearing on tne .tma#tcona oat* 01

~~~

7","2<,,,. . . .. . . . . .

n n o f l a n l r a h . ThenthepeoplecomplainedtoFredan (Dk 9.21.8); "Why did e him, as his servants guarded us From the Giants?", West 1892. 214. The episode is alluded to a t the end of 2WY. i

17 Cf. Markwart & Messina 1931,103. 18 PaceHintze 1994. 19 me chapter which otheiwise contains [KNAP 1.61 an expression comparable t o ZWY 1.8 (a w i r e g d nih3n rawlSnTh estad).

149 i t is difficult t o tell from whichm. But the pretensionis obvious: the authorsof the KNAP saw

No Book Pahlavi source known t o us earlier than the KNAP (the 6th c. C E ~ claimed ~ ) Achemenid descent for Sasanian kings; the great Sasanian inscriptionsused terms such as ffNW

ArdaSer as the heir to the kings of the First Iranian Empire. Tabari's source described the blood-revenge "for

h i s remote ancestral cousin Dffrs, the son

<yAr HN y z t n or Dgy where the Achaamenids used their tribavfamiliar namez5 (cf. also
Sundermann 1988, on Syhr r7N y'ztn; 5asSn used as a divine namez6, bg^. It seems that

of Dm%. the son of Bahman the son of I s f a n d i y f f r who has fought against Alexander" as an

excuse for restoring the borders of the Empire, waging a war against the " ~ o m a n s " ~ ~ .
Sffnpuhr 11 wrote t o the Roman emperor Constantius: "f Shapur, King o f Kings, the partner with the Stars, brother of the Sun and the Moon, offer my brother Constantius Caesar most cordialgreetings

the earlier kings claimed t o be of divine origin, while the later ones claimed Achemenid descent, perhaps under the impression of the propaganda of WahrSm maintained that Arda3Cr had robbed the kingdom from the Arsadds.

Coben's loyalists, who

... ...That my ancestors held sway as far as the river S w m n and the boundaries of Macedonia your ancient records also bear witness; these lands i t behooves me to demand... ...on
ail occasions the right r e a s ~ r ? ~ i my ? chief concern... Accordingly, i t is my bounden duty to

It seems that the source of the legend about the Achemenid descent of the last Zoroastrian

dynasty was a foreign one, namely, Greek or Syriac (from Greek); after ail, D-SrSy was to be understood as *Darius Ill Codoman, from the family of Darius the

Daraysn

recover Armenia together with Mesopwmia, which carefully planneddeception wrested from my
grandfather

... ".

rea at^^.

Tile only

significance of Darius Ill Codoman was that he was killed as a result of Alexander's invasion and that is why his name was kept in the Alexander Romance of Pseudo-Callysthenos'. Though the

Frendo 1993. 61. noted that the territorial claim is the same as that attributed by Dio Cassius t o A r d a 5 e r some 127 years earlier, "he wouldrecover everything that the ancient Persians had

evidence is too limited to determine what was the real extent of knowledge of the Achsemenid past
in the Sasanian epoch, nevertheless, Sshpuhr's letters t o the Byzantine Caesar reveal substantial historical memory. The fact that Alexander was once identified in Z W 6.5 as YOnffi, against the normal *Hr6msyTg ("Byzantine"), might indicatez8 a pre-Sasanian source of

once held as far as the Greek Sea, on the grounds that aii this too belonged to him through his
forefathers". Sahpuhr also claimed for the restoration of Iran (SKZ M P 21-22): ['Pn

>AHRN]C [KIBYR St[ry

i ! & [ x V Z S ~ many ) other lands". BcYHWNSt], "and We &

some parts of t h e c o m p o ~ i t i o n ~ ~ .

Yarshater 1971, 519, spoke of "historical amnesia" of the Sasanian Iranians, having stated that all recollection of the Achaamenid era was lost, but in fact the Sasanians were very effective in using "historical-based propaganda", not-unknown from some kinds of modem nationalism; their historical remembrance was selective, but real, as they knew what was the actual territorial extent of the ~ c h a a m e n k f swhatever ~, the source.

The Sasanian rock-inscriptions reveal affinities with their 700-year-older pendants in Old
Persian and their contemporary Manichean texts, both drawing upon a common source of the formulas of the older literary language, which may be even older than the Old Persian

inscription^^^.

J . R .

us sell^^

pondered upon the possible literary antecedents of K l r d e r ' s

inscriptions, which have no Sasanian parallels; the most fertile ground for comparison, according t o Russell, is offered by Xerxes "anti-Daiva" inscriptions, with its belligerent overtones. 24 Cf. Cunakova 1987, vvectenie. 25 Cf. Skjawa 1985, 594. 26 Now, also Livshits 1904, 26; MacKenzie 1986, 114; Gignoun 1990b, 142 [cf. Naveh & Shaked 1985, 351, cf. Gignow 1990c, 235 [a different explanation in M. Schwartz in W N 5 10: "on vidi]. 27 f 8 3 5 2 (TD 2 236.15-237.1); clyOn *Bau andar Sahpuhr T anrmazdan robeam MObed bud ud ad andar D S ~ S wuzurg ~ ~ramadar (sic!) bdd 'as *wag was the mebedan b e d 5 h u h $ 0 of h m d while (his ancestor) K3d was the Prime Minister under OSrSy". Cf.ChapterIIUV, p. 144 n. 14. andn. 20above. 28 Cf. Cereti 1995, 141, 160. The reading is, however, uncertain. 29 Cf. Eddy 1962, 19. 30 Cf. SkjaTVe 1985, 603. 31 "A Parthian Bhagamd Gita" (forthcoming).

20 The phonetic form of the name DSrSlyl may go back t o the Greek Aopeioc. Not so does the alternative form USrSb surviving, e.g., in SahreslSnThZ 1 Er3n 5 42: $ahrestan T 02r%bglYd a may T uarayan kard, "the city of ~ a r a b g i r dbuilt oar- son of uarsy", cf. ~arlcwart & Messina 1931. 93-1. 21 Cf. Frendo 1993. 22 *paymSn; on the concept, cf. Shafced 19B7a. 23 Frendo 1993.62.

151

152 However, the passage was texmalized anew in the Sasanian times, as it defines Alexander a$ "ecclesiastical". i.e.. Byzantine-Christian, On the other hand, AyJ 15.1.8 puts *Wala'[xl<, king called "Arsacid" in ZyY 3.26. after Wahram T Gar (r. 420.38). 57), P e r m (r. 459-84), but before K a w a d I (r. 488-96, 498-531). Actually, *Wa l S [ x I < is a restoration, though a safe one, in the text This was the name of the 14th Sasanian King who ruled for 4 years (484-6). that the Sasanians used to perfect i f a Sasanian king was meant, i t makes the

nW

3.24, which states that "Artaxeme$" "separated dews frommen", could be a realecho of

~ e n c e s adam '~~ aivam daivadanam viyakanam U t Z patiyazbayam: "daiva ma y a d i y a l ga'l", "and Imade proclamation, "the demons shallnot be worshipped!"". So, it is not impossible that under A r t a x s a e r / 'Artaxerees* of ZWY 3.24. who "will separate the d6ws from men, restore the whole world and propagate the Religion", some remote memory of Xerxes was actually preserved. in h i d
t

Yazdgird I1 (r. 438-

not

without

interest:

sense

chronologically. The problem is, of course, that the text implicitly has here

engrave their monumental inscriptions, after the Achaamenid model, mostly in the first decades of
their long ru1e33, i.e., shortly after the "restoration". Thus, the shattering of daevkimages attributed to W i g t S s p in ZWY 1.6 does not necessarily rewesent the iater Sasanian icondasm.

ASKanan, "Arsacids", and, as we know from the Denkard, the Arsauds were indeed mentioned in the tradition of Zandists.

We have only to suggest that the passage speaks indeed of the Asacids

and that it belongs to anearher redaction and is displaced.

As to accuracy in knowledge of Sasanian chronology and the names of the kings, cf. GrBd 36.~~~:~rda[x <~r 1 l Pabagan ud SasanSn ^*mar, "ArdaSITsonofPZbagand tile r n t l e s s Sasanians". In AyJ 15.5-6 it is said that after Alexander the rule will pass t o

but can indeed be an old literary ttpos.

ZWY 3.25, immediately following the A r t a x f i a e r fragment, is of great interest as well: it identifies the brass age with the Sasanian dynasty, naming first A r t a [ x l < speit differently from the name of his Achaamenid name-mate (the same occurs also in Bd 33.15). This corresponds to 2WY 1.9, which calls the silver age that of A r t a [ x l < " t h e K a y a n l a n " the epithet being taken from 2WY 3.24. In Dk 9.8 the silver age is that of WiStSsp, standing for something (~rsacids?)which was deliberately omitted (the ZWY accounts put the ages of Zoroaster and Wi3tzsp together,which makes goodsense).

husraw Partawan, "the renowned ~ a r t h i a n s " ~ then ~ . Iran will prosper, and, as i t is at odds with the standard Sasanian slander of the Arsacid rule. a Parthian transmission of some of the material was suggested36. However, W a l a ' l x l ' ? was still honored even under the Sasanians for his sewice t o the religion3'. There

is no doubt that the information about Wal ^ [ X I < found in various Pahlavi

ZWY 3.25 enumerates in the silver age also SShpuhr (clearly, Sahpuhr l, son of
~ r d a g e r ) ,and ~ d u r b a d , who underwent the brass ordeal. Obviously, this refers to the

texts goes back to the Parthian k i n g - i i i t ~ ~ ~ .the other hand. the Sasanian Iranians were not On

sasanian period up to Xusraw AnfiCurwan. ZWY 1.10 and Dk 9.8.4 seem to blend together the period of this king andof Adurbad. These two sources call the period that of steel, while 2WY 3.25 names i t that of brass, perhap, under the impact of the r6y

- ordeal (2WY 3.28, ton,

knows the period of xusraw Ano<urwSnas thatof steel).

ZWY 3. 26 puts the copper period in the limes of a Arsacid king, absent from the other two versions; the chronological order is, of course, wrong, but brass, being a more noble metal than copper, caused the new dynasty t o be placed under this metal, instead of the defeated Arsacids, adding thus to this the above-mentionedimpact of the word rd'y. This passage thus indicates that the original order was different, and it goes back, in that form or another, t o pre-Sasanian times.

34 Ct. Anklesaria 1956, 307, TO1 103r.3, DH 230r.11. 35 Pas 32 M n 0 Alahsandar T HrffmsyTg sezdah 55). Pas tic 6 tBtimag T ArSa ras

32 XPh 37-9,Keni 1953, 151.

33 This while the claims t o the ~chaemenid ongin begin, as was previously noted, only towards the end of the dynasty.

a P a t a d darend dcwist ud hastad ud d B sal. pad a w c xvamyan 1 anagih andag anaag, pas ayed newag~hspurrTg ud kiswar aridar abadamh ud ibb@mud mardom andar kZmag zTwi5nTh d a 3 st bawend, afte that, 13 years (of rule) for Alexander the [Eastern-] Roman (Byzantine; the translation depends on the date of the passage). Then it (the rule) anil pass t o those of the seed of *~rgak,it will pass t o the renown ~arthians, and the I 1 hold it for 282 years, during which the rulers will turn towards so much evil. then the goodness will come and they will keep the country i n prosperity and without fear and the people in the desire for liuing". Cf. Bd, ibid., AskanSn 1 pad ahlSw *adayTh nam barend, "the Arsacids, who : a renown for their righteous tule". 36 Cf. Boyce 1987b, 127s. 37 Cf. Boyce 1984b. 72. 38 Parthian fragments exist in other Pahlavi sources as well: thus, e . g . In AyJ, Jamasp is given the Parthian title of bidax<.
5 h

153 ignorant of their own history39.

It was frequently stated that the knowledge of Alexander possessed by the Sasanians and the
It Iranians of the Islamic period came almost entirely from the Romance of ~ l e x a n d e r ~ ~was .

154

- or one
more

preserved a t ~ o m p a e i ~ ~ .

As t o the tree symbolism, an anti-Macedonia" text47, Sybil

i l l , 388-95, makes reference t o

legendary41, if not mythical, and i t seems that Alexander became one of the heroes

the tree of ten branches48. It is to be observed that here the tree of ten branches seems t o be associated with the period of Alexander, while in ZWY the ages were named after the Iranian dynasts, and only the last age, surely a later addition, is that o f the ~ r a b s .This seems to prove that the notion of the tree whose branches symbolize ages was known as eariy as in the postAchaemnid period, when the idea o f the subsequent kingdoms has not yet developed. On the other hand, already in this Sybilline fragment one finds a link between the future compositions of ZWY and AWN 1 : as Eddy, ibid., has noted, this Sybiiliie text describing *Atexander as going t o Hades, has a similarity with AWN 1, which says that Alexander, after having wreaked havoc in Iran, flees t o hell. Swain 1940 has shown that a Roman author, Sura, writing prior t o 171 BCE, when

should rather say, anti-heroes- of the Iranian Epic. it is plausible t o suggest that seeking information about Alexander, Iranians even turned t o the Greek tradition.

It was earlier supposed that the Syriac version of the Alexander Romance was translated from ~ ) there . existed indeed ~ a h l a v i however, ~~; this view was later rejected (cf. Frye 1 9 8 ~ ~ But two Iranian traditions, a learned one reflected in Dk 5.3.3; 7.7.3.7, KNAP 1, AWN 1 etc., and a

folkloristic one, which made Alexander a scion of Achaemenid kings, thus, an owner of flarnah, only that may have justified in the eyes of

the common folk thesorrowful fact that the throne of

6 ~ that ~ the Arsacids were the ~ i n of g Kings fell to strangers44. AS t o our text, ZWY 3 . ~ states those who liberated Iran from the Greco-Macedonians, which is historically correct It was argued that Iranian apocalyptic texts, of which ZWY is the best representaUve. were largely composed under the impact of the "Oriental" opposition t o the Hellenistic cultural imperialism. Under this aspect, it is important that ZWY 1.10 & 3.29 depicts the enemies of Iran as "having dishevelled hair". Although this expression is an old Iranian one (cf. below), it

the Romans still knew nothing o f the Jews (with their Daniel scheme), already had the developed theory of the sequence of the monarchies in the East (~ssyria-~edia-~ersia-~acedonia). A t the Achsmenid court there was a gofcfen plane tree kept as a permanent fixture, decorated with a mass of jewels, and it was "worshipped and hymned by the Persians, and i t was under this tree that the king held court", cf. Eddy 1962, ~ 7 a fact ~ that ~ most . probably indicates existence of the tree1

was Eddy 1962, 13, who rightly connected the parallel locus in the Sybilline Oracle with the known portrait of Alexander displayed in the Temple of Artemis a t Ephesos, whose copy was

age symbolism.

As Olsson 1983,

28-9, has noted, phenomenological parallels to the notion of the four periods

represented by the four-metals scheme are known not only from Hesiod (7th century BCE), Daniel and ZWY, but also among the Mayas and the Aztecs. Having many common traits, and, 39 ~hus, e.g., SahrestanTHa 1 r 32 informs us that: 9 sahrestan andar zamlg i Gazii-ah kard 5stEd r AmtOs T Q z i $ a r QrSdar-ZZd kard, "$ towns in the AzIrah were founded by A S , the nephew of the Caesar". AmtOs Is probably Aurelius Verus. cf. Markmart & Messina 1931, 82. 40 Cf. Hamaway 1990.95. < Cf.SatirestSnTfi3 i T 5 53: ahrest 1 Gay Qufastag Alaksandar I FIli0<0s> hard mani5n 1 YahGdZn anOh bad 1 pad XVadSyTh Yazdglrd T Sahpuhran Qurd a z v a h f s n T Soandux T S zan bad, "the city of Gay (..Isfahan) was built by the accursed Alexander son of Philip, there was a dwelling of the Jews there, whom YazdQlrd son of S a h ~ u h r bought in his reign, according to desire of S63anduxt his wife", cf. Marquart 1903, 48ff.; MarkwartlMessma 1931. 104-5: ibid.. 12: Sahrestan T Mar* l i d 3ahrestSn T Harat g a g k a n d a r 1 Hrilmsyig kard, "the city of Maw and the city of H a r m were built by the c u r s e d ~yzantine S ~ k a n d a [-Alexander]'. r The f o m S6kandar may reflect a hint t o the tradition about Alexander's burning [*s0k-I of the Avesta. 42 Cf. Naldeke 1880, 12-15. 43 Frye 1985, 185-8. esp. p.188, with previous bibliography. 44 Alexander descended from the Egyptian Pharaoh Nectanobus/Nictobarus in the Svriac [and Hebrew1 i n s , compare ~lexanderdescribed as Musrrg.mSnin"dwelling in mwt" in AWN 1. 45 This tradition is absent from Ed 33. basically, not necessairily having been derived from the same source, these apocalyptlcai features are not unique and are t o be found even in cultures not affected by the Mediterranean Civilization, as in the case of native-American [and other Third Worid] Messianic movements. This observation was first noted by Flusser 1964, 65, while treating Jewish apocalyptics, in h i s Review of Eddy 1962, and later, independently, by

uss sell^^,

46 Hemfew, quoted in Asmussen 1968 (cf. also Asmussen 1969). compared the Old Persian expression ns regarding Cambyses' death with xvad.$kast 0 du5ax" dwarist, on Alexander, in AWN 1. 2. 47 Eddy 1662, 12. 48 he fact that we have seven branches in ZaratuSt.Naim*, 1309. implies that the number of branches was not stable and new "branches" corresponding to the latter rulers were added. On the other hind. it also imolies that Zaratust.Nsm*i. . 1309. ..ooes hack to sources older than those of 2WY 3. Widengren 1983 saw the scheme of the 4 periods as original and old, connected to Zwvanistic speculations. Although one could hardly argue against the original and ola character of the four-fold scheme, its "Zurvanite" nature is highly doubtful. '9 On plane and vine trees In. tfie Achmnia" cult, connected with royalty, cf. Eddy 1962, 26-3. 50 References to Native-American material (on Spartacus. Zealots and Ghost Dance) while dealing with A n and connected subjects were constantly made by J.R Russell on different occasions, as i n Russell 1993 (n. 17 in the MS version).

155 Not having been derived from God's revelation to Abraham, as Christianity and Islam are, Zoroastrian Tradition has, however, amazingly vast numbers of common features with the three "Semitic" religions; there were, of course, numerous cases of mutual impact and influence, in both directions, but. the depth structures of Historical Judaism and Zoroastrian Tradition must be seriously taken into consideration when dealing with the nature of apocalyptics in these two traditions. As Flusser 1964, 86, noted, "it is

,156
I t may be indeed an idea borrowed from India, together with other Indian teachingss4, which

became incorporatedin the Sasanian Avesta.

Regarding the chronological speculations of ZWY, i t should be observed that the date of

s a complicated Zoroaster, whose tenth millennium is frequently alluded to in this composition, i

b u n . While I have no intention to provide here my own solution to this old controversy, it is, nevertheless, to my opinion, thatthe date has a bearing for our texts.

no

accident that in the period of antiquity a genuine

According to the Zoroastrian tradition, the Religion was revealed in 754 ECE, thus 232 years before Darius' accession t o the throne. 970 years before the birth of Mani, thus Zoroaster's life span lastedfrom 784 to 707 BCE".

eschatologicalApocalypse arose amidst two peoples, the Jewish and the Persian; for the religion of both nations according to its innate structure and message is pointing towards the end of time". The case of the Biblical book of Daniel is of crucial importance here. Scholars saw in ZWY 1 perceptions comparable with Nebuchadnezzar's vision in Daniel 2.27-45, and also with Daniel 7. It was stated, until recently, that these parts of Daniel were influenced by Irano-Mesopotamian ideas (Hukgird 1979, 525; Olsson 1983; Eoyce l984b, 70-2). On the other hand, Bickerman 1967, 68, 117, and Duchesne-Guillemin 1982, 758-9, argued for the direct dependence of the r a i n idea of successive world empires on the Jewish sources. Sundermann 1990a thought it possible t o see the metallic symbolism of Daniel's "statue" as original. If Sundermann's view is r r i d , then we have rather a piece of common Iranian-Jewish mythological speculation. In this context, i t is important t o note that Daniel is a figure belonging t o pre-Israelite times. The imagery of the Book of Daniel contains many Ugaritii-Anatolian motifs, prominent also in the Qumran literature and in the Book of Giants. On the other hand, one finds some traits of common Jewish-Iranian lore also i n the H m O t and MSrOt legends preserved in the D e n k a r d account51. Scholars who denied the supposed Iranian impact on Daniel have argued that ZWYis a very late

This

was the reason why Man1 considered himself as being H6edar i.e.. a Zoroastrian

Messiah, having been born 970 years after the revelation of the Mazdayasnian faith, according I0 Ptolemy Canon's~hronolo~y5~. The years

of his youth were full of tumult, including the fall of

the Arsacid dynasty, which was seen as a fulfillment of Zoroaster's prophecy about the end of the m i l i m . ~Kma 1958, 560-4, proved that millennaristic expectations were current in Iran about ManTs time. 3 fact that presumably pushed Mani to believe that he himelf was the H6gedac. According t o his own calculations, Man1 was born 3 0 years before the end of the Prophet's millennium. Thus, aged 30, he introduced himself to the King of Kings' Court, at the N a u r 6 z festival, as proper to Prophets. This is a very important trait, because his activity as Manabem, Maitreya and Paraclete he bagan some 5 years earlier, circa 240 CE, implying that he deliberatelywaited for the cominq date of HOSedar.

I 1

After their victory, the Sasanians were interested both in calming down the millennatistic fears and promulgating their own Messianic role. It was at this time that the chronology was falsified. According to Mas'iJdF's (ed. de Goeje 1894, 97) Kitabu-'1-Tanbih wa'-l-

t e x t or that the 4-metals pattern derivesfrom Greek sourcess2. As to the argument that ZWYis
a "young" text (previously dated as late as the epoch of the Crusades), a similar claim was made
in the case of another Iranian apocalyptic text, Qissa-ye D a n i y f l l (a Judseo-Persian composition which was also attributed erroneously to the same late epochs3). As to the well-known controversy over whether the metals in Daniel were derived from the supposed Iranian tradition or from Hesiod, cf. Gignoux 1985-88, 71, after Duchesne-Guillemin 1982, rightly argued that the metals in ZWY, as applied to a tree, are cleariy non-Iranian.

1I
I

' i s r a f f , the Sasanian chronological forgery was, however, known in some circles, affirming that the forgery was "a religious and political secret of the Persians", w a huwa sirr d l y f l n ~ m k m i a

s I - F u r s . Perhaps this is one of the meaningsof the word &used

in

1 I hope t o treat these subjects elsewhen. 52 Cf. Olson 1983. 26 n. 33-4. 53 However, the text of Qissa-ye oan,y*i, although brought to date, is based on very old Jewish c e s , going back t o the late Second Commonwealth period, cf. Shapim 1999. I will deal with the murces of this J"dm&emia" te* elsewhen.

54 A comprehensive study of indian matehal in sasanian lran is still lacking; many particular point were referred to by different authors; cf., e.g., Bailey 1943, 86: de Menasce 1949, 1-3; Tavadia 1956, 70; Shaked 1984a.49-50. Forthe Denkard allusions to Indian sciences, cf. DW 428. 55 Klima 1958. 563-4. 56 Kiima 1958, 562.

157 ZWY 2: one whoclaimed knowledgeof theunauthorizedchronologywascalled zanaigS7. The chronological falsification was by no means made about the very end of the Sasanian Period, because Agathias, writing circa 550 CE, assisted by his Persian interpreter Sergius, already considered the Arsatid epoch as lasted for 270 years only5'. Actually, the five centuries

158 In the beginning of 2WY 1 and ZWY 3, the Prophet asked for four boons from the Creator, two of which are the knowledge of the future and immortality until the Resurrection6'. T h e four boons were divided between Wi?tZsp, immortality with milk (PaSutan a z Jamasp, l s r e n d l y a r and P a 5 u t a n (who took

an aar

t a r a f S i r dad b i x v a r d i~ nayaward az

and a half that had elapsed since Alexander (corresponding almost exactly to the beginningsof the Seleucid Era) till the establishment of the Sasanian dynasty were reduced t o 266 years by the Sasanian agitprop.
it was made because about 850 years have elapsed since the "traditional date of Zoroaster",

marg yad.accordingtoZaradu~t-NSmah, pp. 7 7 11. 1170). Later in the ZarSduCt- Namah we are told that the Prophet asked for the immortality , but was denied, white (p. 84, [I. 1286-7) : bidadas xuday- i Hhan a r a n n

thus, almost no time was left for the new dynasty. The falsification was achieved by identifying the Era of Zoroaster, "traditional date of Zoroastef, with the current Seleucid Era. and ArdaSTr i PSbagSn made ft t o appear that only 566 years out of the millennium of Zoroaster had elapsed, thus aspiring to add some 434 years to his own new dynasty. Thus, the end of the millennium of Zoroaster was supposed t o take place in 659 (225

yak1 elz manandah- i angubTn

ba Zartust g u f t 3 k i h yak qutrah

fiar

blg0 Sncih bin7 bama dar badar,

+ 434 = 659). And indeed, the

"the Lord of the World blessed h i m and gave him something similar t o honey. He said to Zoroaster 'Drink a drop of it and tell Me what you will see around you!

last Sasanian king, Yazdgird HI, was murdered in 651-2 C E ~ ~ .

(or.in details)'",

If we turn now t o ZWY 3.1-18 [ T E X T VII],

t h i s is where 2WY proper, without

the first two implying that Sb.k l r b , "that which has the form ofwater" (2WY3.6) waschanged to "something similar t o honey". The same beverage, which W i s t S s p is supposed t o drink, appears in PRDD 139-13-18 as man9 andar 5

(which I will call chapters added later, begins. Being an epitome of [the main source of1 Z W Y ~ O though bearing in mind the tentativeness of such a name), this chapter, until 'the original my", ZWY 3.19ff., is modeled on "the original ZWY", while beginning from 3.19 an enlarged version of ZWY 1 is given. The next portion of the original 2WY begins from 7.3 until the end. The portion in between is takenfrom S l t l u a g a r Nask, not from W a h m a n Yast/Yasn,asthe

m a i Ikun!],

"[mixlmang with wine[!]".

while in Dk

7.4.84ff. one reads abar h6m ua mang amSh r a y bare 0 w i s t a s p , "take for us t o W i s t a s p haomawrthniang" (cf. Widengren 1983% 103-4). Afterdrinking that beverage, the according t o t h e z a r ~ a u s tNamah, -

SItlOdgar Naskspokeofdestroyingof DahSg by Freaon.

57 Cf. ' A n b i n Hazm's Kitat)'-' T-FasI f1-'l-mil%l fie' I-ahwS2 (cf. Pines 1990. 43). where W E stated that Anu51rw5n forbade the study [of the books1 in any place in their country other than Arda5lr.Xorra and E5a M.n.dS Gird. Before him (the religion) was only studied in Istax?, and this a s permitted t o special 61ite. Their book which remained after it had been burnt by Alexander, a d 3 i f . sahpuhr 11, after Adurbad underwent, successfuiiy, his molten brass ordeal, addressed (OkM 113.5ff."to all those sectarians who also study the Masks and t o the heretics", etc., a m a g awesan jud.*saroagan ud *~ask,6srnuraansz ua jud.ristag~n ..., implying that study of the N a k , i.e, the Zands, was regarded as containing a trait of unorthodoxy, thus it mu* be c t e d . It is worth noting that the heretics are designated here as jud.*sardagSna jud.rlstagan, notaszandrg. 56 Kllma 1958, 563. 59 Among the authors who dealt with the problem of the 'traditional date': Taqizadeh 1940, Henning 1951, Klima 1958, Shahbazi 1977,Gndi 1980, Humbach 1984a. 60 Cf. West 1904 194 n . 4.
t

"He knew how much hair the cattle have. what is their color and manner",

where a microcosm 1 macrocosm speculation is t o be looked for. This counting of the cattle's
hairs in the ZarSdus t- NSmah, 11. 1292-3. reflects the same tradition as that of ZWY 3.9,

61 In my view, this particular tradition goes back t o the very close circle of the Prophet: while still alive, he believed, like Jesus and Muhammad, that the Kingdom of Heaven was zt hand, to use the language of another religious tradition. 62 P . 85, 1 . 1292-3.
zoroaster was

159 where it is set in the context which speaks of ages symbolized by metals. It is relevant to refer here t o an Iranian myth preserved for us by BTrunr, though, it seems, in a distorted form. ~ ~ ~ ~quoting ~ 1 a6 l.~5 3 b l,l l , informs that according to Persian savants. Jam (Itma) has seen

160

~-

It is of importance that 2WY 7.24 also mentions the XurdSd and Amurdad Yams. The Pahlavi text there runs as follows: fraz wistarcnd pad harn.zOtTh y a z i s n f r a z sazend, ud Amurdad Yasn, barsom ud

ud yazend x u r d a d

pad "ra

K S k r i (*Kay- i ~ i i ? in ) the form of a man containing ail the colors, riding a bull. The bull

r a n g e s t a n i denTg,

"... with joint

invocation they will prepare the Yazisn ceremony,

was of 7 substances: gold, silver, yeitow copperlbrass (sufr). (red) copper (nuhas), iron,
lead (rasas), brassliead ('anuk). This bull symbolized the farrof the world, according t o the

spread forth the b a r s o m twigs, and celebrate the Hurdad and Amurdad Yasns with ie'rang-incantations and the Avestan Nerangestan". in the parallel passage (ZWY 8.7) the reference t o these texts is absent. It isimpossible todecide whetherthe reference to t h e x u r d f l d and AmurdSd YasnswasprovokedinZW7.24 by ZWY 2. As totheXurdSdYasnandA3tSd Yasn proper, they are known, but they are short and based on other texts. No eschatoiogicai information would be supplied from their Avestan form; t o this must be added that the apocalyptical material of the Sasanian Avesta belonged mostly t o Damdad, C i hrdad, Span6 andSttJiJdgar Nasks (cf. Widengren 1983a. 155). Again,

p l a n a t i o n given by B r r u n r himself. This piece of mythological information is of great importance, as i t is not connected with ZWY 1-3, while sharing common features, thus proving that the motifs of the seven metals found in ZWY 1-3 and the vision of Zoroaster in which ( Z W 3.9) the hairs of animalslcattie are referred t o were not combined mechanically, but rather reflect a tost myth.
it is obvious that this mystic rapture of Zoroaster who drank the wisdom in the form of water

one could easily note that the first

and beheld the future is a very short and somehow distorted and incomplete64 version of such well-known soul-Journeys as those of K i r d e r or Arda ~ i r a z ~ But ~ unlike . the souljourneysof K i r d e r or Arda W i r a z (and that of Zoroaster in ZWY 3.15-18). whose aim is to provide a proof of the veracity and benefit of the Zoroastrian faith, the prophetic dream of Zoroaster in ZWY 1 and ZWY 3.19-29 serves a different puroose. namely to provide consolation in the times of hardship: if the first part of the prophecy predicting the coming of evil times in the end of Zoroaster's millennium (ZWY 1.11. 3.29) is fulfilled, so should be fulfilled the prophecy concerning the coming of the Savior and the future redemption. The rest of ZWY, beginning with ZWY 4, is dedicated t o an elaboration of both parts of the prophecy. The short chapter 2 of ZWY [TEXT Vlil] seems to be an independent unit taken from seme secondary compilation (of the type of Bd, WZs, M X etc.). in my own opinion, 2WY 2 is a genuine t h e chapters of ZWY contain themes and vocabulary which ZWY shares with religious authorities mentioned in ZWY 2 appear also in the S a y i s t

AWN^^.
ne

The

Sayist,

NerangestSn, PhlVd, P Y and Dk; they were studied in de Menasce 1983 and in Gignow 1986a m d 1986b. Thisevidence indicates that ZWY could have been drawn upon sources other than the quoted in ZWY itself. Widengren" 1983a, 90, noted that all the redactions of 2WY were made as a result of some collision with other faiths / heresies. This is the reason given for this text being composed, and such a situation might be an explanation for some discrepancies with religious teaching known in public previously (e*, "the real teaching was unknown as the teaching were of secretive character"), or, rather, for the text itself being previously unknown ("it was kept in secret t o c o a l the truth from the heretics, but now i t became revealed").

verbatim quotation from earlier text[s], though it was supposed (cf. Czegiedy 1958, 34-35)
that the reference t o different texts

- (the ZanflTs of) the Wahman Yasn, XurdaTd Yasn and

However, i t could be taken for granted that the era of the struggle against the heresies must
have left some impact on the literary activities of the clergy. What is sure is that the text of ZWY

sta ad Yam) as containing the same statement, together with naming of several known
authorities, looks suspicious. Nevertheless. Widengren 1983a. 102, 104. took the existence of the three sources for granted.

Zcannotbedatedpriortotheepochof Anflsurwan (cf. Gignoux 1986a. 58).

Dk 9.6.2 [TEXT

1x1, e.g,

probably refers t o Mazdak, while trying t o play down his religious

rank67 and accusing him (?) of "foreignness" (it is t o be noted that no accusation of "foreignness" was turned on Mani. cf. Chapter 111.3). On the other hand, it is absolutely 66 E n the textual traditions of ZWY an AWN have some cross-points: one of these could be, e.g., the use of the strange expression ew bar, "one time", "once",which appears in ZWY 2 and in A W NI 67 Mazdak, as i s well known, was a religious authority of the highest rank (mobadan.mobaa). Nevertheless, some texts could have been unknown even to him, because, i.a., sometimes Avestan texts r e better known than the Zand,cf. Shaked 1969a. 190-3, esp. p. 192.

63 Khalidou 1959. text 159: translation: 167 64 Cf. Gignoux 1986a. 58. 65 The expression G.m ("61 burzlSnTg sahist repeated in ZWY 3.15-18 is typical for AWN, cf. Gignoux 1986a. 58-9.

161 impossible that such an event as the fall of the Empire after the Islamic invasion left no impact on the literary activity of the Zoroastrian priests and scribes.
Ed 33 is a composite text of mostly myttiological character in the middle of which a passage is

162

~-

"A multitude will come with red ensigns and red banners, and will seize P a r s and the districts of the Iranian Realm upto Babylon, and, they will humiliate the Arabs. And then, from the direction of the East. one bad man will come; he dives away those of P a a l s x v a r g a r ; he will

inserted taken form the Xvaday Namag, the passage in question being perhaps the only surviving authentic Pahlavi fragment of this Sasanian chronicle; its style is dry, objective and narrative, and is amazingly close in tone t o the style of Arabic re-workings of the Xvaday Namag. In order to illustrate this point, here are some short excerpts in translation (Bd 33.20-21 VDfr XI): And when the reign came t o Yazdgird, he ruled for twenty years, then the Arabs rushed into ran in large numbers: Yazdgird is not flowering68 in the battle against them; he went to X v a r a s a n a n d T u r k e s t a n t o ask there for support in horses and men, and they killed him there. The son of Yazdgird went t o India and brought a large army; before its (the army's) arrival in XVarasSn, he went into exile and this large army was disturbed and the Iranian Realm remained in the hands of the Arabs ... . The impotence of Yazdgird and the abortive attempt of Yazdgird's son P f r o z to reconquer described with a sort-of bitter criticism which still could be sensed in Bd 33.20-21, provoked, nevertheless. Messianic expectations (ZWY 7.7.1 4; 8.1 [TEXT XI]): When the Kay will be thirty years of age

i s wicked rule for several years establish h

....

After that, the Turkish army will rush into the Iranian Realm in large numbers and with many banners, will desolate this prosperous and sweet-smelling Iranian Realm, will disturb many thriving families, will perpetrate much harm and violence to the men of the Iranian Realm, and will eradicate, disturb, and seize many mansions, until God will have mercy. And when fhe Byzantines will arrive and rule for a year, a t that time, one will come from the frontiers of Kabulestan. in whom there will be xvamah, of the lordly family, whom they call Kay Wanram, and all men will support him again, and he will rule even over India, Byzantium. T u r k e s t a n , over all the frontiers; he will remove all impious beliefs and having restored the Avesta 1 Religion of Zoroaster, no person will dare to come in public with any other belief". ZWY 7-8 treats the events of the 11th Zoroastrian century, that of the future Savior Hfisedar. Two are preparing the coming of Hosedar: Kay W a h r a m and PesOtan (compare I d 33; Kippenberg 1978, 64). The history of the former is t o be found in the Younger Avesta, where he appears as a mythological (pre-Zoroastrian?) divine royal hero. Already in the third century the name became popular among the members of later Sasanian dynasty; five Sasanian kings bore this name, from W a h r f f m I. 273-6, t o W a h r a m V, 421-439. This seems t o

..., the armies with innumerable banners, the Indian

reflect eschatological tensions of the approaching end of the Prophet's millennium; the Sasanian kings, who pretended t o be of divine origin, began adding Kai- to their names70. The restoration of the older Iranian traditions as found in full in the S 3 b Namah was not only "the Iranian answer t o the but also a part of the "system pressure", as exemplified,

and the Chinese armies having up-raised banners [for they will raise the banners aloft], having
ereel banners, having erect weapons, they will make razzoak upto We h r o d

.... For the support

of the Iranian countries, there will be the innumerable troops of XvarasSnians having erect banners ... . About Wahram 1 Warzawana i t is manifest that he will come forth with fullness of xvsmah

;.a,, in arising of the codified "Sasanian Avesta", with the renewed interest in older traditions
which naturally accompanied the process of the codification. if the figure of W a h r m in the apocalyptical fragments arose from remnants of the C o b m i a n agitprop (cf. Czegl6dy 1957 and 1958) and under the impact of the flight of the last Sasanian prince to China, the figure of P e s o t a n (the priest who is the immortal son of the first Zoroastrian king), who will join forces with wahram i Warzawand t o rescue Iran, should be seen, in the same apocalyptical

... he will re-establish these Iranian countries created by Me,

Ohrmaza.

This is a combination made up of different sources a t a late date (8.below), while the Bd passages following those quoted above represent a slightly older version, though also of a composite character (Bd 33.24-27

iTCCT XI):

68 or, "triumphant:", SkOhCd historical present. 69 For a "Pang account about the last decades of Sasanian Iran and Pffrffz's activities, cf. Chaunnes 1903, 170f.. esp. p. 172.

fragments, in the context of the Late Sasanian poliical and religious situation72. We are told that
70 Sundermann 1992; Yarshater 1966. 71 Cf. SZhpuhfs letters quoted above, compare Yarshater 1971; Biur 1993. 72 I b p e t o tree, this subject a t length eisevdhae.

163 then Mithra will fight Pe5otan's battle against the demons who ruled a thousand years more than was allotted to them (these fragments describe the 11t h century of the millennium); thus, being perhapsan indicationthat the text was arranged a f r e r t h e Sasanian period. However, a thorough analysis of the passages enables us to date at least some of them, though for the most part the references to constant wars with the neighbors are not helpful. Wahram V G6r fought Byzantines, Chionites and Hepthalites; Yazdgird 11 fought White Huns (Chionites and Hepthalites) and the Christian Armenians; KawSd i fought Byzantines and

164 Then, "a woman will be the ruler", obviously the Queen 86i-an, a daughter of the ill-fated Xusraw I1 Parwez (less probably, her sister Azarmeduxt). Thus, we have here traces of rather late redactions going back t o the last decades of existence of Sasanian Iran. In ZWY 7.1 2 [TEXT XI we have, according to my interpretation, the references ,to battles against the invading Arab Muslims: in 636, the battles of af-Jisr and O S d i s i y a h were fought, then the bloody battleat J a I r i l a 7 6 opened the way tothe passes throughzagros. and the battleat N i h a w a n d that followed enabled the Arabs to penetrate the heart of the Iranian plateau.

Huns; his son Xusraw I Anogurwan fought Byzantines and Hepthalites, who were finally
defeated by Turks and Xusraw circa 558-561; Ohrmazd (Hormizd) iV fought Byzantines and Turks; then. of course, there came the revolt of Wahram i COben, the Crusher of the Turks, 2nd the Byzantine invasion led by Maurice, who seized Armenia in 591 and gave her daughter Maria as wife t o his client Xusraw 11. After Maurice's death, however, hostilities with Now we turn, in order to establish the scriptural sources of the eschatological fragments, to some terms typical for these texts. As t o "uplifted", or "erect", "banners / standards", or "spears"77, i t is impossible t o provide a more precise translation for the simple reason that in translations from Avestan, Pahlavi words may retain the meaning of their Avestan etymon, their "dictionary value" thus being different from that used elsewhere. The original text in which the notion had its origin seems t o be the TYr Vast (Yt 8.56) [ T m Xlli], with its u z g a r a p t 6
I 1.11 (Ohrmazd a r a f 5 6 ; unfortunately, we do not possess a Pahiavi version of this text. Y

Byzantium broke out again and it was Xusraw 11 who gained the most success against the Byzantines. However, in 623 TUrklito-Khazars and the Byzantine armies of Heraclius invaded 1 P a r w c z (590-628) the Triumphant, the Third Iranian Empire almost I r a Under Xusraw I reached the extent of the Empire of the Achcemenids, after this king conquered Jeruslem and Egypt (614) and was about t o capture Constantinople (626); this seems to be the rule referred

YaSt, being a secondary text) [TEXTXIVal elaborated the notion taken, supposedly, fromYt 8.56:

to inDk 7.40ff. (on Caesar and Khagan) ITDCT ~ 1 1 ' ~ .

This king was killed as a result of a conspiracy which involved his own son, Ser6y who ruled for half a year as K a w a d 11. As the name K a w a d is a shortened form of Kay Kawad, there is no doubt that the Kayof ZWY 7.6, "whose father's life will come to an end"", is no other

b a r a n t a n a , "with many spears, with the straight spears/standards, with the spearslstandards uplifted, bearing the spears/standards of blood".

Here m . a r a r s a l i q u z a ~ a r a ~ t o . a r a f ~ aare i i qused as synonymous7B terms ("straighWupiifted").

but S r f f and "the father ofthe Kay" is Xusraw 11 Parwez. Thus, ZWY 7.6 is to be dated by 628 CE~'. In the following, it is stated that "they will bring him up with the maidens of the king"; t o my opinion, a different monarch is meant here. not S e r o y e (whose rule was short-living), but his minor son A r d a S e r Ill.

The Pahiavi version of Ohrmazd Yaqt has non-etymological s t e n d a g

r a f 5 foraraAv6-drarsaandetymologicalui g r i f t drarS f o r u z [ a I ~ s i a p t o . d r a r < a .

One may be almost sure that the source of the notion in our extant Pahlavi texts was notthe
Sr65 Ya51, where similar expressions appear twice, for the reason that the Pahlavi versions of

73 MX 21.25-6 refers t o Sasano-Byzantinewars (Tafazzoli 1992, 555): KG AnerTh 1 Hr6migSn ud Turkanaz abag SrSnagan be a z ban ken bud ISSn pad ffzadan T Eric k S t ud t # Wasgird ham paywandEd, "the cause of the Byzantine and Turkish enmity towards the Iranians is that they (the Byzantines and Turits) killed Eric: it will last until the Renovation", thus leaving a mom for reconciiiation. 74 Note the euphemism for p8t"ddel 75 The gloss contains somechronologicalinformation: "in the month Ab3n on theday Wad".

76 The restoraiion in the text is mine. 77 "Banners" (dgi) appear already in Elephantine Aramaic papyri; "banners" were important in the cult i f Hatra (smyt') and still are in the Mandean religion (ararsa). 78 As etwnons of the Avestan ara&wa-, AiW 351 quoted two Ossetic forms. "dig, wdag, "Steiiweg". ~C . T O S T ~n m m c This etymology is correct: yuowi"'wnon CHJIOH. VKJIOH. O T B ~ C ' ; WOW n ~ e v y u " 79 I n PhlVd 1 . 6 the same word is the epithet of Bactria "with erect banners" (83x81 abrSst drars).

165 abrast], "this one who protects the entire corporeal existence with upraised weapon raised a weapon]".

166

We., he

This Avestan -drafS

d r a f 5 a m b a r q t a l l a was rendered, with right, as k g @ barend [pad r e kardan 6 mardomanl. "who ~ S Tthe banners with

bloodshed [with wounding peoplel" (Avestanxro- is always rendered by w lxranihandglossed

S s , cf. Schwartz 1982; cmp. AiW 539). The expression x r a r a d r a f z a 0' 57.25,
16Sm6 du2d%dr2vaii2t, ma v l a a t a o t dauu6.d2tS "may you protect us AiW 539). "bloody standard / spear"

~t1.11;

seems t o be 3 Late Avestan misinterpretation of an older

... from

the wicked Wrath, from the wicked armies which raise the

Avestanterm. Thisis the Yastic expression x r v f . d r a v - (AiW 540). "with a bloody club"83,

bloodstained standard, from the deceptions of Wrath, which the malignant Wrath causes, twether with the demon-created V i a . 3 t ~ " ~ O

a frequent epithet of X< as t o semantics, "spear", besides "standard I banner" of d r a f s a

(standards were tied up to spears), is fairly close in meaning t o "club". In Pahlavi Zands

v f . d r a v - w a s transcribed as h u w l d l w < o r h u l d l p 5 (read: x r w i a r - u s orxurdru?,cf. This is rendered by the Pahlavi version as follows: MacKenzie 1971, 94), with the second spelling demonstrating that the term was sometimes analyzed in Pahlavi as containing the word for "banner / spear", not for "club".

h be p

be a

w e druwana Xesm be az a w e druwand hen I T d r a f g " w e d Pad p<Obay T X d.San

du3manI k e

*xruwlg81

Later, i t was misinterpreted as * u l . d r a f " w i t h raised banner" (MacKenzie 1971, 94),

andul g r i f t d r a f s becameused b e s i d e x r w i d r u / x u r d r u ? (compare ZWY 7.18, 7.26 [TEXT XI, ZWY 4.26 [TEXTXVI for x r w r d r u s / x u r d r u ? and ZWY 6.6 [TEXT XVII. ZWY 7.7

xe5m T du2,danag dared C.San abag WTdad 1 dewan.dSd,

"... may you protect us ... from the wicked Xesm,

and thedemons-createdW r d a d is with them"82.

from the wicked army [the hostile], which

[TDCT XI for d r a f s u l gTrndS4 The contexts like the quoted aboveus [ = u l l drara

xroram

leads aloft the bloody standard under the leadershipof Xe5m; Xesm, the ignorant, keeps them

gerawnan [=*gTrend] demonstrate how easily this could be misinterpreted.

The S [ t I u d g a r Nask of the Sasanian Avesta contained mostly midrashic interpretation of the Pahlavi version of the G m S ; a shortened version of the Kamnamez f r a g a r d of the

AS

onecansee, pad u l l h * x r u w l g

d r a r s nayed is a far cry from u l g r l r t drafS,

S[tladgar

Nask still survives as Dk 9.16 (DkM 803-6).

There one finds (DkM 805.9).

though i t should be noted that thechoiceof *"idan, nay- for the Avestan u s seems surprising (*"I grlftan, gTr- is expected). As t o us

... g a r a w n a n
drafsam

among other motifs unsupported by the extant PY, a description of the mythical fortress K a n g d i z located somewhere in the Iranian East (Dk 9 . 1 6 . 1 5 ) ~ ~ [TEXT XVII]. In this Late

xruram

garawngn, "which raise the bloodstained standard", i t has its parallel in Yt 1.11 with its d r a f a b a r a n t e l l a , "bea"ng the spears/standards of bloofl', which come5 immediately after "with the spears/standards uplifted" (uzaasraptS.drataIia)

Sasanian version, serious mistakes were made by compilerTs1 of redactorfs], who, in my opinion

(cf. my notes there) misunderstood*stendag d r a f s of their Zandoriginal which goes back to

A r a a w 6 drafSa, and created "Kangdizof hundred medons I pinnacles AND a myriad

banners Ispeare".

I his translation is based on ~rqenbroek1985. 51; the translation of the almost identical passage found in the Mhr-Yast (Yt 10.93) given in Gerahevitch 1967, 119, is different on several points. 81 m e hapax-xruwrg (for xrsram, related t o Slavic words for "blood") is almost unattested in the M S tradition, cf. Dhabhar 1927, 117.3 n. 13; Dhabhar 1963, 219-220, nn. 5-6; Kreyenbroek 1985, 91
n.

25.7. 82 n i s translation is, basically, adopted from Kreyenbroek 1985, 51, 53.

83 It is of interest that Abu Mislim's IBihzSdan b.WlndaC-Hurmuzd, according t o Ibn a l - A e t r ) partisans, donned in black, referred t o their wooden clubs as 'infidel-fellera". cf. ZamTnkub 1975, 53. 84 Quotations with similar meanings were drawn together in ZWY: compare abra'stag.zSn in Z W Y 7.7, from P Y 57.16 (abrast sneh [kii sneh ew abrastl), found inZWYIn the same passage with d r a f s i l QTrend, or abrffstag,drafg jn the same passage (ZW 7.7) and in 2 W Y 7.14 (from PhlVd 1.6, 0 " is used as the epithet of &actria?). r e the s 85 This Wt passage and ZWY 7.28 oo back to the same source.

167 In my opinion (and it seems to be aiso the opinion of Tafazzoii 1971, 199-200, though his interpretation there is different

168 These "AvesticizedDenemies are said to be "the armvof these dSws with dishevelled hair ..., the army havina the wide front of the Turks and the Karmir enemy [know that they will have a high banner, for the" wiii hold the banner UD

- he emended the text in order to make i t to conrespond to PhlYt

1.1 1 [TEXT XIV]), this D e n k a r d passage goes back directly to the Pahlavi version of Yi 1.1 1. It should be aiso noted that the compiler did not realize that his source contains a passage derived from ~ h i y 1.1 t 1 (a much read text); he was not aware of parallels such as PhlVd 1.6 (which is

...I.the ieathem-belted Turks and the Sedaspian

draf? u1

and Kelesiyaaian Byzantines" (spah T aweS dewan i w l z a r d ~ w a r s a n. . . hen i V . n T ~ g l . d u ? m e n , T u r k I T 1 KarmTr. [had u l d r a f s . h n girend

even more frequently read).

Zands were used to demonize the adversaries of iran and her rulers, as well as to provide
consolation in times of hardship. In ZWY 6.3.5-6 we have mentioned toqether Sedasp, upraised standards / spears (draT u l girend), KeiesiySgTh. Seaasp (which appears in Dk

...I .

T u r k T duwal kustTg, Hromayig, SedSspTha T KeleslyagTha, 2WY

6.6). "the army with the wide front of the two-legged creaturesof wolves and the ieathem-belted dews" (hen T frax. anTg u d dam i gurg T do zang u d dew T dawal kUstlg, 2WY

7.1 1); the enemies of Iran are described in ZWY 1.1 1, 3.29 and 4.3 as dewan T w i z a r d . w a r s 1 xegm.t6hmag, "demonswithdishevelled hairs, of the seedof y.em" The expression xeSm.tfihmag has a long history in the apocalyptic tradition of the Eastern Mediterranean, and is ultimately an Iranian motif (cf. Pines 1962-'l); the idea that these demonic invaders have "dishevelled hairs', w l z a r d . w a r s , goes back to the mairya- bands of pre-Zoroastrian paganism, whose threatening image later on has been strengthened by the image of the Turk. This expression is used in ZWY 1.11, 3.29, 4.3, 4, 10, 26: 6.1, 6; the in ZWY 4.59, 6.6, 7.32, an

D C T XVilll; ZWY 6.3.5.6 [TEXT Nil;7.1 1 F X T XI) seems to be an ~ v e s t i i c i s m but ~~. 7.8.47 P
it denotes unvariab~ychristian ~ ~ z a n t i n e the s~~ term ; ~ e i e syiz g i h (the reading of Cereti 1995 is K i U s a y Tg) denotes the same88, as is evident from the gloss quoted in the name of M a h w l n d a d (Mahwindad g u f t k u bawend); Bpmtines were actuaily called

"Romans" by the Sasanian Iranians and by many other nations, and so was their selfdesignation, ~ ~ ,last Byzantine contemporary of the Sasanians, that the too. It was not until ~ e r a c l e u s the Hellenic elements beam to emerae back in BvzanuumgO

eschatological invaders are designated as "leathern-belted"

<pression that had perhaps some roots in the historical reality; however, it was used also in the Egyptian "Potter's Oracle", being there, in ail probability, an Iranian import. The expression ~sed in Y Z Q I 6.6, 7.1 1 che army havim the wide front of the Turks and the Karmrr" (hen T with the wide from [the

r r a x v . a n T g au?men, T U ~ K ) goes back to v h ~ 1.11: t " m y

1st tinbedingt avestisch, htjchstwahrschein~ich t~sa<t3-s~3-,'gi~wende se~#~pschaft:.. oer ~ a m e Rose habend". I accept the opinion of Widewren. adding that an Aramseo-Iranian popular etymology perhaps also took place: Aramaic a"demon", was known in Ira" (New PersianA,(/a "mad with v e , demon". Kurdish Set r peterr. "teuflisch"), and i t would be plausible t o suggest the possibility of an interpretation of Sedfisp as *$d 'demon", + asp. "horse*. If so. this usage of the tern must be dated only after the shift o f t to d in an intervocalic position, namely, dose t o the end of the Sasanian epoch. Asseoasp was applied, for some reason, only to Byzantines, the supposed demonic semantics Of this word overlapped with other terms for alien invaders, such as 'those with dishevelled hairs*, I d w a r s , buiana peSag, "riders", i n Dk &.8.2 must stand for S d a s t A ~ i a r a o ~ cf. ~ ~ New ~ i ,Persian (via Aramaica?) 88 A t o h i e m , one may think of * m a w , a k a i r z ( c f . Damesteter 1883, 69, 335 n. 4); kisy'kwas compared by Darmesteter 1892-3, I, 8083 etc., and by Nybem 1929, 53, also to Auestan Karasanay- of H6m YaSt (Y 9.24; cf. AiW 4701. On this t e r m cf. aiso Widengren 1983. 116: Kreyenbroek 1983. 101-2 n. 6.10. 89 H ~ ~ C I ~was U S the first ~~zantine emperor whogave up the h t i n title imperatorandacceptedinstead also adopting, for he first time, Greek as an official language. of it the i reek aooi~fuc, ln ~ahlavi leicts. Alexander was always seen as hrCmayTg. "Roman", i.e., Wantine Greek. Even 90 later,the ottoman Turks were railed Rcwrby Central Asian and Indian Muslims. Much later. Mustafa 1 e Rum, rorkas the seNdefi"it10" for the Anatdia" citczem of ?he Kern2 Atam* co"s,dered for a *

e m s whose land is vast; there is some one who says: " r r a x v s n i g . with the wide front" means they have wide foreheads, being the T r r a n i a n T d " (henaz T fraxvanlg

IduSman bamaSan f r s x v . h a s t k e g5wSd ed f r a x v a n i g kG.San pe$anTg f r s x v Turk T T u r i g l ) , where the later gloss refers to the racial characteristics of Turks equated with the AvestanTuranians. in Dk 7.8 different chronological layers can be traced: Dk 7.8.2 [TEXT XIX] ascribed t o Byzantines "with dishevelled hairs" (w l z a r d - w a r s ) "the transfer of the Iranian royalty from Iran, the disturbance of law, custom, rite" ( h a n j a r l s n i Eran.xvadayTh a z Eran.$ahr, I S o b i S n T dad, ewen, ristag); the most importantfeatures of this passage are:

Republic.

169 1) the designation of the Byzantines as K r i s y a n i g , closer t o Xplmlwvsupposedly, an older form than K e l e s l y a g i h ; 2) dating of this event by "the ninth and the tenth centuries", not by the eleventh century, as in

/-*

170 and,

. -

(cf. Henning 1951, 45; Mahlagha Samadi 1986,103; Schwartz 1970, 3911, as ma karbai 'don't talk nonsense!", karblida, "go on moaning (mumbling)", in a religious context (of Koran reciting). Though the general sense of Y 32.1 5a was grasped by the Zandlists, their translation was based

the ZWY P?St fragments;

3) these events are taking place in "the now visible circumstances" (ha" i nGn wenabdag EdOnih); 4) it is stated that these events are prophetically (pe5.kedig1M) predictedin the Avesta.

on the similarity of sound between unconnected Avestan and Pahlavi words; it was probably a
vT.nSnasa' in this verse, rendered as an.b "non-seeing, sightless", that aroused the

7.8.60-Dk 7.9.23 [TEXTXXVI, PhlYt 1.10 [TEXT XXVib], keksa$karapsareglossedas"those Thus, this passage can be dated by the last decades of the Sasanian Empire. Another passage, connected with the one quoted above, is Dk 7.8.40-43 [TEXT XII]. This passage, too, speaks of "passing over of the authority from the wicked ones of all the periods" (in this context, it is unclear whether '"the wicked ones" are alien enemies o r evil I r a n i a n rulers); the tent. however, clearly identifies the Avestan "kek and k a r a p who are the most evil rulers in authority" (we will turn to this expression later) with "those who are in power ... people such as the Caesar and the Khagan". No doubt, the events of mid-620s are referred to. In contrast. Y t 11.6 [TEXT XXI the Sasanian prime-minister under Yazdgird 11, and quoted by the Armenian author EiiSe ("The War of Vartan". Erevan edition, p. 24) stated: "every man who does not follow the Mazdaworshipping Religion is deaf. blind and deceived by Ahriman's dews" (oc ouni zaurens d e n mazdesn na xoul who are deaf and blind in the things of God" (pad c i s i Yazdan k a r r u d kdr). The term was widely used by Sasanian Iranian for people whom they saw as wicked rulers and evil "nonorthodox" or "on-Zoroastrian pnestsg2. The edict issued in the fifth century by Mihr-Narseh,

seems to belong t o an earlier date, as

it refers t o Byzantines only. Dk 7.8.47 [TEXT Will1

ew k o l r ew divac haramanoi xabeal, where Armenian

belongs to a slightly later date than Dk 7.8.40-43 [TEXT Xii], as it speaks of "Turkic demons with dishevelled hairs, Arabs, and also the *Christian *Byzantine Seaasp" (Turk dewihaz 1 d w T i z I g ud SedSspaz 1 KiIiSlYag HrOmIaylTg). Though Dk 7.8.40-43, with its political actuality, could be easily

xoul ew k o i r corresponds t o Pahlavi k a r r ud ker, cf. Russelll987a,l36 n. 90-9Oa)

Now we turn t o a late Pahiavi text of a post-Sasanian date known as "Sa'h wahram i

seen as a piece of

Warzawand", which continues and develops, in an interesting form, many of the motifs studied

propaganda, nevertheless, it is based on a Pahlavi re-working of a lost midrasfsv:commentary to Y 32. Another text based on the same lost And is Dk 9.32 (War5mansar Nask) (another echo is to be found in Dk 8.35.13). Dk 9.32.23 [TEXT XXI] is 3 combination derived from P Y

above. The text is extant now in two different versions both containing numerous interpolations

and glosses. It should be noted that from the linguistic point of view. the text is in New persiang3
rather than in Pahiavi proper. One version was edited and translated in Blochet 1895, 241-3, 1-3; another version was edited in JamaspAsana 1897, 160-1 and Bailey 1943. 195f.: i t was ; poetic character of the text was r e d in de Menasce 1947, cf. also Tafazzoli 1 9 7 ~ ' ~the treated in Nyberg 1928; Benveniste 1930; Henning 1942 (1944); Henning 1949-50. Tavadia 1950; Tavadia 1955 (who noted that the text is a poem with rhyme), Boyce 1954; Tafazzoli

32.14a & 15a [TEXTS XXII &7 XXIIII (an old Zand of these passages is preserved also in Dk 7.8.26 [TEXT XXIV]. theme of Dk 9.32.23 is "transferof sovereignty, whose rulers are the k f f s

&arm,

they who are the worst rulers in the land", cf. also Dk 9.31.18, Dk 7.9.23.

and Karaps are Pahlavi forms of older Iranian terms, which underwent the process of demonization in the Zoroastrian padance. K continues Oki Iranian and Old Indie k a v 1- and is s c t e d t o L y c i a n k a v e - "priest", Hittite mukawar, mukessar, "prayer", from m u g a i "to pray", Carian m u k o m r , Lycian mukssa, while the rootof the word Karapan- survived in Khwarazmian ( k a r b "to moan. mumble"; "jammem, stonen") until the Muslim epoch

92 Cf.. e.g.. ~k 7.8.30: k s r awe3an druz hend ke 0 to ham.pursend ud magah sastar, ud wenzg aw?ana druz h ke B a w e a n ham.pursena, SgahTh menend ud an3g3h hena . . , "blind are these druzdemons who inquire you, and Ignorant tyrants (they are), and even ihlamffy . those are seeing dm-demons, who confer with them, they meditate (about) knowledge, but they are ignorant heretics 93 Judging from its New Persian vocabulary which includes even some Arabic words; similarity v s found with the text published by Henning 1950,647ff. 94 Non vidiJamaso-Asana Madressa Jubilee Volume. 75ff.

...".

174
So far tfre Wo texts were basjcalW iientical. It is here that the dffferencs beg;"

- rfre wmbn

of "Pahlavi Texs"reads

When he corns, he will tell in India o n one crowd f armywhat we have seen from the h a d I fmm the p w r o f t h e Arab.

When he comes, he will tell in India, saying: " w e l l 7 , who are the ruler, We fought the

Arabs, the Turks. 8yzantIum. ~ h i n a ~ ~ ~ a ~ t h e & m ~ o f ~ z z a n (so) da thatthey, r z n , having k e n overcome, accepted the Pure G o d Religion and the worship of the Yazatas and the Holy
lmmonals and the red tiazen Fire". And from the time of S p i t a m a n Zoroaster of Immortal
SOUI~l9 the

bre Religion m s current a b u t 1000 years, but now, the miceeting A r a b who

have character and nature ofdernw

...

in sindb 8 s found in A y l 8.45. AmmQ the Pa-es, -me expeeati0nS Ill A reference t o Z o r m s ~ ~ m afthccom!"~ofwahrsm from India t o Irkrate lmn from rhe lsIam8c gra3p are current until ?h#s WV day. 112 cf. ~ 7 . 1 0 b , e h , and my mte t k r e . 113 we h w that t k Seteudh uwd tnrerpretm in their m u w k t h m amies. d. 8icke-n 1938. 8%
:t ! s not

lmpss!We t k t the Arsccds and the Ssanians preserved ml5 p&iCe.

175 The M a z a n a a r a n dews are mentioned in a s i m h context also in Dk 9.21. In my opinion,

176

.-

Khazars (?), Byzantines and Arabs. Bearing in mind the Caucasian connection of WahFSm's activities, the demons of M a z a n d a r a n could k ~ h a identifiable p with Georgians, Caucasian Albaniaw or with other Caucasian peoples (or -T"rkOtsm).

one of the reasons why they are r e f e r 4 t o here i s that this text was c o m m d inT.abarestSn,
one of the ~aststronghoids of innian resistance, m s a r ~ a z a n o a r a n . ~ a z a i n i i a l z od a ~ v a ,

t k dm=-adherentsof ~ a r a n a ' ~ (cf. l Y t 5.22, Yt 5.33. Vd 1 . 1 7 l ~ ~were ) , frowned u p " with

such a mystical fear that it was in their land that the White Dew of Mazandaran was
dxed'z3. m u m i n g outside the szh- Namah aim in the Mediaeve1 ~ m n i a sawn n

pic'^^,

thi9 daimn must k a blurred reminiscence of the pre-iranlan " ~ r y a n "diviniv; a mant, of

course, "gd",

and

iu appellatbe,

sped, means in Iranian, and, especially, in ~ r n e n i a n ~ ' ~ ,

"bright, l ~ m i n o u ~ Thus, "~~s ~p.e d must be a rendering of the older n a m , V y a u s A w n or the hke.

like dcgs they eat the bread. They have taken away the sovyeignty from the +Szsanians. Not
by skill, rot valor, not by the power of wisdom, bur in m k e r y and injustice have they taken i~

I 2 0 From mas*, "big*, > "sza"dar$", am, .ravine", Baiiey 1979, 11s. perhaps the mame of [mad*] isconnected tom#zao=. ~edes 121 lndic V a r ~ u OAomow , > Pahled Vsran, demon of cmcup(scence, &mow 1973, 135. 122 Cf. Henning 1947-8. 52-3. 123 Onwhichcf. Neldeke 19M. 124 Cf. Rus*il 19%. 125 Eeiw asmiated Mth ange!~,etc,; Ref. J.R. Ruseii, mn om1 ~ o m u n i c a t ~ o n . Zeus etc., m the one band, and Xma xs>$/a-, *luminous, sh!n,ng". 0 " the 126 Compare *Eyeus, other.

".,:,
7 9nd b

.i 7q54. ~ 2 ~ 1.

me ~ moSTmcm *dimr

~, ~

. .
of ZWY read the W O C T~ ~

x d w lcf. the

We shall bring this Sah wahram the worker of mighty deeds, of the Kaysnian family, t o
vengeance on the Arabs (on the same way) as R s t a s t a h m tore the club of vengeance on the world. Their mmques we will cast down, we will set UP Fires, thew i ~ ~ t e m p l we e s will dig up
a d purify away fmm the wodd & that *hail mn*h the spawn of the wicked one fmm this woda.

Elochet's verslom reads:

C E he? kas pad en ewe" pad stahmag n s staa estea ud c1y6n aew.kg5 a a r m d

n e pmlle! concluding prayer in E k h e t ' s re* reads:

amzh pad ummed 1 madan 1 WaPhram i amawana pad stahmbaglh u d b e s w
T aweSan xursanaTha abar barem kG pad ha" zaman pad n s r 6 g ua a y y a r i h T

ua dew.pe%g r m m ~ h

k c m a i waa.tar

paa qchan a s a k a r t a r u d w m ~ h "a

aaa i

mmig m a n kard hens. ud paa k a r i w ~ n a h . k a r i h c e r ud

T

U h ~ m a z d "a

AmahPaspandan hamag a m

du8menZn

waa.menlsnan u d

dO<mmTh pad w ~ n m . k a r a n weh w n m a "a Qem

a o m v "a p a d l i r a h anaar

uzdssn.parastan

az bun b e k a n e m ua hamag g e h a n az w a d . t a r i h "a

"a i r a r 6 " i h wuzurg e d

u z a ~ n . p a r a s tpak hawed ud Den T abezag "a r'astlh a l l ne a r e n a "a m s p i g "0 r 6 ~ p i g - b a r a g i h anam ~ ~ ~ awesan was hast. pad kamag.wehaEnan. ud Den T abczag ud kZr.klrbag Kn.menISn "a u d dad i x v a r r [ a h l Derang.gurtarTh Ud aisOs[Thl ud rlyahrTh ud stahmbagih 35kBr bGd hast, fraprt,

Under oppresion, we are of h o w in coming of the mighty W a r h r z m , snd we bear rheir tyranny ioYfulb, that at that time, by the might and assimnce of U h r m a z a and the lmmmal Bountiful Ones, we will em6bcate entirely the reltgbn of the enemies, those of bad thought and l d o l ~ w o r ~ h i w and s , the whole world will be clean of evil and idolatry, and the Pure Religion and the Tmth and great piety [are] desirable [for] Zoroastrians. Finmhed,

179 It is o b i o m tha? the structure of both texts is identical, and that they were compsed, at least pack, from 5imiIar. if not the same, sources, as Z W with its pami!&
The referemes t o theclub, "tovengeance on the Ambs",to the S T s t z n l c hem Rntastahm,
k is interesting to

180

nore (d. Boyce 1987b, 127) ?hat "there were Zoroasttiam among ths

Hindus, AYJ 8.4-5, and Turks, AYJ 12.9". In AYJ 12.8-9 we i n a d have:

compared t o "Szh WahPzm the worker of mighty deeds, of the Kayanian family", are interesting. Of course, h t h V a r a e r z @ a andRustam carried a club, as many other heroes did, b a this interference with the matwid detived from the post-Sssanian "Book of Kings" is nevwIheles$ surpri$ing, as wighther Ru$tam the Saka, nor the histork Wahrsm 1 C6b w e e of Kayanhn stock, as seen from the p i n t of view of Sasanim byalists. it was amthe7 w m m that wo~ked here139, that of the epic of the Eastern Iranian frontier. T u r k e s t z n k a vast place and all of it is cold, it is forests, they have few fruit-trees and eatable fruits and [other eatable] things. There are s o m among them'who worship Moon and there are some who are sorcerers, and there are some who are of the k d Religion.

If we turn now to the AyJ mtetial as connected to the "Coming of S z h w m r z m " c e x ~ we

6n.z there interestiq remarks refeming to Chinese, Indians and others. As this t e n (AYJ 15.7k Sasman king-list up to Yazdgird Ill, the amngemnt of the text could ke dated, 27) contains t

The m o n # r ~ c t e d P a h l ~rext M ofAyJ 5 *a& as follow:

The cultivate the land. When they die, they thmw (theirdead) in forests, and there are some w b go to Paradise, a d them are sore who go t o wli and ~ i m h l

East-

140 n i s t e a seems t o refer to the Western [or, evsn t o the Khuar) Khaganate rather than to the Khwnate. a* the text mentims iomsts the pradce of co-xps"re in forests, similar t*

181
Our text speaks, however, of an ambivalent attitude towards the inhabitants of lndia, whose

182 This is a rather vivid description of the pre-T'ang When Zoroastrianism first

religious practices were indeed sometimes resembling those of Zoroastrians. due t o the common ancestry and the Iranian impact, but sometimes were just the opposrte of the Zoroastrian cult It is not necessary to assume that the huden in India means specifically "Zoroastrian"; the term may refer t o rnages indianids, the Hinduized Magi of Mithra who settled down in India (cf. Humbach 1 9 7 ~ ~ ~ ~ ) . The Indians and Chinese were both held in great esteem by the Iranians of the Late Sasanian period. Indian wisdom was transferred into Iran as a part of the project of assembling the dispersed Avesta, and many "secular" works were translated as well14z.

appeared in China in the eady 6th century, it was spared of the general persecutions of foreign religions144. Buddhism became popular in China only after the fall of the Han Dynasty in the 3rd century CE, although the penetration of this religion began as early as the 1st century from Tibet Later on, Parthian and Kushan Iranians played an important d i e in bringing the Buddhist gospel t o China, a Parthian prince *Arshak (An Shih-kao, An Shi-gao), a Sogdian K'ang Senghui and a Parthian marchant ~n~~~ Hsiian (Xuan) being instrumental among them in this Process. In the 4th century Buddhism became the state religion of China. At the end of the same century, Chinese Buddhism penetrated Korea, and about 552 this religion appears in Japan, via Korea. Li Shi-mint or the Emperor Tai Tsung, the founder of the T 3 a n g (618-907) Dynasty,

4.3.5an ke5 u d dad ud r a w l 5 n was, ud hast T pad nemag i Ohrmazd, ud hast T pad nemag T ~ h r i m a nud jadugih asharag kunend. Their faiths and religions and ways of life are multiplied, there are some who are in the (half-) lot of Ohrmazd, there are some who are in the (half-) lot of Ahriman, and they exe~cize witchcraft publicly. 5. e k m i d , h a s t k e andar z a m i g n i g a n kunend, ud h a s t k 6 6 ab

opposed Buddhism and promoted the teachings of Confucius, and during the Huichang (841.6) Period, many sects were suppressed in China. All this perhaps indicates a ore-T'angdateof our

w e , namely, the epoch of the Warring States and the Sui Period (589-618)
7. TSZTg3n ad Barbarestan 3ahr garm ud husk wyabap,

that followed it

nest bar ud ab tang

fl.gan x v a r i s n T u d x r a f s t a r a n ud mu< ud mar ud gurbag, robah u d k a f t a r ud a b a r l g az en we uzd p a r i s t e n d G.gSn z t w i s n az u s t r ud cahSr.psd,

abganend, ud hast k e pad a t a l x l 5 be snzend, ud h a w k e ne huaen 6 a63axV sawend. And when they die, there are some who bury (their dead) in earth, and there are some who throw (their dead) into water, and there are some who bum (their dead) with fire, and everyone who is notof themod Religiongoesto Hell. 6. a
i

any c i s nest.
The land[$] of Arabs and Berbers is a hot and dry desert, i t has no fruit and water is scarce, and their food is milk and xrafstras and mice and snakes and cats. foxes and hyenas and others of that kind, they worship irnageslstatues and their living is on but camels and quadrupeds, having mardomzn nothing else.
it is fairly clear that this description of Arabia is of pre-Islamic origin; though the importance

c i n e s t a n sahr wuzurg i was.zarr ud was.musk ~d was.gohr, a d b e

d k1rrOg ua nezOmSn u d b a r i g w e n i S i C s t s d bawene, But of uzdes (Arab stone-worship7 Christianity?) for this dating is uncertain, but the tone is not hostile (as in the Zoroastrian texts from the Islamic period), and we are told nothing about *dad
1 wad 1 Tazlgan, "the wicked law of the Arabs" (=Islam): Berberia could have been mentioned

p i s t e n d , ka mirend, druwand hend And the state of China is vast, having much gold. much muscus, much jewels, and the people who live in i t are artisan and dextrous and of thin complexion, they worship the Buddha, they are unrighteous in their death.

only during the short period of the Sasanian occupation of the Western outskirts of Siwah and ~ a y o u m Asitwas ~ ~ ~ . in 618 that the T'ang dynasty, with its initial anti-Buddhist politics,

..

142 So, Kalilah wa Dimnah, TaH NZmah, SindbSdNamah were translatedabout 550. On Indian motifsvia Sasanian Iran i n Greece and Syria, cf. Shaked 198-la. 49-50.

183

l i m b e d to power in China, i t is hardly possible that the Persians learned about this antiBuddhist bias of the newly-established dynasty immediately, while, at almost the same time, in the spring of 619, Persian armies entered Egypt - and "Berbetia". The conclusion should be that t h e two passages describing China, Arabs and Berbers are t o be dated about 619-625. as in 625 Heracleus and his "TurkGto-Khazar" ally YaWQa'Yanattacked theSasanianTranscaucasia, sacking Tbilisi with its garrison of Persians and their Christian Georgian allies1 47.

ii
!

1
mane..., "the son of Yazdgird went to India and brought a large army; before its (the army's) I
1

Xvarasari, he went into exile and this large army was disturbed and the Iranian

Realm remained in the handsof the Arabs..."; ZWY 7.7: awe Kay k a s i h sSISg bawed ... pad amar d r a f s spah, spah 1 Hlndug

At leastfromthetimesof KawSd I [Chinese * k i a y a - t a l (488-96, 498-53i), there were diplomatic contacts between Persia and China. The peak of Sasarian-Chinese relations was reached in the early years of the T'ang dynasty (beginning in 618 CE), the very last period of Sasanian Iran. Zoroastrianism (Chinese: Xlan, Hslen, *en, ^t'len, t i a n , "heaven") had

ud Cenig u l g r i f t d r a f s hend i c e d r a f s abrastag zen hend, pad t a z l s n u l tazend Years of age

u1 girendl, abrastag d r a r s hend,

ta

Wehr6d

... "when the Kay will be thirty

.... the

armies with innumerable banners, the ~ n d i a n and ~ ~ theChinese l armies

having up-raised banners [for they will raise the banners aloft], having erect banners, having

existed in China, in some form. as early as the 6th century (prior t o the arrival of the Sasanian refugees who fled the ~ r a b s ' ~ ~ having ), later attained, still in the Sasanian period, a degree of official recognition.

erect weapons, they will make razziahs upto W e h r f f d...".

After 659, PerOz was recognized by the Chinese as ruler of Po-ssu, which is Chinese for r i a 1 52, with his capital at ?rang (Ji-ling), S l s t a n . P?r6zms own

There were four fire-temples in the Chinese T-ang capital, and others in different parts of
China, including the city of K1ai-fengl 49. Someof these temple were still referred to as late as the 12th century. In 638 CE, the last Sasanian king of kings, Yazdgird Ill (632-651). Chinese Yi-si-si, squeezed by the Arabs and the Turks, sent an embassy t o the Bsrfrur, "the son of

son, ~ i - n i e - s h i h ~ ~ ~ ,

was supported by the Chinese and the Turk rulers for about 20 years in T o x a r e s t a n , until he returned to the Chinese capital between 707-9. However, the Po-ssu

- T'ang

contacts remained stable until the Talas battle in 751 54, as

Heaven", as the Persian called the Chinese emperor1

Yazdgird's son Per6z. Chinese Bi-lu-si (unnamed in Bd 33.21), continued his father's resistance to the Arabs, seeking Chinese support. Compare two passages, the first taken from a post-Sasanian version of XvadSy Mamag and preserved in Bd 33. the second being a piece of Per6z's propaganda preserved in ZWY 7.

the Sasanian princes residing in Ch'ang-an kept up a pretence of royal diplomacy with the Chinese imperial court1 55. The puppet kingdom of Po-ssu maintained by the Chinese in the area of K a b u l e s t a n and known to Iranians as Hlnaugan ("1ndia"I 56). seerre to have disappeared only afterthe battle of Talas, a century after most of Iran was seized by the Arabs. .Nevertheless, the existence of a semi-independeni Sasanian state in Eastern Iran under Chinese aegis for such a long period of

147 Ci. Dan Shapirs, "Armenian and Georgian accounts on the Capture ofTbilisi by the Byzantines and Khazam" (bmhcoming). 148 Cf. Pulleybank 1992, 4292. 149 Ibid.. 429b. 150 cf. ~d 33.20:ud ka f l a d z y ~ h 0 ~azagird mad west sal xvadsym uaril ~g TazlgSn pad was maraglh 6 r awarist bend Vazdglrd pad kznzar abag aw ne Sk6red d a F a r a s a n ud Turkestan sod ud asp ud mard 0 ayarlh +as1 M a n ~ n ~zad,"and ~ h when the reign came t o Yazdgtid, he ruled for twenty years, then the Arabs rushed into Iran In large umbers: ~azdgird IS noi triumphant in he battie against them; he went t o XvarSsanand~urkestaln t o ask there for support in horses and men, and they kllled him there". Note that here Turkestan is used In the sense of the Chinese outer possessions in Central Asia; note also the matter-of-fact statement about Yazdgird's death and compare it to theversionsof the S3h Wahram text: "the King of Khgs w s s1arn like a dq..

A much later tradition is recorded in M8h T FrawardTn r6z T XurdSd 28: hah T FrcwardTn

Xurdad Wahrsm I warzawand a z Hindagan 6 PaydSgTh ZySd, "Wahram r W r z f f w a n d will appear from India in the month of FrawardTn on the day of Xuroffd". ff. also below. 152 Historically, for Parthia. cf. Watson 1983, 542. 153 The Chinese spelling suggests the pseudo-archaic "NSrosang for the name of the prince otherwise 8s NaFseh. k m , 154 Cf. Pulleybank 1992, 425-6. 155 Watson 1983,547. 156 For Persian (Sasanian and post-Sasanian) and Arab authors, "India" comprised the telritones now mupied by Pakistan and Afghanistan, rather than those of the Republic of India.
r6Z T

185 time must have made some impact on the loyal Zoroastrians of Western Iran; the notion of "India" as the place wherefmm the Victorious Kingshall come can be dated t o this Kabulestan I Po-ssu period. Later on, as late as in the 9th centurylS7, after the kingdom of Po-ssu was liquidated, descendants of the refugees from the Sasanian Empire were still serving as Chinese soldiers at the Chinese capital of Ch^ang-an. Sasanian military commanders held high position in the Chinese army, as we know from the bilingual tomb-inscription of Ma (WahnOs'), wife of Su-liang (^FarroxzSd) from Xi-an (Hsian, Xi-an), Shan-xi province (874 CE); they

i
-

186 reports, W a h r a m married the Xaqan's daughterl^l; he tried t o maintain a sort of continuous Bistm,

guerilla against the Sasanians, and was presumably murdered by Sasanian agents.

threatened by Xusraw's drowning of Bindoe. his brother, fled t o Alburz and succeeded t o maintain for a decade a small realm a t Raw. supported by Wahram i Coben's partisans. And some decades later, the last Sasanian King of Kings made the same trek to the Turks. In this context, combined with the evidence of a semi-independent Sasanian state in Kabulestan / T o x a r e s t S n / "India", we can state that the expectation for Wahram i Warzawand is actually a piece of Wahram i CObSn'spmpagandaadoptedfortheneedsof P e r o z the son of Yazdgird Ill. The poor state of redaction of the Early New Persian in Pahlavi of thegenuinezancf of Wahman Ya5t (thesecond partof theohrmazd YaSt, nottobeconfused with ZWY, cf. above) reveals that this text was repeatedly re-worked, and it is not without interestthatthename VaraOrawa- ( W a r h r 5 n l W a h r a m ) isglossed by Perez, referring thus. t o my Opinion, to PSroz the son ofYazdqird Ill. The twoevents, Wanram's flight to Balkh

retained their Pahlavi language, at least as a written one, for generations after the Islamic devastation of their lost The existence of such "m-Sasanian" military troops in the service of the Chinese must have been well known in the Zoroastrian circles of Iran which became already heavily Islamized at that time. In the 8th century, the T'ang Chinese still held things Iranian in high esteem, though

[ran itself had been taken over by the Arabs. Destree 1971 singled out in the Late Sasanian apocalyptic imagery the t o p s of a royal hero fleeing eastwards. However, even prior to Yazdgird ill, this t o w s had a very real historical

after his defeat by the "Romans", and the flight of PSroz, the son of the last Sasanian King of
Kings Yazdgird ill, in the same direction, were merged in later Zoroastrian epic and apocalyptic texts, and gave birth to Messianic expectations of Redemption from the a 62.

background: Kawad i found refuge with the Hephthalites in 496-8, then returned t o power, WahrSm T Coben had to flee t o Balkh. t o the Turks, his earlier defeated enemies. Many Wahrsmic traditions are found - and are t o be found in the Middle Persian apocalyptic texts, first of all, in ZWY and J N ~ Some ~ ~ pieces . of Wahram's propaganda survived in writings of Mobads, and some measure of censorship was required to keep such texts concealed (ZWY 1. 78). The Mobads, at first, supported W a h r a m having been outraged by Hormizd, but later w a n r a m "got angry with the clergy who taught differently"160.

The practical irrelevance of Wahrm'sclaims to be a Kayanian in the Muslim epoch helped

to m i l a t e the pleces of his propaganda into orthodox Zoroastrian texts after the collapse of the Empire. while they were re-used for the propaganda needs by members of the Sasanian House. After all, Kay Wa h r S m of the propaganda pieces was the nameof Var: Orayna, the Dragon-Killer, and until this day, the Parsees expect the Return of the Messiah, Wanram. This Redeemer Wahram must accomplish exploits generally ascribed t o Fredon, such as triumph over A2i DahSg, and indeed, the two figures merged very early. One may suggest that

h he reason was, it seems,

Wahram'sciaimto be of ~ a y a n i a n origin, a tradition preserved by ~ u s i i m authors. In theconsequence, WahramwasdefeatedinA6arbayjan by united forces of the Byzantines, Armenians (organized by B i s t a m , the uncle of Xusraw 11, and by Smbat Bagratuni), Persian prisoners of war (released by the Byzantines), under command of Xusraw 11. According t o some

the composition of KNAP with its strongly anti-Arsacid overtones was made under the impression
i f Kayanian claims of WahrSm, an Arsacid; moreover, the link between the figures of

V a r e r q m a and Fra was, at least partly, responsible for the hinted description of the
, the disguise of Kirm in KNAP. Areacidsasconnected with AZi ~ a h a qin

there were the unique conditions of India that made the Parsee survival possible. 159 Cf. Czeglfedy 1958.32-39. 160 Simohattes iv 12, quoted In Czegiw 1958. 39.

-"---- -.

~. .

~~~

361 ~ a t e r according , t o some other sources, these were the descendants of wahram i ccbenand his Turkic wife that became the Khazar rulers. Another tradition connected the ruling house of SarFr with h seem t o be purely legendary. Wahram T coti~n.~ o t traditions 162 Cf.Destre6 1971. 6414; cf. also Bailey 1943. 196.

187 All those hopes and expectations made a considerable impact on the arising STcah. As late as 750, a "Mazdakiie" Slnabsa. deriving his teachings az kutub I Ban1 S5sanexpecteda a y a h of his Mafidr,

188

AYJ as a whole has various sources: chapters 2-3. e.9. derives ultimately from lost Avestan texts similar t o those that were among soiircc<sof LIdlK8. In 3.6-7 it is stated that Ohrmazd's creation of the six A m a G Spentas was like lamps being lit one from another, being an interesting tradition unattested otherwise. in AyJ 15.5-6 (cf. above) it is said that after Alexander the rule will pass to h a s r a w

m a Muslim, from the laser's rs/Ss/? i n t l i q a r 1 az m i s

k a r d a h I K 3 [SiyZsat Namah, quoted from CzeglW 1958.40-41)

~ h ~ ~ s m~ a ss mp ag (JN) 2ff. (especially 19-30, 33-37. 40.41.

46-50. 71-72. 74-

P a r t a w a n . "the renowned Parthians". then Iran will ~rosper. As it is at odds with the standard Sasanian

82, 97-106) presents a sample of a version similar to both the account of GrBd 33 (though having been interwoven with pseudo-historical prophecies ex e r e n u and political propaganda), and to ZWY 7 & 9. Both Bd and 2WY have a similar character of recent compositions based on extensive quotimgof Zandmaterial, a t odds with. say, Wi2Tdlg3hs

lar rider^^^ of the Areacid rule, a Parthian transmission of

some of the material was

t t o Yazdgird Other material is of Persian origin, notably the Sasanian k i n ~ l i s up

111 in A ~ 15.7-27. J

zzasprshm (WZ?;),

Here the text will be given only in English,

35

the transcribed Pahlavi is easily avadabte in the

basedon "second-hand" Zandc material1 64,

An independent tradition of elaborating both Zands and political pamphlets could be easily traced in JN; this tradition is similar t o that of 2WY. The text of JiSmasp- Namag exists in two recensions: 1) as Chapter 16 of Ayaagar 1 J a m a s ~ i g (AyJ) l ~ ~ and 2) as an independent composition166 under the name Jamasp- NaTnag, which was extremely popular among the Parsees. This composition consists of a prophecy about the end of the Zoroaster's millennium accompanied by the coming of P@Ota and Hffsedar; parallels with numerous passages preserved in ZWY are so impressive that there can be hardly any doubt about the common written I

Bailey's and Messina's editions. The synthetic text presented here is not of course, an attempt to reconstruct the "real Urtext", but merely an attempt to demonstrate the different components of this composition. The borders between fragments are sometimes difficult to be established, thus there is some degree of overlapping in treating the different strata of the composition. Jamssp ~ a m a g " l 1. W l s t a s p asked, saying: "How many years will this Pure Religion endure, and afterwards what times and seasons will come?".

[
i
!

2. JSmssp, the viceroy1 72, said: "It will endure a thousand years1 73. 3. Then those men who are a t that time will all become covenant-breakere"^^

Zadsources of both AyJ 16 = JN and ZWY; however, in JN there are some peculiar details.
ienveniste 1932 established the poetic1 67 character of JN and linked i t to other Iranian and i n - l r a i a n apocalyptical texts. character. As to AyJ 17, it exists only in Pazana, and is of similar

T h i s introduction is, of course, parallel to both introductions t o ZWK but the dramatis
persome are JSmff5pand Wfstffsp. as in AYZ' 75, not Ubrmazuand Zoroaster as mZWY [cf.
APPENDIX I ! Saxalga]. 168 cf. ~oyce 1987b. 127a. 169 There are some remnants of Parthian traditions in Sasanian texts; thus. Sahri~tanlhs7 ~ r 3 n $41 h a : $ahrlstan T SLaxr Aroawzn T Pailavrgan a kard, "the city of staxr (or, rather, from KNAP Persevlis?) built Ardawan the Parthian king". It is impossible that this passage was ~ a k e n 1.2-4 (cf. Markwart & Messina 1931, 91). 170 Cf. Boyce. ibid. 171 The translation adopted is that given in Bailey 1930-32, with slight =iterations. 172 Jamsso is given here the Parthian title of bidax<. This fact can bear some importance for dating the text, adding some new evidence to the Parthian features noted by Boyce. 1c should be added that in the 6th century C E the title was applied t o Sasanian commissioners in Georgia. 173 Compare ZWY 1.64.2 174 Compare 2 W Y 4.11: "They have no contracts, faith, m h and ordinance..?. 175 AyJ 1.10-13 has a parallel in Ay2 35-8, Boyce ibid.

E~~~ if the names are new inventions, it is remarkable that the ~radition has seen here Zanda. I A r Jamaspig exists in Pahlavi. Parsr, translated also into ~ersianand Gujarati. but n Pazand: Pahlavi edited in West 1904, 97.11% various versions by Modi 190% h e complete t e x t is i M e s s 1339: reviewed bv Paaliaro 1922. RSO, 147-54 (man vidil

de Menasce 1983. 1194-5. 167 There are still problems involving Pahiavi poetic traditions which cannot be treated here. of ~iddle ~ersian epic poerry to Z a n c t e and vice versa deserves a special study.

The

190 19. ~ n the d younger brother will strike the elder brother176, and will take his ~ e a l t h l ~ ~ , a n d for his wealth will make false statement178. 20. And a woman will commit mortal sin against her own life179. 21. And the inferior and obscure man will come into notice1 22. And wrong and false witness and lies will abound. 23. By night one with another they wili eat bread and drink wine, and walk in friendship, and next day they will plot one against the life of the other and plan evil. 24. And in that evil time him who has no children they deem fortunate, but him who has children they hold cheap in their eyes. 25. And many men will go into exile and foreign lands and fall i n t ~ d i s t r e s s . ' ~ ~ 26. And the atmosphere will be confounded, and cold wind and hot wind will blow. 27. And the fruit of the plants wiil become less. and earth will be without fruit 28. And the To JN again : 34. A small house, being built, will pass for a mansion. 35. A horseman will become a man on foot, and the manon foota horseman. 36. Slaves will walk in the path of nobles. 37. Save through Yazaan, nobility is not a guest in any body. 40. The youth swiftly wilt become an old man.

~-

2WY 4.44. The hot wind and the cold wind wili arrive and cany away the crops and the seeds of crops. ZWY 4.45. The rain, too. will not rain at the proper season; i t will rain the noxious creatures more than water. ZWY 4.46. And the water of rivers and springs will diminish and i t will have no increase.

earth will be corrupt and injurious and will cause much desolation.

i s own bad deeds, they will hold in his privilege. 41. And everyone who rejoice in h 46. And the men who are born in that evil time wiil be harder than hard iron and brass, save that they are likewise blood and flesh they will be harder than stone. 47. And mockery and defilement will be an ornament. 48. And everyone will turn t o strange ways and kinship with Ahriman the evii. 49. And the covenant-breakers will work injury at that time.

29. ~ n unseasonable d rain will fall, and that which falls will be unprofitable and bad. 30. Clouds will gather over the sky. 33. ~ n every d man who has little good, for him life becomes more savorless and more evil.

For this section, compare ZWY 4.16:

ZWY 4.16.

... the Sun's rays will be verylevel and much concealed, and the year, month and day

50. Swiftly and speedily their hands will be given t o sureties, as the streams of a river flow t o the sea. 70. This too I will tell you that it is better for him who is not born form his mother, or if he is

will be shorter. ZWY 4.17. And Spendamat the Earth will be very narrow, and the roads wili be very intricate1 82. ZWY 4.19. And the plants, trees and shrubs will diminish

born, dies and does not see so much evil and oppression.
71. At the end of the millennium of Zoroaster they will not see the great conflict which husrtake p1am. 72. So much bloodshed must occur a t that time, of mankind one part in three parts1" survive. 74. Then Spendarmat will cry aloud t o u h r m a d saying: "I cannot melt away this evii and will not

...

ZWY 4.42. And it wiil not be possible for a fortunate cloud and the holy wind t o produce rain at the proper time and seam".

ZWY 4.43.

A gloomy cloud shall knight the whole sky.

176 comoare ZWY 4.15:

f r m his brother..:.

" m e affection

of the father will dew* from the son. and that of the brother

badness.
75.1 am turned upside down and I turn mankind here upside down"184. 76. Wind and fire injure men, by reason of the great grief and wrong they do to them. 183 Bailey 1933-35, 582: 672, p. 582 and p. 588 to be corrected: p a d 10 bahr 6 bahr, as m Persian ~ S m a s p - ~ a m a g Mod, . 85.18 (mardom andar Eransahr az dah bahra b a h r l m i d l . However, cf. Z W Y 9.15: "one-third". 184 These two paragraphs seem to be connected t o Z W Y 9.17-19; i t is strange, nevertheless, that the mention of Spendamat is absent from the parallel place in ZWY, while Waters and Fire are not mentioned here. Compare also the displaced JN 5 83. I will deal with this subject a t length elsewhere.

177 Perhap. a reference to Mazdah; on Mazdak, cf. ZWY 4.21 and perhap ZWY 4.35 (if not the Arabs r e those Who meant). JN 20 refers almost evidently t o the Mazdakite excesses, and JN 21 refers, in all

; f . s

748.13-15. shaki 1974. 334: abar madan 1 ZamTg. xvastaQ ud ti5 i aneran aast 0 < u n S T 7 yak a z ErSn, on the coming of land, property or anything, held by foreigners, into the private (absolute) ownership of one of Iran. 182 Compare JN 28.

191 77. Then Mithra and X will fight together in that conflict. 78. An evii spirit who is called Wad-Yawagan (causer of bad crops) was bound during the reign of Yima, but escaped from his bonds in the reign of Bewarasp. 79. Bewarasp had conference with that evil spirit. 80. Now the work of that evii spirit is this: he diminishes the crop of corn. 81. Had it not been for that evil spirit, whosoever hadsown one bushel would have received 4000 bushels of corn. 82. 496 years Miihra attacks that evil spirit, and thereafter whosoever sows one bushel, puts 400 bushels in his granary185. 97. By the might of the gods and the Iranian Splendor of the Kavis and the Mazda-worshipping
-

192 2. Jamasp. the viceroy, said: "It (the millennium of Zoroaster) wiil endure a thousand years188. 3. Then those men who are at that time will all become covenant-breakers.
4. One with another they will be revengeful andenvious and false.

5. And for that reason the Iranian countries will he delivered up t o the Arabs and the Arabs will daily grow stronger and stronger and will seize district after district".

The reason for the fall of the Sasanian Empire given here is astonishingly not Zoroastrian, but rather a "Jewish" one (or channelled through Christian intermediary): there a linkage is made between the behavior of the Iranians and the transfer of their country to the Arabs, seen as a divine punishment. It is obvious that this particular passage was composed after the Arab onslaught, and what we have in these three small paragraphs is a rare opportunity to peep into the changing mood o f the post-SasanianZoroastrianism.
it is, however, not necessarily a borrowing from the Biblical tradition, but simply a plain

Religion and the Splendor of PSda$xvSrgar, and Mithra and Sro< and Ra$n and the waters
and the sacred and domestic Fires they will wage furious battle. 98. And he will prove better than them; he wili slay so many of the enemies, that their number cannotbecounted. 99.Then Srfl$andNeryCsanq will stir up your son P?Sta by commandofohrmazd the Creator from the Kawan Kang fortress. 100. Your

paralief development, demonsvating. one more time, the structural similarities between Judaism and Zoroastrianism, two religions of a similar historical fate. 6. Men will turn t o unrighteousness and falsehood, and all that they say or do will be the more profitable for themselves. 7. And from them righteous conduct will be distant. 8. For their lawlessness, these Iranian countries will'come as a heavy burden to the governors of the provinces1 89. 9. And they will store up the tale of gold and silver, and much treasure and wealth also, and all will disappear and pass out of sight. 10. And much royal treasure and wealth also will pass into the hands and possession of enemies. 11. And untimely deaths will abound. 12. And all the Iranian countries wiil fall into the hands of those enemies. 13. And AnerSn and Era" will be confounded, so that the Iranian will not be distinguished from the foreigner those who are Iranians will turn back to foreign ways.

son P$ot

will come with 150 disciples, whose raiment is white and black.

101. And my hand will hold the banner as far as P S r s to the place where the fires and waters are establishedla6. 102. There he will perform the Yagt. 103. When the V a s t is finished, they will pour the libation into the water and will give the libation t o the fire. 104.The wickedandthedemonsandthe XyOns will perish as in a cold winter the leaves of trees of witherI8'. 105. The time of the wolves will pass away, and the time of the sheep wiil enter in. 106. Hffsd son of Zoroaster wili appear to reveal the Religion, and evii will be at an end, joy and gladness and happiness will have come. Another layer in this composition contains later additions; it seems there were several stages ofglossing the oldzand, thus some pieces were deeply assimilatedinto the new framework: 185 Compare ZWY 4.18. 186 Though this paragraph does not, actually, belong to the original apocalyptical composition, but it is mpossible to put it in am other place. 8 AnoidYagt fragment. The text of ZWY 7.16 is, actually, identical.

Savior. 189 it is difficult t o interpret this passage in historical ti-

193

194

55

7-14 refer M the last years of the Sasanian Empire: Turkic invasions, Byzantines plunder

~-

43. And from another he will take a thing as ~ ~ u n d e r ~ ~ . 44. And the contentious and greedy and violent man they will deem good, but wise man of good faith they wili hold as demoniac199. 45. And the several persons will not attain their desires according t o their needsm0.

the capital and the Royal treasure and the most sacredshrines, etc. It Is the second part of the passage that refers m the Arab invasion, cf. 5 52.

14. And in that evil time rich men will deem the poor fortunate, but the poor man will not himself be fortunate1 15. And the nobles and the great will come to asavoriess lifelgl. 16. And to them death will seem as sweet as to father and mother the sight of children and to a mother adowered daughter. 17. The daughter who is born of her she will sell for a puce19Z. 18. And the son will strike father and mother and during his life-time will deprive him of authority in the family193. 19. And the younger brother will strike the eider brother, and will take his wealth, and for his wealth will make false statement1 94. 51. And the firesof the Iranian countries will come to an end and be extinguished.

55 51-57 refer to the events of the post-Sasanian period:

52. And treasure and wealth wili come into the hands of foreigners, and all will become men of
evil faithzo1. 53. And they will amass much wealth, but they will not enjoy the fruit of it. 54. And it will all pass into the hands of unprofitable governors. 55. And everyone will disapprove the work done by the other. 56. And the harshness and evil of those men will come upon these. 57. They will hold life savorless and death of refuge.

55 7-19 refer to events after AnSTurwgn, interspersed with some additions o f older and
younger character, 55 31-45 refer to the earlier events:
58. Then there will arise in the land of X v a r S s a n an insignificant and obscure man who will go forth in great power, and with him many men and horses, and sharp made h i s own by violence and dominion. 59. Ha himself in the midst of his dominion will fail and pass out of sight. 60. The whole sovereignty will pass from men of the Iranian countries and will go t o 39. And for them affection and love will be towards the despised man1 97. 42. And the several d i s t r i c t s and provinces and cultivated tracts conflict

31. And the scribe will come with bad writing195. 32. And everyone will repudiate word and statement covenant and agreement. 38.AndthemenofthatGreat ~ o u s e will ' ~ turn ~ to mockery and iniquity and know not the flavor of wealth.

lances, and the land will be

one with another will struggle in

foreigners2O2. 61. And doctrines and laws and ways of life will abound. 62. The slaying of one by the other they will consider a merit and the slaying of men will be a slight thing.

.~....
193 Perhaps the excesses of forced Islemlzation are meant 194 Cf. note 13. 195 31-3Zare undoubtedly criticism on written texts seen as unorthodox. Mazdakice literature, or the propaganda pieces by Wahr3m 1 C6bfin or eschatological writings are meant. it seems t o be no incidence that it is the same text that accused scribes of composing wrong texts that states also that tb I s e t s as regards the escheton shall be revealed by Mithra, ef. JN 88-89. 196 The term used is w i s it refers perhaps t o the Parthian royal family. 197 If the view expressed with hesitation in the previous note is true, then A r d a s r r is meant. H e . WatirSm T CObSnis a candidate as well. In 55 42-43, civil wars in the last decades of the Sasanian Empire are referred to. The Mazdakte movement is described here. This is a criticism against the Mazdakite intaretation of oa\man. Obviously, in 55 51-52. the Arab onslaught is meant. Compare 55 9-10 and 13. The text of 55 59-60 parbps Is to be emended: *'He himself in the midst of his dominion wsll men of the Iranian countries and will on t o the foreianers". aDDlvina .. . .to WahrSm T C6benand mafcng better sense. 198 199 200 201 202

195

196 will 83. At that time Spendannat will open her mouth, and will bring abundant Jewels and metals t i the light.

55 63-6 tell us that a victorious king

vanquish the Byzantium:

(AbsrwCz P a d a y ) , obviously PC762 1 1 .

63. And this too I wiil tell you that it will be a t that time: that victoriouszo3 king will seize in the land of ~yzantiumzO4 much territory and many cities and will cany off much treasure at one time from the land of Byzantium. 64. Then that victorious king wiil die, and thenceforth his sons wiil sit in sovereignty and will guard the land with braveryzo5. i

Again aft apocalypticalpiece o f anti- wmrman hue : 84. Afrerward'; a man will arise from the southernzo6 quarter who will seek dominion and will have an anny and t r o o p e q u i w d and will seize lands by violence and cause much bloodshed until his affairs satisfy his desires. 85. Then at last he will flee from the land of hisenemies to Zabul andgotothat district. 86. Thence, an army being equipped. he will return and thenceforward the men of the Iranian

55 65-69

confused the sonsof Pm6Z f with the sons o f PCrffz It.

countries wili fall into grievious despair. 87. Great and small will fall t o seeking remedies and will look to a refuge for their own soul.

65. And they will deal very fiercely and lawlessly with the men of the Iranian countries. 66. And much wealth of all kinds will pass into their hands. 67. ~fterwards they too will perish and have no success. 68. In t h a t evil time affection and reverence will not exist. 69. Among them the great will not be distinct from the small northe small from the great, and they will not assist one another.

m e next two paragraphs were dealt with differently 207. To my opinion, the Last Thin= to be
revealed is a military strategem for an eschatologicalbattle. The setting of that passage (which f

see asa kindof3Zand t 0 Y 4 8 . 3 ~ ~ in~ a )context o f warpreparations, confirms this view:

88. Afterwards in PffdasflSrgar, near the sea-shore, a man wili see the god uithraZo9 and the god Mithra will tell many hidden secrets to that man 89. And Mihr Yazad will tell many hidden secrets t o that man.

A post-Sasanianpassageagain:

The fast Dortion is a part of a fate

Sasaman spocahse arranged from different strata. I t 1 5

almost impossible to single out different sources, as they became interwoven. 70. This too I will tell you that it is better for him who is not born from his mother, or if he is born, dies and does not see so much evil and oppression. 73. Those Arabs will be confoundedwith Byzantines andTurksand they wiil desolate the wnrid. 90. He will send him with a message t o the King of Pad15xvargar, saying: "Why do you support that king. deaf and blind? Now do you too act as king even as the fathers and forefathersof you and yours have done". 91. That man wiil say "How should Ibe able t o exercise dominion, since I have not the troops and army and treasure and generals such as my father and forefathers had?". 206 According to several traditions survived in Arabic, Wahram 7 Coben came from NCmrOz, South. Pffrs, cf. Czegl6dy 1958, 34 n. 68. 207 Cf. Messina 1939, 73, Bailey 1930-32, 584. Shaked 1969, 207; Russell 1988189, 166 n. 19, took it as an eschatological passage; Cf. Shaked 1994, 74 n.5. 208 Cf. Y 48.3: SoantO v T d d VaCclt QdzrS sJngh3nh6, ''Ithe munificent holy Ahural, who
e n he t proclamations", where the Pahlavi has at)ZOnTQ SaSh iH3n herbedl K C k h a nihSnTha saxwan I T ahlam6glha Q.s CZrag ti gowfidl, "He will tell secret things c e m i n g heresy and it?;remrdf (cf. Meisina 1930. 8Of.). In the Yasna. i t is Ohrmazd who reveals the r e ; h o w i our passage, as in all the parallel loci dealing with the final smiting Afi.Dahaka- i t is Mithra, an old military deity, who plays a prominent role. 209 As t o the notion of seeing Mithra on a sea-shore, though differently explained, compare Arabic muhurqan, "sea-shore", not yet attested, to my knowledge, as an lranian loan in ~rabic.

Here follows a dislocated paragraph taken from a broader desctiption o f the Fra^Qi'rd
parallel version.

. The

PROD 48.70 & 86, speaks, however, o f S'ahrcwar, the deity of metals, but it

acts there in close association with Spandamt:

203 We have in this wssage a piece of evidence for some eschatolooical exwctations connected with P O I. sildcmand permgar, "Profitable Victor", is one of the renderings of the Avestm mme of the Coming Savior. The usual generalized name of SSsyans, Auestan Astvat-arata., is rendered in ok 7.10.15-17 (~016 1967. 100-1: cf. also colpe 1981, 548) as snd~mandPerozgar. thus being a translation of 5ao3yan,204 Cf. DkM 748.13-15, Shaki 1974. 334: abar madan T zamlg. XVSStag ud t i s 1 ZnCrSR dSst 6 <w>aspuhragan xv6STh T Swag az Eran, "on the coming of land, property or anything, held by foreigners, into the ~rivate (absolute) ownership of one of Iran'. 205 c e r t h Bailey has here "violence", having been influenced by 5 65.

197 92. The messenger will say: "Come, that I may deliver up t o you the treasure and wealth of your fathers and forefathers'. 93. And he will show him the vast treasure of FrSsyffb. SUMMARY
~-

The treasuresof FrSsySb may referhere to the toot assembledby Wahrffm r Cetiffn from
the Turks, but also to the eschatoicgical idea expressed in other sources210 as "exposing the precious metals by 5pendma-t". I t seems that the last paragraphs refer to the existence of a small Sasanian kingdom o f Pii-$50, under the Chinese aegys, some decades after 651 C E . The Sasanian king ruling there is referred to as Pe'<fftan. t h e descendantof WistSso; this piece is Different attitudes of the Sasanian exegesis reveal remarkable similarities to some levels of Jewish (and Nestorinn) hermeneutics, such as p^<ft, remez, midmi' aggsgsh, etc., and 1 believe that a comparative study of these parallels in veins of interpretation of sacred texts is desirable. Zand underwent a long development from
3

It is only now that the 3 r d begin t o be studied systematically, and there is little doubt that

Zadstudies will become prominent in the years to come.

an exampie of how WanrSmfan propaganda was reworked to express "Messianic" hopes after

the Aisbonsiaught 21 l:
94. When he brings the treasure into his hand, he prepares the army and troops to ZSbul, and
advances against his enemies.

95. When the news reaches his enemies, Turk and Arab and Roman will come together, saying: "I will seize the King of P a d l s f l a r g a r and Iwill take that treasure and wealth from that man". 96. Then that man when he hears the news, with a large army and troops of Zabul will come t o the center of the Iranian countries and with those men on that plain, where you, 0 W i s t a s p , fought212 with the White Xyons in the White Forest, they will struggle in battle with the King ofPadtsxvargar. To resume: the Arabs as referred to in 12-19, 51-57. 73, 95; pieces going back to the
w a f ~ r ~ propaganda a n are traceable in 58-62 and perhaps i n 39-43 and 94-96.
m t i ythe same pieces underwentthe process o f adding new material.
I

word-by-word interlinear translation (in Iranian

m i c u l a r s older than our extant Pahlavi Zand) aiming to provide an auxiliary tool for grasping better the meaning of the Avesran "text" in times when Avestan was still comprehensible to some degree, until Zands became disconnected from their Avestan sources and began the existence of their own. The Avestan language became understandable less and less. and its manthric value
became more prominent. The growing unintelligibility of the Avestan "texts" provided them with an additional dimension of sanctity, as the obscurity was ascribed t o the fact that they contain the

Thus,

complete wisdom which cannot be grasped. In order t o illuminate someof the aspects of this complete wisdom, three veins of reading the Pahlavi Yasna were developed. correspnding t o the triple division of the Avesta and t o the tree

~ h u s ,in this Chapter IV some most important Pahlavi passages of [pseudo-]historical character, disguised as apocalyptic prophecies, but being, in fact, mostly political propaganda, were studied. As was demonstrated, these passages, as a rule, go back t o some particular Zands, and in the bulk of the cases, a scriptural history can be traced; the passages in question'can be generally dated, more or less precisely.

types of religiosity (which may, or may not, reflect the older triple division into classes). These three levels of possible reading of the Pahlavi Yasna were summarized in Dk 9. l

On the other hand. the Pahlavi Yasna itself became saturated with glosses, which in some case
became integral parts of the Zandand supplied it with new tendencies. These two parallel and inter-related processes brought about actual drifting apart of the

210 Cf. below. 211 Cf. Gegl6dy 19S7& 1958. 212 The pa* tense form used indicates that the setting of that fragment is different from that given in

Avestan and Pahlavi texts; stiii, one should appreciate the accuracy of the Zandc tradition.

AyZ, where the minister prophedzes before the battle.

i s G ~ / u s e A UEiuiieM 1 Due2 AhU m a w w n x i-puez vx2 ISEAA w e ~ a s ~ e1 zEU~~ED~Z SZM IM PePlDUaM/PepipUSAPA asehss 3 u i s e h e s s u s e~aftfib~n BUSBA !AE!llEd Ad DED1DU3M/PeP!P"AlAqqed P M S I X 3 1 !AEiqEd id 6 1 u p ~1 ~~isapeasi;l6u!LuK/u;m3Esiehe~u !A~IVE~ aaud ISGA IAElUCd U ! H d oe-ix 1 6 o u a u I1 u e i s a P e O I x W ~ e 6 e q g d1 JISEDJV 1 6 e u ~ e u m dVNX 6eiuEN d s e u i e r N r uSiqEPU"9 UE!UEJl P3JI u s m e p u n g u e i ~ u !p a w ! usiyepuna w e a m D a m u e l u e s DJeXuao s i a UePEU DJEXUSQ U I O (a SW) uapsaJa D J E X U ~ O0 x 0 DJEXU30 70 Biuaa I w i s a D e a a a USI~ePunePa rAv 61aseiusr 1 ~ e v 6 e A v B e u i e ~ZE-llM 1 h l e ~ J v N M V

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~tt del i conveono intemazionale sul terna: La Persia nel Tucci 1971: Tucci, G., "lran e ~ i b e t " . Medioew <Roma. 31 mano 5 anrile 1970). Accademia Mazinnate dei 1incei anno CCCLWIII 1971, Quademo N.160, problem! attuali di scienza e d i dl cultura, Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei, Roma, 355-360

A,, & Amtizgar, 2,. Ustura-ve ZindaaT. v e

Tafazzoli 1995a, A,, "KawT Wa6pE8', Sludia Iranica 24, 295-6

3 Tur-Sinai 1967: Tur-Sinai, N.H., TheBookofJob:ANewCommentary, Jerusalem UnvSia 1917. UnvSlS, M R . Der Pahiavi Text "Der KBniq Husrav und sein Knabe", herausqeqeben, umschneben. tibersetzt und eriautert, Wien

240 of ~ a i n v o -Khard, i StuttgartandLondon west 1871: west, E.W., The ~ o o k

West 1880: West, E.W., The Bundahis. BahrnanYast, and Shavast La-ShSvast, Pahlavi Texts, Part i , SacredBooks of the East, editedby F.M. Moller,V, Oxford
West 1882: West, E.W., TheDadstan-i Dlnik and The Eoistles of MannsMhar, Pahlavi Texts, Part 1 1 , Sacred Books o f the East, edited by P.M. Moiler, Will, Oxford

UnvalS 1924: Undia, J.M., Neryosanoh's Sanskritversion of the HSm Vast ( Y a m IX-XI) with the Original Avesta and its Pahiavi Version, Wien Utas 1976: Utas, Bo, "Non-Reiigiuos Book Pahiavi Literature as a Source t o the History of Central Asia", & & E !24, 11 5-124 Utas 1988: Utas, Bo (4.). Frahana i Pahlavrk. from the oosthumous capers of Henrik Samuel Nvbera. with the collaboration of Christopher Toll. Otto Harrassowitz, Wiesbaden Vahman 1983: Vahman, F . , "A Beautnfui Girl", U 25 (d@xiGmserie, Hommages e t Opera Minors Xl. Paper in Honour o f Professor Mary Boyce), Leiden, 665-671 Vahman 1986: Vahman, F.. A r d a W i r a z Namaa, The Iranian D'Divina Commedia', Curzon Press, on don & ~ a l m o Vaiiiant 1952: Vaillant, A,, Le Liwe des Secrets d'Henoch. Paris Vasmer 1950: Vasmer, M., Russisches Etymoloqisches WOnerhch vol. I (1950-1958; reprint 1976, Heidelberg, Carl Winter, Universitatsveriag)

West 1885: West, E.W., The Dlna-i mlnba-i khirad, Skand-oGmSnlk Vicar, Sad dar, Pahlavi Texts, Part 1 1 1 , Sacred Books o f the East, edited b y F.M. MOIIer, XXIV, Oxford West 1 8 8 Z West, E.W., "Notes sur quelques petits textes pehlevis",

km?&2 6,

263-272

West 1892: West, E.W., Contents of the Nasks, Pahlavi Texts, Pan iV, Sacred Books of the East, edited b y F.M. Molkr, XXXVii, Oxford (reprint: Deihi 1969) West 1897: West, E.W., Marvels of the Zoroastrianism, PahlaviTextsPan V , SacredBooks of the East, edited b y F.M. Molter, XLVII. Oxford (reprint: Delhi 1969) West 19042: West, E.W., The Pahlavi J a m 3 s p - NSmaK, So far as it was extant in 1876 in a very old Manuscript belonging t o the late Shams-"1-Uiama Oastur Dr. Peshotanji Behramji Sanjana", Avesta. Pahlaui and Ancient Persian Studies in Honour of D.P.B.Saniana, 1 s t ser., StraKburg-Leipzig, 97-1 1 6 West 1904b: West, E.W., "Pahlavi Literature", Grundniss der iranischen Philoioaie 11, hrsg. v. K.F. Geidner und E. Kuhn, Strassburg, 75-129 West 1916: West, E.W., "A Translation and Transliteration o f the Pahlavi Treatise 'Wonders of SagastSn' (Sistan)", ed. by A.V. Williams Jackson, JAQS 36, 115-21 Westergaard 1851: Westergaard, N.L., Bundahesh. Liber ~ehlevicus, Ex veustissimo codice co~enhvnienidescn~sit,Havnifc

von Voigtlander 1978: von Voigtlander E., The Bisitun Inscripxion o f Darius the Great.
Babvlonian Version, Corpus Inscriptionurn Iranicarum, Part I ,Inscriptions o f Ancient Iran; Vol. 1 1 The Babylonian Versions o f the Achaemenian inscriptions, Texts I, London Vullers 1962: Vullers, J.A., Lexicon Persico-Latinum ewmoloqicum, Graz [reprint: 1st edition: 1, 1855; It, 1864; Ill. 18671 Waag 1941. A,, Niranaistan. Der Awestatraktat Qber die ritueilen Vortschriften. Iranische , hrs. von H.H.Schaeder, Leipzig [reviewed in Tavadia 19441 Forschungen 2 Wansbrough 1977: Wansbrough, J., Ouranic Studies: Sources and Methods of Scriptural Interoretation. Oxford

Westergaard 1852-54: Westergaard, N.L., Zend Avesta or the the Sacred Religious Book of the Zastrians. I ,Copenhagen Widengren 1938: Widengren, G., Hochaottolaube im alter Iran. Uppsala-Leipzig Widengren 1946: Widengren, G., Meso~otarnian Elements in Manichssism. Univ. A'rsskr. 3. King and Savior 11, Uppsala-Leipzig widengren 1960: widengren, G., iranisch-semitische Kultiirbeaecmuna in Darthischer Zeit. Arbeitsgerneinschaft for Forschung des Landes Nordrhein-Westhien, Geisteswissenschaften, Heft 70, Westdeutscher Veriag, KOin & Opiaden Widengren 1967: Widengren, G., "Primordial man and Prostitute: A Zervanite Motif in the Sassanid A"-", Studies in Mysticism and Reliqion. Festschrift Gershom Scholem, Jerusalem, 337-352

Weryho 1971: Wewho, J.W., "Syriac Influence on Islamic Iran (The evidence of loanwords)". Folia Orientaiia XIII, 299-321 West & Haug 1874: West E.W.. and Hauq, M . , Glossary and index of the Pahiavi Texts of the Book of Arda Viraf, Bombay-London

m ed. by F.F.Bruce & E.G.. Rup, Manchester, 36-53

Widengren 1968: Widengren, G., "The Problem of the Sasanian Avesta", Holv Book and Holv

Widengren 1 9 8 3 ~ Widengren, : G., "La rencontre avec la dan qui repr6sente les actions de I'homm", Orientalia Roman8 5, ed. Gh. Gnoli. Roma. 60? Wikander 1938: wikander, S . , und Reliuionsaeschichte, Lund Wikander 1941: wikandec, S.. Vavu I. Texte und Untersuchunaen zur Indo-lranischen Reiiaionsaeschichte. Lund sk"fter , otgima sv Kungl. Wibnder 1946: Wkande~,5.. p Humanistiska Vetenskapssamfundet iLund 40. Lund Wikander 1951: Wikander, S.. "Hethitiska Mvter hos Greker och Parser". VetensltaoSoceteterts
i Lund Arsbok, 39-56

Wihacder 1952: Wikander, S . , "Histoire des Ouranides". Cahiers du Sud 314, Marseille, 9-17 Wikanden960: Wikander, S . , "Ein Fest bei den Kunden und im Avesta", Orientalia Suecana 9, 710

k a m 25 (d&;$m Serie.

Williams 1985: Williams, A.V., "A Strange Account of the World's Origin: PROd XLV!", & Q Hommages e t Opera Mfnora N. Paper in Honour of Pmfesor !day Boycs), Leiden, ,663-697

Williams 1990: Williams. A.V., The Pahiaw Rivavat Accom~anvinathe Dadestan i Denia. v.1-2. Historisk-filosofiske Meddelelser 60:l. Det Konoeliae Danske Videnskabernes Seiskab Copenhagen Wolff 1910: Wolff. F.. Awesta. die heilioen Bilcher der Parsen. a der Grundlaqe v ch, p
f

Yutab Yoshida 1983: Yutaka Yoshida, "Manichaem Aramaic in the Chinese Hymnscroll", 46, 326-331 Zaehner 1937-39- zaehner. R . C . '"Zurvanica I-Ill" BSOS 9. 303-320. 573-585. 871-901

Zaehner 1939-42: Zaehner, R.C., "A Zervanite Apocalypse 1-11",

BWS

10, 377-98, 606-31

Studies in Zoroastrian Exegesis: Zand

Thesis submitted for the degree "Doctor of Philosophy"

by Dan Shapira
submitted to the Senate of the Hebrew University of
I

Jerusalem in 1998 I v"Wt}

APPENDICES

CONTENTS

CHAPTER I

APPENDIX I APPENDIX APPENDIX HI APPENDIX N

II

CHAPTER I1 APPENDIX I

CHAPTER

Ill

I Sleep and Sweat APPENDIX 1 APPENDIX I1 sadwe5

1 1 A r l s and n a h m r APPENDIX I!
1 1 1 NanT 1 I I man7 1II n a n I I I nanT

and Zand and Zand ~ and zand and zand

APPENDIX I Biblical Quotes APPENDIX I1 Fragan APPENDIX 111 Harut w a n a r u t APPENDIX IV

I V Fire APPENDIX

CHAPTER IV

APPENDIX 1 APPENDIX I1 Saxalsa

CHAPTER 1 APPENDIX i Dk 8.1: DkM 677.1-680.7: DkS W.I. Iff.; DkD 526.4-528. 21; West 1892. 3-10; Mole

1.l Gratitude t o O h r m a z d and praise to the Mazda-worshipping Religion. Ohrmazd, breaking off3 with dews!

the

~ a w ' of

1963, 6Tff.. Cereti 1997. 97-10?: i i . s p a s 1 Ohrmazd u d n t y a y i ~ r T

2. The Bghth [hook], about the summary of what occurs in the Nasks of the Mazda-.wonhi~Ping

en

T Mazaesn T j u a dew ohrmazd aaaestan.

Religion, each one separately. 3.

ere the memory of that

which is in the pond4 of this book concerningthe categories5 of the

3. eaar ayaa T han T anaar saa6rwan T en nsmag abar a5murisn 1 weh aqahlh T wasan n i b i S t ud niweyenid

en

Good Religion was written down and annmrxed, for the knowledge of m n f l from the 2and [which is ~ v e s t a ( D e n ) l 6 witten as an authority for the commonzlty in teaching the wisdom, bv the
[uttered! word of the Avesta itself7. 4. But. before that, there is ordinance8 t o write about the division of the categories of the Mazdawonhipping ~eligion,t o demonstrate Her divisions, pans, and the sections of the parts; the a t e s r i e s are more summarized in the divisions, summarized in

the parts of the divisions, and

more detailed in thesections of the pans.

5. The categories of the Mazda-worshipping Religion contain three divisions: Gaaas, which is 5. ~ 5 m u r 1 s n i Den T mazaesn bazisn mainly the mmsg knowledge andaction: Dad, which is mainly the gFtr<*nowledge and action; Haa?.Maqer. which is mainly theawarenessand action according t o what is between these two. 6. And the reason of the triple division of the categories of the Religion is the exposition of Complete Knowledge, Action, and Ordinance of the knowledge and action of the whole Religion; these three are written according t o the Ahunvar, which is the source of the categories of the A in which there are three gsh-s (metrical lines).

3:

Gsean

I hast *abrta
gtTg.karT

ien0g.danl5nTh

menGg.karTh, Dad T h a s t a b e r t a r gtTg.danlSn

7. The first [division] chiefly exposes GSBic, the second is Haaa.Maneric, and the third is D a d i c [loresl. 8. And there are 21 parts of its divisions, which are called Nasks. 8.

3.5 h a t

h ba2i5ti bahr 21 T xvanTh

Nask

I There is no need t o emend to *aqmnisnT 'wudiziane', as Caret; d i d . 2 0. Shaked 1969,181.

1 The formula Is found In nearly the same way in Dk 6.1, in a similar way i n Dk. 4.1, slightly differently in Dk 9.1, differently Dk 7.1, cf. Staked 1979, 223. 2 The order of words reversed in English t o avoid ambiguity. 3 Benveniste 1970.42, 4 West 1892, 1: '[withithel compass [of this book]'; Mole 1963. 63; Vans le[ tepis (7) [de ce lime]'; Shaked 1969. 192 n. 46: -[within thel binding [of this book]": Cereti 1337. 99 (and n. 30); "[compreso all'intefno dell01 specchio di questi libtip. My translation is based on MacKenzie 1971 and the New Persian usage. 5 Cf. Shaked, ibid.; Iuse the term in the sense of "status". 6 1 take i t as a gloss. ; differs considerably from that of Cereti. 7 ~y translation of the second part, after " 8 west 1892, 1: "usage". I prefere to see here the meaning of arrangement, order, something like New Persian a'm. Both "ordinance' and "usage" are recorded in New Persian.

9. Seven are Gaeic, and those made untotheGaeas, and their names are those of the invocations9 iftheGSeic worship, which are the s t ~ a . y a g t ,the s l t l i l a g a r , warstmansar, Bag,

Wastag, H a a o x t (Nasks),andthatwhich wasmadeuntoGSeic, t h e s o a n d (Mask).

lo.AndthenamesofthesevenHaa~.Ma~~ric areDamdSd, *Nadar.

Rato.aai.aetag, ~ a r i g , u a s k ~ s r a w , wistasp.sast.

PSjag,

IT.~ n seven d are D 5 d 1c (kgai) and those made unto the Dad, and their names are those of the
Dad, and those are the NlkatGm, Duza.sar.nljaa, HGSpararn, Sakatum, and venaldad, and those which are composed for the law with separate propitiations, the C l h r d a d andBagan.Ya5 t. i ~ . ~ n d t h e s e q u e n c ~isi '^ sltlaagar, warstmansar, Bag. Damaaa, Bart?, Kaskrsraw, Wi<tS~p.Sa$t, Wastag,

Nadar, Pajag, Rato.dat.ata

Cihraaa, l 13. i d

spana, Bagan.~ast, ~ i k a y i r n , Du2a.sar.niJad, Hasparam, SakatGm, , HS86xt, StOd.Ya$t.

(divisions) all three are (found): in the G i 9 1 c are the Ha35,Manericand

In all three

Dadic, in the Haaa.Man9rlc are the GaeicandDSaic, in the Daaic are the Gaeanigl' and~aaa.na~erig~~.

3 1 do not accept the emendation of Ceretl 199. 98 n. 27 and 99 n. 32.

4 cereti:

yasn.

5 Ceretl: Bay I follow here Skjsrvi 1389%. 6 TSL 7 m m i of the names of the k s k s from the second up to fifth ones tn Mol6 1963, 62-3, are

slightly different. 8 Ceretl: Nsxtar. 9 Cereti: RadwTstSitl. 10 "n'e reading of the names of the Masks from the second UP t o fifth ones in Mole 1963, 62-3, i r e slightly different. 11 Cereti: Ka5kaysraw. 12 ceret1: Wl5tSsp ya5t. 13 Or, Wldewdffd 14 Cereti: Bayan Yasn: 1 follow here Skjswi 19892.

9 Pace Cereti, who took this word (Cereti 1997, 99 n. 32) as "[prescrizionl ritual1 scritte] in pahlaui'. 10 MacKenzie 1971, 63, translated this word: "beginning, basis". West: "sequence"; Mole; "ordre"; cereti: "ordine'.

-~

14. Each separately hosts, especially and essentially, its own, and (also) hosts that what was brought into from other

parts, and the cause for it is: that in menfig there is get19 and in

g6tTg there is mn0 andin what is betweenthe two, there are bothfound.

~g becauseit , 15.Andthehkageof Wastag,aparroftheGaea, t o t h e e J i d o f ~ a 8 a . ~ a n e ris

is written in connection with Wi~tasp.sast,theendofHaaa.nanerTg. 16. The reason of the H a a a x t and [ s t o a l Y a s t having bean linked t o Verialaaa, the last g6tTg ~: being Dad; Haaa.nanerTg being intermediary; DSdic Nask, is c o n t e m p ~ a t i o n ~ Gaean belonging t o menag, as men6g is the cause, the vital force while g e t r g iscaused and motivated1 5, and the fruit is preserved1 and the source, the caused (goes back) to

';

..

the cause, the motivated t o the vital force (a xv),

the init to ihe source.

17. ~ n the d linkage of the end of the ~ a a which , is H6m, again t o the 6aea. which is the source. is the symbol of the primal m e n s g l h which was the pure GSeanTh functioning; at the end it will be even g e t l g ; and as it was obtained from menfig, i t descended again to the linkage of menfig. 18. And the reason of the twenty-one-fold partition of the triple division of the cateqories of the Avesta is evidentfrom selections from kardags; similarly, the three (gahs) of the ~hunvar, which is the source of the reckoning1

of the Avesta, alsohave twenty one words-

I S Ceretl: Wlsiasp Vast. 18 cereti 1997. 100 n. 34, iaentifiedit w i t h s t ~ d~ a 5 / t ~asn. 17 West 1892. 8 n. 3: dahlsn~h.strh.dao, "the production of the worah creation", another name for the DSRidfd, +ted by Ceretf 1997. 100 n. 33. Molfc dahlzn, "-signifie la crbanon'. 18 Mol6 1963, 62: menag elm ud wihan bun, and so also Cereil, though the t e x t does not support such reading. 19 S o West; Moi6 and Cereti: aahlhet. n PSzand. and so transliterated and translated by Mole and Cereti; however. West 20 Written Him i 1892, 8 and n. 4). rightly emended t o HOm. The shift U (and 671 to *r was typical for Zoroastrian Persian of F 3 r s and is a commonplace in MSS, especialiy in ~ a z a n *as here. compare s/iu in ok . 1, "as usual in Iran". 8.46.2, written am, notes West 1892, 170 n 21 k e t i eraended to a2 m m ~ *migastan g rr6a amad, "idiscesa dal seggio spimua~e".

13 For dahlsn , "reflextion", from Avestan * a m , 'to teach"; dahma-, -a learned person", cf. Shaked 1982b, 197ff.; compare also Old Georgian dahmani, "knhn. Held". Middle Persian a'hm 'virtuous, pious; a full member of the Mazdean community, initiate", MacKenzle 1971, 24; D'hm,n ' f r y " . T h e Blessing of the Holy ones, a god, Bestower of Justice and Righteousness"; P3zand d a h , "pious, holy" (Aogml, Nybem 1974, 38; New Persian duhman, 'evening prayers". Bielmeler 1985, word here is, actually, from 'contempla~on' t o 'prayer". 37-8. he range of meaning of this ~ahlavl 14 On t h i s word. cf. Shaked 1974b (and p. 319 n.1-4). 15 1 adopted k e t i ' s understanding of this word. 16 so West. 17 This is the meaning of the word in this passage, as the passage deals with numerical value of the h a r , and thus the word was rendered in Dhabhar 1932, 3 (who translated Dk S.I.17b-21).

~- 1 9 . ~ 8 ffi the ~hunvar, which is the source of the reckoning of the Avesta, is the pattern of
~

the

triple division according t o the three gahs of the reckoning of the Avesta. so is the twenty one words' character of the three (gahs).

The character of the twenty-one-fold partition (of the

.. .

Avesta) indicates its division into three, as it is revealed, saying: 'The omniscient Creator shaped from each word a recitation'19. 20. Sections of the parts, like hats and f r a g r a d s which

are in the Masks, according t o

knowledge of the witness of the Avesta [i.e., from the teaching of Zoroaster of the venerable

frawahr}, were known t o be 1000 in the Iranian lands.

21. But after the devastation that came on from the villainz0 Alexander of evil destiny, the creature of wrathz1, thereof such was not t o be found that could be preserved through the

22. And those [Avesta Nask] are well known23 for the establishment of which the blessed Adurbaa 1 nahraspandan subjected himself to the ordeal and safely endured it so that the authenticated precepts of the treatises of Eran.sahr be considered ganuine exegsis by genera!

consensus.
23. After description of each Nask, namely, about what it speaks principally, each Nask is

t s various hatsandin rragardscomes toattainment, forwhatever enumerated, and what is in i

is in these chapters24, (this) pieasant-making suitable collection solves any severity2'. 24, But, first, here is recorded a written ordinancez6 about eachNaskandabout what *speaks, while the extent of attainment is fashioned not according t o their marvellous peculiirtties.

22 1 take the words in square brackets t o be a gloss explaining Den. 23 Bailey 1943. 154, and Mol6 1963, 63, read here "1000 sal* (Bailey) or "300 sat" ( ~ o i f i ] . ~ h e text has dearly Y H W W N t a which is, of course, similar to "SNT. 24 M y reading is closer t o Bailey 1943, 154, and t o Macuch 1987. 321, than t o that by cereti 1997. 25 *D ck. Ceretl read tS-lz "ruin. However, cf. Shaki "977, 51 n. 17. who read here cak, "endoreed document (true b i t 7 ) ' : I " ~hwrazmianck means JarTda, dartar-i nivTsanda, cf. Bewing 1968, 7, and in New Peratan Eat. means money order, written order, deed, French cheque, English cfiecque,Arabic Saw written document. 26 West 1892, 10 n. 5, readhCsiAOngQn, "auspicious", adding as possibilities khCEhCinlno. .beneficent*, and anashikon-gdo, "unconfusing'. Hole 1963, 63, prefered not to transliterate this word and omitted
the end of the passage In his translation. Ceretl: en madayan <T> Pas-ganffn, "questi lib" eccelsi".

21 On the concept of xes'm, "wrath", cf. the illuminating article by Pines (Fines 1902, 761. who compared it t o ~umranic bar0nand ~auline~pyn. 22 On the meaning of the term in the post-Sasanian epoch, when this passage seems t o have been ; "the original writing" and Ceretl 1997, T O O : composed, cf. Kreyenbroek 19873. Dhabhar 1932, 3 "[essere consideraiacome] canons", but dastwar cannot have this meaninghere. 23 F'aceMacuch1987, 321. 24 Or. "chapters"; or. "extracts". The PahIauf word k ambiguous In this content. technicus for "a difficulty". 25 hi$ word seems to ba a terminus k 8.1.4, and the note there, 26 Cf. D

IJSU

pa6ueqxn yal u

E.IUIUeW 341jo uo!ielsuen a u i w 4)- swf PJOM ~M-IUWa m

eZ /2
'am
JOJ

'.as-ia/Kun

aqJ 80

UOHEAOUBJ aq)

~loaluoasqset# v. :~OIIOI

'~iq~peajun si piom pue ' ( w u o ~ ~ ) se eSessed am paielsuaJipu= 6iue~ije>l.wau Pea '1 1 '2681 ISBM nz
oiun USAS s p w a lUaUaieiS SSP*
SSaUliME Si

' 1 S W loomed mpsu~ qlhsiue~e

M ~ J S z

ev~i6ge~e j vue 911 v$Meq S E M Q ~ D D oz[i) ~ '+

".

6QU3lo 1 J$x Jeqe ume6E SBM ~ u e d s u ~ e i u fill36 v 1 z s ~ u g dPn 6 ~ u a m

i usizeA

Z B uiusiusus

seze 6eiuqoi u a ~ e r v u e ~ 6ezeq u u ~ f i o u e1 u s t u ~ x i u

vn 'u16iusiunx

s'n

~ q s B l o e upn yarn i u s a 1 6 e q a n ~n ueJeunu i usiAe:s

.E

-loop~eiu L 2 ~ ~ s ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ 6 r P e M

Pep

ze

za-med

vn

'H.IJPJ!>

' ~ 1 ~ ~ i l n ' ufui e p l u a l o

Ped U ~ i M g ~ P Z e l o J L iuJ0pEJ.i o 1 u s i A e i s 6eZ3qE 1 29 JEW IJeAlPEiu ~ e 6 p o [ i ] s . z

'USSPZBH i USO'llS/^ 1 UEJJEAX
~

L ZEUJEU'L
:11

.~ -ISBM

~~

-01 '2681

!9'6ZS-lZ'SZS 0 1 1 0 '-L TAX S W '31.8'089 6

Mia !WEN ~ ~ 6 P ~ f :2'9 l l TO s

11 Dk8.3 WarStmansar
~~

ask; DkM 680.17-681.2; DkS XV.l, 7; D ~ D 529.7-13; west 1092,

~ ~ ~~~ ~ ~ ~

12: 1.The W a r s t m a n s % (Mask) contains particulars about the birth of Zoroaster and his coming into the Religion, and whatever on the same subject. 2. And the essense of priestship and discipleship and lordship (of ahQ and spiritual mastership (of rad) and confession i n which the complete summary of the sayingsof the Gaeas. 3. Zand on every thing and every word, with a good arrangement, such as one says: "War5 tmffnsar is thatthat has given forth an exposition of everything".
4. n a t isevetytfiingsaid i n t t e GSeSs, something of it issaid inthe w a r s t m a n s a r .

29 West: numSd, 'notice'; Sanjana: mSd. 30 Cf. Tavadia 1956, 73.

Dk 8.4 Bag Nask; DkM 681; DkS W.1, 10: DkD 529.13-21: West 1892, 13:
-~~~ ~ ~ ~~

1.Bag maaiyan abar fradom saxvvan i emuri 1 D m ba2l5n ud fraaom dam

?.The Bag Nask contains particularsabout the first word of the the division of the categories of
the~vesta~ and ~ , the fint creature30 of t h i sword, the f i n t coming of it and the cfashtoning of the creature, and the greatness of this word, which is of the same body with the creature3' and, particalariy, (about) the intermingling of thought with i t . 2. The most complete knowledge about everythhng, each separately its own offspring, and many a
0 aahman g u f t gst kQ K 5 5" klrbag kun a5 E n klrbag kard hawed.

linkage (to it) a s much connected with it as that how it is said concerning the Bag, namely: "Bag

of the community is renown", it i s said about the community, meaning that whoever shall do a virtuous deed, a merit will be performed by him.

...
29 ofin. Compare the translation in Dk 8.1.4.
31 Cf. Dk 9.47.5. *era

the word appears in ~azand.

30 A h i l cf. Dk 9.47.4. 31 Cf. Dh 9.47.4.

~k 8.5 ~ a m a a a ' ~ a s k D ; ~ M 681.11-20; D ~ w.1, S 10: D ~ D 529.21.530.7; Mol6 1963. 390-1:

west 1892, 13;

I. Damdad

maaiyan abar kun13n T aadarih u d dadan T dzm T pahlom.

the Damdad Naskcontainsparticuliars about the act of creatorship and the creation of the
best creation, 2. first in menfig (spiritually) and how it was kept in menfig, its change from it into the

2. fradom pad menoglh ud cand clyan dastan 1 pad menag wastan i azss g e t i g CilirEnTdag s a x t a g o a n a a r c b g a d ~ q k o l x l s l s n p a t t a d a n 3 2 ua r a y e n i d a n

g e t T g (material), formed and made for the battie against the Assault, its endurance and organization and continual worthiness until the end.

paywastag Saylstan T 6 rrajam.

3. ud drang T GbgaOih ud r l s t a g @wen dSm.dahlSnTh G S n s t i ud

tahmag ud sraxtag ud c i h r ud k a r ud ce andar ham dar.
4. ud e l m 6 ce dahlsnih ud abdom 0 cS raslgmh.

3. And duration of the Assault, the classes and sorts of the creation and their being and seed and

parts, natureand task,and on the samesubject.

4. And the reason for their creation and their final fate.
5. And about the advesary of that creation, and the harm and evil caused by its mark, and the manner and means of overcoming and destroying lt, and saving and freeing creation from it

5.ud abar han dam.plyarag ud wizand ud anagih azss T ni55n ud car ud a b a r T abar wanidan ud abes7hGniaan ud boxtan ud ab6cihrGnidan i dam =zag. 6.ahlayih SbSdTh -pahlom hast Sbadih.

32 On this and related words, d.Slaked 1979, 249-250.

32 The translation given here is basically that by MacKewie 1993b. with slight changes

17
Dk 8.6 N3dar Nask; DkM 681.21-682.1: DkS W.l,11; DkD 530, 7-9; West 1892, 15; Cereti
~ ~~

1997. 102: 1. ~ a d a zand r ~ ~ 6 aman ray ne paywast, m i s t a g ciyon pad dastwarfh andar * r n ~ c l acaSlSnC~rnunSn ~ ~ ~ e z l s n d3St stE 2.ah12yTh abzdlh pahlorn hast abadlh1.

The Z a d of the N S d a r Nask has not been handed down to us33,

the Avesta [of it1 exists

through authority for matters of34 leaching, study and worship.

19 Dk 8.7 P a j a g Mask, DkM 682.2-684.18;

~~

.~~

.~

DkS XV.1.11-17;

DkD 301.10- missing fclios

67.13; West 1892, 15-19; Nyberg 1934; Mole 1963, 100-102: 1. Pajag maalyan abar g0spand dadlha pad ezlSn T ata[xlSSn aban z o h r Gahanbar mazdesnan a y a r i h *ray kuStan. 6naz kG mard 0 hamkffr pad CF 1, The texts of PSjag: about slaughtering cattle in accordance with religious prescription t o assist Mazda-worshippers in (their) worship Fires, Waters, libations of the Gahanbar. This, too, which virtues and skills35 could a man contribute t o gather and (what are the) " r a

h a - ud abzar pad clnlSn ud "ra T e z l h

formulas o f the worship. 2. And this, too, from which limb the share of the cattle-species is to be taken to Fires, Waters;
how it is t o be arranged, with what ~vesta-(recttal) it is to be offered.

3. And whatever is about GafianbSr. namely, when one celebrates these religious g5hs3=, and
when it has elapsed, the assembly o f Gahanbar and the offering t o the myazd, when it is

t properly, in ^hat proportion must be given out, when it must be prepared possible t o perform i
and distributed, and what profit and advantage will be therefrom t o the good creation, in both mFn0gandgetTg. 10. About the rotation of the gab, the days, the months, and the years, the season when there is summer (andlor) winter, and the appearances therein due m the motion of the constedations. 11. That is, the arrival of the Righteous Fravashis into the g e t i g world during these 1 0 days at the end of the winter, the beginning/the end of the year; as these 5 gSh-days are for that purpose: the passingaway of the winter, the becoming of the summer3'. 13. And fullfilling more duties of generosity and distribution in this season (of the festival), the proper function of the rat" of the province to assist the poor and to advocate them, t o teach (them), for the sake of FrawardigSn, how t o 'perform properly the (festival of) Frawardlgan.

18. And about the admirability and great meritoriousness of public observances, and (about) distress and severe sinfulness of heresy. 19. And this, too, when a man is doubtful, through heresy, what is the law of God as the elucidation (is concerned); which God is t o entreated for assistance.

35 The loicuwn~ passages treat slmlar matenah whim coi-d be called halashic, i w no< m r e s 2s h e The pee. dm paragrams , . s t d t e o comene treating of mattere hslakhc A c h l i e caenda' Wnic +9 0-1 wth zatTaand rasoto 5 . . a ~ c e.% - 10H ce..m more qmo mw * t o treat me mIcn&r 36 Cf. Nyberg 1934; Boyce 1970. 530. 37 iaccepttheemendationmadein~ole 1963.101. metext has zimacrq
~ ~

35 36 t 37

ie abzai-2 cf. ~ a c ~ e n z 1971.4. New Persian gah. qSh, 'throne, place, -time", in the last sense from Avestan gZeZ, "hymn, the i set aside for the recitation of a particular gaen, then simply time", de 8101s 1993b, 61. The interest ln the calendar returns a few paragraphs later it seems, that the material In-between m s r n s t i y Sasanlan Interpolationso f a later date.

23 Dk 8.8 Rat6.aai.afitag Nask, DkM 684.19-685.9; 67.13-68.14:

w.Gt

~~~~~

DkS XV.1. 77-18; DkD missing folios

..

~~

~~

1892, 19-20:

~l.TheRat.6.aat.aetag book (isen) the customand lawof religious and obligatoiy actions38. 2. The reason of the worthiness a n d superiority in leader of the rad-priestly guilde, and his possession of ponion[s]

1.RaLO.dat.aetag

maalyan*abar dgnig ud rrfizwanTg kunlSn1g 6w ud dad.

2.clm 1 sazagth u d sazSgtarlh pad raa.peSag-salar, abarTg patth xvadSyaz bahr x v f i s ~ h , kC cly6n be wlz2rlSn SazagTh az .asazagTh ud SazagtarTn az [ a l s a z a g ~ h padas, ki3 pad raaTn T xvanTrah u d b a n g k l s w a r T j u d Jud fradom ke be estad az mazaesnan. 3.abar nlmaylgn ud agahTnlSn T nlSast ud branmag T Amanraspandan, nerang ud abzar T andar sziSn T vazdan, gah T xVSk?r T z 6 t a n raspTgan andar fizlgn e[w1. ud hamsgaz x ^ S k a sardaran pad k a r i s a n ]ud.Jud 6 bun,
4. u d m e h l h T

of other authority, even of the lordship; ft is, how worthiness should be

discriminated from unworthiness in him, and superiority from unworthiness, i t is, in rad-office of XvanTrah and other continents, each separately, the first which stood from the Mazda-

..

worshippers.

3. About the demonstration and acknowledgement of the sitting and the (ritual) manner of the
Bountiful Immortals, the n e r a n g ritual instruments in the worship of the Vazdan, the place of duty of the z 6 t - and r a a p r g - priests in the worship, and also ail the duties of the leaders in ther work, each separately, according t o the source39.
4 . And the greatness of the discrimanstivereflection in meritorious deeds and the kinds of the the

wlzTdar.dahlSriTh

andar k l r b a g a n ud e w s n a g T w l z l d a r

disctimanative reflection, and the closeness of Ohrmazd t o the thinking, speaking andacting of

dahiSn'ih ud nazdtglh 1 Ohrmazd 6 meniSn, gOwISn, kunlsn T axv 1 astomand.

the corporeal existence.

5. abSdTh ahlSylh Dahlom hast.

38 Cf. MacKenzia 1970, 269. 39 he translation of the words G bun is purely tentative. West 1892, 20: 'originally or In. 31 'fundamentally". Was some written [Avestan?) text meant, according t o which the worship Was performed?

26 1. Bar13 contains particulars about many virtues liberality of the inborn and learned wisdom4'. 2. And what concerns the evil knowledge of falsity, and ignorance and many faults that

of the directing power4',

the truth, the

r e
3. What

with the opposite of virtues,

concerns the (respective) benedictions and maledicti6ns,

benevolence and malevolence,

good spell and bad spells, beneloquence and maleloquence of (respectively) Wahman and and ~ ~ many divinities Spendarmad, sr05 and ~ h l l s w a n g

(on the one

hand) and of

Ak6man and w a r a n . X63m and ~ n . a h and l ~many ~ demons (on the other), and whatever is

on the samesubject
4. And what concerns Time, Destiny, substance, will, religion, manners, culture, duty, effort, and whatever is on the same subject; and amarid these: royalty, government, authority, judgeship and medilt~iship''~.

s peace and keeping of covenant,and whatever i s on the same 5. And what concerns when there i
subject.

6. And what concerns the law and the custom, merit and sin. p o d fame and bad fame.

righteousnessand wickedness, and whatever is on the same subject

7. What concerns pudency, *awe, fear and obedience4', and whatever is on. the same subject. 8. What concerns connections thmugh property, subordination, dmitness, religion, and whatever

is on the same subject.

9. What concerns suitability and unsuitability, friendship and enmity,'and whatever is
same subject.

on the

3 39 40 41

h n alternative reading. de Menasce 1958b. 38: panTli, Tavatice". New Persian x6y. Cf. Tafazzoli 1974% 112-3.

40 de uenasce 1958b. 38:-le fonctronnementougouvemement desfacultfo(z6r rzy6nlSnthY. 41 On "inborn and learned wisdom" cf. Shaked 1987b. 31f. . The word means the notion opposite to radrn. 42 AS t o the translation, cf. west 1892. 21 n. 1 Compare: 1) z 6 r lrayenlsnih I) 7 2) rastih 2)drazanlh 3) rafflh 3) ~ 5 % 4) au<.agahih 4 s sraa xmd 5)was hunaran 5) was atlegan T hunaran hamsstar. 43 de Menasce 1958b, 38; "et les faux frtres (brfltarSt) Ides vertusl". 44 ArdaWahlSL 45 T h e o p p o s i t e t o ~ h l l S w adeMenasce ~~ 1958b. 38, read here "Indar". 46 On this word and Its concept, cf. Shaked 1980. i . 3, 611.3. 47 Cf. Tafazzoli 19742, 112-3, Skoy samfsahm'fear", quoting EpMan 11, l

28 10. What concerns good breeding and bad breeding4', youth and old age, richness and poverty,

fortune and misfortune, and whatever is on the same subject.

11. What concerns vigor which is in races, species, things, and whatever i s on the same subject 12. ud hzn T frazznagih ud fra5n.wtzarih u d purr.newagih u d c abar ham 12. What concerns study and solving of probieWquestions, complete braveness, and whatever is onthesamesubje+
13. ua ha" T suy ua t i 5 n "a azss darmanlh ud ce abar ham aar
,,

13. What concerns hunger, thirst and their remedy, and whatever is on the same subject
14. What concerns transcience, death, mortality, and whatever is on the same subject 15. What concerns totality, direction of things, precedence and sequence, and whatever is on the

14. ud han T rrasawandlh ud marglh ud sazlSnTglh ud ce abar ham dar. 15. ud ha" T hammistlh CIS r a n i h ud Pe5ih ud pasTh ud c abar ham aar.
16.

same subject.

ud

ha"

padirlsnigTh

ud

a.paaTnsnTgih

ud

ramenldarih

ud

16. What concerns acceptability and unacceptabilii, and the disposition to cause pleasure and t o

c a m harm, and whatever is on the same subject 17. What concerns valiance and loquacity and sociability, and whatever is on the same subject 18. What concerns the intellect (and the) mind, the body and the soul, Paradise and Hell and the

be5ezenTaarTh ud ce abar ham dar. 17. ud ban T tagTgTh ud uzwanlglh ud hanJumanTgih ud c6 abar ham dar.

Body tocome, and whateveris on the samesubject

1 9 . m theomnoscienceof thecreatoruhrmazd, the whole goodness of the Bountiful immortals and the glory of the Righteous Man, and whatever is on the same subject. 20. And many other statements about the disposition of the Creator, organization and rulership, Amahraspandan ud b'arrah-l n a r d T Ahlaw ud c abar ham aar. 20. ua a b a r l g was dadar ar3StSr"rh suxvan rSynTdSr ua x v z a a y r h marshalcy and maintenance of the body and salvation of the soul, suitable t o what one sasys; Wor of Truth is (this) discours, B a r f s , KaskTsraw, Wi5t3sp.Sastm.

n6W.ard3rThZ u d tan aastSrlha ud r u w a n b u x t a r l h a aza? passazag 6 han I o w k d ara.suflan h a s t g6wlSnTh Bar15 KaSkTsraw WI5asp.Sast. 21. abadlh ahlSyih hast pahlom.

Or: "beauty and ugliness".

29 Dk 8.10 K a s k i s r a w Nask; DkM 687.6-12; DkS XV.1, 21ff.;DkD 71.12-72.6; ~~. ~. . . ~.~-~ -~ ~~23:
~~ ~ ~~ ~

West 1892,

~.
1. KaSkTsraw containsparticulars about the exposition of divine worship and ritual, through

nd about the ritual ablutions and what one candeteriorate the d a e v a - w o r ~ h i p ~ ~ aknowledge aboutabsenceofthese. 2. The faith and the tending for the Yas t ritual; signs and tokens of overflowing and wickedness

through demons a t different times, and about the ultimate dectmction of others of that (demoniac)
kind and the final victory of gods. 3. Sorts o f sublime chants, teaching of Ohrmazd t o Zoroaster, called spiritual sasts (doctrines).

49 O n "through what che proper worship could be turned into the dacva-worship andhow

to avoid

31 Dk 8.11 WistSsp Sast, DkM 687.13-688.3;

~ ~ ~ ~~~

Dks
~

W.I. 21ff.; DkD missing folios 72.6~~~

~~~

..

73.8; West 1892, 23-5; Mole 1963, 348-9; Williams 1990, li. 213-4:

I. w i s t a s p
;em

1. The W l s t a s p s a s t is about teachings to Kay WiStasp. especially, the temper, nature, behavior, knowledge, education and taw needed for njiership; the government of the propagation of the will of the gods requiared for it. 2. And about the sending immortal Bountiful Ones by Ohrmazd the Creator t o Kay Wl<taspas testimony of Ohrmaza's mission of Zoroaster, of the pure goodness of the Mazda-worshipping Religion, (and their) announcement ( f r a m a n ) of victory t o W I S t S s p the ruler of countries through (his) accepting the Religion from Zoroaster.

s a s t abar ' h a m m ~ g 1 ~0~ ~ a w y i s t a s p madiyan nan 1 6 x v a a a y l h

the creatures and

ua c i h r u d b a r i s " ua a a n i s n frahang ua dad r a y e n l d a r l h

daman ud

k m g . r a w S g T h T Yazaan padas abayisnig. 2. u d abar f r e s t i d a n i aadar Ohrmazd Amahrspanaan 0 Kay w ~ s t a s p pad

az ZardulxISt.

3.

The coming of the

Immortal'Bountiful Ones in a visible form to the court, and then (did), t o

3. wn#bd madan 1 Amahrspandan 6 dar u d d i d 6 man handemanlh 1 WistAsP

the

residence, their audience with the king W I < t a s p and his companions and servants; their

(Immortal Bountiful Ones') explanation of 6hrmazcTs message to W lStasp. and theacceptance of the Mazda-worshipping Religion by W i s t a s p , the kipgof peaceso.

4. How the demon of Wrath provoked A r j S s p the Hy6nite to wage a war with W i s t f l s p and
p e t y a r d a r r h i Zardulxlst: 9r3y)Sri r a w l s n 1 W1StZsp S2h 5 han kO[xISiSn u d

oppositnon t o Zoroaster preparations and movements by the king w i g t a s p t o that war, and
whatever is on the same suMect

ce

andar ham dar.

~k 8.12 w a s t a g 4 7 ask; DI~M688.4-5; D ~ S w.1, 11; D ~ D missing folios 73.8-10; west 1892, Cefeti 1997, 104:
0 amah

1. Wastag Ablstag ua Zand pad dastwar4' 2.abadlh h a s t pahiom ahisylh.

n paywast.
1. The W a S t a g [Mask], in its Avestan or Pahiavi form, was not transmitted 1 0 us by [any] dastul51.

43 wiliiams 1990, 11. 213, read *hamzg, translating: "all [the panicuiars"; cereti 1997, 104 (after Mol6 1963, 349: amoh), rendered i t more correctly: "insegnamenti". . . "[and (as=) reminder t o Sp-itamanZoroaster". 44 Williams 1990.11, 213: ua ayadagTh 1 45 1 follow here Mole. Williams: ii.g ham-nlsastan *frstaq WIzSrdan, "his ministers. The envoys' explanation 46 I follow ~016'sreading. Williams has ramrha. "peaceful [acceptancel-. 47 Dad in Bahman Punjya's RiuSyat, HaSWXaSWXuSt in other RivSYats, cf. Dhabhar 1932, 2. 48 Cf. also West 1892. 25 0. 1. 49 Cereti: Dad *dastwarih.

...".

50 The expression is unknownto me ~therwise; west: "the obedient king". It must be a translation of the vesta an rapavant; used of vistaspa- in Y 34.4,7; rap- is routinely rendered by r m . 51 cereti: "nella traaizione religiosa*.

Dk 8.13. Cihrdad NaSK; DkM 688.6-690.11; DkS XV.1, 2Sff.: DkD missing folios 73.10~~ ~ ~~~ ~ ~ ~ ~~

78.3; West 1892, 25-31; Mol6 1963 279-91:

1. clhrdad madlgsn abar t0hmag T mardoman c i y c n brehsnTdan 1 u h r m a z d

I.'~Cihrdaa: particulars about families of Mankind: how UhrmazdcreatedGayffmard, the

First Man, in visible form, and of what kind the first couple, Ma57 andMaSanT, were.

Gayornard rradorn mard 6 paydagihast T KerbTh ud c6 ewenag bodan T fradom jUXtagMa3i Ud MaSanT. 2. d b a r zahag paywand i awesan t S p u r r r a w l s n ~ g l h1 mardom andar

2. And about their offspring until the filling of the middle (of the earth), the Continent

i x continents surrounding Xvanirah. Xvanrr-ah, by men and their distribution over the s
3. Each race being specifically accounted for, by the order of the Creator sending messengers to
each separate race, alloting them to the places where they had gone, to live there.

miYanag iXvanlrah T k i s w a r ud baxi 1 awfisan pad * 6 k i s w a r T peramfin

i Xvanirah.

4. And (how)

the glory was distributed from there W a n i r a h ? ) ;

and their migration to the

3. tffhmag tffhmag i narnci5tTg ffsmurld pad astag r r i s t t S n 1 g rraman i Dadwar 0 Jud lud tohmag i S 6 gyag kU SUd framod handaxtan ZEWlgn.
4. ud xvarrati az anon baxt sta :.$an

different continents and t o the regions of Xvanirah, and those who dwelt in the middle; an explanation of the nature of the individual pares of man, as they were created in the primal ram.

wihez 6 k i s w a r k i s w a r ua hanaz i 0

5. The establishment of the Law and of customs: that of farming, for the tilling and fostering of the
world, (laid) on W a y k a r s t the 'first-appointed' pegdad, and that of ruling, for the

kffstlgiha T

xvanirah "a

han l s a n pad miyanag gyag manign budan;

xir.wizardagih w w sraxtag 1 mardom T andar bun t0hmag dad estad. 5-bUn.nihi3n 1 dad ud ewenag: han T dahiganih pad WarzidSrTh i d rrawarazrm

protection andorganization of the creation, on the family of HuSang the 'first-appointed'. 6.AnaccountofHu5ang the first and Tahmffrup the second rulerofthe sevencontinents, and
1

gehan abar Wayxarat

pesdad, ha'n

account of (their) family from the primal creation until Yim.

dahlbedlh pad

7. And of the family of Tfirn, the third ruler of the seven continents, and knowledge about his time,

tohmag. panagih ud rayenidanh i dam, abar Husang T ~ f i s d a d 6. sraw i Husang 1 rradom ud Tahmffrup i didlgar azas hart k i s w a r XvadSy ud tohmag sraw osmurisnih
32

and about the passing of time from the primal creation until the end of the reign of Yim
8. An account of the ignorant, evil ruler of the seven continents Dahag and his ancestors from
Tdz, the brother of Hasang, the (foreFather of the Arabs, and information about him and h i s

bundahisn t a Vim.

7. han T Yim sidigar azas h a r t k i g w a r XVsd2y t6hmag sraw agahlh 1 zamanaa. sazisn

is

period, and about the passage of time from the end of the good reign of Yim until the end of the reign of Dahag, and the lineage of Yim untilFredon.

-s az

bundahisn t a xvaaay-m T v i m fratam.

8. U O hSri T h a f t kiSwar du5SgSh du5.XV3d2>' Dah3g *raw paywand

TUZ"

is

i s smiting the 9. An accountof the conquest of Dahag by Fred0n. ruler of XvanTrah, of h

abaz 6 province of Mazadaran and his division of X v a n l r a h between h i s three sons Salm and T o 2 andErIT: their unitina with the dauahters of P S t ~ r a w Una . of the Arabs.

i ~ u s a n gbrad ud tazigan pid. ud agshih awe a

z zamsnag ~ saz~~n

Paywand T az Vim t 3 Fredon. 9. han I Xvanirah xvaday Fred6n 1 sraw pad wanidan 1 Dahag zadan 1
1

.,

Mazandaran deh ud baxtan T xvanlrah pad Salm ud T6z Ud Eric T3 paywastan i s a n pad auxt i patsraw i tazigan sah

3 PUS;

50 *Az 1 Taz

52 The translation adopted here 1s basically that by MacKenzle 1991, 560-1, with slight emendation5

35 10. T6z paywand ud paywand sraw 1 awesan j u d p a , han T Manuscihr 1 Ersn X'JadSylh, Er1J "31 11. h3n 1 Tszsmand F r a s l y s b 1 T a r a n dahlbed; dahibed: MSnO5clhr n a f
T kayan xag ud Eran Xvaday ud T026mand xvaday ~ a r s a s p 12. ~ a Kawaa y

36 10. The lineage of T 6 z and an accountof the lineage of these ~~parately; of ManuSEl hr, ruler of Eran,of thefamily of E n J . ud Tuhmasp Uzaw T E r s n 1 1 . G f ~ r a s i y a b theTozian, niler of ~ a r s n ; uzaw,sonof 'rumasp, ruler of Eran.ofthe family of M a n u < d h r . 12. Kay KawadancestoroftheKayanids, ruler of Eran.andtheT6zian lord Karsssp; 13. Kay Us, [of the family) of Kawad, ruler of the Seven Continents and mainatainer of kavi-

13. ud ~ a us y Kawaa pad h a f t k i s w a r xvaday ud kaydan

14. Kay Husraw, sonof S l yawax*, ruler

of x v a n r r a h .

15. And several chapters on families, specifically an account of Fran, TOran, and SalmSn until the lord Kay Luhrasp and the ruler Kay Wistasp. 16. The prophet of the Mazdaysnian religion, S p i t a m a n ZarautxItand the passing of time

from the beginning of the reign of F r e d 6 n until the coming of z a ~ d u t x I $ t t o theconsultation

(with Ohrmazdl. 1 7.53 And many families and sayings there are further mentioned in the same Nask, who count as having existed or whose being has been arranged (for the future), such as the Sasanians, who are blessed and remerrtoeredforgoodS4and their rule. 18. In the family of Manugfiihr, N 6 d a r ^YOst(descendantof)FrlySn; and in the family of Spandyad, AuuaraerabS, (forefather of Aaurbad. sonofMahraspana. X v a d a y i h s z 1 Fraggira rawl5nTg 6 t6hmagan b a x t ud pass? 1 6 t s h m a g e z T h e d u.5 t 3 Frasgird awared. 20. a b a r b u n dahl5nS1 1 peSag ud kIrrOgTh, XV3kar T awam; was agahlh T mardoin pad spsxtan i wizand 1 petyarag ud dartsn 1 tan ud b s z l s n 1 r u w a n r a y e n l d a r t h T gehan a b a y i s n i g pesaz az maaan 1 ZarduExIst pad Daaar r r a m s n az yazdan wax< burdarth ud w i s p 6 pe3anpaysri T zamanag zamanag madan eg anaar ham darlha.
21. Pahlom a h i a v ~ habadih hast.

19. And there are those which then too will come 10 existence, for the many kinds of virtue and glory, and the rulership connected with the Restroration, have been distributed among (different) families and will later flow to (each) family, and bring it t o the Restoration. 20. About the primal creation of crafts, arts, and the proper functions of the ages; the several kinds of knowledge of mankind for warding off the harm arising from the Adversary and for preserving the body and saving the soul, necessary for arranging the wodd, came -"even before the coming of Z a r d u f x l s t " - a t the command of the Creator through the transmission of the

word by the gods to theleaders of the different times; and more on the same subject.

51 For the reading, cf. Mol6 1963, 280.

53 West 1892. 30 n. 3. noted that 5517-19 were comwsed during later wriod of t h e Sasanian mle. 54 Compare Hebrew (Esther) zahdr l a t Q and Aramaic (inscriptions from the Arsadd period from Palmyra, Hatra. Assur etc.) da&Ir l a t a b

37 Dk 8.14, Spand Nask, DkM 690.12-692.14; DkS W.1. 28-32; DkD missing folios 78.2-82.3;
~~ ~ ~ ~

West 1892, 31-34; Mole 1963.276-8:

--.-

1. The texts of Spand: about the becoming and conception55 of the existences6 Zoroaster'sfravahr and $amah,

of

I.

spana, maaiyan abar ~ a w ~ s ud n hambawlsnih T z a r a u ~ x ~ s et s t ~ 5 ua ~

how each one of them was created in men6g and in which

w a h r ud xvai-rah ciycsn a r r i a a q ~ h 5 3i ewag w pad menoq ud c5 ewenag d d 6 getTg, d y 6 n paywastan T 6 zayTdaran, madan T zayidaran 'agenen, hambawThistan 1 andar madar ua zayi5n iaz mad ud c5 andar ham aar. 2. ud abaraz r a s l 5 n T har d6 menog, ha" 1 weh pad waxsenidan ud han i a t t a r pad marnjenTdan, Zardu[xl5t. perozgarrh i han w e h men6g ua p a r w a r i 5 n 7

manner (it was) puts7 Into gtT how (they, i.e., fravahr and i^arrah)attached themselves t o (Zoroaster's) parents, (about) the parents came together, (Zoroaster's) having been c e i v e d S 8 in the mothe?, (his)

tam from the mother,

andon the same subject

2. And about the arrival of both spirits, the Good Spirit t o assure growthG0, and the Worse Spirit
t o mortify (Zoroaster), and the victoriousness of the Good Siprit, and the nourishment of Zoroaster. 3.

3. rasi5n 7 5 purnaylh pad 3 0 $slag 6 ha.m.PursagTh i Ohrmaza madan ud

budan 1 7 ham.pursag1h andar 1 0 sai.
4. was abaTh i azaS padas payaagihast ciy6n h a s t i ham.paywast w i z i d a g ud

H i s arrival to maturity at the age of 30, (his) coming t o a conference with Ohrmazd, and

occurence of 7 conferences within 10 years.

4. Many marvels were reavealed by him (Zoroaster) through it (the conferences), such as there
r e these, assembled together andselected, mentionedin the ~enkard-scripture.

az Denkard n i w 6 g n15anenld.

5. 7 sections called Spand (contain) 7 questions, a question at each occasion, and the bestowal of other Nasks through these 7 questions, through speaking outof each place of the conference. 6. About the time of down and rising up atthe occasion of each question, and the manner of
the sitting of the Bountiful immortals, (about the manner of) Zoroaster's coming forth into their
T anaar w

5. 7 brTn c l y o n Spand xvanlhea 7 f r a s n har j a r e frasn, baxgisn T abarig Naskiha pad e d 7 f r a s n pad fraz.gowisnTh hum.pursagTh. 6. abar crag" A m h p w gyag 1

rrasn
a f

hangam T nl5ast u d x a s t T har Jar ud ewenag 1 "isastan T madan 1 Zaraulxlst 0 h3n handemanlh ud ash 15 hSn

presence, his position in every place, and about what was said and shown t o ' h i i 7. And about Zoroastds consuming of the wisdom of Complete Knowledge and (about how) Zoroaster, being within this wisdom, saw what there was and there once will be, how long (Zoroaster) was within it, i.e., (in) this wisdom.

gyag ua abar han 1 a w l s guftan ua c@ han T awl5 nlmudan.

7. ud f r a z

burdan i abar

Zardu[xl

xrad

harwlsp.agahTh u d

did

Zardulxlst, pad hSn w a d *bud, ha" xrad

boa *ud bawed ham?, candss drang T padas T

52 Bailey 1943, 30: g c t ~ g . 53 On (*afr~dan).

e 40: 55 so ~aiiey1943, 30: Mole 1963, 277; "la preparation (3 existence); ~ a c ~ e n z l1971. hambddan, hambaw-, 'be united, composed". ~t i s not impossible that the word in question is a destortion of hambflsiSn. "conce~tion'. for which cf. MacKenzie, ibid Cereti 1997, 105: "coezlstenza". 56 On the problemsof st^, 1. "existence, being"; 2. "person, being", cf. Snaked 1971, 89-97. 57 O K 'Igivenlcreated (*dSdan)". which Is also ths reading in Cereti. ibid. 58 Cf. note 1. 59 Or, probably, "womb"; compare mad few wrds later. 60 It can be rendered also "to rear as 3 prophet' etc.

8 ce han 15 pas anaar be mand abaz " ~ w a r d clyfin haza5 abardom

ud

pahlom T

. 8. That after he stayed in it (in the wisdom), he understood that paradise is the most exalted and
best of places, the reward-throne of the righteous ones,grades of position according t o their

worthiness through performance of good deeds, and the basest and worst of places, Hell, place of punishment of the wicked ones, according t o their sin, and between the TWO, Limbo (hamestagan), the place of those whose virtues and sins are equal; and the Bridge of Separation, at which there will be the acount of virtues and sins, and the Body t o Come in which (there will be) the test of all the righteous and the wicked and (there will be) the salvation of those who belong to thegood creation of every eviL
9. Also information (about)

other many marvellous things and the summary of the words of these

7 questions which is the complete wisdom of every kind.

10. Also about attachment of the Mazda-worshipping Revelation t o the world by Zoroaster, his conversion of people into the Religion, the ages after Zoroaster until the Renovation. 11. About how the people of the time must be governed, divisions of centuries and miHenia, about signs, wonders and miracles which are t o be made manifest in the world at the end of each millenium.
12. Among these also the birth and the arrivai of Hosedar son of Zoroaster at the end of the first

miiienium and the account6i the miiienium of H65edai.

on him and his time: (about)

and restorersG3 during

14. The coming and the arrival of the Savior son of Zoroaster at the end of the third millenium;

(about) distorbers and restorers during the millenium of H65edar.Mah, the arrival of the Saviors, the knowledge about the Saviors and his time.
15. About the Renovation and the Future Body; they will be revealed in h i s time.

61 In this context, probably, "glory", if one translates s r a w etymologicaiiy.

62 Or, "causers of mutiny". 63 ~ o t e that the ~ahlavi(etc.) ~ ~ r ~ s t ~ is ~ semanticsly r ~ s t identical with Western Semitic (Aramaic, Sytiac, Hebrew) TOK/TKN, "to repaire, t o arrange, to compose", EtC.

41
Dk 8.15 Bagan Yat DkM 692.15-693.2; DkS XV.1, 33; DkD missing folios 82.3-4; West
~

42

. .

-~

~~

~~~~

1892, 34-35;

1.The textsof "Worship of the Gods" (Bagan' ~ a s t ) : first, about the worship of O h r - m a d , the highest of t h e ~ o d s and ~~, second, (about) the wornhip of other Divinities of invisible and

1. p g a n ~ a s t 5 4 maaTyan rradom abar Ohrmaza y a s t a n ~ a g a n T abaraom, ua

a i d a b a r i g a.payaag ua payaag s t ~ h ~ n ^ a zYazaan y a s t a n kc.san rozan56
visible entitiesK5. Whose names (are invoked) on (respective) days; (about) their strength,

glory, might, victotiousness and marvellousness.

2. hanaz was Yazdan 1 anaar ha" T awesan y a s t nam g u f t hens

niyayisn.

=an

pa'hrcz

2. This, too, (about) many Gods Whose names are invoked in Their

(respective) worship66, and

Their prayers for protection.

3. And the worthiness (of the prayers and) the granting of boonI51 t o the worshippers, their
proper functions of many separate reatatfons unto the Gods. 4. (About) the unlimited duty of acquaintance the knowledge about the arrangements of the matters of the age, over which the Creator Ohrmazd appointed them and they (must) keep 0 1 causing t o perform the proper funtions.

54 Cereti 1997, 105: Bayan vasn 55 skjasrv~1989~: gstrgan. 56 Cereti, /bid7 has different readings.

43

Dk 8.29 Nffrangestan Nask; DkM 735.6-737.5; DkS XVI, 18-21; DkD 559.14-561.5; West ~. .~ .~~~ 1892, 94-97: partly edited and translated or referred t o in Bailey 1933-Sb. 277: Widengren
~ ~ ~~

1967% the text was fully edited and translated in Katwal& Kreyenbroek 1995. 19-23; after consulting this work, I included several improvements into my manuscript the chaptering as given here is, however, that by West. 1. brTnag e Nerangestan madigan abar ner-ang T ezisn

1. One section is the Nerangestan, the text about n e r a n g in the worship o f the Yszads, about that what is obligatory for one who goes t o the Bridge, the increasing merit from a large number of t h e r a s p r g priestsin the ~ ~ r s h i and p , that both z 6 t andtherasplig prisets should recite the Avesta together, and one should recite, while one should listen to. 2. About the dron. and whateveron the same subject.

~ a z d s n , hsn T

fMZban1g 7 6 puhi sawed. abZOn7g k i r b a g l h 1 az we5 m a r l h 1 rZsp1gan andar har g 2 oh g6wiSn, ham 1 w ah gfiwISn. 5 z i 5 n ud A b l s t a g T z 6 t ud r ~ s p ~ W 6h niy6x513n. 2 abar dr6n c e andar ham dar. 3. abar pa'hrez 1 az P a r i s n 1 maynlsn andar ham hangam 1 ezisn.
4.

3. About abstention from drinking to drunkenness in the time of the worship. 4. About the limits of voice duricg the Avesta recital in the worship, and the Avestan texts that

are recited twice, three times, four times.

5. About the arrangement of the worship and the worshipin which the 2 6 t or the raspTg priests 6 ud

=bar

SSmSn

wan9

p a d ' AQistSg.gffwiSnTh T

andar

ezisn

are guilty of the t a n a p u h l sin.

6. Abouttheza t functions of a woman and a minor. Religion. 7. About the judgement of one who apostatizedthe ~azda-worshippmg
8.AboutthesinofonewhodoesnotcelebratetheGShSnbarfeast, asitis to be celebrated.

Abistag.db1Samrat ua

errsmrat ud caerasamrut5'.

5. abar 6ziSn rayenisn ua han e a s n k e z 6 t ayab r a s p l g tanapuhiagan

6. abar ZStlh 1 Zan ud abUrn2yTg.

7, abar w i z ~ T r abar awe k e az oen

T Mazdesn abaz s t ~ y l bawed. d ~ ~

9. About the limits of the 5 gah-s of the day and night, and the worship of these gabs. 10. About thecustoms of giving out from his own. according t o the dzstwais, for the GshSnbar and other merits.

a b a r winah 1 awe k GZhZnbZr "6 yazed cly6n ha" ka.s yaSt hawed. 9. abar sSman 1 5 gah 7 r 6 z ud Sab ud ezi5n 1 i m gahiha. 1 b a r W E n a g S n 7 xVff57h c i s 6 GShanDar ud abar1g k i r b a g Uad2n

11. About the quantity of zffhr-water from one sheep, the observation and reckoning in preparation the sheep, its freedom from contamination and other defects, as in the Law, and the not-being-ill, weak and injured, by the xrafstrss, and the making of "ran and the deciding
as to the sacrifier, prepare?the taker, and the carrier, the partaker, and the giver.

dastwarTna. 11. abar candTh T zohr T az Swag gospana n1gerlSn hanaazisn T andar kardan
1 p i n d ,

padaz dad p a k l h az payws

ud abSrrg StiGg, a5e.WffmarTh.

n i z a r i h ud a.xastaglh T az x r a r s t r ud nerang T kardan. w i z e n T abar k l r d a r ud s a x t a r ud abar.burdar s^ardar a w l s dadar.

57 So Kotwal & Kfeyenbroek 1995, 19. M y own raadno and translation were mSylSn, 'copulation". 58 The three last words are Avestan in PaMavi pronowaatim. ~ebrew 59 A" interesting example of the double meaning of stay~dan1 studan, like in ~iblicai bare-k. 'TO bless/ t o curse".

45 12 ua elm 1 t u g t a n c.6 anaar ham aar 13 abar gah ua t a r T zat ua rasplgan andar ezisn.
46

12. And the reason of the slaughter, and whatever on the same subject13. Aboutthe place and the functionof the z o t andr3spTg priests in the wonhip. 14. About the the best worship, the gifts t o the Righteous Man, the teacher and the inquirer of the wisdom of the righteous ones,andwhatever ison the same chapters. 15 About the sacred shirt and girdle, that is, from what it is proper (to make them). and whatever is on the same chapters. 16. Andabout the gathering and tying the barsom, and whatever is on the same subject. 17. About the quantity of thefirewood in worship, the manner of offering it the one of the household fire, the Aaurag Fire, and the Bahram Fine.

16. ud abar barsom cTaan ua bastan, c5 anaar ham Oar.

16. abar e z i s n T andar meh, ua h a n T anaar mlyanag ua han 1 anaar kah.tuwantg~h, u d W I Z T ~ T abar a.tuwanTgTh. 1 abar yastan vazaan hame pad han 1 mad estea ua abaz ne h l l e n d pad

18. About the worship with the greatest, the medium and the lack of ability.

the less ability, and the judgement about

19. About the worship of the Yazadaswith that which has come, and not t o omit in any way. 20. About that that people worship the the fazafe visibly and also invisibly, on that which is visible and invisible, the advice about the worship the Yazads visibly.

h i e ewenag.

i s mind from sin, the 21. About the purity of the body and clothes of the celebrator, the rest of h
wenagtha ud han T a.wenag1ha kaaam. handarz 1 abar wenagTh3 ya3tan 1 yazaan. 2l.abar D S K T ~ iy a g t ~ r tan wastarg, asaaagm paayab-ablution of the tools, and the lightness and cleanliness of the place of worship, the
distance therefrom in proportion of manifest pillution and stench, and whatever on the same

is

menign az winah ua paayab

subject.

22. About the worship of waters and their names, the power of healing, the miraculuousnature of paydag r e m a n d ud gana. ce anaar ham aar. Paradise, the continuous creatorship of the menog-principle of the waters, and whatever on the same subject. r l aaaarlh 1 Aban.rnenSg ua ce andar ham aai. 23. a h i n 1 karan aadestan x6b TraganTh ua xab frajamTh ray kunlsn ua 23. Aboutthe need t o perform ritualLs1, religious acts andjudgements a good beginningand a good

e n d 6 ' ,

and t h i s , too, many considerations on the same subject.

e was 0SmurlSn 1 anaar ham aar.

24. The worshiping must be carried out as it is proper and good. 25. On the family of Zoroaster, Hvdv/andWi5tasp in the liturgy of Religion, and their nature.

the acts of worshipof

the

25. abar Zarau[xlSt3n (Lsan ciynn1t-i.

Hilffva Wigtaspan aaaag pad asmurisn i e z l s n 1 Den

67 So Zaehner 1955. 289; cf. also DkM 141.12, 336.2, etc.

47 Dk 8.46. DkM 786.1 1-23;

DkD missing folios

136.10-137.12; West 1892, 169-171:

I. y a s t

e a e a n c l y f l n i r a a o m <ahag i ~ h u n v a r ,

~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ en'

--

Csmurl il.5 pad l r a w a s t f f r ~ h T ~ G~- S m hamag'andar6n61 m a r ~ bun ~ I marTg hast. 2. * b d 2

[ T I marig

abSg 8f)ysl

Gsean bun sar m3rTg hast, v3'stsr3m

abag v d h l y o - 1 6aean ~ 3 r hamag . ud ham <kc> *kc

<kg> cly6nTh wen andar w i z i d a g T am3 w a x t andar h a n g l r d l g I h 1 hamag

baran T Den.mazdesn abarqadG4. 3. 6.5 g3t} a b a r g ~ s t a ua n~~ hammls w i s p r a d m a d ~ y s nr r a n a m i s n ua s t a y i s " e z l s n x"SniSn, ayaftan afren T pad d a d a r f r a z a n a g l h r a s t a g e n i d a n pad

pada5 mehmanih T 6215n 1 yazdan

[TI menog rasn6nTaan brazenla e s t ~ d .

4 . h a r 3 passazaq 6 fradom abdom dadlh T Stod Vast ray gawed. 5. h a s t Pahiom a h l S y i h SbadTh, h a s t pahlom a b a d l h ahl5yTh. abaq paccfin rayenla.

60 Cereti 1997, 109: parwaStarITr, "circolo". 61 Cereti 1997, 109; -Ahunvar". 62 Thusread with West 1892, 170". 1. 63 Written ah; notes West, "as usual In Iran". 64 I adopt, tentatively, the reading and translation ('stored"? o f West. Cered 1997, 109: *afrTdan.
"lodare".

65

avo*-hastan, or "diSseminationS', avar-gastan. Cf. West 170. n. 7; "p-JrpaT",

68 West 1892, 169 n. 2. 69 The secohd part of this paragraph is problematic; It seems that t h e syntax was influenced by Awestan. My translation is completely different of that given in Cereti 1997, 109. 70 The f i r s t word of Ahunvar. 71 The last word of Ahunvar. 72 The first phrase of the Asam Voha prayer, ahlSyTh 3bZdTh T Pahlom hast. is glossed in a MS [Dhabhar 1963, 1 n. 2) by k0 ambar i klrbag w e b "a store of good deedsis pefeit".

Much ink was spilled on the translation of this short stanza; the translation adopted here, however, is that by Humbadi and khaporia 1994, 19. i t is as follows:

Since He B (theone) to be chosen by the world therefore the judgement emanating from uuth itself (to be passed)on the deeds of good thought of the wodd,
as well as the power, is committed to Mazdaf Ahura whom (people) assign

as the shepherd to the poor.

52 In rhe Pahiavi Yasna. the Ahunvar. Y 27.13, is given actually in the introductory Chapter to P Y 15: 1. c l y o n ah6 karnaq [Ciyan Ohrmazd ksrnagl easn r a d m a Ledon r r a r a n m a l az ahlaylh [ksr u d k i r b a g l c i g s m a z [Kar ud k l r b a g ed6n f r a r f l m h a k a r d a n

is The will of the spiritual lord [as i s the will of Ohnnazd] so should be in the aspect of priestly mastership [so should he be in the aspect of virtuousfiessl owing t o whatsoever of
1. "As righteousness [duties and merits] [the duties and merits should be performed as virtuous as the will of Ohnnazd)". 2. T h a t whose gift is Wahman [l.e., The reward and recampence that Vlahman gives, he gives to Him],

i y 0 n Ohrmazd kamag167.

2. 1.5 Wahman aasn IkCi han m i z d ud paaasn 7 Wahman dahffd 6 awe aahedl k g
andar axVan SdSn gowed Ed k u n l 5 n T Ohrmazd [kc ha" kuhed I Ohrmazd abSy h a s t k e

one who

among existences should

work for O h r m a z d [i.e., he does what pleases

Ohrmazd. There is someone who says "that whose gift is through Wahman", i-e., the reward and recornpence that

~.s pad

Wahman daSn kG ha" m i z d ud padasn

show be given through Wahmart, they should give also to Him.

AdufbSd

T
.'

pad Wahman be Z a r d u l x l 5 t ; ? n said that by this gift of Wahman they will recognize the doer of p o d work in existences]".

aahenaaz *6 *awe awe dahcna. wahman aasn * k ~ andar axvan 3.fladayTh

ed Adurbad T Zardu[xlta g u f t kCi a z han 1 kunisnqar aanend168.

3. "Sovereignty (belongs) m O h r m a z d [i.e., the sovereignty should be thus keptthrough the

benefit (emanating from) Ohr-mazdl by him who givesfdodsmlkd tothe poor".

6 Ohrmazd LkQ.5 xvadaylh T e d m pad sad T Ohrmazd dS3t bawedl

k e 5 driy65an dah6d wgsan ~ k ~ i . s jadog.90wlh ~n ~unena169.

67 "ere, Yaea aha vairiio is rendered, word by word, as ca'6n ah0 kamag, kamag being a normal substitute for valrl6, and e66n ramha stands for sea ratus. while aa ahiayTh renders a53cT hacS. 68 Here, dazda is rendered by d3Sn. az$Sus is andar a W 2 n while 7.3 k6 is an attempt t o translate t h e casus of VanhSusS manarrfiffl another attempt is made by the glosses: P o Vohuman. k i n T ohrmazd stands, of course, for 5ilaoeananam ... mazdzi. As to the antiquity of the

present mhlavi version of the Ahunvar, note the order of words: 1) VaqhSuS 2) dazda.3) man-6

S\ arfiSuS 6 ) mazaal, corresponding t o the Pahlavi 1) Voriuman 2) dasn ke n d a r a a x v a n 4)kunlSn 5? ahmaz6. 69 %re, xvaday-Th 6 ahnnaza renders xsaeram ahur3i.a (Whlwi 0 for Avestan a?]. while k e 0 driy65an daheti "translates" yim orlgublio aaaat; one who cares for the poor, makes h m i z d t o rule, diminishing the power of Ahriman and the dews. wasan translates here /astaram; in many M S we ~ have here wrongly nlyaylSn, similar in writing. me word wasan in the ~ h u n w translates r also vahyfl in Y 53.9, seen as an import from the Ahunvar. The version of the Pahlavi Khurdah Avesta has here wastarg / Wastarg, translated as "nourishment', similarly t i the ~anskritversion (aharam, "food"). me lectio dimilior wasan, used, after all, for v a s t a r m , 'shepherd", perhaps could enable us to explain the contertually difficult asanIn.aadSr in Dk 9.21.3, about which Mole 1959, 284 n. 5, wrote that its Avestan equivalent Is unknown. We may suggest that the vesta an original had had there *vastara- "shepherd", which goes well in a Yima context, rendered Wtmgly, as an import from the ~ i w n v a r I d . the case of PV 53.91 as *wasan, later "emended" into 3san.dad3r>2sanTh.dSd3r
4) Sllaoeananam

54

Among other versions of the ~hunvar prayer are the Introductory Chapter to PY 13 and a
IZ steuld be, I

believe, iuustrative to provide here the plain rah~avi versionifth<~hu"vir,-

fragment in a shortened manthric fonn quoted in P Y 28. The first version reads as follows:

cleared of the glosses and compared with the original Avestan, and then to give here the text of the dossesalone.

ciyon anfl kamag IciyOn Ohrmazd kamagl z 0 t f r a z 0 man gow, ciy6n ah3 Yae3 ahG v a l r i l o a68 vaqhaus XSaerarii ratus aSat.cli haca kamag i d y 6 n ohrmazd tc8mag1 k c z o t he rraz 6 man g ~ w ,eaon radlha ISdCn dastwarihal

dazda manaqh6 eiiaoeanangm aqhaus mazaai ahura1.a yim drigubiio dadat "astarem

az a h l a y l h clgamaz 6 f r a z a h l a w a n a g a h i h a g6wom [kit

d a s t w a r i h a karaan c i y 6 n

aaniSnig goworn k c hamag k a r ud kirbag 0 Ohrmazd abSyed1,

ciycn ah0 kamag 1.5 Wahman dasn xVadaylh

d radiha az ahlayih cigamaz

iOhrmazd

k6 andar axvan kuniSn k6 0 drly052n dah6d

There is no need t o give here a comprehensive translation especially in view of the fact that this passage serves as a dilogue-box between two priests. Only a remark on the textual variants7?radTna isgtossed hereby a a s t w a r i w . atoddswhhfr8rOnThS.

6 Ohrmazd

Wasan

1 glosses: [clyon Ohrmazd kamagi teafin f r a r f i n l h a l l k a r ud k i r b a g l I k a r ud

kirbag EdOn fraromha kardan ciycin Ohrmazd kamagl, Zglosses: [kc hSn mizd u d paaasn

Thegloss d a s t w a r i h a , inseadof frSr5nTha (compare d a d w a n h andfrarffnrh inthe version of Asam Voha given in PY 20) is also the reading of several MSs of the Pahlavi Y Khurdeh Avesta. Dk8.39.3) hasxvaday for aha anddastwar forrad, cf. d a s t w a r i n P
13. Thesecondversionreadsjust clyOn ah6 kamag IclySn Ohrmazd kamagl.

Wahman aahed 6 awe dahgdl ikO h3n kunfd

1 Ohrmazd =bayed. hast kg 6a0n g6wSd 1.5 pad Wahmai da$n kg hZn mlzd

paaasn i Dad wahrnan b~ dahend sz ^o *awe aw6 dahend.

32

ed Adurbad 1 kunlnga

Z d U l x l 5 t a guft ki? dSn6nd1,

ha" 1 Wanman da5n ^kli andar ai^an

3 glosses: 1ka.s xvadayth T edan pad sad i Ohrmazd a a s t bawedl IkCi.San

jSdog.gowTh kunfindl.

70 Humbach 1984, 54, has shown how important can be Pahlavi variants of Avestan prayera-

55 APPENDIX lli
~ ~~ ~ ~

56
~-~~
~ ~~ ~~

~.~

The prayer in Pahtavi is as faHows: Asam VohUlkl Bun: ahi5yTh ZbadTh T pahiom hast. nfiwag hast IahlSyihl. newag awe ke ahlSyemdar ha" 7 pahlom ahlSyTh,

Agam Voha, Y 27.14, is one of the most sacred Zoroastrian prayers. A s o g d i a n ~ transcription of the Afarn Voha prayer, the real Avestan text, in Sogdian characters and in Sogdian pronounciation, was made known by Gershevitch 1976a'~. follows: Agsm voho vahl5tam astT ugta a s t ~ ut ahmal h ~ ~aa a t vah~stsm =$am.
The translation =dopted here is, as in many other cases, that by Humbach and khaporia 1994, 20. Their translation is as follows:

The Avestan text is as

The original of the Assm VohG[kl: righteousness is the perfect excellence/boon. Virtuous is [righteousness], virtuous is one who makes righteous the perfect righteousness.

~.

This first gah of the formula, in different magical combination, signs every chapter of Dk 8. The combinationsof the manthra in Dk 8.46.5, the last

5 of

Dk 8, are taken from the Asam

Truth is best (of all that is) good. Asdesired, what is bang desired is truth for Hinthim who (represents) best truthOK

Voha prayer, as interpreted inY 20, the second chapter of the Bagan YaSt): h a s t pahlom ahlSyTh abZdTh, h a s t pahlom abZdTh ahlayfh. abag pact rayfinld.

Truth is best (of all that is) good.

..

Perfect righteousness is the boon, the perfect boon is the righteousness. Arranged with the

cow.

As desired, as desired, truth

is truth for Himlhim who (represents) best truth.

.The Pahlaviversionof the manthra shows disregard for grammatical rules72:

. .

makes righteous"] for the final asam (normally rendered by Phlv. ahlayih, "righteousness, truth')".

1 ,73Ahura Mazda proclaimed: "truth is the best good". (By this) he refers best good to itlhim in

h ei

e way

as (one refers) family membership t o the family. (He says:) "It is the best good".

Thus he makes known the reference.

2. "At wish what is wished for belongs to him". He referes every truthful t o every truthful in the

U5taness in the same way as he refers every truthful to every truthfulin the b t h e s s .
3. He refers 'Truth t o best truth" (i.e..) that which includes ail formulas to that which includes all formulas, in the same way as he refers power -to truth, and in the same way as he refers truth
t o the calling righteous one, and in the same way as (he refers truth) to you, the Saosyants.

(There are) the three references. Each (single) word (forms) the proclamation, the complete word of Ahura Mazda-

73 Translated in Humbach 1984.54.

59 The version given in PY 20 is as follows:

~~~

60
1. Ahura Mazda proclaimed: a f s m votnJ vahiTtsm a s t i ("righteousness is perfect

1. rraz.gfiwisn bud 1 Ohrmazd: asam vohu vanistam astf ( a h i s y ~ h~tiaa~n"1

pahlom hast]. bE.5 6 awe abadih 1 pahlom c a s t bawed E k M newaglh Padas k a r d b a w e d l k c han xVe5 x"e5.rawlSnTn kuned IkO han abayed dadan b e

excellence").

He (thus) teaches the perfect excellence/prosperity t o him i1.e.. He works

goodness thereby] who himself exercises the conduct derived from his inner self [i.e., he gives what is proper t o be given]. Through (the formula) a<ffm vshff vabfstsm asti (His)

dahedl. pad =<em vohO vanistam astf ea0n dadwarlh h a n g l r d l g l n bud 1kd.g
sar bod].

judgment was thus encompassed l i t was summarized]

2. u s t s astT
newaq.rawl<nln 1 h a r w l s p e n a n l a w a n H5h abayed

d t S ahmsi Proper behavior

of all the righteous ones [so should it be] He

Who, the existence

2.ugtS astf K t S ahmSf

teaches all the righteous ones 1i.e.. He works goodness thereby]. [duty] goodnessthereby].

badanl narwispgn ahlawan be c a s t bawed Eku. newaqln padas kard baweal kg mard Ihlastl.snTh l x " ' ~ k ~ rhT a r w i s p e n anlawan [Oh abayed kardanl 0 harwlspen ahlawan be c a s t bawed tkCS.5 newaglh pad35 kardan bawedl. 3. tiyat s a f vahis'ts'i afam

*ofall the righteous ones [so should be done] teaches atf the righteous ones [i.e.. He m r k s

3. Oyat asSf yahfstSf afam He teaches ail [proper deeds and merits] through mnthras
[revealed1 t o these all manthras 1i.e.. one who memorized the Avesta with its Zancfis one who makes ail these proper deeds and merits manifest through the Avesta with its Zand\. One who teaches righteousness t o the royalty [i.e., that they should exercise the rulership through

w.s

c a s t b a w m h a r w i s p l k a r ud k i r b a q l pad 1

maner Ipaydagl 0 a w e h a r w i s p mSner Eke A b l s t a g l a n d w a r m k.Q ha"

h a r w l s p hamag Kar ud k i r b a q pad Abistaq Zand paydag KunSdl. k 6 6 a h i 5 y l h i v a d a y l h egged I k u padix5ayih pad rrar6nTh kunend. nad dadestanlh e k C S pad f r a r f i n l h f l a d a y t h &Sd k C S PZdlxSaylh pad f r a r o n l n daredl k6.z 0 awe

h i s is that that he teaches the royalty through honesty, t o keep the honesty]. "me meaning of t
rulership in honesty]. Also one who teaches truth t o the calling righteous one [that he should make truthful decisive judgments], also one who theaches you truth, you who are the profitable one [that you should make truthful decisive judgments]. Three judgments lie., there are three decisive judgments thereinWeach statement was a proclamation, all the statements were those of Ohrmazd.

x v g n d a r T ahlaw r a s t l n cSe 1k.Q w i s e r r a s t kunedl Ke.2 0 Smah i a s t l h cased k d sadomand h [KG d a d w a r l h r a s t kunedl. 1

3 d a a w a r l h [had k0.5

3 andar bad], h a r w i s p g6wi5n f r a z g0wlSn bad hamag gCwl5n hSn i

Ohrmazd baa.

74 A senseless mistake for A"*&"

"Z

61 APPENDIX IV
WZs 28.1-6, Gignoux & Tafazzoii 1993, 90-93. quoted also in Cereti 1997. Ill:

First, the A h u n v a r Is divided into 3 mesures, as indicated in another chapter, In the same
manner as the Gagas (are divided) into 3, which are 3 metrical lines (gah), 4 and 5; thus, TOO,

the Nasks (are divided) into 3 (groups), which are called Gaeic, and HaSa.naneric, and
Dadic. And, then, the A h u n v i r is divided into 6, which are called half-metrical lines (half-

gab); thus, too, the GSBSs are divided into 6, which are called Ahunawad g3h and Haptan
Y a s n and Ustad gah and Spanamad Gah and Wobuxta Gah and W a h i s t a s t Gah;

..

thus. too, the Nasks (are divided) into 6, as the GaeSs (are divided) lnto 2, which are called,
one, the 6aeanTg Gaeas, which is the Vast, the other (is called) 'the other Gaeas"; the

Hafla.naneric (part Is divided) into 2, as well. one of which is the fully-characteristic and organizedmanthra, which is the PaJag a n d R a t w i S t a i t i , and one is the fully-characteristic
andgoodmanthra, which is the other Hada.MSner: the Dad. too,

( i s divided) into 2, one is the

'Law Breaking off with the Dews' (Dad 7 Jud.Dw which is the W i d e w d a A one is the
"Law of Zoroaster" (Dad 1 Zardu[xIst), which B the other Laws.

Again, (the Gaeas) are divided Into 21, as the A h u n v a r has21 words and the GSB% into 2.1,
i.e., the Ahunvar and the divine activity of the Yanimman6 (Y 28.0) until the Erman (Y

p a baxSThist 8393" 6 1 hazar ud 1 6 gah ud Nasksn 6 hazar ud 1 fragard;

T pahlom g6wisn T abar Ristaxsz r a d c i y 6 n HaS6xt r a d h a s t T aska an ~ r m a n

54) are together 21; the Nasks are (too.) 21. Again, the Gaeas are divided into 286 strophes, theNasks, too, into 283 "stags

...

h a s t 1 f r a g a r a a n ud abar abarTg f r a g a r d a n

...

be h a m b i d ..,

u d pas

baxSThist GSOSn 6 6 hazgr ud 666 m a r i g ud Naskanaz hamist 6 hazSr ud 666 aadestan padas brTaag; 6 hazar ud 666 mar'tg 1 pad Gaean n i m i a a r h a s t T az petyarag 6 dam madan t a b e 6 r r a j a m T 6 hazarag; har hazarag 5 1 0 sadasem
T b a a

Again, the GSeSs are divided into 1016 metrical lines (gah) and the Nasks (are divided) into imo 1001 fragards; as the Hafioxt Mask Is the spiritual chief of the Nasks, so Errnai, the best spell for the Resurrection, is the spiritual chief of the fragards and is attached to the other
fragard s . . .

e a n 6 m a r l g T rradom n i m a d z r h a s t T 6 hazaraq ud pas 6 0

sadozern ud pas 600 han T 600 w 6 i 7 u d pas 6 hazar han 1 6 hazar MI.

And again, the GaeSs are divided into 6666 words and the Nasks, too, together. into 6866, according to which the judgments are cut; the 6666 words that are in the GS92s manifest the coming of the Adversary lnto the Creation until the end of the six miiknia; each miiknium has 1 0

..

centuries...

The 6 first words of the 6aeas manifest the six milienia. and again. the 60

centuries, and again. the 600 decades, and again the six rnillenia.

63
CHAPTER 11 APPENDIX I

[TBCT 1 1 Y 45.1:

a t frauuaxSii3 nu gago.dum nu s r a o t a yaeca asnat yaeca d u r a t isaea nu l m vlspa c i e r z 21 mazdSqh6.dUm 6 dalblt1m du3.sastis aham m a r a s i i a t

aka varans draguu5 hizuua auuarato.

d. n? pad han dldrgartar z a m n [pad tan pasen] awe 1 dusih hammoxtar

"Now I shall proclaim, listen now, hear now, 0 you, who are approaching from near and far, now take note of the world for it is bright. May. the deceitful b i a s ~ h e ~by r , his evil choice, not i s tongue through preference being given to him". destroy the (worid) a second time1 with h

WUrP6yn [Gannag Iin6g

a. Thus i t is t o be proclaimed [the Religion]

and now it is t o be heard and reflected upon and

listened now [that one has to hearken and t o memorize and t o say sol
b. One who is seeking from near and Far [that one has thus t o acquire this learning1

Y 45.4:
a t frauuaxglia aqhsus a h i i a v a h l s t a m i s a t haca mazda vaeda y3 i m d s t p t a r s m vaqhsus v a r a z a i i a q t 6 manaqhc
at. h 6 i dugads- husliaoeana a r m a i t l s

c. for now it is revealed to all that that Ohrmazd created [that Ohrmazd created all this
creation]

d. ;.e., not for t h i s (even more) second time [in the Final Body] the teacher of evilness [the
Stinking Spirit1 shall destroy worlds

that he may not make to choose evil will and wickedness with his tongue [of the Stinking

Spirit}".

n 6 i t d l p Z a l d i i a i vTspa.hl5as ahur-6.

"Now Ishall proclaimthe best of the existence. In accordance with truth Iknow Him, who created
it, (1 know H i m ) ,the father of the abundant good thought 0 Mazds, and His daughter (is) right-

mindedness of good works. The all-seeing Ahura is undeceivable".

1 Or. "the one of evil doctrine shall not destroy existence a second timeq

65

66
[TEOT ill] Dk 9.38
~ ~

PY 45.4:
-

-~ -

~
~

-~ ~

~~~~

. .

.~

d o n f r a z gdwom andar a x v a n ha"

T a w e I T Ohrmaza ^ e S l

pahlom

1. 15-om f r a q a r d a t TrauuaxSlia a b a r 7 pahlomih iDen handarz

2. f r a d o m hamTh abaz Daaar Spenag 'Menfig pad niyS[xlida hamm6xtan

b.az shISyih agahih Ohrmaza agah k e en dad [xvd6d
c. 0.S pad p l d a r l h Wahman w a r z i d Ik8.s

kardanl

Warzidan 75 Den ud n k u pads? bawed bCxtagTh han i w e h dahisn az Ebgad.

f r a r 6 n f r a r f f n i h i daman r a y

3. D i a i g a r abar j u a a g i h i az m a m j e n i d a r ann nag men6g n i k 6 h i d a n i ? az

xVeacaah kardi d. ea6n ha" d a
T

tarmeniSnTh Ud drozanih sar 7 $ ha? ah09 d u x t i hukunisn i bawandag.meniSn [Spendarmat %e

az

h kardan abaz ne estadl

. n e r r e r t [kc az xveaoaah kardan abaz ne e s t a a l c e harwisp.nigeridar pad h n 1 Ohrmaza [kG pad d6n i Ohrmazd hamag k3r ud dadestan 6h baweal,

a. "Thus 1 proclaim in these [Ohrmazd's own] worlds whichare the best [to perform
xVd6da b. Through knowledge of truth Ohrmazd knows who established it [the performance of xveaffaan~

c.And he begot Wahman through fatherhood Ii.e., the righteous performed x v ed6dah for the
righteousness of ths creations] d. Thus His daughter of good works who is complete mindfulness [Spendarmat who did not desist from performing xvdCda
I. "The 15th frsaard A t frauuaxgi i a about the seven oerfections of the injunction of the Religion. 2. First, association with the Holy Spirit of the Creator through hearing, study, practising His Religion, and this, too, that thereby will be the salvation o f the good creation from the Assault. 3. Second, about separation from the destructor, the Slinking Spirit, execrating him for his wereiveness and falsehood, which isfare the source of all his vices.

.. ..

e. did not deceive [who did not desist from performing xvdoda for (she is) the complete
observer in what belongs to Ohrmazd Religion of Ohrmazdl".

D'.e.,that so must be ail the action and Judgment in the

selfhood and giving, (which is) the nert-of-kin marriage,

6. (that) was first accomplished by the Creator Ohrmazd through (his) fatherhood of Wahman,

(his) first child, and from this beoattino ioccursi the settina in hotion.of the menffq- and

into the sphere of the men6g ati g e t i g , Spendarmat was princely ennobled by (her)

acceptance of the maternalglory".

2 Other translations are also possible, though none would reflect exactly the Pahlavi Idiom; cf. further.

1.The fouteenth fragard, A t frauuax<l la, is that the instructfcin is t o be listened to here as

much as possible, (so that even) one t o whom it should not be taught shall listen to it once; he, Zoroaster, allowed it. 2. And this, too, that the perfect effect of the pre-eminent custom of the next-of-kin marriage is praised by him who acts as a causer of procreation towardsthe benefactors, as to cause the procreation among the benefactors is the fatherhood of mankind, and the prow' fatherhood of mankind is through the properly producted progeny, and the properly produced progeny is

..

through children (born) according the nature of the first creature, (through) begetting3 of one's own, and the child (begotten by) begetting of one's own is the (fruit of the) next-of-kin marriage; and when a causer of procreation among the benefactors praises the fatherhood of mankind, the next-of-kin marriage is also praised by him. 3. And this, too, by one whose creatures are in merit, for his meritorious cherishing of the creatures, the performance of the next-of-kin marriage is taught; the merit is his merit; even for this reason, in order t o keep the creatures in merit, he altois t o the meritorious, which is

born, the general4 character, created through good seed from the general5 next-of-kin marriage. 4. And t h i s .too. that one whose wisdom is through complete mindfulness teaches Spendarmat's
d a w h t e r h d t o o h r m a z d , for the reason that wisdom (and) compiete mindfulness are witMn the domain of Ohrmazd and Spendamat, while wisdom being Ohrmazd, and compiete mindfulness being Spendarmat (with) complete mindfulness being the child of wisdom, just as Spendamat ( i sthe child) of Ohrmazd; owing t o this, one couid say with (good) reason that by

one whose complete mindfulness is associated with wisdom, Spendarmat's daughterhood to

Ohmazdcanbetaught. 5. And this, too, the action by way of t h i s daughterhood is taught by one whose righteousness is through compiete mindfulness, and also by one whose ritual periomncies are through compiete mindfulnkss, so that they shall perform ritual and other pious worhlsl through complete mindfulness".

3 Thus translated according t o PY 4 5 . 4 ~ . 4 Or, "of the immortals' (cf. sanjana's translation In Sanjana XIX, 361. 5 Cf. the previous note.

70 1. The 14th r r a g a r d Adfravaxsya. Aboutdemonstratingthe soul of Kersasp, awefullyg, 382; West 1892.197-9; N y t e q 1933. 338-9;Widengren 1938. 221): 14-om fragard Adfravaxsya abar nimaaan T Uhrmazd 6 Zardulxlst r u w a n 7 Kersasp samgun1ha6 ud t a r s 7 Zardulxl5t az ha" 1 samgOn1h ud pasemanih guftan by Ohrmazd t o Zoroaster, and the fear of Zoroaster (caused) by this awefuiness. and the expressing of repentance by K e r s a s p on account of

h i s having slain enumerable people and

(his1 extolling of those who avoid from sin and his condemnation by the Creator Uhrmazd

Kersasp

az a m a r m a z m a n Ts mardom [ u a l burzTdan

is

because of his having smitten the Fire.

2. And the supplication of KerSasp for the best existence by virtue of these exploits when he killed the homed serpent A21 Srffbar and the terror (caused) by this adversry, and when he overcame Gandarf of goiden heels and the mnstruousity of that d r u j . and when he killed the evil Progeny of N i v i k a and D a s t a n i g and the severe evil and harm caused by them. and when he appeased the swift-strong storm from damaging the world and emended it benefiting the creations, and also throughit thatwhen Danag will get loose from h i s bounds and will daevicatly rush t o destroy the world and will desire 1 daevicallychaner the destruction of the creation, he (Kersasp) will be roused and will assist the world and the creation in overcoming this

pahrezFxtagan T az w m a h ua casm~gahlh' Stalxls.

is

az daaar Ohrmazd pad zadan 73

2. u a xvastan 1 ~ e r s a s paz Onrmazd han i pahiom axVan pad ha" k i r d a r i h kas k u s t A21 srobar ud stahmagin 7 han petyarag. ud kas w a n i d Gandarf 1 z a i r i ~ a s n a n 8 , ["a] s k e r t i h T h z n draj

"a

kas zad hunusag T ~ e w ~ g u ad n

dastanigan [ud] gran anaglh ud wlzand i azasan, ud k;a ramenid t a g l g w a d

az gShan ZiySnTh ab3z 0 daman sUdTh a w u r d padsz ha" 1 ka Dahffg az band

harzag b a w e d u d pad murnjnid
T

gehan

abar

dwZrFd

ud

dSm

. powerful d r u 1
3. The o w s i t i o n of Fire towards Kersasp because of the wience he commited to it and the
keeping him away1' [from Paradise, and the aid of 6 6 5 u r u n -to him through the cultivation1

abesThenTdar1h grayed, awe hangezghedud pad WanTdan 1 awe ha" 1 was 6 2 d r a j 6 gehan dam pahrextan. 3. hamemallh T ata[x]s 6 ~ e r s a s ppad must T padas kara, abaz dastan

1s

a2

he performed for Her and the protection of him] from Heii.

4. And the supplication of Zoroaster t o Fire about pardonning him of his sin, and carrying out by

w a h i 5 t ud ayirih. 1 G65urun awTS pad SzbadTh 7 padas k a r d ud padan 1%a2

Fire of

that supplication, and the ascend of the soul of KerSSso to Limbo.

5. Of the righteousness perfect is prosperity.

6 Nyberg: samakan~ha("qia Mait] dans un &at pouvaiitable" sahm=ganTha? 7 w s y h a corruption for , ~ w cf. % MaeKenas WGO, 293. 8 ~yberg:"aux taions~upes-.-a^-, "ample transcription p e ~ e v i e du mot avestique z a i r l . ~ a S n t (YaSt 5.3B; 19.41) avec la desinence moyen-lrahienne -an".

9 There are many ways to express this idea in Pahlavi. while the normal form of the word so translated here should be rather *sahmgenTna. from sahm, not from s a m Isuspect the word in this passage is a result of a peculiar interpretation of the prooer name Sffihlm. freauentiy used in connection m h Kersffsc. It is of Interest that in Sogdian Manichaice, the Biblical '09 king of BaSSv, one of the giants survived the flood thanks t o his failure and who fought the drake, was transformed into s h m Kei-saw. 10 Tne words in brackets occur only in DkK; cf. West 1882, 319, 380. 11 Of, "deliverance", SzSdih 12 Read with DkD: DkM has hnc'tn. K has i - i ~ - iWest rendered "compliance" (har@ftanffl. or, "the lament of the Fire on t h a t supplication", for hngl'dytn, "to lament', cf. MacKenzle 1980, 294.

76

[TEXT Xllll Bnd 33.33-35:

p a s nazd 6 hazarag s a r 1 USedarmah, Dahag az band harzag baw Bewarasp was dam ud dahifin pad dew.kamag7h wlnahed. u d andar ha" hangam 565yans i Zardu[xl5tan a paydagih rased u d
ST

r o z ud

s a b x v a r 5 S d pad b a l l s t T asman ested, n a z d i s t az g e t I g a n r i s t 1 Saman Ker5asp ul hanggzend iBewarasp pad gad zaned u d Ozaned ud a? daman abaz dared. hazarag i SffSyans bun bawed. c i y m hazarag i a w e i tan.fctrdar

panjah u d h a r t sal.

Then, near the end of HS<dar.MSh millenlum, OahZg will be free from fetters; B a r a s p will injure many creatures and creation with the daevic desire. And a t that time, 19. The Fire says: 'I will not spread", and the Water says: "1 will not flow". 20. And then I , uhrmazd, the Creator, shall speak t o Sco5 and Neryffsang Yazad: "Stir the
bodyofKersSspthesonofSam, so that he will rise up".

SoSyans son of Zoroaster will appear and for thirty days and nights, the Sun will stand at the zenith o f the shy. Of earthy beings, they will first raise the dead body of Kersasp son of Sam, who will smite Bewarasp with the mace, and kill, and withold him from the creatures; the millennium of So5yans will begin.

21.AndthenSr65andNery0sangYazadwillgotoKerfiSs~andexclaimthreetimes. 22. And the fourth time. Sam will rise UP with triumph and 90 forward. A?! Dahag will not listen to his words, he will strike the triumphant club on the head, and will smite and kill him. 23. Then deceit and adversity will depart from this world, till 1 complete the mlllenium.

V B C T XI11 AyJ 17.6:

pas Ohrmazd SrC< ud NeryOsang f r e s t e d k k "Sam T Nareman be hangezed".

hen u h r m a z a will send s r 6 < and Neryflsang m a d , saying: "Raise up Sam the s i n o f
Nareman'.

23 ZW 9.20-22. Kreyenheck 1985. 131. 24 It is worth noting that here N o y o s a n g has a function of assisting t o destroy the monsiruous a , o similar t o his function In the Manichaean myth. Cf. Benvenlsie 1932-33, 185, Cumont 1908. 16-26. 25 ~reyenbroeck, ;bid.,
" ~ is t sam, however, who

is actually raised up'.

I
.
8,

About Sam they say that he is immortal, on the grounds that when he offended the Mazdaean religion, a Turk called ~ s ~shot i him n with ~ an ~ arrow while he was sleeping and there, in the

plain of Pesanse, he was In sinful sloth, he slept In the middle him, (he was preserved for

of wormwood and snow was above

< . .

the day that when A DahSg will be free he will rise and smite

him). A myriad f r a w a h r s o f righteousmen are h i s g ~ a r d i a n s ~ ~ .

One says of Dahag who is also called Bffwarasp, that when Fred6n captured him he was
unable to kill him and he then bound him in Mt. Dumbswand; when he shall become a t loose,
S3m will arise and smite with

hs mace and trill him.

26 dearly enough, the figure of Ssm, one of the Manichaeansmts, is modelled here on Bahram Coben, where the episod of the arrow isinverted. The name of ~ a ' Iy n or Nayon, being a Turiac Buddhist title, indicates a rather late date of this interpolation. 7 Cf. D D 16.5; fiam.passazag andaraz Oen stS<y>Td e s K d S i < m -Fc-avaiirSn kc aDar nlgah aarend han karb T saman Kergasu ua fianaz sDShTgan az gyan ud tan be har clm S f , "Befittingly'even in yhe scriptures are praised those Frsvahre who keep a watch over the astral
~ even other soldiers with life and body for that reason' (cf. Kanga body of erga asp, son of S S md 1969, 761.

79

80
-[TEXT XVll The Pahlavi version (PY 51 1) is as follows.

Freer xvl
Y 51.1 is given here according to the translation by Humbach & khaporia 1994, 96-7:

The good power worthy of being chosen, which brings most share(s) (and which is) best through

actions, comes t o the person liberal even with abundance, through truth. This (power), 0

My desire is t o bring the portion (taxes) t o him who is a good ruler [I will give taxes t o that person who should be 3 good *with but abundant giving the righteous one performs in between'*30 [thatmanwhoshouid bea good h e r will give out through righteous gifts]. It is up to us now to perform the best action of Ohrmazd [when he (the good ruler) propagates the Religion].

Mazda, I will procure for us now.

sequenceIlaoeanal mazds vahistam, which -understood

similarly to the analysis by Wiikins

basis (-Ssne 1 -I<"), while the phonic similarity was cmcial i n making this specific choice. As the Pahlavl version of line 2 has any sense at all only if we add case endings, I tend to see in the land to line 2.- survival of the genuine Late Old Iranian / Eatiy Middle Iranian translation of the Gsezin question. me oriainal lanouaae mioht be Late Avestan. Late Old Persian or Early Middle Persian. The original

SltlQdgaR Mask version. 28 Md6 1959,283 n. 3 reads u r n 29 Mole ib.: "et je &re domersa part au ton mi [ie domen; sa cart d ceiui qu'ii faut w'ii soit us
6-"",, ,",,

. .

30 r k cohesive translation of the astetisked text can be given. 3 As Humbach did, cl. the translation above; I have explained In the introduction why the translatlorl by Humbach & icbporb was used as the basis.

. .-;." .

82

81
~

rrBCT XVlll] W a r S t m Z n s V Mask, Dk 9.44.1:

2 f r a g a r d Vahulkl-Xsaer

~~

~~~

~-~ . ..
~ ~

[ T W XVll] The Bag Maskversion is as follows (Bag Nask, Dk 9.66.1-2):

G.S g u f t Ohrmazd k t "am dad ZardutxlSt hZn

i w e ?adzy

kamag' ua enaz k d ka xvaaay T weh kamag pad bar T gehan TS dehlhed a w e gEhana2

a r z a n l g [ke pad bar 1 gehan a r z a n ~ g ltaz b a r abzonl u d [ke..~ az bar danisnih xvad gehanaz

abzonl

a b a r dad w i z i d a r

dahl5n [ w i z i d a r dahignlh pahlom kuniSn1 [ud a b a r t a r l h 7 kunlSn az menis" gflwiSn1.

he 21st32 r r a g a r a ~ a h i l [ k 1 - ~ 5 a 9 r~ . eOhrmazd, , said: 'i created, 0 zoroaster, this

d loo,when the good ruler is worthy of the desire for the taxes desire for a good ruler". ~ n this,
of the world [one who is worthy of the taxes of the world] [from the taxes that he is given the

The twentieth f r a g a r a Vahulkl-Xsaer.

He, Ohrmazd, said t o Spitaman Zoroaster

saying: '.They are authorized who are now in power. Tyranical wicked lying people are not now in power. And you should overcome him who caused deception in the corporeal world by laments, that they are w i n g to excuse deathand dangeranddeception, so thatthey m i d nottocause (these thing) t o be excused".
2. And t h i s ,too: "When they will give the power to him who is good, they would be saved by his

abundance of this world ( i s ) also (produced)] and [one from whose taxes-giving the abundance of this world (is) also (produced) by rtselfl the taxes he gave (he is) giving by choice [giving by choice is the best action] [and action is superiort o thought and speech!.

h i s sovereignty. But him who was deceived by laments, him you should overcome, and also t o do t
todeathanddangeranddeception".

32 T h e 20th fragard" in other vemiom.

83

84

[TEXTXIXI The summarized version of S i t l a d g a r Nask, as given in Dk 9.21, is asfoltows:

~ ~

The 20th fragard, Vah(iIkl-X5aQr, is about Dahag's sovereignty tyramcaliy exercized over the earth of the seven continents and about the propagation of his rule due to vicissitude /
curbing of the royal glory

(xvarrah).

2. And about Dahag's asking the people of the assembly the reason of distress of the cokcted

people, after tima's having been sawn and DahSo's accession to power. And how people anwered
to Dahag, saying that "Yima warded

off from the world need, misery, hunger and thirst, old age

and death, mourning, lamentation, cold and heat when they are beyond the good measure, and intermingling of demons with men'.

3. And this. too, that Yima was creatorofease [ie., he made things by which people are a t ease]
a d creator of wiii/desire [;.e.,goodness through the pleasing of the law, ie., he pleased people
through righteousness/forhe taught people the righteousnessl. 4. 'And Odag (who let loose into the

world the lambsi4

of Royal Yima [of the goodly flocks],

whom you struck down by a treacherous blow

unjustly) established the veneration of the demons.

of Need and Misery, Straitness and Craving, Hunger and Thirst, Wrath of the bloody spear,
Drought that has no pasture-land, Fear and

Danger that moves in secret. Old Age whose breath i s

foul / depriving of issue (and the Seven Demons)",

5-And this. too. that they see (look for?) a son, but it is you. 0 Snake, that made them barren55
(just having given birth), you, 0 that of Evil Destiny! [i.e., monstruous self-producted] notcompletedly made draught [that it is impossible to look a remedy for1 who does not increase from their bodies 1i.e.. There is no issue proceeding].

33 Mole read here tff. 31 Mole 1959, 284, Tafazzoli 1971. 197: arzflk'dfisire illicitem. 35 ~afazzoli 1971, 197-8: hez. "drought" ; W hyyc I awastar ' ~ n d y o uhave let loose into the want poverty, ist tress and hyycthat has no pasture-~and..."'. xveatan avzstara- "was kein Futter hat", used as an epithet of haeca- "Trockenheii. DQrre", Vd 13.51. 7.26, Yt 13.130. translated as husk 7 awZstar(Mo1k Av a- vffstrs 'qui detwit Ie fourrage'). 36 Or. SbusTh or. ahusTh 37 Mole "NP repugnant"; West: monster" 35b3Q. 'viper", sCblSn. "confusion".

...

54 After Yima's death, his flocks got dispersed. or the idea, compare, e.g., Zechariah 13.7; "Smite the shepherd, and the sheep shall be scattered", hak * e t hSrOSe ut~ldselylnahassoDn. r : "pregnant"; o r "just having given birth". 55 O

and bright Royai Yima of goodly flocks, who, at every approach of h'y / 'hy during the whole
winter, shone with hisgood heat [I-e.,hecame toplacesinordertodogood].

and be 7. "Whither away, 0 B e w a r z s ~ ,

also broken,

according t o the law that a bad ruler

deserves things as bad as he is1 We desire a good ruler t o bring him our portion (taxes) [I will give something t o him who will exercize the Good Rule as it should bey. 8. Andabout vanquishingof Dahag by FredOn, wishing to destroy him with blows of the club on the nape of the neck. on his chest, on hii skull, too. (but) Dahag d i d not die from those blows.

9 .Then he smote him with (his) sword, and on the fimt on the second,and on the third blow,
many kinds of noxious craetures were bursting like a rain / turning outs6. 10. (About) thespeechof the Creator ohrmazd to Fredon. saying:

' D o

not saws7 him who is

Dahag, because ifyoudosaw DahSg, he will make the earth full of serpents (gaz), ^otters (udarasaq). scorpions (gafdom), frogs ( w a z q V . (And about) punishment o f inprisonment lizards (karbtigfkarbunag). tortoises (kas0g)and

the mode of binding him w'rth awful fetters in the most severe

11. And this, too, thatwhen A 2 i &hag was bound, this tiding came throughout ail the seven
continents, namely: "Smitten a t once is A Z i A s ~ r g a n ~ ~ . exalt4 t h e and m b h t y S 9 . Dahag, smote him at once Fre'don

the

. .

. .

identified here several translations from Avesta: abar rasignih-alwl gati. 'ys S I Av.*lsu/ e s t " . cf.aexa->NPrs y a x , 'ice": "to freeze". Vd.9.6: zam6 l s a o s aiwi.gail1m "on the arrival of the cold winter"-Zamistan [ T I snehffmand. 1 0 west 1892, 214. translated: " m u art intelligent, 0 SevarSsp! do thou even tell how this oolnion is w , that a bad filler is a thing which is so bad etc.; Mole 1959, 287, translated: T u mbrites la mo*,

...'

that A2i Dahakavras not destroyed by Fred64 and tha vaib usedafter the problematic [hIaSOmand is be k1h we rather have to suggest the meaning "mortal". 41 Cf. Heming 1946,729.

56 A slightly different translation in Williams 1990, 11, 223. R O D 47.9 (Wllllams 1990.1. 17057 Hnwever ~~~~~~~~~ed the m m a n d of Ohrmazd cf. P 1, 11, 78): 6.5 Fredfln hSxt aW Ohrmazd tar menid 6.3 Pad ban tar mmI5nFh a5 Zarman abar 6bast u . 5 tan T xw65az pad kudenag t u w m baa aastan azag se gam ta.5 DCrSmOn hame p e t i t hend. "and he [Ohrmazdl instructed Freddy (but) ha also despised O h i a z d , and for that contempt of his, Zarman then fell upon him, and with a mallet (7) he was able to keep his body three paces from him until those around him repmted". 58 AOwyana, from ASwya, who, according t o Yas. 9.7, vas the father of Thraetaona, Frffdffn; 'but Bd 31.4,7,8, 32.1, make it a family name for many preceding generations. 59 The tiassage can be translated alw as: "And this, too, that when A21 DahSg was bound, this s a g e came throughout ail the seven continents, namely: 'A21 DahSg is smitten, but he (A21 DahSg) hadalsosmittenFreaon the ASPTgaMhe exalted and mighty"'.

88

12. And in the tenth winter (year), these females (finally) beiieved,~ and thus they said: .We think that =hey smote A 2 1 Oanag beawe of nma, kcause he do notfw
C0"~"e"ts. Thll k a 902.3

now a b v e all theseven

tAki And this the w o r n ai ( d r a g o d z p n t ) does not talk, nor demnds invwations (to him],

14. And this, too, that, though he who smote him were his brother, or relation, or father, or any

one whatever of Ks nearest r e l a t b w it did not seem t o them severe, and they not thought in their
minds, i.e., they even d i d not remembered (of it), and thus they said: 'That one w b has smitten (him) is a manbed (householder), this m m b e d
('i)

one for whom ali the fires of the flews

am sukew,

mkr & th&

w b smote, wtm i* b r d ofan o f them.

1 5 . And thLL, too, that evewhere he (Dahag) came, horses fell from plague and they (are)
these Srong fim for their (ho~es')protection.

16. And this, too, that he (Dahag) acted in a mixed wey and tbs is also lhe evildeed K 2 of A i l

m a x t a a -condemn, make gujt, blame, damn.; m a n g also means -error, herev", cf. Dk 9.32.e che word Is h e w n a5 an Old Persian laan in Egyptian Aramaic 2177" "guarant* cf. also Pezikhenian
43

62 %ugh 6uShuwmSt. "bad gmd deed, benedent m,sdeef, 1 s not s rare t e r n , it =ems that in this context k has 8 specific mesn~ng connected to t b strange expressim, "maleflceM benwolence", u s d 1" the Armenian version of [ p u d * ] Xorenaccl. Cf. further.

the whole place into dwelling [for themseves1,'by

means of a ~ p e a " n g in ~great ~ numbers.

And

because of t k i r tallness, the [waters] of the sea ~ r a x v k a r c da~ m~up, in %me places, their hip, in s o m places, or to their navels, and in the deeper places up to their mobs.

18. And ( a h a ) their producing much h a m (and) smiting the [righteous] par, when they had arrived t o that Continem and (about) people's coming compiaining t o FrGden, Sying to him:

why d d yousmite A21 Dahzg, w h o m a g a d ruler thmqhsowereQnty, who kept away fear

their scorn6' m a m s the w p i e of this region68; then they say, t m W h a t for a law1Whnt for cunning ( p p i e ) I [that b, they

are mischievom], thsy have

[that is, their holes are (*

daeW)I, they are ~ m i s c a l l e [that r~~~ is, they call one (thing) with another71 (name)] (should) we befieve they are men, t m ? i [(should) we consider them human?l".

s m g g e l e b e a w of the sernawic wnnectlms W*Ing &tween 63 Or, 'felliig". The ihtter meaning 7 -gients- ~ " d "to fali". 64 lbe - n V o u r u k a 5 a m $ ~ M d d lnxo three salt seas: Padig / PUltika, "deaming", the pzmian G U I ~syswbam, the sack %e I*. B O Y C ~1975t., 14% d.now 81- car^ 1997.19, who refers To by-: however, Frejman 1930 demonstrated, cowimingl that the hhlml mme of the 8lmk

47 we*: "t"mi"gZ0". gz3tan. 48 Cf. G>gnou133la, 21: pad yazdnn wIz6herTh. "pour 1'6xamen de dew", oz MShZn's seat cf. MacKemie 1971.92, m g e m s the New k m i m d6z u kalak; if 43 Accm4ng to Moxb,-Zadeh1375. w h e dm to t h e p one reeds k a r a & xhen rhe m r d must represent AveIan h m n -;AIW t o kamm mtesthat the hhiavi rende"ng of Y t 11.2 is -undeutlich"; Kreyenbroek 1384, 5 8 , read 'wkkltrn. Cf. also KJeyenbmek 1984, 98. 50 m e mjecture is by ~ ~ n ~ h i - a d e h .

74 m, .z"",ng wtngs,. 1h 9 7 5 , i o s [anan. 75 hs apwss to be the mme of a bmLherof ~ r s d m PA 31.8). ~ ~ n c w z a d e 14) emended the Text "F, hschze *inen +Wagen [ a w l 3 ~ d h l yburdl md band (ihn) Mnter den S t W 0.".

pancadasa

fracar6loe

p i t a puerasca ra08acSva KararasciL yavata

x 5 a y 6 i ~ 8 4hvaew6 ylmo v i v a w h a t 6 pUer6,

pad ha" 1 ~ i xvadayih m 1 aurwand zarman bod u d " 6 marglh ud

WIM~

s a r m a ~ k lbud u d

garmaikl

WI<k 1 dW!n.d

IhZd hzmZg budan D a Z

abaz d a s t a t a d h m d l i s - s a l aroy15n r r a z r a r t h m d p ~ d a rud PUS "W bud cly6n

kadaraz lhaa Burz6g pad s t 2 y I S n i p W a r g u f t pus d

pidar ud ptdar d nEwag bud c l y 6 n pus1 ham 12 ka PadixSZy bad huramag Yim 1 S vivangh2n pus

[en

CIS

bad],

-of

Vrvahvant-, of the g d i y flocks, the brlght pt was this way].

..

PEXf XZIII
Yt (FrawardEn YaSt) 13.130! yimahe Vivarjmnahe a5aon6 rrauua$im yazamaide sumhe v6uru.v3ew6 f r a k a 6 t a f i 8 h a ~ c a q n a s c aa u u a s t r m e I e l i a j a q h a s c a marqaonahe,

We worship the f r a u u a 5 1 o f iima $0" of Vrvahvant-, the $wng, having flmks a t his
wish, 10 stand against Drought that has no pasture-lam! and Death that =reem unseen.

..

'1

n U L aotam &ha ... yavata x3ayDlc ... Yim6, "them was "0 e x c 8 s S ~ ecold as lmg K m ruled-, cf. cWe&n 1970. 136M,,w h the optatue mramer of thc v e r b fmm k established.

..,

85 C f . 22ehw 1955, 259, 263; MoI6 1963, 107; Gigwax &Tafazzoli 1933, 11+5, 172.3. 86 Gignwx &Tdazzali 1993: g6gm. Cf. Dk 9.21.6, hxther. 87 Cf. Tafazzolj 1971, 1 9 2 h 'drought., DkM 810.2&21; Glgnoux & Tafezzoli 1993. 173. GThekse translated as ""5% 1 awzstar, cf. T a h n d i 1971, ;b;d. 88 Cf. AiW 799; Giwom & Ta&o!i 1993, 173.

passax"

a w e g u r t d ~ f . d a n s gGannag ~~ n e n c g ku: 'ma en T man aam

marnjffn?, ahlaw Zaraulklst, t o h@ Portisasp pus Q.t a z burdar [madarl az

Zavi5sn" l e a Snasomatl fhast k e eaon gowed ed ".nayaganaz t o ha" y a 5 t horn

6.m t6.z han yazi"] 'abaz stay weh

en

T Mazdesnan, wlnae han newagxh

ciyona? w i n a i d wasayan90 aahyupat'.

hen when he (Yima) acquired this lying fake word, the xvarana- departed him visibly in

the form of a bird. Not seeing the xvarana-, the Royal %ma of goodly ftocks moved around, wandered in distress, became stunned because of h s i disordered state of mind and concealed himself on the earth.

The Stinking Spirit, possessor of evil wisdom91, told him, saying: ' D o not destroy that
creation of mine, 0 righteousZoroaster, womb [mother], from the Zav15-clan"

you who are son of Pourugaspa-,

you are from (her)

[i.e., 1know you] [thereis someone who says that 'Your "Scorn the Good Mazdayasnlan Religion

anscestors also worshiped me, so worship me you t o o ! " ] .

and obtain this wealth which W a6ayan dahyupat hasobtainedl". xxiv] Bd 35.10:

~spiyan T ~ a r g a w~ i - e o a nm a KS

en

T Y I ~xvast.

hanaz rrazana

Barnayan ua Kaaayan, Fredon az awesan purr.xvarrah t a r baa,

i m ; other his FredOn was born from Asplyan T Pargaw, him who sought revenge for Y
( A s p l y s n 1 POrgSw) children were BarmayOnandKaaSyan, (but) Fredon wasendowed with x v a r r a h more than those (two brothers).

[TEXT XXVI PVd 10.9-10:

b e puralnam i n a r [dew], b e purainam Saurv ldffwl. ~ a o $ a i e I [aewl az man. az w6s. az zand, az aeh.

be puralnam

b? purainam TariC Idewl,

be purtfinam zari? [dew] az man, az wes, az zana, az aeh, Let me overpass the demon'indra, let

me

overpass the demon Saurva, let me overpass the

demonNaonfiaie1 from the house, from the village, from the tribe, from sh country. Let me overpassthedemonTaric, letmeoverpass thedemon Z a r i c , fro" the village, from the tribe, from the country. 89 MSS have o 12 aanaa ."stead of ' C L ~oamanag. transat.na a.Zdan5. 90 l h r m o n g s sccorcng To A n < e s m z 1949 374 1 0 5 w ~ ~ extccteo y. huw m a Abestao l o r n ) T ~ fwm B and in* vanants fwnd JI the doer Avea-tan-Paniai. edi on o f Dastoor Hoshang .ams 1907. 612, are unreaaible. 91 Of evil creation.

100

I. The 71st

question and its answer that which you asked: "What is the grave sin i f committing

sodomy?. Is it proper t o order and to perform a sacred ceremony [after h i s death! for him who commits sodomy or for him who was sodomized unwillingly, and is it proper to sit and eat together with him

or not?'.

2. The answer is that "Ofthe evil Mazdayasniam, who were seven sinners of the grave sin, who
were close t o Ahriman in their Ahrimanic practice, two you have mentioned, defiled with mutual sin. 3. For from these seven sinners one is A2i Dahag, who was first t o praise witchcraft; he etcercized sovereignty by life.

means of misrule and he also desired for the world ? u n i n t e l l e ~ t u a l ? ~ ~

4. One is A f 1 SrObar, who

people.

...

held the way through fightfu! watch and devoured horses and

5. One is Wadag mother of Dahag, who was the first one t o commit adultery, and by whom all the lineages were distorbed, and who put on lack of (royal) command, and the intermingling of som occurs without the authority of the husband.

6. One is W I y a f tag: the intercouse of males, whodesired humans / men without fecundity and
who was the first to demonstrate to men the intermuse of males and the way of destroying the offspring, 7.93 One is Wiyabenidag, who was the first to introduce the "women-like practice / work" among the male raceloo and he milked up /copulatedlol "deliver it t o and (you) who cherished the offspring:

and (you) who are a destroyer of offspring, the stench flowing to

the ditches is entrusting it t o men by a demonical work of a robber, a defecation of the seed of living beings (commits one who) extracts and makes buried1 03.

92 Translated in West 1882 [SEE XVIII, 1-2761. 216; some passages of DD and the Rivayats were extracted by de Menasce 1964 (reviewed by Gignoux, gHS 117.172, 2434): cf. Shakl 1993b; mfonunateb. h k l e s t i a 1358 w s urnmilable ro me. I w o t e from K 35 fol.183~. 94 b6S~dan.like o05idan. 95 A word for 'copulation" or "sexual organ / anus" is required. West: "errors of the male'. Another nossibiliw is azaaa. u r n u s . recea. i exspect here a verb with some sexual 96 West Took the word as a verb, translating 'despised'. connotation, and both "to sew" and "to milk" (both aoxtan i n ~ i d d l e and ~ e w ~ersian) do have such m i in several languages(compare, e.g., the vernacular American "to milk up"). Otherwise, the word isto be read aoxt and modifies msdag.kar.. doxt. 97 On this word cf. Schwartz 1985~. 488: wsihe reading of West 1882.218 n. 2

. -

99 any points in my translation of this passage are provisionai. 100 Or- into the men's 777

:\

1.

77-om

pursiSn

passax".

h3n

T pursid

k t

'gr3yrha

wln3hTha

r~spig.baragTh kardan ~ ~ ~ cly6rllri gEtiglh2 t62lSn pad Den paydag w man tozifin Swag a w l s framayed nImOaan?"

2.
8. one is T Q i ~ BradroxS the karap, the wizard of evil faith, who exterminated the best of people.
9. One is that who preferred the heretical religions to the Law praised by the Righteous One. by

pass&

?a k f l r6sprg baraglh gray abarffn hast. fradom DahSg kard. asnag

Pad abar6n gumezlsnrh 15 kamag abag Waaag 1 madar anaar zindagTh T X r u t a s p l A u r v a a a s p T S p i a a r a - a a s t d r T x r u t a s p / A u r v a d a s p ke.5 Say bud

deceit of pervertingthe A -

and Zand which they call their own...".

k

Wadag

ke.5 xv a - s t u r i h a a - d a d i s t a n l h a w i n a h warziSnih gray aber was.

1. The 77th question and its answer that which you asked: "in regard of grave sinfulness of adultery, and its retribution, which is specified in Revelation, will you point out the modes of puni~hrnent?"'~~.
2. The answer is the adultery is a grave vice. It was first performed by Dahsg, renown through

his sinful desire of intercource with Wadag his mother'during the life-time of his father ~ r t 3 p / ~ r v a d a without i p ~ ~ the ~ authority of X r u t a s p / A u r v a a a s p , who was the husband o f Wadag, who herself used to commit grave sinlsl very much, without being authorized by the "trustee" and illegally.

104 It Is worthy notino that this expression survives in the archaic Jud-Persian asrwspyb'rky. 105 Translated in Shaki 1993b. 553. 106 For the reading, cmp. West 1882, 228 n. 3

of Qissa-ye Daniel

104

[TEXT XVIII Dk 9.10:

1.The 72nd question and its answer, that which you asked: "Does the stench of a 'sodomitenris t o the sky or not? And, i f it does. where i t goes to?'. 2. The answer is this that the material stench goes as much as the proportion of his filth and his stench which are in stinkinq existences. And the spiritual stench goes there where there is boundary for acquiring the stench, a miserable place.

abar abaron kamagth T w i y a f t a g ud Wlyabenldag U.<Sn stahm.waranTh,

Ud

1. The ninth fragard, Yaeals, is about the devilry ar.d the blighted destiny and the complete pollution and the grave stench and the grave sinfulness, and the toment by the "sodomite* of all spiritual and worldly goodness.

gray k a r l h ud zad.xVarr.klrbag ud reman tan, meh padasan gyan.zadarTh 1 c i s a n T wensnd ud a c a r h a r m e h ~ harzanTg m a r g i h wirayed. mas T pad w1nahkarTh clyfin A2i Dahag pad stahmagTh u d Srfibar gazlo7pad jadagTh Ud

2. The atonementfor grave sinfulness and the appropriation of great good deeds by him who
*casirates, and the awful sinfulness of him who pleases that sinner.

~ n 1r Bradroxs T karap pad ahiaw.*kus~h f r e f t a r ahlamay pad drujih.

About the vicious desire of both sorts of 'ddomites' and about their violent lust and sinful work and (their) perverted virtue and filthy bodies, in which there is much destruction of life through things that they see and every greatness prepares them inevitably a deserved death. "Great in sinfvlness", like A?! ~ a h z g in , lyrany; like the serpent Srffbar, in witchcraft; like

3. About theseven who in [their] badness, who are accounted t o be similar considering the
vileness t o the Stinking Spirit, such as1 AZI Dahaka in witchcraft, the serpent Sr6bar in

i i e n c e , Wadag in producing evil offspring, Tar .7 B r a d r o x s in slaughtering righteous

[ones], and an apostate1

in grave sinfulness: one says that "the grave sinfulness' means

"passive and active pederasts".

4. Perfect is the prosperity of righteousness.

the brap B r a d r o x g , in the righteous-siaughten In falsehood, like the deceitful heretic.

:!
107 Or. A2.

1 I take i t as a dervivate from hixtan. ~ e w ~ersianzxtah; the stem is, however, 32, not h a I-. West: "molester". Is the verb used connected to the verb used in DD 72.7 fcf. there)? 109 0 < 8 138; ?5:13.Uk 9.21:1-13, 00 722-9. 1 Cf. De 8.13. 6 : ZS.13. and D O 72.2-9, ~ n e !.st n c-npler coma ns 1-rtnef de:ai s regararng ties@ e ne n s m r s , pro5at.y defied h m the act" tsxt of i n s nmo Irsqsio of tne SI'tlJoga, h><

The demon 0 d a g is that which, when people sit down in their toilets or when they eat their

food, she strikes them with a spiritual *message-advise, namely: D chatter and do off!", i.e., eat while chattering and defacate while chattering and urinate while chattering, so that you may not attain the bestexistence.

An account of the ignorant, evil ruler of the seven continents Oahag and his ancestors from
T62, the brother of Hugang, the (foremther of the Arabs, and information about him and his
[TEXT Oall Bd 29.9:

period, and about the passage of time from the end of the good reign of Yim until the end of the reign of Dahag, and the lineage of yim until Fred6n. An account of the conquestof Dahag by

Dahag k e Bewaraspaz xvahend ray gowed kQ Fre66n ka.s awe be g r i f t Pad kustan n SSySst i3.5 pas pad k6f T Dumbawand b@ b a s t ka harzag hawed. Sam axz i3.S gad zaned ud OzanPd,

FrPdOn. mler of XVanTrah, of his smiting the province of n a z a d a r m and his division of X v a n i r a h between h i s three sonssalm andT6z a n d E r i j ; their uniting with the daughters of P S t s r a w , king of the Arabs. separately. The lineage of T 6 z and an account of the lineage of these

One says of Oahag who is also called Bewarasp, that when Fredon captured him he was [liable to kill him and he then bound him in Mt. Dumbawand; when he shall become at loose,
i s mace and kill him. Sam will arise and smite with h

mah Frawarden i-62 T Harot Fred6n baxSiSn i gehan kard. Hr6m 5 Salm dad ud T u r k l s t a n 6 d

TOz dad, ErSnSahr 6 E r i c dad.

pusaran

3 duxtar i ~ u x t - x u s r a wT TazTgSn 53h be x v a s t ua pad zamh be

030.
Ontheday Harotofthemonth~rawarden,Fredondivided theworid.Hegave Byzantium

t o Salm, and Central Asia t o Toz, while the Iranian lands he gave to E r i c . And he requestedthe three daughters of B u x t - X u s r a w the Arabian king and gave them in marriage t o his sons.

107
ITEXr 300VII Dk 7.1.34 (DkM 597.19-598 3; cf. Marqwart & Messina 1931, 100, Mole 1967.
~~ ~

108 [TEXTXXXVBI 8d 148.8-1 0:

2
i

10-11, 154):

w S 3 a n gurg.sardagan' karp<un>ag wad.tar, c l y o n gffwed KG: " k g 4

U r g T 6 be Szaned k l r b a g and hawed cand Fwag karp<un>ag 1 kOg.dimb b6 6zanede.

Of the wolf-species the cat is the worst, for i t is said that 'to kill four lion-wolfs is as meritorious as t o kill one short-tailed cat". She (the xVarrah)came to P a t s r a w sonofAiryafuvasono Taz, the Arabian king, through messengership of ASvahlSt,

one of the m a h r s p a n d s , and he chased by her (the

x v a r r a h ) from his folks (or.flocks?) the impure demon Az, the ham.odagl 12.

ITEXr XXXIXI PVd 18.73:

..

He shall kill 1000 biting dragons and 2000 of them. he shaii kill 1000 Terrestial frogsand
2000 watery frogs.

A myriad of udfa-dragons-doss [crawling above] he shaii destroy [i.e.,

udrasag-ship and

crawling above means that they daevicaily run on their bellies]; a myriad of dragomdogs he shall destroy [it is m a r b ~ n a g ~ i.e, ~ ~his , canine nature consists in that i t sits on its
posterior"; a myriad of tortoises he shaii destroy [every one of this species that

can live also out

of water near the land]: a myriad of watery frogs1

he shall destroy....

:I

112 Mol6, ib.: -ses co&nfires". I13 Zaehner, ib.: "protector of snakes?'. maTDZnak, according t o bpadia 1953, 419. is "a kind of deadly prisoned snake*, NP mSrmanom, "a female serpent". 114 The 'water rat", gvuBpot\S^ which Zoroastrians used t o kill, according t o Classic authors. Is tortoise, cf. de Jong 1996, 125-6, 235. Is I t identical with WaZWT ZbTg?

They said that he ruled the Seven Climes and executed his will in their places and he used t o afflict harm in them by means of seven trumpets, a trumpet for each Clime, and (the trumpet) b
a glden horn and whenever he wished t o cast death or calamity upon a clime through h i s magic,

i s blowing. he blew this trumpet and injured this Clime by blemish 1 curse through the force of h
And it was, when he saw in that Ciime a handsome maiden or some comely beast ofburden, he blew
the trumpet and drew to himself by h i s magic.

[TEXT XI] Dk sll 6, the opening section; DkM 431ff.; DkD 338.1-10: p a n j o m abar g o w i ~ nT h u f r a w a r d Adur.farr6bay i ~arra'xv.z5dm T

The fifth book ison thesayingsof the macaws

Adur.farr6bay son of F a r r a x v - z a d ,

hudSn2n.peSobay bad padaz nibfig T s i m r a 1 1 7 f l a n f i n a : "hangardig passax" Aaur.rarr6bay T Farraxv.zadan ecand T yaCqob T xaitaan', <an 5imra.z x v a n m d . ke.:an T Er.tohmag, 1 hudCn5n.pCSob2y.

who was the leader of the zoroastriansl 22 , about the book cated SMR,: "compendious a m o f A d u r . f a r r 6 b a y son of Farraxv.zad, who was the leader of the Zoroastrians, to some significant questions asked by Ya'qfit) son of X5 l Ia", who was, according t o his own words, a genuine desendant of ail the peoples called SMR1lZ3, who, though being of the tribelZ4 of Ya'q6 b, have lntermptedly been under the supreme rule of those of Iranian seed, since the time

abar niSanagTg pursiSn

T c i y f i n a ~g u r t ~ s t nar118 ~ g * i hamist raman T

ham ~ a ' q o b w a n d ~ g 1 1 9 ~ r s z awl:

rasi~n~g

abar.sardarTh d6stig

az Sudan T55n nIy5gsn Pad sp5hsardSrih ham

spffhbedrh
T

u d spahTgTh T h a n r a m andar 1 abarSn.ti5dih

T 8uxt.NarsSh abar SrayTI ud g a r a n

of departing of their anscestors underthechief commandof Buxt.Nars?f\, as allied generals and

with armies of that people, to abolish the vicious laws and misconduct of Children of Israel and their grave demonolatry and the damage of theirs, having been sent by the lord of the countries,

kCnTdan

ud wad.kunlnT

Ban7

dSwezagTh ud ziyan T azaSSn, pad TrCstTdan T dahyupat Kay ~ u h r a s 'cz p ~ ~ ~ Eran.5ahr abSg 8Uxt.NarSCh 6 Hrom ~ a y t 5 ' ~ n ' a q d i s Ud hZn kustag.manlSn.

Kay LuhrSsp, togetherwith Buxt.Narsffh, from Er3n.Sahr against the Byzantine Jerusalem

md [about their] soujourning in that region.

l l 6 West 1897 (PT V, SEE XLVil) 1 ISff.; de Menasce 1958b. 29-36; Mole 1967, 106ff.: Nybero 1964. The readings presented here are of a rather synthetic character. 1 7 West 1897. 119 n.2: Gv@mara. . de Menasce 1958 and Mole 1967: Dm Nvbero . .1964: Simr5. ~lthough 1 adopt Nyberg's reading dealt with already by Wesc in the end of the same note, p. 120, West's understandingof he word as the ~evrish Gemara seems t o m e preferable. 118 The readina adooted here Is that of de Menasce. followed bv . Wbem . .Mole has. after West. dSst1k

VZ?. Translations: West: 'friendly words"; Mol6: "paroles amicales"; de Menasce: "authentique

descendant";Nyberg: "a true kinsman".

I

119 The reading adopted here is that of Nybsrg. de Menasce has ^k.S ham paywandTQ frSz rsi~n~g ole , has *ne.$an fiam.pursag rraz a w l 3 raslSr^g. 120 A genuine 8actrian name, Lohrssp, was substicued for AurvaLaspa, the vesta an nzme of WlStSsoa's father. Grenet, Enlr 344, Bact!ia. 121 Only in K, not found in 8.

122 Floruit circa 81 5-835 CE. 123 Mole 1967: "lestribus que I'on appelle e l e m e n t delamites". 124 Cf. Nyberg 1964, 103.

113

114
~~

V E X T ~ 1 1 MX 1

26.64-6:

.
~~ ~~~

'

[TEXT XLIVI MX 21.25-6:

ud az Kay.Luhrasp sad

en

b u d k f i a xvadayTh x c b k a r d ud andar Yazdan

1 YahtIdSn be Kana ud Vahadan w l a a f t ud pargandag spasgar bad ud u r s a ~ e m

kard. The enmity /"on-iraniansh;pl And the profit o f LuhrSsp was that his reign was good and he was thankful t o gods and he has destroyed the Jewish Jerusalem and scattered and dispersed the ~ e w s25. l
27 of the Byzantians and the Turks,too, towards the Iranians

(originates) from their malice through the murder of Era and it will be kept (this way) until the Renovation.

[TEXT XLV]

AJ 12.8-9 8.15:

...like the faith of JesusfromByzantium, and the faithof Moses from theKhazars. and the faith
of Mani from the Uigurs took away the strength and the vigor thay had previously possessed. h e w them into vileness and decadance amongst their rivals, and the faith of Mani even frustrated the Byzantian philosophy.

T u r k e s t a n is a vast place... There are some among them who worship Moon and there are some wim are sorcerers, and there are s o w who are o+ the GO^ ~ e ~ i a i o n ' z .., s they cultivate the land. When they die, they throw (their dead) in forests, and there are some who ao to Paradise, and there are some whogo to Hell and limbo.

125 rranslated rn ~afazzdi1354h.g. 46. Some bibliography on ~ewish enemas in the ~ahtavi literature includes: Darmesteter .1889a; Uamesteter 1889b; Gray 1904; Gray 1905; Gray 1906; de M e n a m 1947b, passim; de Menasce 1960; de Menasce 1977; Zand 1988; lto 1991; the last comprehensive i t of the bulkof the existing material in Shaked 1990a. 126 Cf. de Memsce 1947b. 239-40;Mole 1967,237.

.~

127 On e r a s a religious and political. "on ethnical, term, cf. Gnoli 1985; Ibid. 1986; ibid. 1989, 13648 et passim. 128 Cf. Boyce 19B7b. 127, refering t o this passage: "There were Zoroastriam among Turks".

...

115 [TEOTXLVi] Dk 8.26 Duzdsarnijad 6 A r t e S t a r ~ s t a n ;DkM 732.13-734.3; DkS XVI, 7 10; DkD 554.22-557.12; West 1692, 86-90; Tafazzoli 1995: 13. abar e a s t a g i aneran b e a w a r e n d ud ed i azas paydzg k i l man ce gurg ce ayar. 21. abar paykarlsn T spah s a i a r 6 aneran peg az karezar paaaz paygambar ud " a n d a n 1%" 6 sahzn 5ah bandagih ua Den iYazaan paykarisn. 22. abar andam 6 spah ud paydagenldan 1 n 3 m c i 5 t l g k a r andar k o l x l S i 3 n swag m a g bahr 1 ahi3ylh niweyentdan 1 6 spah padasn T kardaran guftan ud z g a h m r o a n i 0 spah e l m T margarzanfh ud 2anl5nar25gZnTh i anera" ua the

116 [TDCr XLV~~I Sah T ~ a h r a m (81ochet.s l ~ ~ version):

k3 Sawed be 6 Hindugan g6wea kti amah i d T a r a m g ud Hr6m

ee

sahriyaran aman abag Tazlgan

ud c i n e s t a n ua dewan i Mazenlgan karezar abar burd

hem. k 5 awesan a z s t 6 w t h Den T w e h ud abezag ud p a r a s t l g n T Yazdan ud Amahraspandan ud ata[xlS T suxr cud1 sozalgl p a d l r i f t hend.

When he (the Savior Sah 1 Wahram) comes, he will tell in India, saying:

who are

ruler. We fought the Arabs, the Turks, Byzantium,

and the demons of

rraman T yazdan abar zaniSn 1 aw6san k a e r l h ne paaTrend ud manag wuzurg m i z d ud padaSn i abar zanlsn T awesan az Den paydag u a aadestanigih T Era".

Mazandaran, that they, having beenovercome, accepted the Pure GoodReligionand the worship

e n .

13. bout the wealth that non-Iranians produce, and regarding this it was revealed (in a text): "what is a wotf for m, what is an aid?'lZ9. 21. bout the dispute of the commander of the (Iranian) army with the "on-Iranians before a
battie, even through a messenger, calling them into servitude of the King of Kings and disputation

aboutthe Religionof Gods. 22. r bout instruction t o the army and informing about particular duty of each one in the combat and the lot of the righteousness1 30, and announcing to the army the reward of the heroes, telling

and expiaing to the army why the nowIranians are worthy of death and smiting, and the command
of Gods about theirdestruction, if they do notaccept r i 31, and, similarly, great recompense
and reward for their destruction was revealed from the AveSta and the lqltimity of Era".

129 West 1892, 88: "I, too. am assisting even the wolf"; Tafazzoli 1995b. 299, 300b. sew hem a proverb or an d vest an quotation and translated: "Comment un loup (peut-ii i t r e ) mon aide?". evenh he less, the sense of the phrase k still opaque. 130 he reward ofthe fallen? 131 on the concept of erin, as subjection t o the Sasanian Empire, cf. ~ n o l i 1986, Gnoli 1990, Gnoli 1992.

117

CHAPTER lii
APPENDIX i

VEXT 1 1 Bd

1a.12-13~1.49-51:

12. panjom Gaw T w o a d br6henea andar Eran.w pad miyanag T g6han pad a d c ~ y o nman ke.5 bar 1 r o d 1 weh D ~ I ~ Tk,c mlyanag 7 gehan, sped, r ~ s n b a l a 3 nay 1 paymanlq Q.3 dad 0 ayarTh ab u d u r w a r ce.5 andar gumezl5n z o r ud wax5tsn az en bawed. 13a. SaSom Gayolklmard brh r 0 5 n c l y o n xvar5ed Q.5 4 nay T paymanig

12. Fifth,

He

(Ohrmaza) created the the One-Begotten Bull in Eran.we in the middle of the

world on the bank of the river Wen Dait1, which is in the middle of the worid, shi~ng/whitel, bright, like the moon2,

whose height was 3 average reeds, and He created water and plants3 to

assist (the Bull), for i n this Mixture(-state of the world), (the Bull) derives strength and growth from these.

b a i a bad. pahnay c l y m b g i a r a s t pad b a r i r o d 1 D ~ I ~ T k . 6 mlyanag T g6hatn s t Gayotklmard pad hoy aiag, GSw pad da Slag, 3.53" d a r l h w az d i d dGrThaz T az ab 1 DaItT cand b 3 l a x^e5 bad. casmomand u d go5omand u d UZWanGmand ud daxsomand bad. Gaydklmara daxS5mandTh 6d k Q mardom az aw6 tohm pad h3n hangS5ldag zad bend. 13h. 6.5 dad 6 a y a r l h xvab asanTh.dadar,

13a. Sixth

He created

G a y K l K l m a r d shining like sun4, he was a? high as the height of 4

merage reed, his width as his height, on the bank of the river D a l t T, whkh is in the middle of
the world, GayKmard on the left side. the Bull on the right tide, and their distance one from the other and their distance from the river D a I t T was as much as their height they had eyes, ears, tongues. distinguishing marks5; the distinguishing mark of Gayffmard is this that men were born from his seed in (his) likeness.

ce Ohrmazd han xvab f r a z brShen7d

13b. He created the repose-giving steep6 to ( h i s )assistance, for O h r m a z d created forth this sleep in the form of a 15 years old tall luminuous male, and He created Gayornard and the Bull from the earth, and from t h e light and the verdure of the sky7 He created forth the sperm of men and cattle, as the sperm of both (groups) has it origin in fire, not in water, and He put i t in the bodiesof Gayornard and the Buil in order t h a t from it there might ba the complete progress! propagationof menand cattle.

pad mar0 Karb T bulana 1 1 5 - s a i a g 1 r65n. 0.5 Gayolklmard atlag Gaw a 2 ZamTg brehenld. 6.3 az r o 5 m h ua z a r g o m h T asman g u s r T mardoman ud ne ab.tohmag, pad t a n

gawan f r a z brehenld c l y o n e n do 5usr atalxIg.to;mag

T Gay6lKlmard u d Gaw be dad t3.g purr.rawiCnTh 7 mardoman ud gospandan az3S bad.

1 rn some lranian languages, and especially. ln menian, "white" means also "shining". 2 O r "bright like the moon". 3 The context of "moon' (and "sun"), llght. plants may soonest some comparison t o certain Manichiean doctrines.
4 Implicating that the second element of the word xvaar3ed was understood correctly by the Zandists' tradition. This.usage in the context of the First Man Gatatklmard may suggest that the same element, 3ed. tn the name of another First Man. m a XSaEta, Jamsed, could also understood as "shining". ~ o t that e the Buil Is compared t o the uoon, while the Man to the Sun. 5 Note the similar, though problematic, sequence in Dk 9.21.19: dG5omand lk0.SSn Kalak hastl

m a n d [ka.3an solax hastl *dIc-xvsnISnffman'l. This additional striking pamilel n Dk 9.21 and Bd 1 may suggest that both texts (dsling. 1.3.. with the First Man) were drawing u r n -,"on mrces. 6 S o also Anklesaria 1956, 27; Zaehner 1955, 320: "sleep, the repose of the Creator*. Cf. Dk 9. 21.3. 7 Compare Barley 1974.
e

[TEXT

1 1 1 Bd 1 53. (TD2 143-15 2; Zaehner 1955. 282, 317

[ 31-34l)TD 2 14-15

curs

.. first, [Ohrmazdl created Wahman, through whom the progress of Ohrmazd's craation ... ;He first created Wahmn from the goodly progress of material light with whom the

Good Mazdayasnlan Religion was; it means, he (Wahman) knew what will befall creation up to the Renovation; then A r a w a h i s t , then Sahrewar, then Spanaarmet, then Huraad. andthen Amurdad; 7th. Ohrmaza Himself, 8 t h Truthful Speech. 9th S r 6 5 T ahlaw, 10th Maneraspand, 11th Neryosang, 12th the exalted rat" R a e w 6 B e r z a i t , 13th Rasnthe 18th Just, 14th M!hrofwide paxues, 15ththegocd Arsi5Wang. 16th. PZrand, 17th 2%eQ W a d (the Wind), 19th Lawfulness, 20ih Quarrel, Prosecution, (legal) Defence and Peace of

Bounty.

122
~

On the Nature of Sleep

1. He says in the Avesta: "First He created Sleep in the creation, in the form of a 15 years old male, with shininglbright eyes, and even him the demons have defiled, like water and plants and

cattle and forests, mountains and stones and 'here, *too, *even the *wells, all remains defiled,

for theirlits substance became intermingleds1. '

2. This Sleep, in the quid form of a 4 or 5 years old stallion, goes after females, and he even reaches after males, from the top of the head t o the knees, and he remains for as long as one can recite, from the beginning, 3 or 4 yaea aha vairll6s; he (Sleep) was not created with a body, for he was created at once separately from the body-aspect, for when the body was created.
t . sleep was behind i

3. Whenmen sleep for a period more than 4 wecast, it is unlawful; Sleep comes on all men; when one sleeps, (Sleep) stands In the other, when all men will not sleep, but (rather1 will be diligent, it (Sleep) will stand, for every man has in his own being something like Sleep.

...
Ed 19% TDZ 129.11-129.14 enaz g6w?d kc zamig ud ab ud u r w a r n e tu[xlsaylh ray ka bar dahend ud ne x u f t a g i h ud amardih r a y k a bar n dahend, c? tu[xlsayTh ud x u r t a g i h ud amardih pad mardom ud QSspand sardagan bawed. Ed 1% This, too, He says: 'the earth, the water, the plants yield fruits not through deligence, and do not yield fruits not through sleepiness and impotence", for deligence. sleepiness and impotence exist in the species of humans and animals.

8 m2: xwyb y. 9 lD2:xwyh xwyti. 10 The reading is n i t sure. 1 1 The reading in ~nklesaria 1956, 164, is different 12 TD2:xwyb y. 13 KNR'n < tNKVn 14 TO2: xwyb y. 15 m2: XWYb y. 16 MDM. 17 lD2:xwyb y.

IS or: ... sa[nla ua cdarsz ce.z hast ua hame ahogenia e s t m ke.zas g m r a n a x d here, (everything) whatevere there is, all remains defiled, for gumext estsa "and stones. ~ n even theirlits substance became intermingled".

124

[ T E X T V I PY 38.3:
ape a t yazamaldg makatlantT$ habuuaintT$ca rrauuazanno

7. u d enaz k 0 w a t t a r smah druwanded pad han T weh 25hr pad gawisn dewan
yazEd pad aw65an zohr han 1 w a t t a r winded padZ hanaz 1 ra duSaxv. 8. enaz k 0 awesan k f i n ~ gd f i w ~ n r a~ y ~s hend

ta

a g a h m a rradom g ~ w o mk a mad

We worship the waters which are tasty

and Juicy, the AhuranTs which flow through the artful

gehan K G rradom ka andar d w a r i s t hend asan dadestan c i y o n bod.

work of the Ahura. (We worship) you, (the waters) which provide good crossing, which flow well, and are good to swim in: a support for both existencesz2.

9.30s3t0[!<12im hSn T SmSh30-om

T man gEhan bad h6nd amarg azarman Zardu[xl5t ka h m

s a x t budSpitSman gg 6 ha"

sat6[kIzlm b 6

T man Gayalklmard
at)

The Pahlavi verfon of Y 38.3

is as follows:
abar st maznThSI

h a n T d m a n dad xvey f r a z mad pad be$ 1 han and zaman cand m a r d 6n gewiSn

ed6n y a z o m m a k a i / ? I p a 5 5 I n g 1 pad u r w a r tazlSn1 h a n s z r r a u u f f z V

rraz gewed T axvomandud Pademand yaWa[kl aha[!<] wairy6tkI.

maz bud asayag bad k i i t a n g ~ h andat mad bud ~ . m ~ $ 0

haDuuantl[gar

waranlgl ha" 1 ahurS'nTS\.wv\^t ban T hauusp+ff

10. u d ka a z hzn fley

u d c a h l g ud ~ b a n l g a zab a n a m c i < t l g l

afiurahiiS'[:usrl

en

g6wiSn TrSz g u f t i axvemand ud radarnand ud k5.m wastaram g u f t bad

dew 0 t o m *oftad21 h5nd

7. And this, too: "you are the worse wicked ones, you worship demons through this good zffhroblation, through (good) formulas, through them the mhr-obiation obtains this worse reward' [and this one who is

a heretic (his reward) is the heill.

<.

Thus 1 worship the water: m a f k a i o t f [the exudation which is in plantsz4 as vapor], hahuua/? [flowing from mountains], f / - w u n [ t h a t of ram], s/iur^nT< [still (water) and well-water, and also every kind o f water, water indefinitely], ahvrahfia [semen125, h a ~ u ~ h ~ \ u r i n e 2good 6 ] , passage (of) yours [(let you) give us, so may we have freshness in our bodies], *good d i ~ p o s i t i o n [tears12', ~~ good bathing [may our sweetz9 persipate from our bodies!], that which is desired in both existences

8. This. too, "I bill tell thee first intelligibly about these envious demons, when the came t o the
world, i.e., when the first rushed (daevically) in, how their affair was I how there became their judgement (law)'.

9. For 3 0 centuries those of this world of Mine were immortal, without old age, 0 Zoroaster!
When this 30th centuy of
YOUR

has passed, 0 Spitaman!Then thesweat created by demonsc~me

on t o ~ Gayffmard, y to harm him, (for) as much a time as one (needs) t o recite this this yaWS
aha v a l r e formula, which possesses (the qualities of) an ahuandamtu. 10. And after he went forth from t h i ssweat, he became shadowless, for the darkness came in. and then I uttered this formula, which possesses (the qualities of) an ahoand a ratu, and when (the word) w a s t a r a m was uttered by Me, then the demons fell into the gloom. 19 cf. PY 32.8: a d [e v a in l kfnTg lwinankaranl, -These [demons] envious ones [sinners?, similarly in PY 32.7a: awesan kenlg, 'these envim3 ones". 20 West 1892, 254. read here *w 21 0kM:ZK PLWNyVDkD: ZKPWNkt.

22 Humbach &lchaporia 1994, 57. 23 M'SH'. 24 Cf. Bd l l b (21): 15-om. h m T 3261- 1 hawan 1 urwaran. '15th. (the fluid) which Is under the bark of plantsv. 25 cf. ed 11b (21): 5-m. gusr T gflsoandan ud mardoman, "5th. the semen cattie and men'. 26 Cf. ed l l b (21): 6-w. gemez 1 g~spandanud mardomar\ Tth, the urine of cattle and men", 27 What 1 transcribe hudagih, Dhabhar 1946, Giossar, 47, read it h v a g l l k i n , "flowing fully", s i n g that the word is a mere transcription of hvGg2aWZ. ~.e.,'huue.~?aeS; AiW 1857 read similarly t i my reading. The translation is fully conjectural. 28 Cf. Bd l i b (21): 9-om, ars 1 g~spandanud mardoman, '9th, the teamof cattle and men". 29 Cf. Bd l l b (21): 13-om, e e y 1 gospandzn ud mardoman, "13th, the perspirationof cattle and me"". 30 Cf. ad 11b (21):n.om. r ~ y n 1 andar gfispandan ud mardomSn pad har ds = P a n kamag. "11th. the oil in cattie and men, desired in both existences".

[TEXT Via] Y 44.8~:

...KS

huuap xvafnamcs daL zaemaca..

"Which artisan (created) both sleep and the Pahlavi version of which as follows:

l,

ke pad hu.ayabagih x v d 2 aaa ua ZenawandTh Itu[xI~agThl, "who, in good aqulsition, created sleeplsweat and vigilance [diligence]?".

Before coming t o Gayfirnard, whose height was as high as 3 Zoroaster's lances, and he was
bright like Sun, Ohrmazd created Sleep in the body of a man, tail and bright, 15 years old, and
[ T m Vlb] DkM 8 5 2 . 8 - 1 7 ~ ~ :

He sent it upon Gay6mard and brought it upon him for as long as one can recite one yaea aha "alr7lc. hsn i man dam bad azarmafi ud amarg

man dam dad Zardulxlst pad Wahman andar gehan ka.m awe5an r r a z dad i purr purr.sardag 3 0 st6[klz1m

Zarautxlst anaar han 1 30st0[kIzlm ne baa suy u d t l 5 n ua ne xvey tan ua "6 m a 1 h ua ne zarman badan ne margin ud n6 han 1 s a r d wad ud ne han 1 amarg h a n 1 man gfihan bad hamag r 6 3 n ha" T ahlawan s t i eg

garm.

ahagenisn m a r ma0 6 gehan T astomand i a h l a y i h

pas az dadan xvey ud

zfinawandlh azs5 G.m dad r 0 z ud sab u r n pas dad us ua raplsp.

I created creation, 0 Zoroaster!, through Wahman in the worid(s), when I created them, during

3000 years this creation of Mine, full of all kinds, was excepted from old age and immortal, 0 Zoroaster!, during 3000 years there was no hunger and thirst, and no sleep of the body and no vigilance, no old age and no death, and no cold wind and no hot (wind). This world of Mine was without death, ail bright, this existence of the righteous. Then the fault came into the corporeal worid of righteousness. After having created the sleep and the vigilance, Icreated then the day and the night, the dawn and the midday.

31 Humbach and Ichaooria 1994. 67. 32 A variant (Ohabhar 1949. 187 1121): xV "weat-. 33 oh 9.37[DkM B51.21454.101.5. according to the division by Mole: in West 1892 there is a lacuna; transcribed and translated in Mole 1967, 210-211

34 Thus read by Gignoux & Tafazzoli 1993, 36.

20. Before coming to the Bull, Ohrmazd gave to the Bull t o eat the healing mq, which is what is called banj, rubbed It before (the Bull's) eyes, in order that the pain from the sin, hum, injury occuring from the killing may diminish- (the Bull) immediately became feeble and ill, (his?= milk disappeared and he passed away.

22. Before coming to Gay6mard. Ohrmazd brought upon Gayornard Sleep, for as long asone

can recite one w Ecas t. for U h r m a z a created SlaeP in the mate body of a man, tall and bright,
15 years old.

23. When Gay6mara awoke from h i s sleep, he saw the world dark as night, on the earth was not left free space even as muchas the edge of a needle, owing to rushing of xrafstm, the Sphere was revolving, Sun and Moon were set in motion in the world possessing a bottom, owing to roaring giant demons and (their) war with the Signs of the Zodiac.

36 Supposingly, the GZw/Bull was hermaphrodite.

<:..~,

'

. .

130 APPENDIX 11 sadwes

k a t a n e d l x ~ kuned e ~ ~ gyan ~ andar t a n r u w a n b e r a n ud boy mlyan i abdom ka tan Nidered, ata[xl5.g0rih r a y k a

Satauuaesa, an Avestan masculine deity and the opponent of Anahlta, the helper of the rain-producing T i g t r y a (Yt 8.9, 13.431, became in Manichaeaism the feminine deity Sadwes,

awesan paygambarih kuned.,.ud

az zamig be 0 menog sawed, fraaom 0 ata[xls gumextea ua han s6 roz T pas az marg pad nazdikih i tan pSdag o kalbod T t a n hame nlgerea, pada5 griyea ud ka sag ud way f r a z sawend ud tan darrenid kamend, frSz tarsed c l y 6 n

..

a counterpartof Neryffsang, identified with the Maiden of Light, qnygrwgn, cf. Boyce 1949-

s the benevolent direction 51. in the Zoroastrian texts, she is the chieftain or the South,which i
for the Zoroastrians, but the evil direction for the Manichseans. I n Bd 5b.12 Sadwes is said t o

restrain t h e planets Ohrmazd and A n a h i d from doing harm, thus being an evidence t o what
extent the names of the planets became de-etymotogizedl and for this reason, Sadwes is called

... when the body behaves thwfails asleep38, the gyan-soul is in the body, but the r u w a n soul is outside (the body), and the boy-conscience acts as a messenger between them ... and
finally, when the body passes away, because of its firely essence3', when it (boy) goes from

beneficent Sadwes wasclosely associatedwithTiStr, Sirius, cf. especially Bd Sb.14; in Bd. 10.1 1 the star Sadwesissaid t o be connected by band, "links", to the lake of the same name40. All the passages, except of the first and the last ones, were translated in MacKenzie 1964; my
translations differ on some points.

'

earth to the menog, first it mixes with the fire and these 3 days after the death i t looks after the
corpse of the body, guarding it in the vicinity and wailing on it, and when the dogs and the birds go wanting to tear (the body) out (the b6y) is frightened like a sheep of a wolf .. .

GrBdTDZ 27.1-3, Bd 2.4: d y 6 n gowed k83 T i s t r xvarasan spahbed Sadwes Ngmroz spahbed Wanand X v a r 6 f r a n spahbed H a f t o l k l r i n g Abaxtar spahbed ... .

As [the Avestal says T l s t r is the chieftain of the East. Sadwes is the chieftain of the South,
Wanand is the chieftain of the West, H a f t f f r i n g is the chieftain of the North

... .

37 On two possibilities of reading, cf. Gignoux & Tafazzril 1990, 170, n. 32 (Tafazzoli argued for
*xwamn/xwamr}. 38 Gignoux & ~ a i a z z ~ 1993, li 103; "quand Ie corps agit ainsils'endort". 39 The s e w n of men and cattle is of firely nature, d. M la.3.

40 W e probably should compare these "link" toManichasan

, !
'

mne cf. beim.

, '

.. ..

'

. ., . .>

. : ,

. .;.

133 TO2 S7.7-1Z; Bd 5b.12:

134

...

CHAPTER 111
~

Pad bun k a Ebgad andar d w a r l s t , w 'jest k d Mihr ud Mah T tam19

I*
ITEXTOY31.5: ta mol vTcldilai vaoca

11

APPENDIX 111

ham?) PaymanagTh abSg r a h 1 Xvar5Sa ufl tt5h ray w l n a h . k a n h "6 tUWan kardan. ud H a f t a r i n g ud Sadwes az Ohrmazd ud Anshld f r e h nerogtar l a s t h6nd i3.3Sn Ohrmazd ud AnahTd az winah.kardan padTran[~nlfd, ham.clm ray, x t a r . Z m a r a n awesan r a y pad kirbag.kar ^anend

h i l a mot asa data vahilo

....

~ S C T Smazda . ahura

ya n a t i va a w a a ~q h a t c ~a.

That tell me. to discern, what is assigned for me (as) the better (lot), in the =$a-(%aim In the beginning, when the Assault mshed inside, it happened in that manner that Mihr and the Dark Moon could not make any harm, because of Iheir l*mutuai?l pact with the chaniot(s?)
Cf

of

righteous bliss") t o learnlknow with good thought, to keep in mind, from Whom t o ma (shall come) the Right,

Sun and Moon. and H a f t 6 r i n g (the Great Bear) and Sadwes (Fomalhaut?) were of greater power than Ohrmazd (Jupiter) and AnahTd (Venus), and they restrained44 u h r m a z d (Jupiter) and A n a h ~ d (Venus) from doing harm, for this very reason, the astrologers call them beneficent..

these, 0 Lord Wisdom, which are not to be, or are to he.

a. han 6 man w i z a r d g6we [ua rognag g6we kff h ~ m n l z d 0y6n

0 x v e ~ Saysa

kardanl Ke 0 man Pad ahlayin 1Ka.m k a r ud klrbag k a r d e s t e d l dahisn 1 weh TD2 58.9-1Z; Bd Sb.14: gowed k d ~ n a h l d ab cihrag ce hamffstar Sadwes ab.cihrag ud T i r waaTg tk6.m han m l z d 1 weh oh aahlsn] b. SgSh.dahlSnTh 1 pad Wahman 0 man h a " dahff 1kG.m ban d3nZgTti pad

gflwffnd, ce.* hamSstar T i S t r ud Wad T wSrSn kirdarsn. (The Avesta) says that AnahTd (Venus) is of a watery nature, for her opponent Sadwfis (Fomalhaut?) is of a watery nature, and T F r (Mercury) they call airy, for he is the opponent of T i S t r (Sirius) and W z d (Wind), producers of rain. danagrh r r a r o n l h passaxV 6 A A r i ttuwan bawad dadan1

c. hanaz Ohrmaza n h a s t h3n T h a s t r a y Igflwedl IkG g a e z m g l h r a y T h a s t

g6wga ki3 n e s t ]
a Te me that discerned Y land t e l me that c!early. namely, how one shodid appiopnate this a r d l , ne v-ho sho>.o9-e me n gcod iqhteo~sfiess lvkhen i hove performed rny d-ty and rnentorl0i-s deeol 1, e , 1 shoua oe given tni-s th's good letiaro]

TD2 83.10-12, Bd 10.11: Band 1 War 1 Sadwes S Sadwes starag bast s t ke.5 drayabThZ T k u s t T Nemr6z andar panaglh 6yGn ciyon Haftfirlng *rod *T PSnagTh. The connection of ttie Lk. Sadwes is attached to the star Sadwss, under whose protection kustag 1 Ahaxtar andar

b. the assignment of knowledge through Wahman is that which you should give2 me3 [i.e., announce t o me this wisdom in virtuousnessll. which is mine [through It], this which is for A r i 5 1i.e.. that ihrough This vinuoijsness of wisdom it shall become ~ossible t o me to reolv .. AriSJ L aboutthese, too.Oohrmazd!, that exist and thatdo not exist [do savil1i.e.. do say, forsakeof the Gaeic knowledae, what does exist and what does not!].

are the seas of the Southern side. just as *the river@) *of the Northern side are under
protectionof HaTtCrlnfl (theGreat Bear).
1 For the reading, compare West 1 8 9 ~246 . m. 7 2 aaidlial; "to see.. 3 An eWo% rnSnC2 means "in mind.,

135
[TEXT ill1 Dk 9.31.6-11; West 1892, 246-8; 5 5 7 ~ 8 Zaehner.1955, : 31:
~

.~.

--

6.ud abar draytsn i Ar15 dew 6 Zardulxl5t ud passax"

T Zardulxl5t pad hSn

6. And about the daevic chatter of t i e dew A r l 5 t o Zoroaster and the reply of Zoroaster by Ohrmazd's advice, and whatever on the same subject, as the Avesta tells, that the dew Ar15
to this gathering of dews. who sit for you in the said him: "Then ~ r a n m a m 0 ~ Zoroaster, .

1 Ohrmazd andarz ud c? andar ham dar cly5na5 Den gowed kO.5 0 awe g u f t

A r l 5 dew V.Q e Franamam Zardulx15t 5 ha" T dewan hanjaman kg t 6 r a y m3inend pad ham gah3 gab 4 r s z " . 7. PursTda5 az awe Z a r d u l x l 5 t k t "ArlSam dr0z.tom c5.m pad han pada5n h a s t hagargmah pad gowl5n yazam?". 8. 0.5 0 a w e g u f t A r l 5 i dewan dr6z.tom k t 'to padlx5ay baweh andar

same place 3 nights and 4 days!". 7. Zomaster asked him: "0Ar15, the most deceitful t o me, what reward would there be for me, if
i worship you with sayings (ritual formulae)?'.

8. And A r l s , the most deceitful of dews, said him: "You will be powerful among men, through producing (your) will among the existences, just as it should be fitting you, and you would m i immortal, 0 5 p I taman!".

9. And Zoroaster asked him: "0 A r i s , the most deceitful of dews, people who worship you, for the birth of a child, or for a whore sought for content, that they are in your possession, how can
anyone of them be immortal?'.

10.And A r i s , the mostdeceitfulof dews. could not tell him, who was the most intelligent 11. Zoroaster said him: '1 am His, and 1 love Him, i.e., 1 am His own and i do his affair, and I recite the law and the Messing of the wise Ohrmazd, the appeaser of desires!'.

nEXTN1 PY 31.14:
a. han 1 ha7 a6 az t o pursom ohnnazd kO mad

KG rased

a.Thesetwol ask you. Ohrmazd, about (things) that have come and will reach (us) b. who gives obligation from the gifts of this t o the righteous [wherefrom it should be given],

c. 0 Ohrmazd, and who, too, t o the wicked ones; how they are (about the time when) the
consummation (takes place) [this judgment; l k , tell me what is this judgment!].

136a1 ITEXTV] Dk 9.30, At.ta.vax5iiS; 245': 1. h a r t o m DkM 828.15-831.5; DkS XVII,-85-90; West 1892, 241'I. The seventh fragard At.ta.vax5iia" (contains some) of the liturgical and praiseful

character of the Religion (Avesta?) and of the m e m g ("spirit') rragard

of the Manera-. And this,

AL.ta.vax5lia'/At.ta[kl.wax5

az

ezi5n6mandTh

ud

niyayl5namandTh T den u d m a n o r m5n0g. ud ens2 k i l msn6g 1 ezl5n. T aw5 humen1dar3 T SgSh T danag4 mard tfiz =bar gumSxt5d 0 hnn 1 xvar5 5 0 kamag hanJamTh u d urwahm6 1 AmahraSpandZn PaywandEd. 2.abar w l z l n T mardoman kam ud r a h T 0 m i z d pad wIzTnkarTh budan, 3. u d abar andarz T r55nTh

too, thatthemenog of the worship (performed) by a good-thinking, intelligent and wise man is quickly mixed up with the light of the sun and attached t o the completion of desire[s19 and joyls]

of the Bountiful Immortal Ones.

2. About the existence of the human choice of will and the way to reward through (this) decisionmaking.

mardoman pad x v a s t a n 1 ha" gah k e dagr pad kamag m a r d r a y l s t a n T A r i 5 d e w 0 mardoman:

abar rnan[dIlstan Sayed u d 55murdan ud hamm6xtan7 1 Den [ T I Yazdan. 4.8 u d az g o w ~ g nT Zardulxl5t "Ohrmazd u d A h r i m a n 2 b r a d T pad s w a g a5kom[bl bod hgnd, 32 a w e s a n Amaiiraspand gw han T w a t t a r d a S ~ dpad ha" T ka.5 Snasagan dewan.ezlSnlh g u f t u d s n k u .pas*ih gaspand dahSd

3. And about the advice t o people t o seek that place in which it is possible to stay long in love and
to study and teach the Religionof Gods.

4. From the saying of Zoroaster concerning the daevic chatter of the demon A r i C to mankind:

abaxtarlgan dewan'.

f them an Amahraspand chose the worse " O h m z d and Ahriman were two brothers in one womb. O
inasmuch as h i s adherents preach the worship of demons and that they should offer cattlelo (as

sacrifice) t o the demons of the planetsd1.

change in numeration of the following pages is the result of a serious computer problem which 1 cannot be solved otherwise. me problem occured on the latest stage of editing. 2 individual passages were edited and translated in: 5chaeder 1930. 90-11-288-31 (1-5): Benvenlste

me

1932-33, 209-11 (4-5): Widenarm 1938. 246 (7); Bailey 1943. 127 (7); Zaehner 1955. 429-31 (829.1-5); MoI6 1963. 203 (I), 204 (4-5). 334-5 (6-7); Shaked 1971. 92 (5). CF. ALSO Damesteter 1887,ZA i 221 n. 10; Bloctiet 1898, 28. 3 Cf. P Y 30.1~:k pad ahlZylh... 4 PY30.la: d han T har do gawlSn xv3y15n 7 0hrmaZd.dad [Atilstzg ud Zandl k a h k danaq a5 herbedestan kunlSn1, "thus these are both, the (praiseful) saying and teaching, created by ohrmazd [Avesta and Zandl, who, too, (is) intelligent [i.e., the wise one is who knows t o perform herbees functions?, where CziSnamanmh ud nlyayl5nomannlh (Dk) have Y . Compare also P Y 3 0 3 : k StSyISn T Ohrmazd L a gflwtSn xvzylsn as their equivalents in P yazisn 1 Wahman LkCf.3 paydag han T Abistag ua 2and1, '(to) whom (Is) praise of Ohrmazd and worship of W a h a n [whom these Avesta and 2and are revealed?, where stZyl5n T Ohrmazd U a wahman have den ud manor (acn = ~ b f s t a g . manor zand) as their equivalents in yaz~~ T n Dk. 5 M o 1 6 1963, 203: kamak-*huaSmi- 'a la beautyq. 6 Taken from P Y 30.1% ke humenTdar Dad ahlavlh Mnaz l k CIS T rrar6n mencd a5 Ik@.$Znk2 kirbag 7 yazt5n men bawedl kC.52" andar rC5nrh Pad WEnISn oa.+*ai * o m who s gooa.tnw:ng n nghc~~mess, ma, m m q Y ~ Z I S wentna. ~ ~ a o coo [on# h o t b n b vem- tmng9, ?he men, lor ?os ~ 0 m n . p w l l 0, s e a t ) , thm trey are m dght w e deli~mf~lness [ w e n tney see me m n t ' of worsn p. tnere rtnfl oe paacehapp.nes fcr m m ! h e h e n l d a r s t a n d s for humazdra, pad ahlayth stands for a$*, HSnazstands for yeca. Cf. Bd 1a.6, urW3hmSnTh. "Joy", produced for assisterne of the Shy, 5 ayarlh T asmSn. 7 Cf. PY30.2~:ku pad han meh k3r [pad passaxt 1 pad tan T pas6nl a han T FiammOxtiSn T amah nIgz padaSn [KG man CIS I T r a r ~ nhammdxtan ray paoaSn kuneml., "1.e.. a t this great work [at the trial of the Final Body] they expose rewards for our teaching We., we give reward for teaching virtuous things?. 8 Zaehner 1955. 429-430.

9 West 1892, 241: "accomplishment of tha wishes'. 10 The reading is by Zaehner. Benventiste: pasas, "henceforth' (dfisomais)

11 Cf. Zaehner 1955, 429-430.

136c 5. ud =bar drOzanTh 1 ArlS dfiw'ud ]ud.bun~h'i r o s n u d t o m " t ) w @ h i h y h a i i r o s n s t i h pad w j z e n u d w a r s t ud wadlh 1 ha" 1 tom.

,
~

S. And on the deceit of the demon A r is, and the separate otiglnl

of light and dzrkrass, snd tils

, .
.

goodness of the luminous being through choice and action, and the evil of the dark (being)'
speaking, that of bad-acting, what is darker and very coarse and of worse matter1'

'.
is my

6. " d r a n ~ r d a n ' ~1 Gannag MfinGg kO nan 7 w a t t a r menlSn man hast, Spenag Menffgl han T w a t t a r gowin ha" r w a t t a r k u n t ~ n ' ~na'n , i tamrgtar hast
t a r g T was stabr d u g - x i ~ t a r ' IkCi ~ and cand we gawena t a r i g t a r l dusmat ud dushuxt ud a u s w a r s t man h a s t P a r l S n ; han awesan dosom k ? andar han h a s t pad dusmat ud du3huxt ud dushuwarst.

6. The Stinking Spirit -*yelled: am that of bad-thinking, 0 Good Spirit! I am that of bad-

1
...

i tbecomes) darker]; bad thought, bad word and bad deed are my garment be., so far as many go, (

food; I love those who are inside that (bad dark matter) through (theinl bad thought, bad word
and baddeed".

12 druxtan? west: "the grumbling of the ~ v i spirit"; i sanjana: *aandidan or *aavyardan, comparing Avestandavata-; Mol6 1963, 334-5: yByTtan.'hurler'. 13 Cf. tw mtes later. 14 Mol6 1963,334: du3-aaartar.

.. .-

5 Schaeder 1930, 911-2891. rendered l u d W i - h as "Dualitat". Note that Mani designated his religion as bun.. 16 Cf. Shaked 1971. 92. Mol41963, 334-5: r L e vetement Ie plus sombre. Ie plus 17 west 1892. 242: 'with lower violen:,l Ie olus abject lest a ma"].

136f 7. ua gurtan T ahFrnaza k i l han.7 weh.meniSn

man.hast,..~anna~_rneno~!,-han;l. .~

,7.24 And O h r m a z d said: "I am that of good-thinking. 0 Stinking Spirit! 1 am that of goodspeaking, that of good-acting, the sky is my garment, which (the sky) was created first of all the getTg things of the existence, which was made from stone superior t o all stones [i.e., which is adorned with preciousstones]; good thought, good word and good deed aremy food; Ilove those who areinside that (good [iqht matter) throughgmd thought, good word and good deed".

w e gawisn, ha" iwen > e u n 1 ~ i ' 8 ~ s m a man n ha5t w a s t a r g l g k e fradom r r a z b r i e h e n T d a z han T g e t i g a n i s t i k e pad ban s a ~ n l gT abar h a r w i s p satnig20 a a d e s t e d [ k c - s hamag g o h r 2 l andar p e s i d estedl: hffrnat u d h u x t cud>

huwarSt man hast; xVarlSn awesan d0Sorn K6 andar ha* h a s t pad hiJrnat ud h u x t <ud> huwarst. 8. ua enaz k i l ne-$an r a s t be w i z t d a n dusgannag dew ne22 h a g i r z r a s t wizenend k e kamag nan T ~ ~ a r n a n . 9 m m a r WTmSrenTdSn i d e w s " h a n T d m a mardoman axvan pad f r e f t a n a :

ae
i

8. And t h i s ,too, that they cannot choose rightly, badly stinking dews', they never choose rightly
whose will is that of Akffrnan. 9. About dews' causing maladies to^people's vital force, through the deceit of people by the dews' deception, the coming of people, through this (damaged) vital force, unto decadence of vital

dewan f r e b i 5 n u d rnadan i mardoman pad han T

ax"

0 axqh

du5rawisn~h~~.

force / existence.

ua g a w l ~ n ud k u n i ~ n han T har da k5 weh ud ke.2 wad.tar lewag 18 cf. w 30.3b: m e n i ~ n i weti menid ud guft ud kard ud w ha0 wad.tar1, "the way of thinking, the way of h speaking, and the way of acting of the two, that of the better and the that of the evil 1i.e.. one thought and spofce and acted what 1 s good, but the other what Is worse]'. 19 As Bailey 1943,122, has observed, this is a paraphrase ofY 30.5 with echoes of Yt 13.3. 20 meok version here renders better vesta an xraofdl5'ta-, "the hardest [stones?, used in Y 30.5b. that the PYdoes:a$em malnlluS spSnISt0 y5 xraoSdi5tSng asSn6 vast ahiayTh men59 1 b z f f n i q [Ohrmazd aht3yTh dOTd ka.za5' h5n T saxt sainlg nlhuft [asmanaz pad Ed k3r perSm6n T qehan be kard kG t 3 ahlfly1h rawag bawsdl, "The bountiful spirit of righteousness [Ghrmazd loved righteousness], while he, too, covered in hard stone [he also made sky in to xraofdista- gives such a way around the world, that righteousness could be current]"; A ~ W s a r t m a s the h h l h remdering, but t%s mdlng is not fmnd in the rn"ad3 of Dhabbr 1949, 136. In Bd la.6 the Shy issaid t o be $an.Syeri T hast gahr almast 1 nar (Zaehner 1955. 283,307; cf. also Bailey 1943, 132), "of shining metal that is the substance of steel, male" (Zaehner 1955, 318), w "of shining steel, whose substance Is of male diamond", Ankiesana 1956, 23: on atmas <&urn-. both "diamond" and "steel". cf. Bailey 1943, 133-4 [<Akkadian elmfi5u > Hebrew nallamrS, "flint", mbic ha~nab~s -firestone']. , ere we have three different renderings of vesta an x r a o f a i s t a - : sa[nlg 1 abar harwisp salnlg; saxt salnlg; xvan.ayen. 21 gOhr here and In Bd 1a.'6 go back t o thesamesource, which cannot be W 30.5b initsextant form. 22 w 30.6a: awesan ne rast be wizenend .ke dewan hffnd cegamsz eiwl [1(5 dewan cis i fraron ne kunendl ud ke.z aweS3n f r e f t IaweSsnaz ke dewan f r e f t estend i-ast sz ne ; . a , the dews do not do virtuous kunend], "those do not choose rightly, even a littie, who are dews [ things] and those, too, deceived by them [those, too, whom the dews deceived, do not do rightly, either] ". 3 cf. PY 30.6~: e m n ab3g KESm B ham dwsrTd hend d. wemarenend axvan 1 rnaqdomzn Iku ab5g xesm mardomzn ahagenendl, "thus they daevically ran together with Wrath and they sicken men's vital force [i.e., they defile men together with Wrath?.

24 Panly transcribed and translated in Widengren 1938, 246, and Bailey 1943, 127.

.
10. ud r a s f f n l d a n T_ffhrmaza..(5

136h of the

d~m.~n.b.62~aTh_..x!a(l_gyJh._ud._0.e.n

. . . . daMgTh u d ...

: ~ k
. . .. .
,,

0 . And the sending of rulership and Avestan wisdom, by Ohrmazd, for salvation?

3b32 ~ p a y [ y l m T h i s t a n 2 51 pad15 m a d

r e 5 Ud be3 6 dewan Ud xvadaylh ab3Z 6

creatures, and delegating again and again33, whereby wounds and harm "were caused t o the
dews, and restoring of mlership t o Ohrmazd, and they m e s s the rewardof Wahmnand the support of ~ o d s and ~ ~ ; sovereignty, in the end, of men over dews, the good over the evil, and the the righteous over the wicked; and also about the nature of those who we producing the

m i z a [TI

wahman26ua a b e s t a m l yazaan aarena: u d padlx5ayrh

pad frazam mardom abar dew ud weh abar w a t t a r ud ahlaw abar druwand: u d abar c l y o n i h T awesan T FraSglrd klrdar. 11. ua enaz KO paydagrh: "awesan hena, s p i t a m a n zarau[x13t, k e Frasgird kunana anaar a h ~ ' a n g ~~~ rext28 a w 5 ~ 3 nhens ua zenfiwana pad x v a n i s n T a h l a y l h ud sabuk w a n g a w e 5 m hend ud abar pad menis" ahlaylh ahlayfinend
CIS

., ..

Renovation. 11. And this, too, that (there is) revealed: "They are those, 0 Zoroaster S p i t m a n ! who shall

T lraron'9.. hem1 aman en FraSglrd kunlsn andar

12. k f i 5 awesan abar h3n T s t u d g o w l s n s r o d estfid kQ pad ~ a e guft ~ n ested kO'ed6n abag ke 1 t o hem [kO 16 x v e s aflzns3O. 13.ud abar hamesag h a n j a m a n l h l Amahraspand abar kardan T t a n T pasn3

~.
produce the Renovation,they have escaped among the a h u - ~ o r d s ~ they ~ , are
virttous things", in seeking righteousness and gentle-voiced, and, as regards righteousness In thought, they make righteous

.:

12. About those praised it is recited. i.e., it is said in the G59as: "Thus, we

are with those who

are yours [f.e., we are yours own], t h i s Renovation in the existences must be produced by us".
13. And about the perpetualgathering of the Bountiful Immortals regarding the production of the Final Body.

25 ptmyhstn; West 1892, 243 n. 5: "lakhvar petami-hastan5 (or petam-gastan<)", i.e.. *abSz

.
'

..

PayamThastan 1 -payamgastn. 26 cf. PY 30.8b: edm ohrmazd ke 0 t 6 fldayrh as wahman be dahed [mtzd], "~hus, Ohrmazd, it is you to whom wahman gives rulership [reward]" a h m m e m e t h i n g like "Archons", compare Mandean 'almayye, both 27 H e a "Worlds, existences- and 'evil aiow-. 28 A more recent form, Instead of the standard * w l r 29 ~ f the . first gloss t o PY 30.1~:[kc c i s T f i - a r ~ nmened as klrbag 1 yaztsn rneh bawedl "[one who thinks virtuous things, the merit for his worship will be greatl". 30 Actually, In P Y 30.9a it i3 said: @d6"=& k* 18 hem [UG tC xvf3 "Em aman1 Frasglrd kunlsn andar =^an, "thus. too, we are Those who you (are) [i.e.. we are yours own], to produce this Renovation in the existences". 31 Cf. PY 30.9b: Ohrmazd h2n T hamag hanJamanagTh barlsn 1 AgwahlSt [hG.SSn hamegag i n l a m a n abar tan i pasen kunisnl, "Ohrmazas holding entire gathering of Aswahist [they always have gathering regarding the production of the Fnal Bodyl".

..
.

.. ~. .

32 Here bozagln cleariy means "the office", or "the function", of a ^bffzaa "redeemer, one who preserves the creatures from the Assault". 33 West 1692, 243: "the recurrence of the mission", referring in n. 6 to the future Saviors. 34 A" ech of this passage could be seen perhaps in ok 9.35.12: f l a n e a ablstan T mardom az Yazdan aysrt ray, "one caiis for t h e boon of support (7) from ~od(s)for humans". 35 West 1892, 243: "they have escaped among the existences". 36 The context is so suggesave that one cannot not recall 'TrIn qaadTSTnof Daniel 4.10.20 and the egregwoiof the subsequent Emchic literwe.

..

ma.ciS a t v5 drsguuatff maerasca g a s l a sasn%scS

1

damanam vlsam SOieram daitliam a dat The healer of existence, the knowing one who conceives truth, has listened (to your teaching). At will he is in control of his tongue for the sake of the correct uttering of the words, at the distribution of the balances in the good (way) with your red fire, 0 M a z d Z ~ h u r a ~ ~ .

dusltSc8 marakaeca aea TS sazdam snal8ia Let no (adherent) of the deceitful one listen to your manthras and teaching. For he renders house, Village, county, and land uninhabitable and ruined. Teach them therefore with your weapon43.

i Y 6 X S i S n l h k g payman T a h l a y l h padas pad har axvan ed6n ZgZh Ohrmazd [K.Q ban k 6 payman 1 ahlaylh pad& c i s T menag ud gt dan6d kardanl a r s u x t gow15n awe T padlxsay [T ab6 b6ml pad uzwan kamagenlsn[kfi.S 3h g6wisn T r a s t T waran abaylstan be bans"] 1 6 a t a l x I S T suxr T Ohrmazd WizarlSn be dahdpaykaTdS?an[ b 6 x t ud e r a x i paydag be kunendl, Let noone thus among you listen (in order) to leam the mansar(s) from this deceiver [i.e., do not listen Avesta and Zand from heretic]
F o r in this creation44, village, semen4'.
It must be listened t o by one in whom there is the measure

/kZ

of righteousness that in both

existences thus Ohrmazd is wise [i.e., one in whom there is the measure of righteousness, he land (he) renders misbehavior and death [this heretic], thus make (you) weapons (against) them [against the heretics]. i l l know t o perform spiritual and wordly things]

he is the master of the rightly spoken word [without fear] through controling (his) tongue [becausethis is how he must carry out the correct and righteous word]
this red fire of Thine, of Ohrmazd, will give the fighters the redemption If.=., they will reveal (both) the saved and the condemned].

43 Translation by Humbech & Ichaporia 1994.37. 44 dam may be a "learned -translation-transcription"' of the Avestan damanam, and was translated accordingly ("maison") in Mole 1963, 216. 45 If not a -learned "translatiowtranscription" of the Avestan 56ieram "county" (rf. the previous notel, susr could be a mistranslation. Mole 1963, 216 rendered it according to the vesta an meaning
("canton"),

46 Translation by Humbach & lchaporia 1994, 37

niXT VIi] Dk

9.31.22-24: 22. And the advice to men to abstain themselves from following that heretic, not to listen to him and not t o learn48 from him the Avesta and Zand of God($). And (securing of) misconduct, slander, strife, death, fear in the world through heretics49. 23. And the advice to the faithfulonesabout knowing the ways of hereticsand making and keeping weapons against them, for one who is authorized and fearless, is more fond of truthful speaking. When he loves the Retigion of.Ohrmazd, then he will be forced righteousness. 24. Also about the arrival t o the assistance and salvation of the righteous, in the fourth morning
to

22. ud andarz T - 6 mardoman abar pahrez T aZ paS1h 1 a w e i ahlam67 n nly6xSldan ud ne xVastan^T azaS Yazdan Abistag ud 2and. ud du5bailSnlh

ud spazglh ud an-astlh ud margTh ud b T az ahlamoen andar gehSn. 23.ud andarz T 6 denburdaran abar carag i ahlamova" b e snaxtan u.san sneh saxtan uo aagtan, kil ha" T padixSSy T =be bem rast.gSwiSnih niyazagtar. ka.5 Den 1 uhrmazd d651d CgaS bawed.
Ipad st65 pad passaxt ata[xlS 1 abz6nTg 6 a y a r i h ud b ~ z a g l h 24. ud r a s ~ d s n

truthful speaking and other

rSst.gSwtSnTh ud abSrTg ahlSyTh kamaggnld

T ahlawan ud sewan r a w l s n i h awe k e mard 1 ahlaw r r e b 6 d u d besfid ud mdan 7 druwandan XV abaylstan kardan 6 duSaXV.

after death, through preservation of the propitious fire; and the movements of the lamentation of him who deceives and vexes a righteous man, and leading the wicked by their own fitting deeds t o
Hell.

47 Or: x"3stan.

48 O r . "to desire, lo =quire-. 49 Translated in West 1892, 250, and Mol6 1963. 216217.

137 CHAPTER 111

Ill

APPENDIX i Biblical Quotes

Mardan Farraxv son of Ohrmazddad, called by Zaehner "the only Zoroastrian philosopher", left after him a treatise one feature of which is a rationalistic (and hostile)

exposition of other faiths. in the chapters dealing extensively with Jews (SGW 13-14) there are
i s quotations from the Jewish Bible and some intriguing references to Talmudic stories.

The textual tradition is extremely poor, as SGW has reached us only in PSzand, i.e., Middle Persian transcribed in Avestan letters, resulting in frequent corruptions which leave room t o conjectures which are not necessariily correct. Because of the philosophical merits of the text, it was translated early into Sanskrit, which version is sometimes of use, enabling us t o have
3

better understanding of the text. Thus, it was perhaps through the anti-Jewish passages of SGW that some small portions of the Jewish Bible were firsttranslated into Sanskrit The text was edited in Jamasp-Asana & West t8872translated in West 1901; a valuable transcription and annotated translation is by de Menasce 1947%which still remains the standard
source of reference; the "Jewish chapters" were translated in Darmesteter 1889; Neusner

. , ,

..
; ,

1963;they were treated in West 1896, 106-7; Gray 1905 &1906; Tavadia 19SK;a,9Z-7; Shaked 1990a; G i k y 6 S 1991; and by otherscholars.

One of the questions arising while checking the Biblical quotations provided by Mardan
Far-raxv in the ninth century CE is, whatwas his source?

Was it a Jewish or a Christian Bible? Did he procure the translationfs) by himself from the original language($) or, did he resort to existing translatton(s)? If the answer t o the second question is "yes", then was it in Middle Persian or was it, recalling
the fact that he wrote in the ninth century, in Early New Persian? Was i t derived from a COPY

used by Jews/Christians, or from a polemical treatise of his forerunner? (Eg.,we know that

under ~ a w a d a n d ~ n \ ~ Y r wwritten an treatiseswere presented to the King of Kings by various religious communities ( c f . Crone 1991, 30);
& . s t '

138 were the quotations provided from one o f these treatises submitted by Jews/Chrisiians t o

expose their faith for

the authorities?).'

~~~~

-.

..~

And was it in the Pahtavi script or in another system of

writing? And, lastly, is it correct to project the situation of the ninth century be s u e that there were Jud-Persian seventh centuries, i.e.,

CE (when we can

texts of Biblical books) into the situation of the fifthin SGW 13-1 4 are actually the remnants

can we state that what we find

of a Sasanian Jewish Middle-Persian text?'

Here i edit anew some of the passages o f S G W 13-

14. which were earlier identified as Biblical quotations.

The

text is given here in the "ideal"

transcription based on that used by MacKenzie 1967 & 1971. with some small variations; some of the emendations are mine, some were proposed by earlier scholars.

The text begins:

2 One of the most problematic words in the whole of the Jewsih chapters of SGW. The maand has 3w Onexplained by Darmesteter as "Ie perean SbkhQn, Tie on I'eaux croupit" and translated as "formant e lie aw eaux atagnants'; emended by west t o af~m."without form": de ~eoasce:"aw-xan, le My own solution: *['lwyrn C[a]wTr3n, w l , eai1y rcadas zw-xu,, 3 PSzand tan, compared by de Menasce t o (and read as) 'np. tan, bouche* and rendered "I'ablme"; N u - . tan, "unformed substance". 1 emend t o S t u h r g another possibility is to see tm as a corruption of 'torn, "evil darkness", or of *tar, which then must be taken as a hendadys, t a r ud f . Paper 1364-5.269 has: w'yn zmyn bwd wyr'n wtwhy. tarTkTh. Vatican Pentateuch, c 4 AP i <*'pr. 5 Compare SGW 13.86, 94-. D3S ud bOO, "be and it was". 6 PSzand: asprmand. hasp-;to rest, repose", cf.-Henning 193% (Verburn). 199 "-1: Boyce 1977, 47; Tafazzoii? 1991, 193-200, compare also MacKenzle 1971, 43 (hasprn, "rest, repose" as 3 subsatntive,note the adjective use a few words above). ~t seems now t h a t we know the genuine ~ahlaviJewish word which used t o render the HebrewIAramaic Z&at/eaba (Hebrew original for haSpSnuQ asan bud 13 w a x wayyinaoe3). was the choice dictated by the phonetic similarity of -and 1 Some of these question were asked by Darmesteter 1883. 5. but left unanswered.
4
chaos"; Neusnei" "dark water" (seeing here i n ) .

faa

140 "Again, about the contradiction and harmful statements of the first script~re?,,~hich iscdled

141

.. .

Obviously, as has been noted by all students of this text, it is an abridged version of Genesis 1-

2. Almost all the verses quoted were quoted exactly and according t o the Jewish exegesis (note especially the case of the

by them ~ z a d and ~ . about which they have an unanimous opinion that God wrote it by His own
hand and gave it t o Moses. Since it is full o f heresy of every (sort of) evilness, I will reveal t o

SGW version

(emended by me) of Gen 1.2, where Hebrew t 6 h n w a b

6 ha was rendered according t o the traditional Jewish understanding, not according t o the LXX).
you some of the plenty of (evil) information that it contains. He says a t the &rt o f the book9 that in the begining the Earth was desolate and void and darkness on the Black water1 O, and the Spirit of God was blowing upon the face of the Black Water. The special stress on that "He separated the Light [for the day] and the Darkness [for the night]" (while the Hebrew dictum is different) may indicate that it was important, from the point of view of the author of the Voriageof the text before the eyes of ilardzn Farcaxv, TO prove that the night,

The God said: "Let there be Light!",

and there was Light And the light seemed very good t o Him. And He separated the Light [for the day1 and the Darkness [for the night]. And He then created the world and the heaven and the earth in six days, for on the seventh day He rested and took repose. And through this mystery1 l, even o w the Jews rest on Sabbath.

m,was supposed t o be created by the Jewish God, a t odds with the Zoroastrian view.

This

point makes it seem plausible that the Vorfage in question was a part of
i t the request of the Sasanian authorities.

a Jewish treatise provided

Another indication leading in the same direction is the use of r S z (though the word can be read

h i s Pahlavi otherwise), "mystery", as the reason given why the Jews keep Sabbath. The use of t
o r d (borrowed in Hebrew and Aramaic from Iranian a t a very early stage) i n Zoroastrian texts was referred t o in Shaked 196% as reflecting some esoteric trends, so it may be plausible t o suggest that using this word would have been seen by Jews exposing their religion t o Zoroastrians

as a sufficient explanation why they keep the Sabbath, a practice perceived by Zoroastrians as
harmful t o g e h a n anadlh, "protection and promotion of the created world"12.

7 M o s t scholars are of the opinion that Genesis, the first book of the Pentateuch, is meant here. Almost all the auotationsfound in this chapter are from Genesis. 8 Rendered as svatantra, "free", by the Sanskrit version. Darmesteter 1889, 5 and n. 2: "SaintVenture, *, persan &a, lutteralement fibre ec nobfe-; west 1901, 208: ~ z a d de , ~ e n a s c e1947% 182-3: Ziat, Ecriture, seeing In the extant Pazand t e x t a false reading of *6rayt3k

(^v^YM/w_^-/f^./(^,\~ e u s n e r1963, 283 and n. 5, AWAT (~ryingt o explain i t in a very sophisticated way as an old perstan (I) translation of the word t6rSh, as if from the ~ebrew root for "to throw, t o shoot', though the Hebrew name of the sacred Book is formed from the the homonymous root "to teach.); Shaked 1990, 87-8 n. 4. tentatively: %wad, generation- J.R. Russell (oral m i a t i o n ) , compared to Armenian hawatk*. "faith"; Glky6 It6 1991, 37, 41 (cmp. p. 43,
Addenda): "(8ook of) Denvation"/ * ~ w w a l ~ t I #hope . t o pblish my own study of the word in question in the future. The word occurs another time in SGW 14.80: *nakklrZyih ud abSz dZdan aZ g6wiSnas m y g6wl3n T m a d dastwar *x^'shad, "to repudiate and reject this talk of him (of the Jew. or of the Jewish God), let him (the curious Zoroastrian) ask t o talk to a dastwar (religious authority) of the Azad". f the Writing". 9 or, 'in the original o 10 This notion appears i n Mandaism (using an Iranian loan word!) as mia slauia, cf. Darmesteter 1889. 6 n. 1; de Menasce 1947a. 194; Jonas 1963, 99; Drawer& Macuch 1963, 265, 323. 11 Or, "for this reason", if one reads pad han ham "ray. 12 This Zoroastrian concept, in turn, probably made some impact on the ~ewish idea of yl5SGkG Se1 t o l a m (Sh. Snaked, orally), where ylssabis a calque of one of the meanings of the Iranian SbSdTh. My friend Michael Shneider called my attention t o the fact that the expression rSza daSabbat2 o m m in Zohar and in sabbath thGh the age of the zohartexts is problematic, our expression in SGW a n be used here In the discussion, as it may reflect older usage.

. ..

142 The choice of the iranian w a x < t o render the Hebrew mTan,-"spirit, ghost.-etc.; wind" wasdictated by the Zoroastrian terminology, i n which waxS "(prophetic) speech", and its
~ ~~

143

.Man horn *Adonay 1 kn.xv ud ken.t6z u d k e n 1 haft

wffdag^pad frazandan tozom, G.m *b617 ken ne framosld,

homonyms have important theological ~ o n n o t a t i o n s ~ the ~ ; stress is on creation by the word, and such a tradition should be connected to those of the Aramaic m 6 m r a of the Targumlm, and of the Jewish HellenisticWql 4. Interestingly, the Jewish translator did not choose the Pahlavi wad, "wind", as =he equivalent for the H e h w

I am Adonay who is vengeance-seeking andvergeance-repaying and i pay thevengeance of the

seven generations Through the children, and I never forgot (this) vengeance".

man (as was done in Chktian Sogdian, z p r t

a.

Here kn.+
32.35).

u d k6n.tCz translatesthe Hebrew l i naqam w a S i l l 6 m (Deuteronomy

I

It is not whihout interest for ths study that the verse was quoted in Romans 12.1 3 as if
and it is important t o note that the quotation in SGW

The reason was perhaps the fact that in the Zoroastrian tradition the notion of w a d has a rather
ambivalent character.

it read li naqam ^wa^sallm

reflects the Massoretic t e x t

Vatican Pentateuch, cf. Paper 1964-5, 106:
Or' py5 man mwk3f,t

It is significant that in the New Persian Jewish version, it is nevertheless bad, "wind", that
tmnslates the Hebrew

rua?)15, and

i believe, this became possible only in an environment

wmn b3z

where Muslim notions, and not the Zoroastrian ones. were dominant

There is an indication in the text of the passage from the Zoroastrian days'-counting t o that
x i s i i n g in New Persian. It is not impossible that the change took place in the Late Sasanian epoch, earlier than the Muslim impact became possible, cf. SGW 13.101: 6 gowend kQ.S p a r s e d r 6 z I caharom 1 *ad cahar-sunbat aad,"they say that where the second verbal root used is the same as in the SOW quotation. "The Jud-Persian texts here follow theTargoms (qdmy pwr%wt'/dydy hyl nqmt');

-Sw

London Pentateuch, cf. Paper 1972, 184-5:

S G W quotation may be seen as derived from an unvocalized text: *naqqSm simiiatiw is found in the smalied Targam .YarGGalmV w w hw, Nahum 1.2: qanno' WanOqEmetc,

wagallam, but a

,,~'SU~

was created on the fourth day, i.e., in the fou'th of the Sabbath (Wednesday)" [cf. Gen

1.14-131.

--

d m . Compareako

Another SGW passage leads one to believe that some of the quotations derive from an inner
Jewish text. as they would be seen offensive t o Zoroastrian tenets (and are indeed ridiculed by llardan

Ex. 20.5:

Farraxv) i

cf. SGW 14.5-8, which deserves a special analysis, as i t entitles

one to

la6ona'ay, Vatican Pentateuch, cf. Paper 1365, 103 (not available in London Pentateuch):

suggest that there was a continuation from the Jewish Bible translations into Middle Persian up to New P . Here reference will be made t o two important Jud-Persian Torah MSs from the

{,. ..,."."
.-

14th century, the Vatican and London Pentateuch$, both published by Paper. SGW 14.5-6 is as follows:

13 On thisword. cf. de Menaxe 1947a. 75. 14 Cf. SGW 14.12: ud wax3 clyon rod 1 *arwand, 'and His spirit like a rushing 1 valiant (in P h i h e m e of a river) river" [Isaiah 30.28, warobo kanahai 50l6c1, compare Judaso-Persian version published in de ~ a ~ r 1884, d e 28: w'mr 'wy Ewn rwd syyr kww, with r @ n ' a i r , "saying, order". 15 Noted by Damesteter 1889, 6 n. 2, who. however, thought that 'vakhsh est certainemen: m e m p t l o n orthographique du pehlvi pour vSt Ievent".

...
-. . .
16 Transcribed according to MacKenzie 1971, 13. On this word 6. Shehi 1988; in our S G W text the . 7): the word was rightly conjectured by de Menasce in his edition (cf. also p. 202, contrary to 1 objections made in Neusner 1963, 288, and n. 26 (quoting de Menasce's *obSdaa, 'gkn6ration'. 2s "de M e mends OBADAA to APATAK, descendents") cannot stand. 17 The t e x t has bun. :and.-; are very similar in the Pahlavi script.

145 The London and Vatican Pentaieuck do not provide here anything interesting (as they, ~.~ specially the London Pentateuch, contain mostly Arabic words, and follow closely the Targumim); but it is perhaps of interest that the Standard Persian Bible published by the

Ex. 34.7:
pffq cawSn 'aQOt 'a1 banTm Wa'al ban t)?nTm 'a1 <lllS wacal

British Bible Society reads v e xodavand peSlm3n Sod.

cibbe'i-m, Vatican Pentateuch, c f . Paper 1965, 125: q w b t kwn, shwmyn w'br g w w h parc" *Qr p w s r 3 n w'br d'r= Ch'rmyn. p w s r 3 n pwsr'n

SGW 14.19-20 is a quotation from Ps 95.10. Unfortunately, we have no old Jud~eo-Persian

translations of Psalms, but the Christian Pahlavi translation from Turfan does provide a parallel;

-syn

'br

d,r3

West and da Menasce emended a scrabbled word asara3ara into * l s r a l a but, as Neusner
1963, 288 n. 24, notes, this is unnecessary, and his emendation t o "generation"

(*Swff<Sad.

according t o theTurfan version (pad hSn awad, "in this generation", Andreas & Ban- 1933, The end of the passage is problematic; it has been suggestedthat it translates wsnaqqeh IS* Ynaqqeh from the beginning of Ex 34.7, which is itself very difficult. The Targumids 91, is better

40 a

pad x e ~ m bud horn 0.s g u r t KU *wiyartag2Oa11

hend

paraphrasing include notions of "I forgive those who repent and 1 punish those who do not", and the like, reflected also in Vatican Pentateuch, grd-"" b'wryt' *wy w% b'z grd"n

cf. Paper 1965, 12% 3mwrz, ,nCy

b,z

awaaag, is of "40 years 1 was angry with (this) generation, and He says that the generation~race~~ perverted heart".

ny byz3 kwn3. TheHebrewNQYwasrendered kww). I am

here, with right, as both "to forgive" ('m wrz') and "to clear, make pure" (byz'

moved bytistosuggestanemendationintheS'GW text, reading U.m *be ken nS ^ f r a t z l

The Hebrew text reads here: 'arbaqm sanah 'aqdt b a a d m wS'Omar lQ hem.

'am t6'Sy

a m u r z l d , "and I will never forgive (this) vengeance", though I do not know of any examples of

theuseoffrz[2Iwithamurz~dan~~.

It is worth noting that here we have an indication that the quoted text was unwcalized: O.S

. ...

.
<

..

g u f t k 0 renders Hebrew w 3 m r (MT: Wa'Omar) which was undersmnd as WS'Zmar, "he said", or *ws>om "(he is) saying" (or even wayyflmer, "He said").

1. A

genuine Judseo-Pahlavi text ?find identifiable in SGW 14.33, where Gen 6.6 is quoted:

WaYyInnahffimYHWHki 'asah

'set

L A . '

h a w a m b a ' a w wayyfYas? '(el IibbS):

c l y a n 6n 1 gawed ku xzarigfin t a bud 0.S g u f t k 0 paSeman horn pad kardan i mardoman pad zamlg,
"As (the text) states that He became so sorrowfull until He said "1 repent for making men in the

earth"'.

~ndreas & 8 An Aramaic word for "generation". 19 Professor Shaked suggested, tentatively: O. m *pad k n6 "SmurzEm, for " w n q I* ' n * .

20 unfortunately, the word corresoondlng lo * w f y ~ tfa g was not preserved in the Turfan version, cf. an- 1933. 9. and ~ a f 2 . BI. 2: ?arbacln g a n ~ nma'ent IT bsaaraa haw wa'emret aavnifna, haw data's iibbahfln], 4 0 . 5 ~ rcskan6 ~ bodam pad ZK w a d X P gufts ~ 'YK ram e H W H MNW3an ~ ~ ... alle. 21 Both renderings are poss~ble.

146 The "Jewish" chapters of SGW make reference to other Jewishvaditions, including those derived from the Talmud, Midrash, and other Biblical books, besides the much-read Pentateuch and Psalms. Only a couple of examples will be given here. Compare a clear reference w Isaiah 37.36 in SGW 14.29:

147 CHAPTER 111

Ill
APPENDIX 1 I

kC.5 pad

Swag al 160,000 az gund 1 span 1 MSzandarTg#n

pad wad *marglh mad, "As He slew, with a bad death, in one night 160,000 people of the Mazandarian amly"; the Sennacherib army issaid t o have counted 185,000 men. The impact of a Midrash or a glossed TargOm of the type of Pseudo-Jonathan could be seen in

SGW 14.3022-31: ua han j a r e w 600,ooo mara j u a az

*~srae~an a

zan

ua reaag 1 aburnay az

d w l y a b a n m a d , b6 d 6 mard 1 be r%t hend, "and on another

occasion He slew 600,000 men besides women and young children of the Israelites in the desert, except two men who were righteous".

It is impossible to end without sayinga few words about thequotations from the Christian texts
found in SGW. Much more room was slotted in SGW (two "Jewish' chapters with their total of 237 lines, as against one "Christian" chapter with its 155 lines) t o the anti-Jewish polemics, than w those directed against the Christians. Besides the quotations from the Jewish Bible referred to above, the text also contains numerous others. This is not the case with the quotations from the New Testament only a few

are found

(cf. de Menasce 1947a, 223-4), and the Oid

1 DYt'kYtL
2 ~nhlesaria1956, 23: ayeg1ha:of steel".

Testament quotations far outnumber those from the New Testament. Another point of comparison

is that while the most quoted OldTestament text is ~enesis,then Exodus and Psalms, there are 11
quotations from John and only 8 from the Synoptic Gospels, plus one from Romans. While the Old Testament quotations are, largely, exact and correct, most of the New Testamental ones are textually rather problematic, even the Lord's (SGW 15.148-150).

22 Cf. Bailey 1933-5, 70. it is a paraphrase of MI 6.9.11.13: Diaaramzn 23 cf. casartelli 1900, 2534. ln the version of SGW pad asmanfacunaat blawlad sanriyarlh C,t S blawlad kam pad Zamig cIy0n D a s asman lacuna B m3n aeh nan T r6zgarlhhcunaXu.man ma oar 0 gumangar~h. ~ o t e r f l z g a r l h for [@.mvtimnv] t i v eniotoiDv, Syriac llarimal dasunqznar, yawmans, and gumangarTh for l i d iieipoouo"1 "IsySna.

3 xayag.aea, "egeshaped", etymologicaily connected t o 'avya-, "egg", and to vr-. 'bird" hu vest an yaea v{ aem, ci. Henning 1354~). together wirh the reference t o the shape of andaran, "inner part' of the shy, may rest on an old vesta an tradition (cf. Henning 1954, and ~aiiey1971, m i i i & 127; compareBailey 1943, 128% 3 [ c a p . 1291). 4 On almffs <ASduoc, both "diamond" and "steel", cf. Bailey 1943, 1 3 3 4 [<Akkadian elms Hebrew lialiamlg. "flint". Arabic h a l n a b ~ s 'firestone"]. , 5 "Sky" is masculine In Iranian, and belongs t o the realm of the male yazata Sabrewar, 6 Bailey 1943, 140: be. 7 Cf.thenotetoxSyag.dffs. 8 Bailey 1943, 140 and n. 1; '[like] a building"; 2aehr.m 1955, 318: Hikea castle". ~nhle&ris 1956. 23: "resembling] a bag", cf. HacKenzie 1971, 39; %kinbag". cf. also Draxt 1 AsBrlg42. 9 MNWg. 10 APS. .. i aamw peramcn Harburz. -H. IS a wall all emund 11 Nyberg 1974, 1512: ~ a r g ~ n . pahnal it". 12 Zaehner 1955. 283. 307: *hupatssy. Or. is i t connected t o Manichean Middle Persian Ubaac, "crucified", in the sense 'square" or the like? 13 ~nkiesaria1956, 22-3, read and translated the iast 5 words as e h a m ~ ga.wiyzban ud m a r i d razor humanas "Is entirely like the desert, thechasmand the forest", which makes little sense. 14 Am. 15 bwhryt. 16 MNW.

149 Bd 1a.6 Aristotle's First- He created the Sky, bright and manifest, with extremely remote boundaries, in the shape of an egg, of shining metal that is the substance of steel, male17, whose top> 8 was connected t o the Endless light;

is t o be compared to PRDD 46.425, where Bailey 1943, 135, saw some impact of the doctrine:

0.3 n a z d l s t asman az sar be b r e h e n i d 0.5 gohr az *abgenag26 i sped fi.3 pahnay u d b a i a y r a s t O . 5 z a h y . 3 ~ i~cragan ~ han and h a s t cand pahnay 1

a fortress,

H i s whole creation was created within the Sky, like a skin bag *or wherein every implemenWweapon needed for the battle is laid, or iike a house, in

tuhigTh QS w l n a r l 5 n pad nar T ahlaw ud Dahman AfrTn O.5 d a 5 t a r l h 1 getTq " Ohrmazd abag dam ud dahl5n andar nl3lnCd.

which evevthing remains/is kept The foundation of the base of the sky1 9: its width is equal to its length, its length is equal to its height, its height is equal t o its depth20, wholly equai21, *wellconstrained22; iike a husbandman, the men69 of the Sky is thinking, speaking, acting, knowing, bountiful, d i ~ c r i m i n a t i n g ~ ~ . accepted (the task of being in the function of) durable He fortif'ication against the Stinking Spirit, i.e., that he (the the men0g of the Sky) would not let him (the Stinking Spirit) t o rush again; iike a hero watio?, dad in h i s armor, saved without

"And first He created the Sky from the head. and its substance is white

*crystal, and its width and height are equal. The depth of its

is as much as the

breadth29 of the emptiness30, and its management is by the righteous male and Dahman A f r r n , and there is no physical support for it31; onrmazd- resides within (it) with the

creatures and the creation".

This passage forms a part of the so-called "Strange Account of the World's Origin" (cf. Williams 1985), whose microcosm/macrocosm speculation has some points that resemble the Manichasan view of the worid as createdfrom the partsof the demons' bodies. What combines both above-quoted Pahlavi passages is, i.a., the notion of r r a g a n , "foundation" This word k from Manichaean texts (as far as I know), but the D e n k a r d ( ~ 3.200.8(7),

fear from the battle, so the the men69 of the Sky thus preserves theshy. And He created Joy/

h i s purpose, for even now, in the Delight t o assist the Sky, for He fashioned Joy/Delight for t
mingled state, the creation remains in JoyIDelight

is absent
1932,

cf. Jackson

206-7, 214; Okson 1991, 279, 282) uses it while discussing Manicbasaism: 17 Zaehner 1955. 318; Anklesaris 1956. 23: "of shiniw steel, whose substance is of male diamond". Cf. also Bailey 1943. 128. 132. Compare Sabuhragan A r 17-18, MacKenzie 1979, 504-5: : P S XrdYShr yzd h,n ky nxwst >w't nr d'm, Yhen XmdeSak (the gcd of the world of W M who first that & ~e~tio"..:. 18 Note how different It became in PROD 46.4. 19 Bailey 1943. 135 (and Williams 1990. 11, 206): "of the basic boundary of the sky [the width]"; Zaehner 1955,318; "the [buttom of the vault (reading parkan [bun], cf. Zaehner 1955.30711 of the sky's [width]"; Anklesaria 1956, 22-3: *parken bun 1 Asman canda5 pahnay, "the prop of the baseof the Sky. 1-whosewidth..].". 20 Zaehmr 1955, 318; "depth"; Anklesaria 1956, 23; capacity" me reading of this wort, frequent In Ed, is uncertain. M y reading (but not the Interpretation) is closer to that of Zaehner 1955, 283, 361, and Nyberg 1974, 228a. in other cases In Bd, the word cleariy belongs to the semantic field of 'sizem ( c o w r e Mawart 1938. 12: "stark"!, not to that of "deep". 21 Williams 1990,11, 206. 22 2aehner 1955, 318: "the proportions are the same and fit exceeding well (7)". 23 Perha~s aceidenuu. corres~ond frouahlvl to the five Limbs of the Manichean -*, thee firi'l ,~. dualities , Manohmed R f l s i (Reason. Thought, Understanding1 . . Mind. . Intelligence. . 24 Note that the menfig of the Sky was compared above with a husbandman; i t seems that the third element of the comparison (as is evident from the texts dealt with in the sub-chapter "Fire'), namely "priest". was omitted for m e resson.
~ ~~~

. - ..

25 Edited in (also ~ ~ v a 1931 d i ~(no" vldi); partly transcribed and translated In Bailey 1943, 135; transcribed and translated in Zaehner 1955, 361, 365; edited in Nyberg 1962, 92, Williams 1985; Williams 1990, 1, 160-1, 11, 72, 206 (It Is the last translation that was mainly adopted here). 26 For the reading, cf. Bailey 1943.133. Zfrehner 1955,361,363,365; ken, "ofstaim. 27 Williams: zahTh 28 Bailey 1943, 135: "bwdm". 29 Bailey, Ibid.: "width'. 30 Bailey. ibid.: 'void". ~aehner1955. 365, translated the whole phrase as: 'and the depth of Lhe mmnding wall is as great as the breadth of the Void". 31 Contrary t o the Manicban notion of Atlas.

151
~-

connectedtourwahmlh of our Bd passage, about which it is stated that even now the creatures (darn, i.e. the living) remain in Joy (Urwahmanrh) toassisttheSky.

These are'the military aspects of the scene described in Bd 1a.6 that recall of the known
descriptions of the Manicheancosmogony. The menag of the Sky, "clad in his armor like a warrior", defends the male sky against the Assault of the Evil, reminiscent, to a certain degree, of Contrary t o that which the restorer of righteousness, Adurbad, declared, namely, to hold the wodd for the basic creation, the crippled demon Man1clamoured that the foundationwas in the pillar of the demon Kundag; and that, he pretended, was the basic cosmic principle32. the Manichcean First Man u n r m i z d and his Five Resplendent Sons, whom he put on like armor (on armor and the Five elements, cf., eg,Zaehner 1955. 1181; the male sky in the Zoroastrian version, fortified like a military camp ( d r u b ~ s ' t i h ) ~ recalls, ~ . a t the same time, a *trap, for
thiisseems t o bethe meaning of narnban, "skin bag", here35, lest the Stinking Spirit may rush

Fragan, "foundation", could indeed have been mentioned in a lost Middle Persian Manichean text, and taken from such a text by the compiler of the anti-Manichaean passage in Dk; two suqgestionscouldbe made:

again t o defile the world. it could hardly be accidental that those who fight back the attack of Evil in both Zoroastrian and the Manichasan versions are the menag of thestarry Shy and the Beloved

of Luminaries (on another stage); Joy (Urwahmanlh) was created, in the Zoroastrian version,
t o assist the Sky, and in the Manichean version of the events. Mother of Living and the First Man were evoked by the Father of Greatness to protect the Realmof Lights.

i s dose 1). the supposed Manichean text mentioning r r a g a n goes back t o Mani himself or t o h
associates, and thus reflect a text of the 'proto-Bundahisn' type, to which the Manichasan author deliberately made a reference; 2), the supposed Manichasantext mentioning f r a g a n wasof a much later date, and the notion of f r a g a n was introduced into it, again, after the model of known Zoroastrian text, in an

Ithink t h i s combined evidence is sufficient t o suggest that the texts close t o the Zoroastrian

Zands referred to, especially, t o the 'proto-Bundahisn", were known t o Mani and utilized by him
while creating h i s own cosmogony.

secondary effort t o provide a more "Zoroastrian" flavoring to the Manichaeanwritings.

it h m

n knowledge that the descriptions of the Manichean doctrine coming from the

Middle Eastern West of the Early Islamic period do not always provide the same picture of small details while compared with genuine Manichasan documents from ~ u r f a n ~I~ . think our Bd passage can explain the origin of a term in an-NadiTn's account This Arabic-writing author probably used a Persian (or, rather, an Arabic one derived from the Persian) version of Manichaean writings, extremely close t o the terminology of the Zands related to the Vodageof Bd 1a.6, f o he statedthat the name of the Motherof Living, who proceededto the Border (tiadd = w T m a n d ) togetherwith the Beloved of the Luminarieswas B a h j a I B a n T j a (cf. Flugel 1862, 55.3, 88; Jackson 1932. 259; Dodge 1970, 11, 780), "Joyfulness". which, no doubt, is
too, the sun and the moon are sometimes called "the walled fortresses", cf. Boyce 34 In Manich~eism, 1975. 6. 35 me -skin bag" was designed perhaps to catch into It the powers of evil and t o tie them up there. SahristsnT (Cureton 1923, 184.16, cf. also Zaehner 1355, 434) speaks of.the world as of a "net" (Arabic Sabaka) for the Satan, which may reflect our "skin bag":

33 O n Bar-Kanay's material, cf. Sundemann 1993b, 312

..

152
~ ~

153
~

K,'

..

. CHAPTER Iil
~

~ . . ~

~~~

"And they followed after that what the Satans called for, against the Kingdom of Saiomon, but ~~~

I l l

Saiomon [himself] became not an unbeliever, but the Satans did: they taught men magic and all that was revealed t o the -el$ (dual) in Babylon, [those whose names are] H S r u t andMaTdt,

APPENDIX 1 1 1 Harut Wa Marat The beginning of this commentary in the War<tmansar Nask version as summarized in Dk Y 32, indicates that some possibly Manichasan 9.32, which is a very free paraphrase of P teachings were known to the ZandisE, who, not rejecting Monotheism outn'ght nevertheless fiercely defended the idea that the forces of evil which punish transgressors are not Ohrmaid's

and they [dual] did not leach anybody until they say [dual]: 'Behold, we are seduction and do not be an unbeliever?; and they [men] learned from them [dual] that what devides between man and his neighbor, and they did not harm anybody but by God's permission, and they teamed [from
them] whatdoes ham and does not benefit and indeed they knew that t h i s one who bought it,has

no part in the future life; and i f they only knew how much bad Is that that they sold their souls
for".

agents. i think we cannot understandthe fervor of Dk 9.32.1-3 unless we assume that what we
find here is a result of the interaction of the traditional Zoroastrian exegesis with "Western" traditions. The point of Dk 9.32 is polemical, and we are thus entitled
to

suppose that these

The stand of the Koranic version here is problematic: on the one hand, this version conforms t o
the strictly Monotheistic view, in the vein of the first two chapters of Job (HSnJt and M a r a t did not harm anybody except by God's -ision);

polemics are aimed against some controversial teachings that the Zandists had in mind, while producing a commentary which strays far from the text which it was supposed to clarify. There

on the other, the task of HSru t andMSrti t is

in Muhammad's Monotheistic view here,

a n be little doubt that the heretical or openly antl-Zoroastrian teaching which t h i s Pahlavi
midrash was composed to repudiate were the texts close or belonging t o the type of literature surviving in the form of the Jewish Books of Giants, in their different versions (Qumranii
fragments, Enochlc boob medievaliegends;).

to be the seducers of Allah, tempting weak souls and urging them to turn to their own free choice:

"We are seduction and do not be an unbeliever!".

S a y t a n is, indeed, an agentof Allah

The D e n k a r d text lies, as a whole, within Zoroastrian !ore

Ohrmazd.

the Evil Powers punish those

Some of Mani's compositions ultimately derived from these, as well as also, perhaps, from genuine "on-'orthodox' Zoroastrian Zands or popular lore. The history of the Giants' literature in Semitic languages and its translations into the tongues of Manichasan and Christian traditions

who deserve to be punished, but they do not do God's job, and their power t o punish is not from In the Zoroasuian version, one has to discriminate between the functions of

seduction and punishment Within the complicated dualistic Zoroastrian WeStanschawng, with its clearly monotheistic overtones, this sounds well, but in the strictly Monotheistic

as a whole cannot, of course,be dealt with here. Nevertheless some remarks need to be made.
According t o the Koranic tradition (stirah 2.96), the devils revealed sorcery t o two angels, Harot wanaru't, in Babylon, where Harat wa MSrtitwere latersuspendedby the heels, as
a punishment for their disobedience. According t o another (Iranian) Islamic tradition, the couple

version of Koran 2.96 one hears dissonant voices.

As t o the Koranic passage in question, it seems that it was a Semitic version, Jewish or Christian, or even ~ a n i c h ~ e a n that ~ , influenced Muhammad. The Iranian names of the Evil Angels, H a r a t wa- Martit, and the Mesopotamian setting are among the most Interesting features of the Koranic.account: in this supposedly Semitic version the Evil Angels keep their i n names [which are not the names used in the Zoroastrian version], as a part of the demnization of the borrowed Zoroastrian aweiotay.

was imprisoned and chained in a well in M t ~ u m b a w a n d ~ having , been thus cast in the file of a d o u b l e ~ t i~ a h a k a ~ m . Koranic text says4;

1 ~iiik 1976. 335-9, believed that the medieval legends on Sembazay and ~ ~ z a represent ~ e l a retroversion of fragments of Manlcheean compositions, but cf. Greenfield & Stone 1979, 102. Cf. s t 7984. 167, and now Reeves 1992,88. 2 Cf. Uttmam 1916; Jung 1926,129-130; de Menasce 1947b. 3 Cf. Russen 1987a, 381. 4 it is v q interesting that the ~oranic story about Harat w a - ~ a r a the t seducers goes ~nthe context i f the (2551 "Sat& verses- (sarah 2.100). . . : . . . . . - .. ' ! , , . . . .
&

5 For criticism, cf. now de 8lois 1995. For a new evaluation of the possible Manichasan Impact on Muhammad, cf. now Simon 1998.

154 Ultimately, these are, of course, the names of the Zoroastrian Amasa Spsnta-s,
~

155 It is clear that the pair was seen by Christians as if perceived by Muhammedans as angels (as
- -

H a u r v a t a t a n d A m a r a t a t 6 ; these two~azatas are knownalsoinsogdian as h r w w t m r w w t , equated to Middle Persian'[mwrld'd hrwd'd7. As namesof fiower[s18, they are weil known

their Zoroastrian namesakes in fact are), rather than as

K m Mopc&T, another Byzantine Greek form

o&mons. Alongside with the form xpwi

ictxi Mapio9,

is attested as well, namely ApcbS

with g.

In the Byzantine Abjuartion formula we read: "I anathemize the angels called by Muhammad (Mco&@)

in A m e n and Kurdish 9.' ~ uwhy t should two beneficent female Bountiful Immortals of the Zoroastrian tradition be cast in the role of Enochic Fallen Angels?
I believe there is no way t o explain this paradox other than t o assume that there was a

AfA6 KC, wv Mop&e" (cf. Monte1 1906, 150). . . The names'.flpcbr and Mcpc&r / Ap&e andMapcbe, with

-an/

-c for

-a correspond t o the

Arabic names H a r u t and Marut; this phoneticvariant suggest the existence of an independent Byzantine tradition different from the Koranic one quoted. 1suggest that the names familiar to Byzantines from their own tradition were substituted for those of their Koranic counterparts, whose history was different. in other words, the Koranic Haratand Mardt and the Byzantine '

Mesopotamian Syriac (Manichasan?) version of the Enochic motif which Semitized Iranian lore in
an anti-Zoroastrian vein.

he word "seduction" (Arabic f i t n a ) used in this version has, in the

Manichaan tradition, mostly enci-atic (anti-)sexual connotations, and is associated mostly with female seduction of males. The use of the earthprotecting Bountiful Immortals may reflect the Manichasan (theoretical) rejection of agriculture and serious limitations on permissible foods, with a special stress on some vegetables.

Axfrt and Mopt&t

/ Ap&6 andMapi'09 go back to different recension5 of the same story, which

should be of some ace. Besides these two reflections of the s u g w e d tradition, we have a remnant n 2 ~ n o c h l or "Secrets of Enoch", now extant only in two Slavonic [Macedonian or Panonian] recensions, where we encounter Apioxnand Mapion.. Miiik (idem) supposed that the Greek original of the Jewish "Secrets of Enoch" had *'fapSB arri

The Iranian names were interpreted in a Semitic tongue (Syriac?) as *Maraca, ~<&im=q
"[evil] power" (compare S a h r e w a r , "Desirabaie Power"), and ^Hffruta, 4Sio-icq "evil thinking" (from HRR/HRHR)~ (cf. Y 32.3, Akoman, "Evil Mind"). In Avestan, the names ~ a u r v a t a and t A m a r a t z t are feminine, but in Western Middle r a i n there is no grammatical gender in Syriac such abstract nouns are also feminine, but in Arabic they became masculine, normally failing within a pattern for loan words from Syriac

*Ma%%?? for A p i o n and Mapion, who invariably represent the same " H a r m and Marut"
tradition: "the oscillation o f f < th (e.g. S i t Seth... ) and of ch (here Araf >Aroch>Arioch) is Peculiar t o the phonetics of Greek borrowings into the eastern Slavonic languages (e.g. Fiodor and
Chodor coming from 77ieocll5fos)".

& i dd & i m d t h a tbecome mscunne in Arabic. This k, in my opinion. feminine nouns like &
how these male Fallen Angels of the Koran were conceived.

T h i s explanation is indeed very shrewd and sophisticated; however, the shift in question is the
mark of vulgar dialects and was never attested in writing; until the spelling reform after the Russian Revolutions of 1917, 9 was sustained in borrowings from Greek; the Slavonic and

,-\ .

in the later Islamic tradition, according t o the 14th century anti-Muslim treatise of the Emperor John VI Kantakouzenos [monk Joasaphl, the angels 'A@ "to rule weil and judge justly" (cf. Miiik 1976, 110).
K ~ Mapifit L were

sent by God

. 3 . . C u m /C& Russian Bibles have, 0

for Seth, or PoyQb for Ruth [pronounce Sif and Ruf'.].

In light of the attested Byzantine

'Axfri- and M ,*

besides

'Ax&e and Ma@.

it seems

plausible t o suggest that A p i o n and Mapiox-b go back t o the Greek original that had another, third, form, namely *Apioy and Wopioy, which were faithfully reproduced by the Slavonic
d of de Laaarde about the lranian &gin of Harut wa-Mzrat, cf. 6 ~umfizii 1945 reaffirmed the ~ l view also BausanI 1959. 141. 7 Cf. Henning 1940, 16. 8 Each of the 33 Yazatas is supposed t o have its own flower, cf. Modi 1937, 437. Cf. aiso Bd 16a. 1-2: 6naz g0y6d k(5 har gun e Amahraspana 6 w8*S hast...Ud SCSSn Kordad, Ud Camba m u r d a d IxvffSl. "He aiso savs that every Amahraspand has its own flower ... Xorda'd has lily, acd~murdadhas camba as her o w n ' ; ~nkiesatia1956. 152. left camba untranslated' ~ e w Persian ~ampa means 'a kind 01 rice grown in Gilan". 9 Kurdlsh xorud-mordud, cf. Oum6zii 1926: Henning 1965b. 251, n, 53; Russell 1987a. 375-390. the type 01 ~ a n d ~can i c be an intermediary as well. In Mandaic (Drawer & 10 A" Aramaic dialect mem ~acuch 1963, 127a1, hama, though from Samitic H R R and m n e c t e t l to the W n a i "freedom" > "licence, prostitutionm.
~ ~

translation. These unattested forms could be explained as a misreading of the original Semitic (in Hebrew square characters] mnnmnrt/n* > ni-nunr-n/n^. The w w andvocft were frequently confused throughout ail the periods of writing in Hebrew square characters [but not in Paleo^tl"tAJil
fc

t h are extremely similar. The Jewish forms thus reconstructed are Hebrew], and thaw and k
actually identical with the Avestan ones, even more than the Arabic that derived from Aramaic, a : they explain the problematic*of A p i o n and Mapion.

17 Cf. VaiUani 1952. Iranian eiemems are abundant in this composition, cf., e.g., Fires 1974; BoyGrene: 1991. 427-32.

&

157

In ZEnoch the wo angels . are two uvsW?rthy ~ .Watchers ... ( E r p e ~ p ? whom ) ~ . God . established .~... on
~~~

CHAPTER 1 1 1
lli

Earth in order t o keep watch over it and to control tempral affairs, and to preserve the writing
of the hand [of Seth] so that it may not perish in the imminent flood. Note that the twoYazat3s are in charge of plans (established on Earth) and water (protection from flood).
it was

APPENDIX N TEXT I [TEXT 1 1 Bd 1.2-lCt

2-4

the truly pad WehDen 6'0"

angelic nature of this pair that urged the Byzantine texts just quoted t o identify the Koranic

demons with the more familiar angels of their Iranian and Armenian neighbours. This combined
"on-Zoroastrian evidence is sufficient, Ibelieve, t o suppose that a story similar m the contents of Dk 9.32.1-2 was told in Iran, with ^Xurdad ua n o r d a d as the names of the demons/

paydag kff Ohrmazd DSilstTg pad h a r w i r p a g a h f h Ud

w e h m ud zaman 1 akanarag andar ro5nTn ham bGt. han r o s n l h gah ud gyag T Ohrmazd. h a s t k e
I ska/iS'rag^hamaQ

asar

r o s n ~ hgowed. h m harwtrp.agahlh ua w 6 M h ud zamSn

h i s version, Manichsean, 'popular" or "heretical", provoked a reaction of the shelling angels. T

ZandistS who included a re-work'ing of their own into the W a r s t m a n s a r Nask-

T Onrmazd h a s t k e gowed Den. ham har do w i z a r i s n wa

T *hamag T zaman T akanarag], c l y o n Ohrmazd gah ud Den

zaman T

Ohrmazd T bud [ud h a s t ud hame bawfidl nend. Ahrtman andar tarTkTh pad pas.danlSnTh ud zadar.kamTh zurr.payag bud [bad ud h a s t *kff n6 bawedl. 6.5

T a s a r . t s i - l k ~ h I g ~ w e d l , ha"

h a s t akansragomandlh.

pad wimand har do

9-10. d i d har dowsn m6n6g pad x v s t kanaragOmand,

d i d harwIsp.sgahTh T

isa

159 CHAPTER 111

iv
Flue
APPENDIX rreXTilY36:
1. A h i i a Q&S a e r 6 varazzna p a o u r u i i e pairijasamaidfi mazoa ahura e t a e5a

2-4. This is how it is manifest in the Good Religion (Good Aksta?), namely: "Ohrmazd was ontinuaiiy on high in (His) omniscience and goodness and the infinite (borderless) time1 inside the iight[ness].

his iightfness] was the time2 and place of ~ h r m a z d .There is

one who says:

The

m a i n l i d Spanista y 5 3 a x t i 3 ahmai y5m a x t o i i o i dSqhe. 2 a i t h n yftaila paitr.jsmiil atara mazdl ahurahna

"it is the limitless3 iight[nessr.

This omniscience and goodness and the infinite (borderless)

time are the totality4 o f Ohrmazd; there is one who calis it "Religion (AuestaY.

interpretation of both is one: the totality of the infinite (borderless) time], as Ohrmazdand (His) space (or, "time"; or, "throne")d who was [and is. and ever shall be]. (His) Religion (Avesta?) are the time of Ohrmazd,

i u a z i s t a h i i a u r u u a x a > i i a n a m i 5 t a h l l a namaqha nS m a z i s t a ~ y&j3gm 3. S t a r s pait~.jamiii.

VOI

Ahriman was based in abyss inside the darkness in (his)

maid!

ahurahiia m i . m a i n i i u s

mi

a h i i a s o a n i s t o a h ~ . h i i a tva

backward-knowledge (anti-knowledge) and (in his) fondness to smite [he was, and is, but will

h i s darkness is a piace, about which there is one not be]. The fondness to smite is his totality, t
who says: "it is the limitless5 darkness'. 5-6. Between them was void. Some call it Way, in which is the mixture of both infinity and finitude.
7-8. For being high above, that which (one) calis infinite light, means that it has no beginingf

t o i namanam vaziSrm Star3 mazdz ahurahiia t a 883 p a t r l j a s a m a l d e .

4. vohtf e & a mananha vohu eaa

ass va+uii8

eaa c i s t 6 i s

S i i a o e a n a i s c a v a c s b i s c a pairi]asamaid

5. m a ) i l l a m a h T

i<!idiiSmahT

OR3 mazda ahura. vTspal5

e&S h u m a t a i S

vTspai h a x t a l 3 v i s p a i s huuaraStai5 pairljasamalde. 6. s r a e s t a m a t t a t kahrp5m kahrpam auuaedaiiamahi mazda ahurz ima raocZ b a r s z l s t a m barazamanam auuat yaL huuara

limit, and being based in abyss, that which [(one) calls] infinite darkness, this is infinity. At the border both are limited, because between them (was) void, and they do not touch each other. 9-10, Again, these two spirits are limited in themselves; again, because of ahrmazd's omniscience, everything is inside the creation of Ohrmazd, both limited and limitless, for they knew that which is inside these two snitits, as the measure.

auuacl.

i Or, "for infinite time.. 2 Of, "space";or, "throne". 3 Thus better than "endless". 4 yamag, "garment" (Nyberg);x6m[ag], "nature", (Scheflelowitz); ahamkay [?I, "ohm Rvaien 171". (Schaeder): hzmag. "universum". Bailey aavflZaehner 1955. 286-7; hSmag. "year". Shaded 1980. 29-30 n. 2 and D. 30. hamag. 'ail'; niysmao, 'sheath" (compare the emendation in S G W 16.52). 5 Thus better than "endless".

160

161

1, A t firstwe approach you, 0 Mazda Ahurawith the,community of this fire?, (we approach)
you with your most holy spirit you who are pain t o the tJeatm"t2. 2.0 fire of Mazda Ahura, may you, the

(TEXT Ill PY 36:

1.Cd6n 6 i t 6 ataLxl5 pad w a r z i s n fradom b e rasom ohrmazd [pad pzhrez u d 5naySnTdanhl [pad i t o Gaeanl pad ed i 10 menog abz6nTg [ c i y o n az

one

whom you seize for painful

om
most delighthd one, come to us for (your) share, may you
most
delightful

payaagl k e 6 a w e e n ~ g ~ h[kd 5 pad a t a [ ~ ] g anagih k u n e a ~ham;

0 awe

e n l g i h dahed k hansz pad awe anaglh kun6dl.

come t o us for the greatest of sharings, with the delight of the

one, with

the

2. Dad urw%hmTh6 0 a w e m a r 4 pad t u w s n a 6 rased ata[xis T ohrmazd pad

urwahmlh 6 awe kS.5 UrwShmih azss ua pad niyaylsn6mandTh 0 a w e niyayisnomana m a r a pad h ~ T n meh k a r 7 b e rased [pad passax1 7 pad tan 1 pas6nl. 3. Sta[xlS pad hsn T Ohrmazd agah h a s t [pad Den iOhrmazdl u d pad m e n 6 g ~ h a92h h a s t [tianas hast T ka.s pad Warhranih be n l s i n e n a l abz6nTg h a s t x v a a 8 t 3 k a awe T t 6 nam c i y o n

reverence of the most reverent one.

3. You are indeed the fire of Mazda Ahura. You are indeed H i s most holy spirit We approach you, 0 fire of Mazda Ahura, (prcinouncirq) that of your names which is the most welcome among them.
4. We approach you with good thought with good truth,and with the actions and words of good

insight. 5. We worship and invigorate you, 0 Mazds Ahura. We approach you with ail our weU-thought (thoughts), with all our well-spoken (words), with all

wanst

G ata[xl T Shrmazd T

t o Pad han i h a r do be rasom 1kO.5 h ~ x T r menfig ud g e t ~ g azaS pas aaroml. 4. nan T weh menisn 6 15 pad han weh t i r s a g i h 6 t 5 pad han T weh rrazanagih 6 t 0 Padsz kun15n u d gfiwlsn b5 rasom. 5. n i y a y l 5 n n d.m abameneh ew 16 Ohrmazd [kd.m Sham pad

our welhperfomed (actions).

6. We attribute t o you. 0 Mazda Ahura, the most beautiful body among bodies, these I'ghts here3 (as well as) yonder (light), the highest among the high since it was given the name 'sunq4.

to

tiaWSdl

pad h a r w l s p humat 6 t o ud pad h a r w l s p h u t u d Pad h a r w l s p h u w a r s t be rasom.

6. newag e d i t 6 k a r b ii.t az karban nlweyn15 dahom Ohrmazd [kil andar gehan Oh g6wom k d k a r b T t o newag.tar1 e n [ r u w a n l 6 han T r65nTh T
b a l l s t [az h3n i pad casm paydagl baienand an6h k d han 1 x v a r 5 e d gurt.

5 enTgTh, "pollution", translates axtay-,.'Schmerz", bemar1 in New Persian. 6 Translates Urvazlgt, cf.alsoY 17.11.

glossed over anzgln,

wastagTh, oar*

1 "With the community of this fire", or "with the shelter of this fire" (Humbach & Ichaporia T994. 55). 2 Schwartz 19858,493: mrough the communion (varaz5nS; not hapax "activity") of Your Fire may we m e close to you, AM, through your ~oiiest Spirit; You who are taboo (=off limits1 for him whom you have established as being taboo (ya a a x t ~ sa m s f yam axtaysl oSr^e). ~ a you, y most to us, 0 fire". antentediy inclined, come dose 3 'These lights here", 1.e. the sawfiaal fire (ib.). hlazda (it..). 4 ."snce it was giventhe name sun", iie.since i t was created by ~ h u r a

7 mah kar, "great ordeal", translates mazlslal y % $ a m andmazs- ys+6, Y 30.2. 8 Amistakeforh11aL 9 Similarly in Wispared 11.19, where a-vtstay- ('Zuweisung (eines Opfers, Gebets), wldmung, Weihe", cf. AiW 334) was translated by the same verb: yal uzdatsm yat auulstam yaea dis i u a e a a i l a t a h u r ~maza3 asauua p e a dig auuaeaailaj. YO asmua zaraeustrff yaea dig azam y6 zaota auuaeaaffem! "just as the "righteous- ahuro m a z d dedicates that what is assigned, what is sanctified, just as the "righteous' Zoroaster dedicates it, just as I, the Zaotar.deicate if (cf. Wotff 1910, 119). The PahlaC wereion is as follows: he u l dad k nlwEyn c l y 6 n ~ hawessn nlweyrd ohrmazd T ahlaw ud clyflnTh awe3an n i w e y ~ dhe ahlaw r d u i x I S t c f y o n ~ hawesan fia he z6d hom, " ~ who e created up. ne who (deaicatedty) nnounced, their nature announced ahrmazd the righteous, and their nature announced he. who is Zoroaster the righteous, their nature do announce I , who am a z6d priest".

...

162

..

~~~

1. Thus i10 will arrive first t o this Fire of Thee. 0 OnrmaSd! with actionl1 [with care and

propitiation] [with these 6383s of Thy], with

t h i s bountiful spirit of Thee [as is manifest from

badly afflict the Fire], even t o him the ~vesta/Revelationl; one to whom (there is) pollution { ~ h o
He gives pollution [f.e. He badly afflicts him, tool.

2. With Joy to that man12, with strength arrives the Fire of Ohrmazd, with Joy to that man,
from whom (there is) Joy, and through praiseworthiness t o this praiswonhy man13. with this greater work he arrives [through the constituation which is in the Body t o come1 41.
3. The Fire is congnizant of that which belongs to Ohrmazd [with the AvestaJReveiation of

Ohrmazd] and (the Fire) is corynizant of (the) spirit [it is this one when they establish it (the Fire) as a W a r h r S n Fire]. it is bountiful by itself, in order i will be capable t o arrive, i n These Both, to this name of thee, which is W a z l s t , to the Fire of Ohrmazd [i.e., I will take away from it (the Fire) the spiritual and corporeal dung]. eW i h ) good thought with good reverence, with good intelligence15, and with 4.1 arrive to ~ h e ( action and speaking, too.
5. May Thou be praised and may Thou place me indebt.Thou. 0 Ohrmazd!

We., let me beobiiged

to Thee]; let me arrive t o Thee in every good thought and in every good word, and in every good
(feed

6. Good is t h i s body-form of Thee, and l (dedicatediy) announce Thee, 0 Ohrmazd!, among the

bodyforms [i proclaim thus in the woridts) that this body-form of Thee is the best]; this [soul] they elevate t o this the most high light [(high even) from what is open to the eye1 there, which is calkd Sun.

10 As in many other cases in translations from Pahlavi, the desldon between 1st Sng and 1st PI is arbitrary. The Avestaa text has only Ft; Itranslated in the Pahlavi version only Sw. 11 A pseudo-etymological rendering. Cf. r n . 1-2. 12 us-. ~- A ml*ske l"%tead o+ .to ~~-~~ 13 Cf. the previous note. 14 Cf. Dk 9.35.12; the word pad before tan T pasen seems to be superfluous. 15 The grammatical case was wrongly analyzed.

16 perhaps, should be read*at)estam and an echo of Ok9.30.10 would be seen: abestzm T yazdan d i r e n d "they possess thesupport of Gods".

165

ETEXT IV]

Dk 9.57.12-18:

12. ua enaz k 0 pahrez ud tarsagTh

T atalxls kard hawed k e

6 atalxlg r a d c i s

be dahed pzhrez ud tarsaglh 1 atalxls kuned ud awe padas ham mlzd bawed.
13. ud

enaz t d

he pad urwahmlh

en

T Ohrmazd cased

aS pahrez ud tarsagm

11. About Fire being created by Ohrmazd for protection, assistance and refuge of people, (its) maintalnance and assistance by people. and the Spirit of Fire produces Joy and praise for him, who performed praises. 12. This greater work that exists, the constimtion of the Body t o Come, whereby the creatures will become pure, is thmugh Fire; one calls for the boon of human support (7) from God(s). 13. And this,' too: "Since you, 0 Zomasterl, are the most propitiatory, i.e., you are able t o

atalxls. clycn az

en

paydag, k a r d hawed, edaz r a y c6.s hanaz hammoxt pad

KunISn T az han hamm6ztSn ham bawed.

14. ud enaz fc0 n l y a y l s n i n l y a y i s n nlyabagan w i z a r d bawed he Wahman

aos en. 15. ua 6na2 k6.s atatxis pad ha" T meh kar 7 hast passaxt T Pad tan 7 pasen zdren7d bawed k e a t a l x l g pad " ~ t a l x 1 Pnamrh xvanea. edaz r a y ce.s r a m abar ciy6nTh T s t a y l s n ~ gnlhsd ested, ka.3 pad han nam xvand 9 zorenrd bawed. 16, ud enaz k Q pad Den 7 Ohrmazd agah bawed k e Den 7 Ohrmazd pad ramign cased, edsz ray c e ha? aanlsn pad hammoxtarTh warzihed abzay7hEd. stud

perform most forour ease, so We are more disposed to come than M s n u s d h r could come, when
you call for

Us, 0 zokaster!, We, who are the Bountiful Immortals'.

ud pad P a r s e d payaglh b a l l s t ud "wag-t

baw

f . Bailey 1943, 119. 17 C

166
~~~~

167

~ . ~ .
~

ITK VI

~ m a i i e r ~ i r 6 z a g 9 ~ ~ / A~t ~ as yayis 5-724: n

12. And this. too, the care and reverence of Fire will be provided by him who is generous t o Fire, ~, the care and reverence of Fire, and he (that person) will be gives things to ~ i r e l provides rewarded through it in the same manner. 13. And this, too, that the care and reverence of Fire are provided by whim who teaches the Avesta/Religion of Ohrmazd with Joy, as is revealed from the that resulting from

vestal^. for this reason, too,

t h i s teaching the taught (material)

becomes one with action.

14. This, too, that the prayer t o the suitable ones to prayers is arranged by him who loves

wahman.
15. And this, too, that Fire will be strengthened i n t h i s greateryork that exists, the constituation o f t h e a x l y t o ~ o m e by ~ ~ whim , who calls Fire by the name " s t a l x l C

ire)^'.

For this

reason, too. that the name is applied to (its) laudable nature, (so) when one calls (Fire) by this
name, then the praisedone becomesstrengthened.

h i s , too, this one will be informed in the AvestaIReiigion of Ohrmazd,whoteachesthe 16. And t
~ ~ , for this reason that every knowledge is practised AvestdRehgion of O h r m a z d i n p e a ~ e even

and increased through teaching.

17. And this, too. one who teaches the righteous speaking and acting, through this good intelligence O h r m a z d will be propitiated. For this reason, too, that the intelligence has two pans: that which should be said and that which should be made. 18. This. too. that the bodity form of Ohrmazd is praised as being the best by him who elevates his ownsoul to the stationshipof thesun, even for that reason that the bodily form of Ohrmazd exists and becomes the loftiest and the best in the stationshipof the sun. 23 Pahlavi: Dhabhar 1927. 165-7: Ewlisti: Dhabhar 1963. 307-334): DehdaStl 1363h.S. (1985). 4551 (SmSirozag 9); DetdaSt~1363h.3. (1985). 51-54 (GrSirazag 9); tha version of GrSirSzag is much shortened in comparison t o that of SmSrozag and does not add much t o our knowledge. 24 Pahlavi: Dhabhar 1927, 36-49: English: Dhabhar 1963. 67-70] is basically identical with the text of SmSirSzag 9. The variant r a a d l w are given in the notes to the text of SmSrozag 9. 25 Y: 19.45-49 mentions "Fire, the son of A h m Mazda". ~iyayisn 5 adds here another gloss: nam 1 en atalxlS Farrbay. 6n atalxlS p65ag 26 ~ t a 5 XsrOnTh dared kQ dastwaran ud mBbed3n dznaglh ud wuzurglh ud ^amah I pad ayarrn T en atarxl3 "windend ud h5n T abag Dahag paykar xard pad rah T awe, "The name of this ire 1 s Fahay. his ire has the profession of priests in order that the dastwars and the mobeda could obtain wisdom, greatness and ^errah (glow) through the assistance of this Fire, and it is through it (the Fire1 that ha (the Fire?) fought Oahag". 27 ,%tag ~ j y a y i s n 5 adds here another gloss: ud nam T en atalxlS Adur T Gu3nas~hast "a
k w i en atatxls artestarih feu pad andarm i &aurbadagan artestar teztar ua tagigtar hast pad ran T awe. ua 6Sh Kay Xusraw aDar Wahman Olz pffrozgarrh aY5ft pad ayarrh T en atalxlg ud Dad pes Ohrmazd naira ud raryad kard a en Adur 1 ~usnasp 0 , "And the name of this fireis the f ire Gusnaso, and the function of this Fire la the warnorship. It 1 8 I .e., "makes offerings to the Fire-temples.7 19 The words "as is revealed from the Avesta' seems to be a gloss explaining how the teaching must be

performed. 20 Cf.Ok 9.35.12; the word &before tan 1 pasen seems to be superfluous. 21 ff.Y 36.6. 22 Or, "ease"; or, "joy", as ramlsn is the standard gloss to urwahmTh.

I through it that the wamors are swifter and mightier inside- Aaurbadagan. And the king Kay Xusrav. galned a victory over wahman 0 1 ; ~ i t the h assistewe of this Fire and it was this Fire Gu5nasn which r i e d for help t o ~ h r m a z d " . lamentedand c 28 Atas Nlyayisn 6 adds: vast kardan, "to perform yaSt (worship)". 29 ~ t a s Nlyayisn 6 reads: arm im @ g nencs 30 Atas Nlysylsn 6 hasa different reading: plh saxtan, "to prefara food".

769 a [To] the Fire, son of Ohnnazd [the Fire Farrbayl, [to] t a n a r t C 5 t a r T h asnag, G.SSn a s r o n l h y a s t k a r d a n G.gan asnag G.San

the xvarrah and profit created by

t r a y 6 s i h

zen abzffr saxtan. w a s t a r y o s a n w a s t a r y s s i h

Ohmzd, [to] the Iranian ^arrah created by Ohmzd, [to] the Kayanian xvarrahcreated by O h m z d [whose job is the priestdom, and it Is through it that the priests become wiser and more effective in this quarteG1; t was ha (the Fire ~an-bay) who fought Dahag]. p'ol the Fire, son
i f Ohrmazd [the Fire Gusnasp], [to] Kay Xusraw, [to] the Lake (of) Xusraw [in

o n i n y a s t kardan ~ . s a na r t e x t a m g u r g ue auz[a132 abaz aastan331. f f t a t x l s i Ohrmazd pus. ata[xls i abzonig a r t e s t a r yazad T purr. x v s r r a h , yazad i purr.*begSzniaart [as a r t E s t a r T h druz zadSrTh purr.xvarratirh.

as
A ~ u r f f f d a g s n ] ; [to] the Mount Asnawand created by Ohrmazd, and [to] the Lake Cecast created by Ohrmazd [know that it is 4 frasangs from Cecast t o that iaka

xVar-rahffmantlih u d . be5a'zenTdarTh

menOgTha

zadarTh ^ahOlglSn.*
A ~ ~ ~ X I S

( L t . Xusraw?)], [to]

gardan39 az spenna[gl.nenog Uhrmaza pus, abag

daman, h a s t T m ~ n i s r ~arsyl. ata[xlsan, fladayih kc

the Kayanian x^rrah created by O h m z d [whose job is warriorship, and it is through it that the
warrior become swifter and mightier in the quarter of Aaurbadaganl, [to the Fire BurzEnI,

harwlspfin

rsfffomana

NeryffMsang
dndag
^T

yazad IG.3 xvaday nSfTh kif "21 T xvadayan ud dehbedan azadagan ud wuzurgan, abaz araylsnih
T

the Fire, son of Ohrmazd, [to] Mount Rfiwand created by Ohrmazd, and [to] the Kayanian

ray6mand

ud

flafrah created by Ohnnazd [whose job is husbandry, and husbandry is this that it is through it
that the husbandmen in AbarSahr (Parthial are more energetic, productive and their clothes are cleaner. And it is he (the Fire BurzSn.Mlhr) who fought(together)with WlStSsp.
It was revealed (in the Avesta about) these three professton-"casts' ail threa (are counted), as

the priests are known by (their) priestdom, (but) their warriorship is to smite the -mnf

druz+mon(s),

(while) their husbandry is t o perform the (Yasna?) ritual.

34 Dhabhar 1963, 320 (cf. also nn. 12-13): "avertirg (gartani infection [^ahakTniSnl [from the
creatures of Spenak 'Mln6T. Dehdat 1363h.s. (1985). 50-1 (cf. also nn. 4-5): a M S n dartan. .az btn burda*~ maam [az damawi sep~nati~ng][to e a q awy the mmterial p i n

dmm".

31 The glossator's country, apparently, P3rs.

[from the creatures of the Bountiful Spirit])'. The first problematic word in the version of Ktag Niyayl 6 is written slightly differently; Dhebhar 1963, 69 [cf. also nn. 10-11) translated "averting He noted the (zwoasrlm) New Persian versiom brmarg g a r a m snd Dblla's readrg and translation, apparently based on it: ahffsn, "rendering unconscious". in my opinion, the first corrupt word goes back to PY 36.1, e n l g i h "pollution-, which translates axtay-. "Schmerz", glossed over [ i a g ~ l iwagtamn. Hard; bemarl in New pereian (comnare the aiso c-t [zoroastrian) New Persian version: brmarg).

-. The warriors are known by (their) warriorship, (but) their priestdom is t o perform the y a 5 t ~~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~~ ~

worship, (while) their husbandry is to produce arms and equipment The husbandmen are known

by (their) husbandry, (but) their priestdom is t o perform the ia<t-worship, (while) their
warriorship is t o keep back wolves and thieves]. [To] the Fire, son of Dhrmazd, the bountiful fire, the warrior, y a m full of xvarrah, yazata full

of healing [his being a wamons his smiting the dru/de^^on(s) his being full of f l a r r a h is his flarrahness, his healing is (his) smiting (of demons) mefia&ally and

...7 ...? from

the

creature of the Bountiful Spirit This is the Fire of QSrSy ( ~ a r i u s ) ~ ~ ] .

[To] the Fire, son of Dhrrnazd, together with all the fires; [to] Neryfi[klsang yazad, who is of lordly origin36 [whose lordly origin is this that it is the race of lords and governors of

provinces, the family of noblemen and grandees, and (it is) from him (that) the re-arrangement
of the majestic and glorious lineage3'

(takes place)].

About the nature of the Fire[$]. 1. He says in the Avesta, namely: 'five kinds of fires were created [the fire BarszT Sawang, the fire Wohu-Fclian. the fire U r w a z l s t . the fire Wazlst, the fire Spenf3tl'. 2. The fire BsrazT Sawang is the fire blazing before the Lord Ohrnlazd. 3. The fire Wohu- F r i i i n [whose (names') interpretation is thegoodprooaaamr/mnfessor}is
that which is in the bodies of men and cattie/anhnais. 4. The fire U r w a z i s t is that whichis in the plants.

38 This is a shocened referewe t o PY 17.1 1: hZn i andar Garndmzn DS5 T ahrmazd before Ohrmszd in 6arOdmafl. It 1s ap~=rentbPY 17.11 that ?he Persian s which "this ! , 96-7; 11, 36, whom Rivayat (cf. Dhabhar 1932, 59) quoted. PROD 18d1-2 (cf. Williams 1990, I translation is adopted here, with slight changes) is longer and quotes lost texts: mag Ew paydag KO atalxls e06n arzamand Ohrmazd han T ataralg tan ud gyan az warom ua *menlSn 7

v b brhen 0.s bran ud x v a ~ r a haz rCSnTh 1 asarroSnih b Orehenid 0 3 Dan1

bc kard. w ha" T andm ~ w m m a n pee xvad c.5 gnhr T mardoman ~ a a a weh k d w a g han Tg andar tan T mardoman be dad @waghan k dew T *SplnJa?r

,
35 Dhabhar 1963.321 andn. 14:'of hearth". DehdaStT 1363h.5. (1985). 50-1: dSra1, "$ray". 36 Note the Parthian word-order. 37 Bailey 1943, 44: "the family of the lords and rulers, the family of the well-born and great, the establishment of the rich and prosperous family'; Dhabhar 1963, 321: "...and i t is through him (that there is) the further embellishmentof the Mght ~ n glorious d lineage of the family, the noblemen and the grandees".

e n men; and one (Is) that which He created in the body of men; one (is) that by which He smites thedemon "Spinja-ff; and one (is) that which He created in water and plants; one (is) that which He desired t o create in the material world*. The version of zadsoram was based on older tax*, most probably identical with the source of 8d 18, but not from ~d 18 itself (cf. further). WZs 3.78; d.<

if

Sta[xl? T ^abzOnTg #ad andar GarOdmSn be dad G.? pafd3gih pad StatxiS 7 pad zamlg and ai t~(the fire) is rnan~fest in the fire - a d ~e mated that bmtim m e in the G a ~ ~ d m 0" earth*. 39 WZs3.79.:[weh.rranartarl han 1 andar mardoman ud gOspandar 40 wzs3.80.:urwazist ha" 1 andar urwaran.,, etc.

172 5. K t a l x l s 1 WazlSt h3n i andar a b r 4 I "ipadirag

T ~ ~ i n l a Dad y r ~ k 5~ lxlslSn

These three Fires are the Fires ~ a n - b a y ~ ~~ u ,s n a s p ~~~ u .r 2 e n . m l h r ~ O~ h.r m a z d

created them from the original creation, like their three x v a r r a h s (glories), for guarding and protecting

the mid($).

They ever blaze i n this forms6, glorfously, in

the world(^)^^.

5. The fire W a z i s t is that which is in the cloud[sI, which confronts (the d e w ) S p i n j a y r i n the battle. 6. The fire S p e n l s t [whose (names') interpretation is the bountiful] is that which is in use in the woridfsL and f i t is) also the Fire W a h r ? m / W a r h r a n . 7. Among these five Fires one consumes both liquid and substance, as that (fire) which is in the h n bodies [that it would be created in the belly, whose (the fire's) function is t o digest substance and liquid], one consumes liquid, but not substance, as that (fire) which is in the plants, which lives and grows by means of liquid, one consumes substance, but not liauid. as that ifire) which is used in o t ~ o - m t e r i;odd and also (as) the Fire ~ a h r z m / w ~ r h r z n ;
~ ~

~.. -, ~ .

the - .

one consumes not i q u a nor substance. as the Fire w a z l 3 t and me (F re) B a r a z l Sa-rang and that (me) whch s , w o e me eanh, mourtatos and omer m ngs
41 WZs3.81.:Wazist ha" ke.S anaar abr rawign dared W3-zlstisth3twhichmovesinthe clouds. 42 s p i t i ~ u r a , ~ahaka'sbrother 19.46). was confused (cf. 4iw 1619. 1625) with wistasp's opponent Splnja.uru3ka (Yt 9.31) daeuualiasna, "demon-dworehipper", and with the demon S p a n j q r i l a (Vd 19.40).% name's form adopted hem is Splnjarr. The episode referred here t o is as follows ( ~ m d Gb.14; cf. also v d 19.40; W Z ~ 3.81; PRDD 18d2): andar han wars" x l r d a r i h 5 D l n J q r ud AD55 k6lxl57d h ud S t d ~ l S1 W a ~ l g tgad abar waSt ud SO IazSnid a - =bran, splnjayr az han gad zanisnih TarranTd ud wang k a r t c1y6n nonaz paa h i = r a g pad waran k i r a a r l h Tarranang ud (wllr6zag paydag, "During that producing of fain (by Tistr-Sirius1 S p l n j q r and ApdS foughl hirn);ardthe Fire Wa215t (the fire of lightning) turned his mace (-bolt) on (them)apd he made the water ((/flow inside the clouds; S p i n j q r roared and h i s mace-blow, as even now roar and lightning are manifest during that producing of shouted, because of t rain (by Tlstr-Slnua) in war". 43 or, Warhran; all great Sasanian ires belonged t o this type. 44 Wohu-FrilSn, 3. 45 ZorPhi h y k , "belly", cf. Bailey 1970, 62.

49 Some of the following 55 are paraphrased in PRDD 46.31% this lata version is of littie interest. On the contrary, the parallel text of WZs 3.82ff. is important (cf. Appendix). 50 Or, Frenbag, FarrObSg, etc. 51 Cf. WZs 3.84.: 0.S pad bun dam hamag zamlg pad pSsbSnlh b6 6 "WarzSwand adur 1 b y ud *tagig flaw T Gusnasp ud p u r r s l i d adur 1 Burntn.HihP CIy6n a s r m ua r t 6 S 1 3 r ua w a s t a r y ~ shma, abespara 52 55 8-14 were edited, translated and annotated in Gropp 1975. 53 in the Sasanian epoch, the first major Rre. that of priests and nobles: named presumably after the Fire's founder ("having a lot through GloryIFortune"). It was kept in Persia, a t KarTan, then a t Fasa. TurkSbaQ, Sarlfabact d .Boyce 1 9 8 5 ~ .On social aspects of the three Fires, cf. KNAP 1.13. 54 In the Sasanian epoch, tha second major Fire, that of warriors. Originally, the Median Fire, placed a t what Is known now as Taxt-s Suieyman; according t o one tradition (New Persian 2and 1 wahman

46

wzs 3.79.: iWeh.rran?rtarl

h m 7 andar mardoman

"a

g~spanosn 6.s x v a r i ~ n

lli. is that which is in the humans and gugaraan ... andar ~ " e ~ x ~ r "[thegoodpropagator/confessor} nimals/cartie, whose dirty Is t o digest the food...". 47 urwazf5t.S 4. 48 SpenlCt, 5 6 .

YaSt), it was removed t o Paaasxv?rgar (for translation, cf. Dhabhar 1932, 467,469). Actually, it was probably extinguished In loth-11th century, cf. Boyce 1985b. 55 in the Sasanian epoch, the third major Fire. that of peasants, in Rcwand near NTZSpUr. Originally, the highest Parthian Fire, named presumably after the Fire's founder ("Mlhr is loftv'); cf. Boyce 1975f. Russell 1985, Boyce 1985a. 56 So TDl. Or, "body",~ccording to the variant readiw (tn) of TDZ. Compare Bd 18.15. 57 WZs 3.84.: ~ n on d the basic creation. (Ohrmaza) entrusted the whole earth into the guardan- t o the powerful Fire Fan-bay, to the valiant Fire GuSnasci to the wholly-profitable Fire BurzFn.Mlhr, as they are the priest, the warrior and the husbandsman.

174 9. u d andar i^adSylh T ~ a x m u r uk fa ~ ~ mardom pad p u 5 t 1 GZw 1 SarsOk a2

a n T r a h 6 abarTg k i S w a r ham? w i d S r d h6ndS9. sab #W m l y a n 1 Zr6h pad wSd 1 s t a r t 6 0 , ~ d u r g a h k~ eg ~ 2ta[xlg andar bad t c l y 6 n pad pu5t 1 GSw Dad 3 gyZg Hard 6 ~ t a d Labag ~ ~ l a t a [ x l s b e 6 z r 6 h l 6Qast a w g s a n h a r se 3 t a I X l s c l y f i n se xvarrah, pad g y a g gah63 7 ~ d u r g s pad h ~ ~ p u s t 1 GSW. Ham6 w a x 3 d

hGnd t 3 r 6 5 n b 6 bud ud hSn mardomSn pad Zr abaz w l d S r d h ~ n d ~ ~ . 1 069. And Yirn(a), during (his) rule/epoch, was doing all his work(s) always with the help of these three Fires, and he established the Fire F a r r b a y t o i t s fire-temple on Mt. ~ ~ r h f i m a (Glorious) n d ~ ~ x v a r a z m 7 l : when Yim(a) was sawed by them, the Fire ~arrbaysavedthe~arrah (glory) ~' of Yinrfa) from the hand(s) of Dahag. 11. During the rulelepoch of W l S t a s p the king. according t o the revelation from Avesta, they established it, (removing) from x v a r a z m t o M t ~ f i s t a l n ' ~ , (which *Kabulestan, where it remains even now.

9. ~ n during d the rnle/epoch of Taxmuruf, when people were passing on the back of the S a r s o k
~ u l from l i ^ a n ~ r a h to other continents, one night by strong wind in the middle of the s<e=, a fire-alter, in which there was fire, fell [as it was made in three places on the Bull's back1 [into

the sea with the fire]. These three Fires, like three x V a r r a h s (glories). ware blazing instead
of the fire-atter, on the Bull's back, to that extent that there was light and these people passed

is?) in the

landof

over thesea.
66 WZs3.85,:Adur 1 Fan-bay pad Xvarrahomana UOf abar Xvarazm Q3h grITL ; hSn ke abSg ~ a h a g paykar kard a w e bawed, "it was ha (the 67 Cf. the gloss t o SmallSTcoz 9 Fire Farhay) who fought Dahag". 68 The name Is heavily corrupt. Gropp 1975, 323. read kalnyK'n [TDl: k w h l w n y k w TD2: k w l s t ' n k w l y K 20, MI, Identifying the place with K 3 r l y 3 n (in Persis, between Siraf on the Gulfshore and Oarabjird]. quoting as his source a seal where one finds: zywyd ' t w l p i n kl'd'y'n, " E s lebe Adur Fambag in Kariyan" ode, "Er lebt durch Adur Fambag In KSriyan" (Grow, G . , "Some Sasanian Clay Bullae and Seal Stones". The American ~umismatic ~ociety ~useum Notes 19, 1974, p. 140: r n l d k quoted in Gmpp 1975, 326 n. 371. Bailey (cf. Bailey, H . W . , The Orbrt of Afqhan studies A Lecture Given a t the Socfety's [the Society for Afghan Studies] InauguralMeeting. p. 3 [offprint; nodace]) read here GLBd 125. 1-3). kanZranQakSn zmpafing t o Bactrian KAFMPAlT.4. for which the 4th century Byzantine Greek form Is XauotXtn-Ec glossed "iyrp(t~~rroc', found in Procopios (1,5,4), being from r a n k3ra-, -army": the Arabic-writing historians knew kn'rk, kn'ry, kn'r' as well (on the title, cf. Hennfng 19658, 77-9; on the Bactrian wwd, cf. now Sims-Williams & Ctibb 7995/96, 76-81, 921. Cf. also Christensen 1944, 165-6; now also Cereti 1995. 461 n. 49 (who read *Kabu!estSn]. with bibliography. 69 55 1-14 (TD2 p. 124 1.121 were transcribed and translated in Cereti 1995. 461-2: my understanding is slightly different In 5 14. 7 0 The name of the mountain is formed from the same mot a3 The nmme of the Frre m b a g l FarrOb8g/mbay. Ed 26.45 even i&*ifies . . with &our T ~arrbay. the A v e a n a t m a xvaranah, 6dur 1 P a r r a t &

56 WZs 3.66: pad x"ad2yTh 1 HOsang. 59 WZs 3.86: Sod bend. 60 WZs3.86: pad wad I Skeft 61 WZs 3.86- adurp3yaQ. 62 WZs 3.86: abar pu1 g3w pad se gyag ^dsTda 3 WZs 3.86: gChr1g. 64 WZs3.86: ZdurOffVaO. . . n Bailey 1943. 45; my understanding differs on three cwcial 65 partly transcribed and translated i points: I), it was the fire set on the Buil's back that fell into the sea, not the three Fires (cf. Boyce 96Sa. 472a1: 2). I take ay3a.oah in-the sense parallel t o one used in WZs, not as Bailey's ~yZg.gSh

7 1 WZs 4.65,:Tha Flra Farrbay took (its) place on Mt. Xvarrah6mandln Xvarazm. 72 Cf. the previous note; it is only natural that the ~lre ~arrbay was associated later with the royal glory and was believed to preserve and t o guard it. This link was made also in Smaller Srro'zag 9 and m a s ~ l y ~ y l 5-7; & i Yt 19.47, however, speaks simply of "the fire of Ahura Mazda". 73 ~ccording t o ~bayev 1976,6, it is the region of ~ a m ipopulated r by ~oshans, a Shugnani people connected with theSaka.

e i r d . Ka Kay Xusraw uzdeszar 7 war i ~ e c a s hame t ~ ~

abar 6

bus" T asp n i s a s t ud t 5 r ua tom be zad ua r65n be kard

ta

uzdeszar kana, pad

13. Adur 1 Burzn.Ml

ta

xvadaylh 1 Wl5tasp SSt) ^pad han ewenag andar

atalxls T getlg,

d.san han x v a r r a h

pada? menman,

hangflSraag T t a n T

gehan name w a n d , panahlh ham kara. .12. The Fire Gusnasp was protecting, in t h i s manner, the world(s) until the ruldepoch of Kay Xusraw, when Kay Xusraw was razing idol-temoles of Lk Cecast. ithe Fire! sat on a horse' m e and smote darkness and and shedded light, until he (Kay Xusraw) razed the idoltemples, he (Kay Xusraw) established it (the Fire) exactly in that same place (of the horse' mane) on ~t Asnawand [they call it 6uSnasp for that reason. because he established iton the

mardoman. ka anaar askomb i madar f r a bawed, r u w a n e w az menog :bar nlsined, k c ha" t a n t a zi[walndag rayened, k a han t a n f r o d mlred, t a n 6 zamlg gumezed u d r u w a n ab3z 6 menog sawed. 14. When Zomaster of the immortal soul brought forth the revelation, in order t o propagate the Reiigion/Avesta *and to make the men without doubt, so that W I s t S s p the king and (his) children might endure in the Religion of

the

..

~~

'hour' mane.771. 13. The Fire B u r z M l h r was flying78 in the world(s), protecting, in the same manner, until the rule/epoch of W i s t S s p the king.

God($), it ( B u r z e n . n l h r ) demonstrated many things

visibly, (then) W l s t z s p established its (the Fire') fire-temple81 on ME. Rewand, which one

calls PUS^
74 k Unnia, d . Ed 12.3; cf. also ZWY 6.10.: had bad k Adur T Gu5nasp pad war T Cecast I zafr, garm6g.ab 1 Jud.dffwTh guft. h3d Sn6hsz Den paydag, "Know that there Is some one who said that i t was Adur 6uinasp at the deep take cecast of warm water which is opposed to the dews; know that even there the Religion became manifest'. 75 Cf. DkM 598-9, D M 357.14-6: ud pas was gh marnJenTdar 1 wadtar ud Sysxt 6 ha" UzriSszar T abar b9r I war 1 Cffcait zad, Skast any skeft druzlh, "then he (Kay Xusraw] m e many worse destroyers of the world($) and *charriots which were *near that idol-temple on the bank of lA.cecait. and he broke up other nioostruousdemny". O T T abar Adurbadaaan For the localization in 76 WZs 3.85.: adur 1 Gu3nasD Dad Asnawand H Adurbadagan, cf. also Bd 9.29. 77 There is g h / b oscillation In many Iranian languages and dialects: b u s l n l "mane", was equated with the first element of Gusnasp, understood, it Its turn, as "home' (asp1 mane (gusEIn1-bus'lnBn, though gu3n means "male", thus GuSnast^'stallion". Compare the Armenian name of the Fire Guinasa VSnasp. It is tempting to see in this passage, which mentions "Idol-temples' and "horse' m e , a reflection of another meaning of the word b5m in SahrETa'n5 7 we read that pas gizistag padas kara, "then the accursed FrasySb T TO^ har swag ntiemag dew&" uzdeszar ud b a ~ n FrSsySb 1 Tor made therein every abode into idol-temples of demons and places of (demons') worship". Another read1ngs:Markwart & Messina 1931, 10 (bar w nliemag 1 *ba'an dewan :dstz pad83 kard): Utes 1976, 116 n. 9 (*$aman for *bagSn);Tafazzoll 1990, 48. It ws Tafazzoli who made t h e important suggestion to see here ba3n<bafn<bagIna This word for "place of worship' occurs In Sogdian, Armenian, Georgian. 78 Or, 'moving about freely": cf. also KNAP 14.12: Adur T Farrbay ...d ClyOn xrCs 1 suxr a d pan-TO, "the Fire Fanhay flew In in the shape of an *eagle". Cf. my remarks on the (popular) Y 17.11. Gropp 1975, 325, interpreted this passage e t y m d w of the name of the fire Wazlit, P speziell(fQrdenSchutz)". differently: "sorote

WistSspan (w~tasp's~ange/chair+).

15. The body of ail these three Fires and the Fire W a h r a m is the getTg-'material"

fire, their

x v a r r a h (glory) being inhabitant in it, like the human body, when it is conceived in the mother's womb, a ruwan-'soul' from the menog-'spirit" sits over it, which guides this particular body while living: when that body dies, the body mingles with the earth and the soul

goesbacktothemenffg-'spirit'.

2 . d . .

81 Dadgah and dar-e Mihr are synonyms. Note that here the tenn (dadgah) is applied t o the Burzfi.///h/fir 82 It is mentioned in Daqiqi's verses, cf. also GrBd 18.30. 12, 14; Amia 1909, 51. cf.lb., 81f, Junker 1912a, 5. Ed, Anklesaria 1908, 60.13: KCh 1 wlnabed Dad hamag oust 1 WI3tSspZn hast. pad Raywand, ud han gyag kG ataIxJ5 1 BurzffnMIhr hast, Dad noh frasang abaxtar, Tahzzdi 1354lh.31 (1975). 267. Bd, Anklesaria 1908, 125.9ff., X t a l x l i 1 BurzenMlhcl ray t Wlitaspan xvanend pad aadgah nISast. W13t3sp pad K6h 1 ~aywand1 gyag T kCi ~ u i 1 Tafazzoii 1354lh.31 (19751, 27. WZs 3.85. adur 1 0urZSn.Mihr pad Rewand.gar T abar Dust 7 . WI3tZspW , Cf. Gignoux & Tafazzoli 1993, 54-5.

. . .

...

16. Hastsz k a hazar 5tatxIS i g e t l g l h a 6 ha" Swag kcmend, ud pad han "ra
~

~-

~~

i paydag z6hr dahend ud 6 dadgah nlsanfind g men6g S W i aZ xvarrah

atalx15an abar nlsined, ciy6n awfisana k a pad ataLxls

T g6tTgiha mehman

bud hn abarlgsz 3talx15 1 WahramlWarhran $.$an t a n Statxis 1 getlglha, r u w a n han +arrah

T az abargaran aySd, padas riisastan, nanaz ham.wen

druz.zadarih ud panahth 1 mardoman hame kunend; k a afsarend, ha" f i a r r a h abaz 6 menagan rased. 17. AtalxI5 i WahramIWarhrSn Sd r a y xvan CS ham a t a l x l s 1 pad gSt1h d r u b u s t l h a z WahramIWarhran u d panahlh az S r 6 s $.SSn age" hamkarrh 18. There are many fires (ofthe type) Wahram, each one established by a ruler of the land, and (their) detailed exposition is lengthy. 19. Such as the Fire Wartastar in Barnria, in the land PSsag, established by FredOn.

pad ha" hamkarlh abag WahramIWarhran ud adur 1 Farrbay k ? h a s t adurlhz a s r a n ud Zdur i GuSnasp artSStar Ud adur T BurzSn.nihr wZstaryB5 gfiWSd, t 3 F r a S g r i d panahlh k l r d a r 7 gehSn bend, ciyffn Wenabdag wenThSd k a WaZSnd Ud dSW Ud dWZ ZanSnd ka mardoman g6W k a " S t d x l S widard". 16. There is also, when they unite with a thousand getlg-"material" fires and perform the z6hr-ceremony by this manifest n f i r a n g and establish it t o the fire-temple, then a m6nSg"spirit' from the f l a r r a h (glory) of the fires sits over it, like even these, when they were inhabitant in the gStTg-"material" fire, and even other W a h r z m Fires: their body is the geilp'materiai'
Cce, (their) r-flan-'soi..'

20. The Fire Kadagan established in the land by Uzaw s o n o f T a x m u r u f for the reward that
he would be invoked.
21. The Fire K a r k f f y was established as the one (only) fire in Sagestan by Fraslyab, while

Q S

he

wielding sovereignrty in the Iranian Empire.

;s that %%wan (glory) which comes f(om

~

0ivin;ties. to be established on it; even now tney (st .I) are pedoming. :n me same manner 1 , this deswwt-on of the druzfsl and ~rotectionof the h.man oeinqs; . *hen tnev extini~isn4

..

f l a r r a h (glory) arrives back t o the t o the menag-"spirits'. 17. The Fire W a h r f f m is called so for the reason that all the fires in the gStTh(-material existence) are supported by (the Yazata) W a h r f f m and protected by 5r6 one says that their i s like) the co-operation between Wahra'm and the Fire F a r r b a y which co-operation together ( is, in the aspect of fires, (their = fires') priest, and the Fire Gu5nasp (their) warrior, and and theFire B u r z e n . n l h r (their) husbandman83: they are protectorsof theworid until the Renovation, a s i t is seen visibly when they (the fires) fly (while blazing) and smite the dew($) indthedruzfs), when people say: "a fire has passed'.

84 Bailey 1933/5c, 761: pad ha'n paddahlSn ka.3 "Kawa'd wlndad, 'in recompense forthet he found Kawad"; as Bailey has noted, no such a fire (whose name ha read "KawadaqS") appears i n uurij IV, 73ff. 85 Later confused (cf. Dhabhar 1932.60) with Burzn.Mth 86 SahrErSn 5 38: Sahrestan 1 Zrang noxost gizIsLag Fraslyab 1 TOr kard. H.S WaCzZWand atalxl5
T

KarkOy h

h ni<Xst G.5 Manu5iuhr andar

Padi5xvSrgar kard

6.5 Spandarmet pad zanih 9 S s t 0.5 Spendarmel andar 3 zamlg gumSxt. (Fraslyab) Sahrtstan aweran kard Q.5 atalxl3 afsSrd ud pas Kay Xusraw r 51yawutxl5an 3ahrestan abaz kard a.5 atalxlg 1 Karkay abaz nl5ast ud Ardatxl3er T Pabagan <ahrestan b frazamenld. "the dty of Zrang was first build by the accursed Frasiyab I Tar. He installed there the mighty ire of ark fly, and he forced ~ a n u s c u h r into Padlsd'argar. and he (Fra's1ySb) asked Spandarmet t o many him, and Spandarmet mingled herself with the earn. (FrasiySb) destroyed the dty and extinguished the Fire. then Kay Xusraw son of SiySwulxIS s t o r e d the cicy and instailed again the Fire of Karkoy, and Araatxl son of Pabag accomplished the city".

180 22. ~ b a r i g han T a z w i s t a s p xvadayih ka Den madan

ta sasanlgan sar -~~ ~ ~ - . ~

~~~~

hen5

w a s "am ud was mar u d w a s $numan, hame ata[xl3 1 Wahram o s m a r i d was afsard, n w a s nunsz hast, ewag m a g pad "isastan 1 andar i^aaaylh T ~ a z ~ g a dehbed PaydSg. 23. Ata[xls

T armg gar r a y payaag K O ai^arisnig h i m e waxsea pad roz dad u d

24.

pad gab atacxls payaag, k a c i s Ew pak a w i 3 abganend padlred, ud ka han 1 reman abaz andazed.

az garmah T awe a nazdlK Sudan ne sayea ud h i e Jadug

One says there is a Fire of the same type in KOmi?,

called "the fire wbiioutfood", there

is n i

w i n a h . ~ a ra w l s sudan ne ayarmd. g0wEnd KQ pad k a s t 1 man 1 wergan87..

need t o place nourishment (=fuel)"

into the fire, so when one lays fuel on it, i t (the Fire) i f

flaming9', and if one lays none upon, it likewise is blazing. 22. The other (Fires were established beginning) from the ruldepoch of w l f i t ~ s until p ~ the ~

here is one who says that this is

(can be told also about) the Farmgar ire^^,

end of the Sasanians, (Fires) of many names, of much number, of much propitiation, all (of

them) cmiderd as Fires (of the type) Wahram, many were extinguished during the Arab ~
oftheland.

epoch, but many (still) exist even now, each of them known as having been established by a ruler

23. About the Farmgar Fire i t is revealed that it blazes without food (fuel), smoke being visible during the day and the fire during the night and if they throw into I t something pure, (the Fire) accepts it, but i f this is something defiled, it rejects it back. It is impossible t o go close to it

because of the heat and no sinning sorcerer dares to get close to it They say it is by the side of
theabodeofWeTgan.

87 So BahSr 134S[h.s] (1966). 128, 337, who quotes from Muslem authors the f o m Bewdffn, Bsrqan. ~iyogs,, 88 I e m s noteworthy that the text does not mention (however, cf. ~f 18.18) here the wahram Fire of Samarkand, which antedates wistasp(cf. S a h r ~ k a n 5 2-5. ~ariwart& ~essina1931.8-9): pad must 1 xvarasan ama ark and sahrlstan ~ a y c s T ~ a w a d a nbe pargand, slyawu[xIs I KSyosan be fr~zamenld.~ a y Husraw T siyawu[x13ar> 6h zad fl.3 warzawand atalxi3 < I wahram 6h n1sas.t. pas Zardu[xlSt Den awurd az Traman T wita3 Sah 1200 rragard pad agndlbTrTh pao taxtagTha T z a r r ~ nhand ud nlb1St ud pad gan] T han ata[xi nihad. pas ~ i z ~ s t a ~g k a n d a rsaxt ud andar 3 zreh abgand, "~n the ~ a s t , the city of Samarkand was founded (cf. Bailey 1943, 153) by Kayossonof Kawad; Siyawu[xlS sonof Kayos1 accomplished it; ~ a y Husraw son of Slyffwu[xI? was born there, and he installed there the mighty Fire of Wahrffm. men Zoroaster brought the Religion 1 the Avesta and by the order of the king Wi<tSsp 1200 7fasards were vngisvsd and Written on golden tablets in the religious script (in the A alphabet, cf. Tafazzoli 1993b) and placed in the treasury of that (the Wahrtm Fire of Samarkand) fire. Afterwards, the accursed Alexander burnt (it) and threw into the seaq.

89 KS'~/J?~ "owned Phce, dug up". Kuu.vwn, ZorPhl kWmy3. kwms, A n n lorn ArabPrs QQm\s, cf. Bailey 1970. 62. 90 Utteraly: "it Is not possible to conceal the fodder". 91 me Atas Bahrams are later said to bum without fuel and t o have no fear of water, cf. Dhabhar 1932, 60. 92 Translated in Markwart & Messrna 1931, 56, who rendered framkar as producinggrief. For the fire, cf. Mascadi, FlunJJ IV, 74.

182
[TEXT VII] WZs 3.78-86, cf. Gignoux & Tafazzoli 1993, 54-57:

78. 0.3 ata[xl3 1 * a b z ~ n T g $ad ata[x]fi

T

andar Garodman bS dad 6.3 paydagTh Pad

pad z a m ~ g s 6 z l s n T g C $ abz6nTgih Sd k 6 h a r sardagan 6

79. tWeh.franartar1 h3n T

andar

mardoman ud g e s p a n d m 0.3 x v a r i g n

gugardan tan ^ t a r t a n ca3man r63nEnTdan andar xve5karTh. 80. U r w a z l s t han T andar urwaran ke.san andar tahm dadag Q.S zam'tg suftan ab ayaraenldan ud * t a r t a n pads$ urwaran wl3kOr hunlyag hu.clhr ud hu.bOd kardan ad bar pazzaftan pad was mizag gahrenTdan andar xve3karTh

zaned ud s t a b r i h T andarway bar79 sabuk u d ClhrTg k a r d a n ud t a g a r g w i d a x t a n ud ab T abr dared paymanag han t a r t a n sreSk6mand ud garm6g 83.Andit fights the menffg-"spiritual" druz-demon, those of parlg-forms, coming from the sea, v.m put on corporeal appearence, wno oppose the rgnts tnro~gn(tne c own1 s t m a m a faduoess, v.ho cause the creatures to sin mro-gn (the t) sorcery, whose (the fire's) any s to s n t e and t o bum sorcereris) and to destroy the oarTg(s). b-c moslli 10 protect those wr.0 sleepatnight and t o a s s i s t S r o s the righteous84. And on the basic creation, (ahrmazd) entrusted the whole earth into the guardance t o the powerful Fire Farrbay, t o the valiant Fire Gusnasp, t o the wholly-profitable Fire Burzn.Mihr,astheya thepriest,tftewairfarand thefrus^zirdsiTtari 78. And He created that bountiful fire in the GarEdman-Paradise. and it (the fire) is manifest in the fire burning on earth, while its (fire's) bountifulness is that i t [benefices] all the species to (the effects of)its own nature. 79. [Thegoodprofiagator/confessor}is that which is in the humans and anlmalslcattle, whose duty is todigestthefood, towarmupthe body andtoenlightenthe eyes. 80. U r w a z i S t is that which is in the plants. from whose semen it is produced, and whose (the fire's) function is to pierce the earth, t o boil and t o warm up the water, by means of what the plants make pleasant, beautiful and good-scented flowers, (also) t o ripen the fruits and to transform them into numerous tastes. 81. W a z i S t is that which moves in the clouds and smites the gloom and darkness of Cite atmosphere and whose functions are t o make the harshness of the atmosphere subtle, easy and natural, t o melt the hail. t o wan-n. with measure, the water of clouds and t o transform it into ' warn dmw. 82. (The fire) whwe ~ r o f i is t lofty is that which is in the sky, is that x ' l a r r a h (glory) which is inhabitant in the Fire Warhran, a s the master of a house is on (his own) house, whose bountiful might (derives) from the brilliant blazing of fire($) and from burning the scents, of God(s)-praise, from performing good deeds. from purity of the
~~

3 u ~ a n d . s a d a z han T andar asman han x v a r r a h kS.5 mehmanTh andar

85. The Fire F a r r b a y toot: (its) place on M t X V a r r a h 6 m a n d in Xvarazm, and the Fire Gu3nasp on M t Asnawana, which is in Adurbadagan, and the Fire 8 u r z e n . M i h r on M t Rewand, which is in the Rangelchain (Pu3t) [of Wi3taspl. 86. And its (the xvarrah's) g't~g-'materi manifestation in the world was the uppermost during the rulelepoch of H63ang, whenthe people, by means of the Bull * 5 r I s 6 g , were going from XVanTrah toothercontinents, in the middle of the way. one night, because of violentwind, the fire-basin which was fixed in three places on the Bull's back, and in which there was the fire, fell into the sea, and inscead of this (fire) there became t h i s unique great Fire, divided into three; they installed (them) In three firebasins, and they (the three fires) became three xvarrahs (glories), that (the xvarrahsfglories) inhabit the Fire Farrbay, the Fire Gusnaspandthe Fire B u r z f f n Mlhr.

93 Cf. Bailey 1943, 44-5.

tan T

mardomanl,

ataIx15 T f r a f l . z T w i s n than T d

y a z m Ihan I andar u r w a r l , a t a l x l 5 T abz6nTg

a t a l x l s T WSz\ yaz

T Spinjayr zanedl,

Yazem [ha" T andar Garodman pe5 1 Ohrmazd Pad men6gTh estedl, A t a l x l s 1 nar Nery6sang.dad yazom. A t a l x l s I harwispfin man manbed Otirmazddad I Ohrmazd pus T ahlaw T ahlayIh r a d yazom =bag harwispen Ata[xI%n.

..

4. The bountiful fire which is from the Creator uhrmaza, and it is created by Him in a house,

We worship you [through worshipl, 0 Fire, the son of Ohrmazd. We worship the Fire of lofty
profit [ W a r h r S n in his unique aspect of rat], we worship the Fire the good propagator/

by rubbing, by aid of bringing together.

5. And thus He spoke in the wordg5: -Thus is thy own growth, thou, who art My fife. in every
house where thou amvest, and in every village, every tribe, every land. and thus Water and Plants exalt thee, and also he who is the frawahrof the righteous one, when they bring zffhrlibation t o deliver to thee, when people bring to thee dry wirewood which observes the light; and

confessor [which is in the bodies of human beings], we worship the Fire of abundant life [which
5 inside the plants], we worship the Fire W a z i s t [which smites the dew s p i n j q r g 4 ] , we worship the Fire Bountiful [which stands in the Garadman-Paradise before Ohrmazd in the mn6g-~spirituality"we worship the Fire o f race.nave1, created by NeryOsanq, we

one said that this is the Fire Gusfnasp".

f the lord of all the houses, created by Ohrmazd the righteous Ohrmazd's worship the Fire o

son,the r a t o f righteousness, together with all the Fires.

'

93 This passage was identified as a translation from Avestan by de Menasce 1983; qfiwl was but rarely used for "~vesta". I believe this usage here reflects the fact that even the quotation-introducing Phrase was in Avestan.

186
[TEXT YJ Dk 7.4.74-78 (DkM 639.17ff ), Mol6 1967, 56-7

74. TrestTd cana aaaar T Ohrmazd Wahman, Aswahlst, a t a l x l s T abz6n1g pad

77. G.S g u f t pad han 1 wTr5n g6wlsnTh Zta[xlS T Ohrmazd k c "ma tars!. c n e abar tarsign, warzawand T ~ a y Wistasp! n6.t 6 man t a r i s t mad hend

=Stagg6 abargar T paygambar T ArJasv, C.t n 6 man t a r i s t mad hend d6

h a r w i s p tarW6nTdar duz 1 x v a s t Z r gadag T rahdar! 78. se hem k e t 6 man t a r i s t mad hend: Wahman, ASwahlSt, xvaaay T abzcnlg StaMSaz 1

99~orshipped,satisfied, beloved, made welcome (is) SroZ, the righteous100, fair of farm. victoriuos (is) SroS, the righteous. May you bring offerings to the fire, may you bring (offerings of) hard-wood t o the fire, may you bring (as offerings) +good-colored incense to the

. : .

fire, offer up sacrifice t o the Vazl3t-fire, which smites the demon Spanlawa, may you bring
74. Ohrmazd sentasmessengers Wahman, A S w a h l s t and the bountiful fire...

(as offerings) the cooked meal and T??.

PVd 19.40: l k a l y a s t [ s t o s l husnaa I s r o s l ua r r a n a r t [kil d a r i s n be k a r a l PadTrift Sr65
T ahlaw T hurust pgr6zgar s r a s

77. The Fire of Ohrmazd said in a human voice. "Do not be afraid! Because there is nothing for
you to be ahraid about 0 powerful Kay WiStSsp! Those who have come t o your abodeare not m e s s e ~ e r e ~A ~ro ja f s p ! Those who have come to your abode are not two similar to Arjasp, wishing tribute and revenue! Those who have come to your abode are not all-conquering (men), greedy thieves, or highway men!'. 78. We are three who have come to your abode: Wahman, A s w a h l s t , and also the bountiful
Fire of

T ahlaw. 6 a t a l x l s z6hr f r a z bareh Ihanl 1

s a x t hezum 6 ata[x]s

fra;

harm [ha"

TI hu.gan.bOa

6 a t a l x l 5 r r a z bareh.

a t a l x l s T w a z i s t r r a z y a z i s n [ k e l dew zaned S p i n j q r , xvariSn

puxt frSz

the Lord ...

b a r i g n p u r r 1 [be a s i x t l s e r ... [New Persian, cf. Dastoor Hoshang Jamasp 1907. 639 12;yawf

n.

xvar/fna e STr- 0 ber/nJt.

[TEXTXI Wizlgard T Denlg 43, Mol6 1967, 130:

d
s

[When] the ceremony [of the fourth morning after death] iscontented [ S r f f S l and promoted [is
T A D l s t a g ua 5 t a l x l S T

c i s abzg x%d

daSt c l y o n har 2 1 "ask

held], (then) SrffS, the righteous, well-grown, victorious is accepted. May you bring z 6 h r to the fire, may you bring this hard wood-fuel to the fire. may you bring scent of good kind to the fire. The Wazist-fire must be worshipped, this which smites the dew SptnJarr, thecooked

Burzen.Mihr ud araxt 7 sarwan. "and he (Zoroaster) had with him 3 things: all the 21 Nasks of the Avesta, the Fire B U r z n . n l h r a thecypress". 96 C f . Y t 19.46 <at-)where D a h ~ k a a n d s ~ l t l i u rYimff.lcarslit-, a "that whosawedxma" (cf. Bd 33.1, " m w h =wed Wmm),both Angh6-Manrta'* mesengem, are mentioned twether. 97 Or, Xy6n, Hyonites; cf. West 1897, 68. 98 Two Pahlavi synonyms are used, astag abargar and pzygambaq abargar probably reflecrs A v 6 . k a i r i l a - . Vd 19.13, 16, cf. Mol6 1967.187; The normal Pahlavi meaning of abargar is "awl, divinity" (cf. 6d 18.16). it ~spossible that the semantics of this word were similar to those of Greek cmeloc or Hebrew

. . . [New Persian: i.e., a meal of milk and rice]. food must be offered, full of overflowing milk

99 me partial translation by Kreyenbroech 1985, 173 was adoptei. 100 ~reyenbroeck translatedthis word as "accompanied by rewards'. "Though correct etymologicaiiy. nevertheless, for stylistic reasons "the righteous" seems t o me preferable ln the context of my d~sc"S5i0".

188
CHAPTER N APPENDIX I

[TEXT 1 1 Dk 9.8;
180-I!

am

792; DkS XViI, 12-3; DkD missing folios 146.7-147.7;West 1892,

ZarautxI5t

1. h a f t o m r r a g a r d ~ a w r a t( t a va ur-uuata) abar nimayi5n 1 0

ewenag 1 4 a w a m

i andar Zardu[xl5tsn hazangr?[kl2im.

..
Iask you, 0 Ahura Mazda, aboutthe things that are approaching and will reach [us], about the

2.fradom zarren ha" k e padas Shrmazd 6 Zardulxl5t Den nimad 3.didTgar semen han k e pads5 Wi5tasp az zardu[xl Den p a d l r i f t

invigorating gifts people will obtain from the truthful one or from the deceitful, and how they will be there when the reckoning [takes place14.

[TEXT

1 1 1 1 PY 31.14:

..

ha" T har do az t 6 pursom ohrmaza k6 mad ke.z rased, k e abnm aahea az assaran5 az han fi awe 1 ah15w

[az hsn ciyon abayea dadan].

ohrmaza ke.z 6 druwandan

c i y a n awesan hend hangirdigih 6d6n ten k(3 awe dadestan

1. The seventh fragard. t a v5 uruuata, is about the exhibition t o Zoroaster of the nature of the f u r ages during Zoroaster's millenium. 2. First, the golden, in which Ohnnazddemonstratedthe ReBgkn TO Zoroaster. 3. Second, the silver, in which WiStSsp received the Religion from Zoroaster. 4. Third, the steel,' the age in which A d u r p a d 1 Mahraspandan, the restorer oftighteomess, was born. 5. Forth, the age of iron mixed with earth In which there is much propagation of the heretics and other sinners, about turmoil of the Religion and the State and weakening of every kind of goodness and virtue and the disappearance of the digniry (x em) and wisdom from the Iraniancountries m the same age. 6.On account of the many dlsstresses and *torments3 of the age for the desire of the life of the good ones which subsists in seemliness. 7 . Perfect righteousness is excellence.

ce awe dadestan c e am be g6wl.

a s k you about the two things, Oohrmaza, that have came and that will reach. What period
...
is given by the reward from that righteous one [what should be given t o him], 0 Ohrmazd, and from the deceifui ones, how they are when the completion (of times) takes place [that is, tell (me) what will be the judgement of him. the judgement of me!].

..

In the summary of the W a r S t m m s a r Nask thispassage isalluded toasfollows:

1 cereti 1995. 1 7 0 : *zamistan, "winter" 2 #bid., 'grayis", "des'rs". 3 Ceretl 1995, 1 7 0 : "winters".

4 Translation by Humbach & Ichapria

1 9 9 4 , 37

5 vesta an azerS, "gift, rewardv.

190

191 [TEXT V] ZWY 1.

[TEXT IV] Dk 9 31 18.

d d wuzurg m i z d l h T awe ke 0 mard

T ahlaw az

x^eS ^Sf

ZAND F

WAHMAN YASN

ray6nCd ud Enaz k 6 HE (61 awe idruwand hSn i

abaron m r a y dasa? dahed tam ayargned, "5 rOSnih

The great reward of him who arranges gifts from his own property to a righteous man. And

this, too. that whoever gives him who is wicked a gift, for the sake of improper expectations,
assists darkness and not fight. 1. c i y 6 n az SItlQdgar paydag. Hfl ZarauIxlSt 32 Ohrmazd a.h6<lh f i g s t .

2. pas Ohrmazd xrad 1 harwlsp.agahlh7 be 6 ZardulxlSt nimud.

3. f l
W

padas bS d7d k 6 4 azg padas b a d w estad.

zarren, Swag

asemen, Swag pOlSwaden, Swag anan abar xak%um 4. g pad Sd daSt,

kd pad xvamn did.

a5 g u f t ZardutxlSt k t "xvaday i menCgan u d
bun d l d W 4 a q padas bad.. draxt.ew bun

a az x v a m n b e bod, 5. !

g t l g a n *nimzy kfl.m draxt.

6. g u m s Ohrmazd 6 s p i t a m a n z a r d u ~ s tk t 'ha"

i s to

d~d10

man get19

hast

T man

Ohrmazd dad> hast 1 rased.

7. han 1 4 azg

han 1 4 awaml

6 Anklesaria 1.1-11-West 1.1-5. 7 Cf. ZWY 3.6, pad ab.klrb, as one of the three transformations of xvamah, cf. Bailey 1943. 29 n. 2: Gignoux 19863, 58. 8 Gignoux 19862, 57-58; llv'd. 1986b. 342: the Ideogram for xak, 'PR, was read as *=bar, thereafter "Improved' to QDM, abar, through drttography. Cf. also Boyce 1984. 71-2, Royce 1989b, 72 n. 58, Boyce 1991, 386, ahan abar qum?xtand anan 1 xak gumext. Cf. now Cereti 1995, 149, 133. 171-2: ahan abar gumext estad; ~ a c ~ e n z apudcereti is 1995, 172, read ahan <T gil, abar qumi'xt, thus making a complete parallel to Daniel, My emendation combines TWO different proposals made by Boyce. 9 An Avestan expression. 10 Anklesaria added here h3n g f i t ~ g hast T man 0nrmazd.daA taken from 2VN 3.21. 11 The 7th fraaard of Sftlildaar Mask (Staota Yesnva. Y 31. 13 v e UrvStS. summarizad), According

192
~

193
~~~ ~ ~ ~

~~-~ -----

-~

~-

.~

Glorification t o the good and holy Creator a h r m a z d , the radiant imeasor and t o the Holy
immortals! Praise t o the pure Good Religion of Mazda-worship! Physical health and long life and prosperity unto him for whom this is written! 1

8 . h ~ " im r r e n han ka

..

man u d t6 ( ~ 6 n ham.purs6m. l ~ ~ u d WiStSsp Sah en

DadTrffd, ud @wan.kZib be Cfcenngd lud dewan a z a s t c ~ r a g l h ~ 6 ~w l lrgg17 u d n l h n n raWiSnTh estffnd.

1. A s i t is manifest from S l t l u d g a n Zoroasterasked from Ohrmazd for immortality, ..

2. ThenUhrmazdshowedtoZoroaster thewisdomof thecomplete knowledge.

9.hSn 1 asemen x v a d a y i h Ardalxl56r i ~ a 5%. y

10.ud hSn T P6ISwadEn xvadZylh An6Zalglrwan Xusraw 1 KawSdaR 11. Ud hSn
T

3 . And he saw the trunk of a tree through it, on which there were 4 branches: oneof gold, one of
silver, one one of steel, and one of iron mixed with earth.

Shan.xak.abar

gum6Xt

St

duS.pSdlxSShlh

dewan T

wizard.wars T xeSm.tohmag k a dahom T sadozim 1 t 6 sap hawed, Spltaman

4. Then he considered it as if seen i t as in 3 dream.

..

ZarduIxISt!".

5. When he arose from sleep, Zoroaster said: "Lord of the spiritual and material existences, it
seems1 that I have seen a trunk of a tree, on which there are 4 branches"l 3.

6 . O h r m a z d said to Spttaman Zoroaster. "The trunk of a tree, which you have seen1 7. The four branches are the four epochs which will come.

12 Translated by Cereti 1995, 149. Note that. sirnilart-/to Jewish prophetic sources, i t is implied here that Zoroaster is answering here an masked (by Ohrmazd) question. 14 'is the material existence created by Me, U.,-",az#,

13

15 Added by Anklesatia 1957 from ZWY 3 . 8 . 16 Added by Anklesatia 1957 from ZWY 3 . 11 . 17 Cereti 1995, 133,149: wirffg, "flight".

8. That of gold is that when I and you will hold a conference [of Religion], and the king WI S t a sp

19.il.m d i d d r a x t ew ke 7 a z g pads .bad w zarren w i s e m z n

..
shall accept the Religion, he shall shatter the daevic forms and the dews will remain far from being visible and will take t o flight and concealed movements.' 9.Thatof silver isthe reignof theKay^nian king A r d a s l r . 10. And that of steel is the reign of Xusraw of Immortal Soul, son of Kaw ad. 11. And that of Iron mixed with earth is the misrule of the dews with dishevelled hair, of the seedofAeSma-, when your tenth century will be a t end, 0, Spitaman Zoroasterl".

w royen ud ewag brinJen ?wag arzTzen ewag palawaden wa 1 "ahan abar xak qumext estad,

20.guftaS Ohrmazd kc 5pitam3n Z a r d u M s t 6" hSn 1 6 p goworn. 21.draxt ew bun 1 t o Old ha" get19 h a s t 1 man Ohrmazd dad. 22.han

7 azg 1 t o did ha" 7 Swam hast T rased.

23. ud ha" 1 z a r r e n xvadayTh T Wistasp sah k a man ud t o Den hampursem WiStasp S i h Den b e padTr ud dewan k a l b o d b e Skenned ud dewan a z

a s k a r a g l h 6 w i r e g ud ruhan r a w i s n t h estend ud Ahrlman aewan wisuaagan abaz 0 t a r t o m dusaxv dwarend ud pShr-ez T ?b ud ?ta[xlS ud u r w a r ud spendarmat ZamTq paydag bawed. 24. hSn T asemen $adaylh
T ArtaxSaer T Kay k Wohuman 1 5pand-dadan

xvanThSd k g dew az mardoman Judag kuned be palayed hamag gehan, Den r a w a g kuned. 25.

M n

1 r o y e n i^adSyTh 7 Arda[xIsEr 1 gehan a r a s t a r ud w l r a s t a r ud hSn T

Saihpuhr St k e gh T man Ohrmazd dad arayed, O t a g T h pad s a m ~ 1 n gehan ~ ~ r a w S g kuned ud WehTh paydag b? bawed ud Adurbad T Peroz.baxt 1 Den r a s t w i r a s t a r pad rOy 1 * < w i d a x t > passaxtag en awared.

en

abag j u d r i s t a g a n pahikared ud abaz 0 rastTh

26. h a n T b r i n j i^adayTh
d 2 Z

1* ~ a l a [ x l 5 1~ ASkBnBn ~ Sah k g Jud r i s t a g l h T

gfihan be bared "0 nan 1 druwand Skandar 1 ~ e l e s i y a g l g ~ az ' Jud

den be abeslhed ud az gehan wanyZ2 ud apaydag Sawed,

18 Cereti 1995, 135, 152: "daman T, "creatures of the w d d \ 19 Cereti 1995, 135, 152, omitted the name, which seems to be a late emendation. 20 This is the the reading accepted In Anklesaria 1957, Widengren 1961. 187, Boyce 1984a. 92; Cereti 1995, 152, 184-5, read but, translating BuWha. On the word, d.Bailey 1330-32b. 21 PSzanA Akv[anlI G a r 1 KaresyakTh. 22 *an.aW P Z Z a n k an.bTn

...
~~ ~ ~ ~~~ ~

I i

~-

. . $ - 7

19. I saw a tree on which there were 7 branches:

one of gold, one of silver, one of brass, one of

copper, one of lead, one of st& and one of iron mixed with earth. 20. He, Uhrmazd, said; ' 0 Spl taman Zoroasterl this is what I foretell. 21.The trunkof a tree, which you have seenis the material existence created by Me, uhrmaza. 22. The seven branches,which you have seen, are the seven epochs which will come. 23.Thatof goldis the reign of king WIsTtasp, when I and you will hold a conference of Religion, king W i Z t S s p shall accept the Religion, he shall shatter the daevic forms and the dews will remain far from being visible and will take t o flight and concealed movements, and Ahriman, the dews and their abortions will rush back t o the darkness and the doom of the evil existence, and the preservation of water, fire. plants and Spendamat-Earth will become manifestent 24. That of silver is the reign of the Kayanian king ArdanSaOr, who i s called Vohuman son of Spendadzti, whowilseparate the dews from the men, purify the whole worldand propagate the Religionlthe Avesta.
25. And thatof brass is the reign of ArdaZTrthe arranger and restorer of the world, and that of

. ..

.
,

u d ha"-1 arzezen fladzyih

"iahram

i Gor s3h ke men83 T rarnlsn ~ 6 " Z b

payaag kuned23 ua ~ h r i m a n abag jaaagan abaz 0 t a r torn duzaxv dwarend. 28. ban i polawaden i^adayih T Xusraw T Kawzdan sah ke gujastag nazdag 1 Barndadan i 0en.petyarag ah33 j u d r l s t a g z n ested az en 06" abaz dared.
2 9 . nan T *ahan

abar xak ournext estaa dus.paalxszyfh T dewan w l 2 z r d w a r s spltaman zardu[xI5t, hazarag s a r ' l tiS k a sadozlm T dahom T

1 x63m tahmag,

t o sac hawed, s p l t a m a n zardulxist.

king Sahpuhr, who will arrange the world created by Me, Ohrmazd, propagatesalvationtothe

become manifest, and A d u r b z d of victorious fate, the true endsof the world, andg~od~essshall
restorer of the Religion, will dispute, by means of <molten> brass ordeal, about this Religion with

the heretics, and will bring it back t o truthfulness.

26. That of copper is the reign of the Arsacid king Wa l a [ x l Z , who will remove from the world the heresy of idols, and the evil Byzantine Alexander will perish owing t o the alien religion, and will go away unseen and unnoticed from the world.

..

23 Cereti 1995, 152. 184-5: *wSnab.d3g tuned, "will render visible".

27. That of lead is the reign of king WahrSm G ~ P who , will make thZ'spiit

ofpeace visible.

and Ahriman will rush back wlth the sorcerers to the darkness and t h e gloom of the wicked existence. 23. That of steel is the reign of king Xusraw of son of K a w s d ,

who will keep away from this

~eligion the accursed Mazdak son of Bamdad, the adversary of the Religion, who will rise wlth the heretics. 29. That of iron mixed with earth is the misrule of the d with dishevelled hair, of the uepd of

Wrath. 0 SDltaman zoroaster! The end of your millenium. when your 10th century will be a t
end.OSpitSman Zoroaster!".

24 A gloss is introduced. 25 A aloss is introduced. 26 A gloss is untroduced

27 NP: accusative. 26 A gloss is introduced. 29 A gloss is introduced.

1. In the Commentary of the Wahman Yasn it ismanifect that Zoroaster asked for immotalii from
Ohrmazaforasecond time. 2. He said ti./., zoroaster]: "Iam the most righteous and the m e usef~i~~amongthesecreatures

..~

of Yours, 0 Creator1 If You shall make me immortal, like the Pain-Expelling Tree, Gopat.SSh,
Y5St t h e F r i y S n a n d ClhrOlK?-tl1ySnsonof W l S t S s p [know that he

i s the

illustrious

PeSfftanI, if You shall make me immortal like them, then people will have better faith in Your Religion

- "he, the Bringer of the

evel la ti on^^, who received from Ohrmazd the pure Good

Religion of Mazda-worship, became immortal"

- and then those people will have better faith in

Zoroaster, then TUr 7

Your Religion".
3. He, Ohrmazd. replied: "If I make you immortal, 0 Spltaman BratrOZ thekarapan, too, will become immortal. and if TOr T

Br3tro5 thekafapanbecomes

immortal, i t will not be possible t o perform the Resurrection and the Final Body'.

4. Zoroaster was displeased in mind.

5. O h r m a z d knew, through the wisdom of omniscience, what he, Spitaman righteous frawahr,thought. Zoroaster of the

6. He took hold of Zoroaster's hand, He [Ohrmazd, the bountiful spirit the Creator of the
material Existence, Holy], He put the wisdom of omniscience, in the form of water, on the hand of Zoroaster, and He said [He, ahrmaza]: "Drink forth!".

7. And forth Zoi-oaster drank of it. Thereupon, the wisdom of omniscience Intermingled into
Zoroaster. 8. For seven days andnights was Zoroaster inkidel the wisdom of 0 hrmazd.

9. Thereupon, Zoroaster saw men and animals in the seven continents of the earth, i.e., how many hairs each one had on the back, and w h ' i r each one held his head. 32 Cereti 1995,134. 151, reads here: hZmOySn. 33 Cereti 1995,134, 151, 179; 'guhri "woken". 34 A gloss is introduced. 35 ~afazzoli 1990: fortunate, dm. 36 Taiazzoli 1990: a u h u ~ w . 37 Paz8r.e hum Avestan kaeraesa-, cf. AiW 470b, Adj. :mager" lindie kr<a/krsyati. N a n (variants: Karslgar5)-ni2a;r "feeble, weak", an antonym of rrabmqiat, stout", means "thin, slim, emaciated". Old Iranian *Karsa, Avestan k a r a s a (AW 469), Indic krg6, Elamite ku--sa i t is the first element in vesta an proper name Karasaspa, according t o Taiazzoli 1990, 59. Cf. Latin kurket~.-to be ill-grown'. wIaangren 1967, 341 n. 5: ZWY 3.3.8 cracentes/graciiis, ~ithuanian k s a y a k i k , from Avestan karssa-, AiW 469 [against Bartholomae's reading], as in NerangestZn 53 6san ke be rawena e+uaPsayagTha, Avestan a6te ydl fra.carantikeresas.ca 38 Vocabulaiy of AWN.

30 Literally, the best performer of good works. Cereti 1995, 150; the most active. 31 Denburdar, compare the Manicheean drnawar.

...

~~~

~~~~.~ .~~

10. He saw plants and trees, what and which they w e r e , how many roots of plants there were in

the Spendamrat-Earth, i.e., how they had grown, i.e., intermingled.

11. On the seventh day-and-night.

He took away the wisdom of omniscience from Zoroaster.

12. Zoroaster pondered: "Have Iseen this in a pleasant dream produced by Urirmazd? Haw i not yet woken from sleep?".

i s hands, rubbed his own body oven "1 have slept a long time, and I have not 13. He raised both h
yet woken from thispleasantdream produced byorirmsza'. 14. He, Ohrmma2d. asked S p i t a m a n Zoroaster 'What did you see in the pleasant dream producedby Ohrmazd?'.

Is4'.

He, Zoroaster, replied: ' 0 Ohrmazd, bountiful spirit, creator of the material world! I

have seen a rich man having immense wealth, who was honored in the body, and thin and weak in the soul. and he was in hell; he did not seem praiswonhy to me. 16. I saw a helpless poor man lacking any possession, his soul fat (thriving) in the Best

Existence, and he seemed paisworthy t o me.

17.1 saw a powerful person having no children and it did not seem praisworthy to me. 18.1 saw a person broken down having many children and it seemed praisworrhy to me".

41 42 43 44 45 6 47 39 Cereti 1995, 151 (cf. also nn. 8-91 translated differently 40 Translated in Tafazzoli 1990. 56.

Anklesaria 2-14 West 1.6-8. Cf. Widenoren 1983a. 104.11% Giqnoux 1986b. 337. Gigroux 1986a. 55 n. 10. on the names, cf. de Menasce 1983, 1171.2 and now also Cereti 1995, 175-6. Or, m a y - +Windadan, e. Shaked 1969. 191. Cereti 1995, 134, p r o w s Wffhdad. Cf.Gignoux 1986. 55. Shaked 1969, 169,read Web-Sffhpuhr The name is found in the Pahlavi Yasna, cf. Cereti, ibid. 48 Cereti. ibid: Farrbay. 49 Gignoux 1986a, 58.

205

-.~

l T E n Kl Dk 9.6, DhM 790.9-19; DkS XVII, 8-9; Dko mising folios 143.6.1444

west

1892, 178-% Idol6 1962. 73-4:

amused Mazdak son of BzmdSa, the a d v e m ~ of~the Religion, appeared, and they caused omlaught of evil tothe Religion of Yazdan. 2. He, Xwmw of Immortal Soul, son of Kawcid, summoned t o his presence Xsmw son of Mahlaza, New.5ahpuhr
50"

!,

1. panlorn f r a g a r d x5ma11blla ahar framustan i p l d 6 pas ud pus 6 p l d ud

brad 6 brsa ud dost 6 aost ud manbad 6 narTg ud narlg 6 manbad andar zarnan handzz18n pad ser1h ud -hang, 65murdZr u d $radar i Gz8an
i men6g T ~ a e z n S 0 ka erbad ua dastwar pad 2 . a g ~a r z ~ s n

of oad.Ohrmazd, the d a s t w a r of AaarbadagSn,

ud ne r n m u 5 t a n 7 menag 1 6282" a hawanmg

*uzdehigihS1

be w l m r e a ud u r b 1 nan mar0 abaz 6 xves barn ne rased hzn

ud staimagm 1 a h l a m m ~ bawed r a y ~ a z nam b~ muar ham b m z ~ y 1 5 n 3.ua =bar abardm

mm

I men6g 1 ~ a h e a n h m a z 1 r a d i h pad b6xtan 1 ruwan

az dusaxv
4.Sbadih pahlom a h l z y l h n a s t

206
I. The fifth fragard, X C m a i i b ~a, i is about lh! forgetfulnes f ! a father for a son, a
$0"

for

8
~~

k o h t i o a q of heretics5'.
3. And a b u t the higiw power of thespht of the GZeas, and aka of that (spi"t) in sahtion of the soul from the "Bad Exiience" (Hell).

father, a brother for a brother, a friend for a friend, a husband for a wife, and a wife for a h t s b c d in judgement of time, through s t i e t y and festivity53; and the unforgetfulnes of the spi"t of & Gaeas for myoneof the recites andchmten of the GaeSs.

of l i b e r a ~ w ~ ~

2. A b u t t h e complaints4 of the splm of the G Z W ~ when S ~ an ~ e r b a d and a da,stwar p s e $

a w y in f o r e i g n e ~ $ ~ and ~ , the b d y of that man does not come back t o his o m I a M for this

reawn, and ksides that, he (the heretical high.prieS?i is m b e born in that lard and 1hwe win

208

.. ..

12. Then the

fount milienium had begun,

during this millenium Zomaster received the Avesta /

~ e i i g i o nf r o m ~ u h r i a z d and brought it forth, and w i s t a s p m e p t e d it and propagated, he waged a tenibie war wixh ~ v j a s and p large numbers o f imnians and nowIranian9 W s h e d . 13. Du"ng this millenlum, when the sovereignty came to w a h m a n son of SpandTdaa, and

59 n e reading a d tra"2,ation of this probiematic w d are tentatiie. 60 I am not familiar M t h this u s w from other source%. 1 s it employed in the sense ofthe ~ r a b i c 'acyz"? 61 An e l a h t c d ksmtini spliins , r t x t i with httd 62 That's seem robe the reaaiw. O+ cwm, it n n n o ~ be mrig!naIly Arians in the Iranian b s t ( n m .~fghanistan);i mggee t b t the o r i g i n a ~ t m had here * m a f * m t a , only later, after the ~ m b invasioq h w h g been corrupted into more hminar Har 63 K h w m l

64 This meaning of "to convert imo a relrgion" is weii attested in the 2.d t m s ( cf. Moi6 1963. chapter 111. S m p m I ! (3lC-379) f o w k ~ m b s and the Arab 509ff.; ~ o i 1967, i 21% ~ f . tmdltion still remembered hlm as "the wrencher of the 3hoUlders~. many generations afteward*. ow ever, the p a z ~ g e seems t o eescme a later prio* the role dayed b~ Arabs mn rhe lmnjan frontiers . g . in 591 the Ghasanld Arabs invaded, on their M,irdo Iran. A later m s raTher unimpoflanc e dead= later (circa 6D41). after the Lakhm!d princlpaliw was dismantled by X u m w ii and NugmSn ill died in ptison, the B B ! ~ tribe, =ltied ~ r other h bedouins, defeated the Persizns in the famous battie of o have pmjemed the Dhn oar. Howww, it seems that the c m p i k r of this partmlar passags = e m s : $ituation awiw the early stage OF the ~ r a conquest b of tram b c h r d s in time, and does not refer to such b r d e r ~ p i d e s . mes w G e ~ o n made by him that many ~ m b convened s into z o d a n i s m may b.e defined as sort of "[pmude]hieoriai revenge-. Cowemion to Zomstrisnlsm 8% refemd t o in a p s s a ~ e f o m d i n p a r a l l e ! texrs(w 7.8,ag): ,..pad y ~ l . h a z l 3 n i h maman e g ( C i h r ~ l k l m l ~ s n ~ Will convefl people by hemk hZZCd hunsanaiha "a ahunsanama, ",..then he ( C i h r 6 l t l m l y ~ n ) co~Vers1on. Milingb and unwiilingiy". 65 7 % ~vew r e a w i c sitmtlon msi*erpreted imap-xaiyptic terns 1" z w and other related texts.

~,

18. Again, XvaSnawaz the king of the Hephthalites came and killed PErGz, and Kawad and

(his) sister brought a Fire to the Hephthalites a5 security.

Mazdakite Law, he deceived K a w a d and Id him astray, and he ordered t o keep women and chlld~en and p w p e q in common p w e s i o n and in co-panneship and to abandon the Avesta / Religion of the Mazda-worshipem, until xusraw of Immortal Soul, maturity nnd ! & a
$00

of Kawad, c a m t o

Mazdag and restored the Avesta 1 Religbn of the Mazda-wonhipen, he drove

and

away those chiek who used t o make inmads into the InnIan Reslni, he closed the made the lmoian Realm sxure.

20. And when the reign am t o t'azdgird, he ruled for twemty y e m , then the Am& m h e d into Iran In large numbsm! Yazdgird is mt floweting/r6umphant in the baule against them; he wem t o X v a r a s a n and T u r k e 9 t a n t o ask there for support In hoses and men, and they klled him there.
21. The
$9"

of Yazdgird went t o India and bmugh a large army; &fore 1 s (the army's) amin1 in

Xvaraszn, he went into exile and t i k large e w w z disturh4 and the lmnian Realm wmained in the hands of the Arab% they promted their own law of evil religion and cased destmdon of maw c m m of the a m they h h i a t e d the Rehion o f the Mazda-wonhlpers and Instimed CorPSe~washlng, corpse-buwing, corpse+ating.
22. And since the creaion till t d a y , there c a m

no calan3ty m r e severe.

For became of their

mideeds -want and deslatbn; and k c a u * of a& want a d mher h a m mde their a b d e (in m n ) .

of v+nlence, bad laws a d bad religiosiv

23. The A v e m says : Their ml$wle will arrive to an endm.

24. A multituds will come with red emigm and red banners, and will *ize P S m and the d i s m a

of the imnian Realm upto Babylo& and they will humiiate the ~ r a t 6 ~ ~ .

67 A clear referewe to the builmg and m i i h v advkres of Xusraw An5*urwsn in Oarbsd. 68 It is vev dWku11 not to see here a reference fo lnnian Retistance movements, M i l e the pasage was m o d ~ l l d 04 the ~mpgan+a of Wahrsm ; C S b

~ a d i S x " a r g a ~ . hwill e establish his wicked rule for several yeas; du&g his leadeship, men in P S n will perish but few, which are on the sea-shores of Kazeron, until notmdy will remain69. 26. After thaG the Turkish a m y will rush into the lkanian Realm in large n u m k s and with many b=nnes, will desolate this prosperous and sweet-smellini innis0 Realm, will disturb

many t h w n g families, will perpewate much h a m and violence to the men of the lkanian Realm,
until Gcd wlll have mrcy. and will eradicate, diiurb, aidseize A m y mffibffi, 27. And when f i e Bymntines will m i v e 2nd rule for a year, at that time, one will c o r n fmm the fmntles of Kabulestzn, in whom there will be xvarnah of the lordly family, w b m they call Kay Wahrsm, and all m n wlil s u p p r t him again, and he wiil w k even over !"@a, ByzaMium, T w k e s t a n , over all the hontiers; he w i l i r e m v e all impiou$ &lief$ and having restored the A v m a / Religlon o i Zommer, no peso" will dare to cone in public witA m y other klief. 28. And in the same w i o d , Pe<6tan sonof WI5tasp wiil come from Kangdlz, with a hundrd

a d f i ~rQhteou$ ' m n ; he will eradicate the idol-temple which was the plaie of their wsterles,
will establish the Warhran Fire In is cradle and will prowrly prml3lm and restore the Avesta

/ Reiigio".
29. Then the fifth milleniurn that of H6Sda will begin. HESCdar ?on o i Zoroastec will

m m from a h r m a z d 2s the exposer of the Avesta / Religion and the m e messenger. Jmt as
Zomaster had b m u g h (the A v m a /Religion), he, tw, wlli b~%gand popagate the the Avesta / Religion, d i m e s and drought will decrese, iiberalii, peace, non-envy will grow in the whole world. He wili provide to t h e plants the three yens long greenness, and the mer 'JataEnl will

agitprop the refwence to the w a l zvamah Is especialb ihtcredng hem, as, wel a the wtim of tha A m d d Restomtion (mardom abag aw ~ b 2 z bawend]. The idea mt wahram h l l restore the andent fmith and impious beliefs refem to th'e oppsitLm of the Zom@"an clergy t o "Ch"sUan

213
[TEXT Xl] ZWY 7.2-14,18,26;

ZWY 6.1-5
ZWY 7.2-14,18,26

.. Hosffdar the son of Zoroaster will be born on the Lake F r a z d a n [know that there was

Z....

2ay6d Hn<d T,Zardu[xl<tan pad war T Frazdan [had bad k5 pad Zr5h 1

some one who said thatitwas on the Lake Kayansen: know that therewas some one whosaid that
it was in KSbulestSn).

Kayanseh g u f t . had bad kg pad Kabulestan guftl. 3 a

S T

a l a g v h 6 ham.pursagTh

man a h r m a z d rased,

Spitaman

3. A t the age of thirty years, he wili come t o a conference with

Me, uhrmazd, 0 S p i t a m Z n
[know

d u [ x I S t ! [ h a d bad k ? pad k a s t T Cnest Hindagan g u f t l . 4. zay6d Kay

g u f t l [had bad k g andar Zoroaster! [know that there was some one who said that it was in the direction of that there was some one who said that it was in India].

[had pid 1 awe Kay az Kayan.tohmag1 [pad ayarTh 6 HGSedar

4. A Kay will be born [know that the father of the Kay will be of the KaySnian family], [he wili

*o tiindogan sawed]. 5. pad 1,000 SalagTh kamag 6 zanan bawed, 6 3 azsS zay5n Kay ew T denlg,

gotoH6Sedar t o India for help]. 5. At the hundredthyear of age, he will have a desire for women: thereupon, an Avestan Kay called WahrSm 1 Warzawand will be born from him [know that there was some one who called him

6.pad Den paydag KO

ban

5ab ha" Kay zayea nisan 6 gehan rased. starag az

SShpuhr]. 6. It is revealed in the Avesta that on the night when the Kay will be born, a sign will reach the

g u f t k u Aban.mah ud waa.roz1 pldar T awe Kay TraJam Sawed. pad kanlzan 1 <ah parwar6nd. xvaday zan ew baw5d. 7. w e ~ a k ya s l h s a i a g bawea [had bad k e awam y f t ] pad amar .draf$ spah, spah T Hindag ud C e n ~ g"1' g r i f t d r a f s hend [ce araTS u i gTrFnd1, abrastag

earth, a shower of stars wili rain from the sky [when the Kay will be born, the stars will show

t h e ~ g n [knowthat ~~] DSd.Ohrmazd said i t w a s in the month Abanandontheday Wad]: the life of the father of the Kay will come t o an end; they will bring him up with the maidens of t h e king, and a woman will be the ruler. 7. When the Kay will be thirty years of agekhere was some one who mentioned the time], the i s with innumerable banners, the Indian and the Chinese armies having upraised banners

arafS hend, abrastag zen hend, pad t a z l s h u1 tazgnd t S Wehr6d [had b d d k 5 ~ 6 m e ~ ~ d gu ef th l t a andarag b a r T bahr Ibahran, Spitaman Zardu~xlSt!. 8.Ka s t w a g T uhrmazd u l 6 b a n s t rased, ~ n a h i d r a y f r 6 a abganed, xvadayrh 6 Kay i s E d . w a s amar gund z6nawand arastag d r a f < hend. 9. [had bad kg az s e s t a n ua Pars ua C a r a s a n , Padl3x"argar had bad k e a z Wer T

[For they will raise the banners aloft], having erect banners, having erect weapons, they will

upto W e h r 6 d [there was some one who said it was the Bum? village] upto the make r a ~ i a h s
interiorof the shoreof the seacf Banrain,OSpit?mSn Zoroaster!. 8-9. When the planet Jupiter will reach its exaltation and cast Venus down, the sovereignty wili reach the Kay, there will be innumerable troops having erect banners. [Know that there was some one who said that it was from sestan, Pars and Xvarasan; know that there was some

ud ~ kofestan ~ guft. had bad k6 a2 guft, had bud k az ~ a r s w

Tabarestan g u f t l .

one who said that kt was from the lake of PadlSx'^a'rgar: (enow that there was some one who
said that it was from Harffw and KofestSn; know thatthere was some one whosaid that itwas from Tabarestan].

70 MY impression is that this paragraph cannot be post-Islamic. 71 Maritwart 1930. 559 n. 92: widemaren 1960.67 n. 234. 72 me reading is uncertain. 73 Compare Bd 33.16.

74 Not necessarily China proper is meant; Central Asia, the Chinese Po-ssu (on which cf. Chapter iV>? 75 On comets in ZWY 7.6. cf. Panaim 1995, 102 n. 27, with bibliography.

.~~~~~
10. And from that direction, there will appear those in search of a child [know that it win be the

erect banner and the innumerable army of P a d i s f l a r g a r , the armed men, troops and armies
from the Iranian neaim7? there was some one who said that i t is manifestly as regards those whom they call the Kurds and the Kermaniansl. 11. It is revealed in the Avesta that through mutual help and under the common banner those Sedaspiansoftheseedof XeSm, the army with the wide front of the two-legged wolves and the leathern-belted dews wili arrive in these Iranian countries and will slay an large numbers. 12.They will wage three battles on the bankof the Amnd: s t ^ ~ a l u l a ,one in Sped.Razor,

andoneinthefieldofNIhawanaag.
13. [Know that there was one who said that wason the Lake of the Three Seeds (=Kayanse,

a w know that "[seedl of three Kays"); there was one who said that it was in the resplendent M
there wasone who said that itwas in PSrs].

14. For the support of the Iranian countries, there wili be the innumerable troops of
XvarasZnians having erect

banners [that is,

they will have the banner of leopard's skin; their

banner and their *crossbows win be white]. IS. The Stinking Spirit will rush with an on-rush together with the demons, those of the wicked seedandxeSm of bloody club 1 banner, and he will come t o thesupport and help of those demonsworehipersof theseed o f x e ~ m , 0 5 p l t ? m a nZoroaster!

76 The Kurds and the Kcnnanians?! 77 West 1897,223 n . 6: "cotton", pmbak Anklesaria 1957, 121: *band6q "muskets'; Cereti 1995, 143. 163, 208, followed the reading and hiemretation suggested by West. In Persian, words for "gun 1 shortgun" were in use for "crossbow" before the fire arms appeared; e.g. turang is 'a tube throuah which a thing is blown or oroceled: a musket: ~ea-shooter~oo-oun"(matts 1884. 32%). The meaning "crossbow" is especially wen attested for the Ottoman Turkish tnfenk. Persian tapan&, Turkish (from P i " ) tapanca, Arabic tabanja, "pistol", also had meanings similar to that of tufang. Arabic b n d ~ q ,b a n d ~ q i ~ y a for , "firelock, gun, musket-, is from ~ersian(runduq, ~ahiavipondik) for bullet bail" (cf. matts 1884, 170a). However, i t is not impossible that the Arabic name of Venice (al8unduqiyya, derived from the G~~~~ form venedig), played also some r61e in the etymology of the ~rabic for "gun'. meexact relation of tha ~ e Persian w bandog to ~rabic banaOq, bandaqlyyamust be studied. 78 Cf.,Chapter IV. Otherwise *aIu5.draf "white-bannered.7

1
.
~

yaCqub lbn Layl a!-5afrdr. the founder of the 79 The banner here is cleariy the banner of the Sariarid dynasty, claimed in the ninth century ' i n d ~ Warn al-KSblyan, "I possess the banner of Kawa" (acccordmg to Stem 1971 544, K the Smith is a popular etymology for 'kay, thus Implying e connectin between Kayand banner}; 1 wouid add that this legend about the smith might have been developed under the impact of al-3ar far's w i n former occupation, though the mythological functions of smiths, including in dragon-fighting, are well attested in general folklore.

218 26. PS6tanson W I S t S s p wili proceed supported by the Fires F a r r b a s

Gu5snasp a d

8urze'n.Mlht- t o thegreat idol temple, which is the denof the evilstinking Spirit, and XeSrnof the bloody club and all the demons and druzs and those of the wicked seed and sorcerers wili reach the deepest hell: they (PeSstan and his supporters) will destroy this idol temple struggling on the side of the illustuous ~ e S 6 t a n ~ ~ .

1. ha" i wanram T warzzwand81 r a y payazg k~ paa purr.xvarrahTh

wzz

1- About Wahram i Warzawand it is manifest that he wili come forth with fullness of

r a s e d u d ~ i s t a x m 8 2f r 3 z banded pad g3h 1 m6bedan m6bedTh ud *6 gah 7 I d 1s t T Den gurnard, abaz w1rSyed 6" Eran.dehan 1 man 0hrmaza.aad.

xvamah, and will appoint W l s t a x m a 5 to the dignitv of m6bedan m6bed. and having been

..
2.83Sz ud niyaz ud ken u d xeSm u d waran ud areSk u d druwandlh az gh be nirisea. 3. gurg.awam be Sawed u d me.awa andar ayed. 4. u d Kdur Farr6bag u d Adur.GuSnasp u d Adur.Bur26n.Mlhr nlSinEnd ud hezm ud boy d2dTha be dahend. abaz 6 gah 1 ~ "

commissioned t o the genuine and true thronea6 of the Religion, he wili re-establish these Iranian

countries created by Me, ohrmazd.

2. Avarice, need, revenge, wrath, lust, envy and wickedness will wane from the world. 3. The Wolf Age will pass and the Lamb Age will enter.
4. And they will seat again the Fires F a r r b a y , G u ~ n a s p a n d B u r z n . M 1on their thrones,

and will give them firewood and incense accordingt o the customs.
..
druwana abSg d e w a n Ud 5. And the wicked Stinking Spirit will be stunned and stupored with the d e w s and those of the seed of darkness-

5. u d s t a r d u d abC.h63 tom.t6hmagan.

baw

Gannag.Mn

~.

80 Anklesatia VIII-west 111 39-44. amawand w a r z a ~ a n d a r etwo Avesticenrthetsof Wahram /Varaeravna-, cf. ~ n o lin l EIr II.511a. applied also to eraetaonaand ~aosyants, 82 I accept the reading of the "ame and the Interpretation given In Cereti 1995. 215-6. Previously. I w h e r e a title (of ~eS6tan, -a curbed temper", cf. West 1901, 229 n. 31. 83 Dk 6.23, Shaked 1979, 10-13. 237-8. 378; FT 89; 6Bd 182ff.

n Cf-ZWY 7.5:

devils were dismantled (gwk'nyhy-OP viyakanam) and turned Into a place ( o r throne) and residence for the gods". 8s cereti, cf. above, identified this as the aasttTrof "ahram T G S ~ . 86 Anklesaria 1957, 125: "position*; West 1901. 230: "seal:"; Cereti 1995, 166: "file".

Then neither would a hostile army have here reached the Aryan countries, nor would famine, mr scabies. nor mange [?I, nor a hostile charriot, nor the uplifted standard (of waOg4.

40. And about the process of passing over of the authority from the wicked ones of all the periods. This, too, that Zoroaster enquired, saying: "Those, 0 Ohrmaza, who are k and k a r a p who And of the hordes with the wide front, with many spears, with the straight spears/standards, with the speadstandards uplifted, bearing the speadstandards of blood; then recite these My names

are the most evil rulers in authority, will they be mingled again with the good?", .~
41. ^ ~ e , O h r m a z d spoke to him thus:'Even those, 0 Zoroaster!'. 42. Zoroaster asked him, saying: "Those, 0 Ohrmazd, who are in power, will they be mingled againwith thegood, people such as the Caesar and the

every day and every night!

haga an^^?"..

43. He, O h r m a z d spoke t o him thus: ' ~ v e nthose, 0~oroasteri.91.

87 The text has kay, rendered in Mole 1967, 89, a9 k6k 88 1 omit here: gurtaz Ohrmazd kfl hanaz 3 wehan gumlxted en clyffn defer ud X5kSn; cf. West 1897, 1.03 n.2, Mol6 1967. 88, lines 4-5. 89 I omit here: "He, ohrmazd said to him also, saying: "Even those will be mingled with the good, such as Caesar [written dffleril and the Khaaan": cf. the previous note. . 90 Clearly, a reference to the Byzantine and Turkic (Khazar?) rulers. h i s translation is 91 Translated into English in West 1897, 103, into French in Mole 1967, 88-89. T lightly diiferent from both.
~

92 ~ e Persian w renders by p3m. 93 New Persian renders by ki-"a, " K r a t z s " . 94 Translated in Pamino 1930.73

222

[ T E X T XV] ZWY 4 26.

ctSrEndl u d stendag d r a f s g 8 t k d t 5 I x I ~ a g i h 3 d a r e n d l u d u1 g r i f t drafsg9 ~ 6~ pad ~ l wixronih dm15 hend Ice rradom ul g l r e n d ud pas b? a b r ~ z e n d k bar6nd101 [pad

re

kardan 0

mardoman].

fig102 a w e s a n man nam103

During that perverse period, 0 S p i t ~ m a n Zoroaster! the authority of Xesm of bloody cluband

of the dSws having dishevelled hair of the seed of XeSm, those basest slaves, will proceed to the
mastery of the Iranian countries.

And also the army widi the wide front [the enemies whose land is vast there i s some one who

says: T r a x v a n ~ g with , the widefronr means they have wide foreheads, beingthe Toranian
Turks] full of banners [it is, they have many banners] and having erect banners [it is, they

carry them diligently]' 07,their banners are uplifted [because they first take them up and then exalt them], who carry the banners with bloodshed [with wounding people]. Then speak these names of Mine [it is, learn them by heart; speak forth this frygar4 every day and every night!

95 haffnaiiasca. 96 e i n l k a l la, appears also in Yt 4.3, 5.131, 9.18; there is a Pahlavi variant icf. AiW 893) W k e n T g , "With vast hate". 97 Dars0u.drafSalHa. 98 ersBwO.arafgalla. 99 Z a g a r a p t 6 . d r a f ~ a l i a . 100 To this verb, compare abrast dralgin PhiVd 1.7. 0 1 o m drargam barantall?. 102 a e a But this is generally rendered fay edm, cf. AiW 64b. 103 l m l l a namsnig. 104 aranjailo. 105 rramrauua. 0 6 VIS~ZI~ ai~gnca xsarnssca 107 One may wonder whether the plossator of tOixlS5gTh# for StSndag derived stnd from stadan. "to take" (as the gloss u l girend, "they takeltheml up" suggests)?

108 Or. xurdru5.

224
--

3. He, Ohrmazd, said: "0 S p i t a m a n Zoroaster! After the blacksign, the sovereignty will come
f r ~ m ~ ~ ~ t h o s e o f t h e s e e d o f ~ e ~ Sedasp m t o t h ea n d K e l e s i y a g l h demons(druzs) of the
~ u s i i lands m ~ [know ~ that M a h w i n d a d said that they wouid be Byzantines, and RBsn said they wouid have red caps, red weapons and red banners; know that these wli be their signs]. 5.The S e d a s p i a n and K e i e s l y a g l a n demons (druzs) wiil be in hundreds and thousands and myriads, they will have red banners, their progress will be immense, they will pour into these i n

entries created by Me, Ohrmazd, upto the bankof Arwand [know thatthere-

some

om who said that it was the Euphrates River], upto

an^^^ the capital of Assyria [know that it

is m a n of strict j u s t i ~ e ~ ~ ~ being , . i t s the Assyrian capital means that the Assyrian people wlzard.warsan b e rasend 6 en Er3n dehan 7 man Ohrmazd dad ud hen T reside therein and it is their native country; know that there was some one who called it the burrow of the dews]. 6.Thusthoseoftheseedof Xe5m will slay in hundreds and in thousands and in myviads and will

f x v . a n r l g l . d u s m e n T u r k [TI KarmTr. [had u l d r a r s hena, air-end. had pad w a s maraglh 0

ce d r a f s u l

ran

dehan 1 man Ohrmazd dad c1y5n bus T

asp be stEd Turk 1 duwal kustTg, Hrffmayrg, S6daSplh3T Keieslyag'ShSpad ham.raslSnTh rraz rasend.

retire; the banner, the ensign and the innumerable army of these dews with" dishevelled hair will
arrive in these Iranian countries created by Me, Ohrmazd, the army having the wide front of the Turks and the

Karmrr enemy [know

that they will have a high banner, for they will hold the

109The Pazand reads here: s y m padixSayTh -syah Jarnagah cf. Nyberg 1929. 53/35,. 110 Cerati 1995, 140: 5. 1 The Pazana reads here: xs5m tuxmagaan+~adsSffhT dubar kustrgan turkaan m 3 d l h a n . c f . N v b e m 1929. 53/351. 113 Cereti 1995, 141: sarman. 114 Cf. also Nyberg 1929, 57J350-531351. e haw not here * k u l a f > 115 Not ~ i z i l b a s .star is a Middle Persian form, kuiaha New Persian one. W 116 A-nd is, according to a somehow tardy tradition, the Eufrates. so F u r a t The latter name was introduced after the Muslim invasion only. There are some hesitations about the precise localisationof the Arwand.river, so the word was glossed. Arang is another likely reading. 117 The reading is not certain. The Pazand has oavan, so Ankiesaria 116, West 216.217: ~ i ~ n a n (Greeks). I propose 'fortress",""settlernent", like in the Middle Persian (Gunae'sEabdr), preserved a* the Kurdish term for (glina). cf. cereti 1995,200 (yonan). 116 *saxt.amar. Bailey 1930-32a. 65: hamemar. "opponent". M X 1.37.ibid.66: patmar While trying to explain *Gundan 1 "Judgement", FP 122. Or, *saxt-'amrr, "harsh 'amrr?'. t . a m a r i n 2WY 6.5 and maraglh, "number", in ZWY 6.6, compare Y 10.15, where gundan 7 a n T g explained by dastag 1 wattaran, "group of evil men", cf. OkM 405.21 mar r dusxvarrah Alaksandar, "the m n of violence ili-destined Alexander", Bailey 1963, 79. 119 gristag-garaSa"burrow liar, haunt (of demons)", Parthian giyhcg, "pit, prison", Tafazzoii 1930. 51.

banner up; know that they wiil be in immense number like the hair in the horse's mane in the
Iranian countries created by Me, uhrmazd], the leathem-belted Turks and the Seaaspian and KeieslySgian Byzantines will come forth together.

120 Careti 1995. 160: "to". 121 Ceretl1995, 141, 160, 198: "Sarman". 122 West 1880. . 216. widenoren 161. 199. Eddy 1963. 15. Cerati 1995. 141. 160. 200. read here Yunan. "Greektsr; this reading is refersd to as a possible one In the beginning of this Chapter; Ankiasaria 1957, 47, 199, read Ouv5n. However. the reading depends on interpretation, and the way around. 123 Cerati 1995, 160: -[Greeks who are] hard to count".

226

[TEXTXIX] Dk 7 . 8 . ~ 27 ~ ~

hen

main

wabariganThistanaz T pes.kea~giha128agahiti

abar han T nahom

ud aahom sat6lklzim az ~ b l s t a g paydag han i nan wenabaag ea6nih ntmaaar h a s t c i y a n h a n j a n g n T E r a n x v a a a y l h az Fran.Sahr, wl36bl5n 7 dad, v/ ristag, Pesotansonof WIstasp is in K a n g d l z of hundred medons I pinnacles and a myriad banners p a a i x s a y n i w i z a r d , w a r s b ~ l a n d . p e s a~ ~ r~ i ~s~~ a n l ~ ' ~ ~ .

This is these marvellousness and truthwonhiness, too, of the prophetic knowledge about the ninth and the tenthcenturiesas manifest from the Avesta, which (the prophetic knowledge) is the guide

I spears, on whose tops they have (furs) of black marten, and the righteous auditors of the
Religion are thoseof the retinue of PeSotansonof WIStSsP.

to the now visible circumstances, such as the transfer of the Iranian royalty from Iran, the
disturbance of law. custom, rite. the sovereignty of "Christian riders130 with dishevelled hairs.

[reXT XVIii] Dk 7.8.47

ud han zaned Gann2g.Mn abag daman han 3 azg ipaydag k c druz yazed pad ~ g e n e n . y a z i 3 n i h eaaz k e pad buiand.peSagTh rasend [pad asp1 Turk dewihaz
T wizara.wars i a z i q ua Sedaspaz 1 K l l l s y a g Hrffmlaylig.

[TEXT XXI PhNt 11 6: enaz z a r a u l x i s t

saxvan g o w i s n i h r r a z g6w [en karaagl ka rase 6

* ~ e i e s ~ ayab a ~ 0 ~ gadagestsn ~ ~ ayab 6 han 1 1rErtarSn h a m a w a r i s n i h 6g druwana aewesn ud jaa8g mara ud zan ua p a r ~ gmar0 ua

zan

pad be3 f r a z

And this one ( c l h r ~ m e h a n ) will ~~ strike ~ the Stinking Spirit with (his) creatures, these three races about whom is is manifest that they worship the dews by communal worship, who

t a r s e n d u a f r a z awarend; *nihanenea

dew *nihanenea aewezag 0 3 a n z a r a i

be g i r e a raz winah] c s a n eaon resagan resea

r e those who arrive as riders [on horses], Turkic demons with dishevelled hairs. Arabs, and also
the 'Christian *Byzantine Sedasp.

h i s utterance [this section] when you come upon of "Christian, or And pronounce, Zoroaster, t upon a den of thieves, or a gathering of deceivers; then the unrighteous demon-worshippers, the male and female sorcerers and the male and female witches are frightened and distressed, and

124 Or,stenaag dram "with erect banners", cf. Tafazzoii 1971, 199-200. Or, saa.qandak, "the as West 1892, 203. or sad.kandag, '100-i-noated", as SanJana had i t (DkS MX 15.11); loo-m~ated~, Geiger 1935, 120-1: Kangaez T sad aanaag "das hunaefzinnige". Cf. Tolstov 1948, plates 40, Teshik-Kaia; 61-63. Kavat-Kala: Stavisldj 1974. ill. 38, 156 (Nisa and Wara^shl. Boy- 1984b. 64. and wiiiiams 1990, I, 190.193, 11, 89, 238.240, read in PROD 49.7.13: 7. u.3 k6sk asfimen ua maar 8.3 hart murw zarren 8.3 czharam hsr anaar 8,s hart r6a T 3 a h a d a a hardan andar

rush away. it makes the demons disappear; it takes their mouths away [from sin] and thus inflicts wounds upon themi 32.

....13.

PeSOtan

ahO< ud c . m a r ~ ua

127 Translated in West 1897, 94. and Mole 1967. 80-81. 128 On connected words, cf. Bailey 1990. 129 Cf. 0k 7.8.47. 130 Sic! 1 doubt that this passage may reflect any actual historical situation, such as Sasano-Byzantine wars of the late 6th-early 6th centuries. MY own impression is that it was composed from secondary s u e s after the ~ r a inksion. b 131 Cf. Kreyenhek 1985. 101-2 [61] 132 Translated in Kreyenbroek 1985, 62-3.

duSi^adaytom

k e pad deh abar 6 awe i huxvadaytom andar man ud w i s ud

zand ud deh. 69 har do wang barend k e ha" T h w v a a a y ud h m s z k g ha" T d u s f l a d a y ud zanTh ha" T du5xvad2y ud 5 awe 1 huxvadaytom xvadzylh be abesparlhed. Because of not-coming [when they do not come into this religion] they became sightless148, they who are ki?"i/sandm a @ .

Then they will transfer this sovereignty, whose rulers are the kffteand karm,they who are
the worst rulers in the land, t o this who is the best ruler in house, village, tribe and land. Then both will raise their voices, t h i s who is the good ruler and this who is the mlsruier, and the misruter will be smitten and the sovereignty will be delivered t o him who is the best ruler133.

[TOT MVI Dk 7.8.26:

be awesan dahend

k?kan ud karapan

a mardom r s a g i 4 9 [ w s s t a r y o s l ud 6

mardom arwandasp [ a r t e s t a r l 5waz Sw c i y 6 n man 5dar pad g 6 s t hSn T men bahr kunend [kO.man padlxSZyTh dahend. cly6n edar pad gGSt ti dahem han T men gramTg kuneml.

But they give t o the f c mand karaps, to the husbandsmen [fanners] and to the people on swift
horses [warriors] only, Just as we here, they make the portion of the great man in meat [they
give us power, just as here we give meat t o one whom we make great and wealthyl.

T h i s one who (sells) greatness for wealth1 40 gives into this wisdom of the
theaffairs of ~ a z d a n j i ~ ~ .

kc/s1 41 [this one

who gives ruler-ship for money, finds himself in the 'wisdom" of those who are blind and deaf in

. Translated In West 1892, 259, and Mole 1967, 21 1 ahys. grahm0. Z.hfi18fft nT kSvayascTt. xratus. InTI d a d a t . Qrahma (Schwa- 1985, 478: "lucre 1 Pahlaui qramak is a transcription of the Av-n booty"), cmp. Henning 1944, 139 n. 5 (SwdIIn vram Parthian gramak; cf. also Russell 1985). The id die ~ranian word, wealth", seems t o have been affected ~rabic vtram "fine". 141 It is impossible to provide a comprehensive translation of T h a Pahlavi version proper. 142 Mole 1963, 224: "celul qui donne la gracdew pour des richesses Ie fait en suivant la sagesse dss kek (ceiul qui donne le pouvoir pour de 1'aroent Ie fait d o n \a sageme de ceux qui sent smrds er aveugles pour les chose* divines". 133 134 135 136 137 138 139 140

Version, possibly, because k5k ud karap became a fixed expression. 148 Though the general sense of the verse was grasped by the Zandists, their translation was based 0 1

the slmilarlty of sound between "on-connected vesta an and Pahlavi words; i t was probably a " " 5 n 3 5 3 , rendered as an.ben, "non-seeing, sightless", in this verse that aroused tha equation of k lid karao with karr ud kdr,"deaf and blind*. 149 Mole 1967, 85.279: "eleveur". In The Sshnamati. PasffyT comesponds to the Pahlavi wastaryO<Sn, the name af the agriculturist "caste*, cf. Tafazzoii 1993a. 71-12.

229
[TEXT XXV] Dk 7.8.60-Ok 7 . 9 . 2 3 :
~ ~

~~

ka h3n mard 3 0 S l a g hawed hSn hampursed 6 Amahrspandan T huxvadZyan

T hudehagan, fradag andar r 6 z ham

T r 6 5 n r52 b e paydag k a ax" 1 astomand

g a d ud =.must a.kek ud a.karap I k f i pad c i s T Yazdan n e karr ud KCrI ud a w l s a n l s n [kc.$ x v e s t a n c i s 1 Yazdan Jud n6 k a r d s t e ud p u r r . a s i x t

estfid [kfl waran bad ested] ud ah gyag gyag abaz &st anoar Eran.wez k c Weh D 2 l t l . l^lf you want, 0 Zoroaster, t o destroy the malice of daewas and men, of the yatusand

Then, when this man (Zoroaster's son) will be 30 years old, he will have a conference with the
Bountiful Immortals, the well-ruling, the well-providing. In the morning, during the day, this lighty day will be manifest, the material existence will be without (violent) club, without brutal

of~the ~ , two-legged ruffians, of the twopaitikas, of the oppressors, of the b l i n d a n d d e a f ~ n e s ~ IeggedaeSamaw, of the four-legged wolves.

force, without Kc&,without karap [they will not be deaf and bfind in the affairs of Yazdanl.
without separation [they will not separate themselves from the affairs of Yazdanl and fully irrigated [i.e., there will be rain] and water will be again found in every place of ErSn.WSz, i.e.. Weh DSlti.

150 Translation by Darmesteter 1884, 28. 151 Thus Darmesteter (italicized by me), having based himself on the Pahlavi glosses; kavh and karapars is another possibility.

231 [TEXT W I b ] PhNt 1.10: agarat kamag had152, d

~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~
~~

232
If this would be your wish, 0 Zoroaster, t o overcome their harm, which i s of the dews and (evil)

z a r d u t x i ~ t l 5 3 .aw6san154 b6S155 t a r w e n ~ d a n T ~ az ~ ~ d Ud ~ ~ a l~r l ga a n ast n ~ tar ~ ~ ~ an^^'~~ 6 ~ ~ 2 " ' ~ ~

men, of the wizards and witches, tyrants, it-./kavka

(well-)known; these evil men

karaps/karapans [knowthat dews are

ud r n~ a r d~~ m n a n ~~ ~~~ ~

are

innumerable1 65, and wizards

are (well-)known, and the

witches are those who have performed 1000 sins worth of death; the tyranny may occur among thegood ones, andeven among the worseones; among thegood ones by teachingand protection, and Sh b a w c d u d padaz Wadtaran 6h bawed, pad WehSn hamm6xtSrTh Ud among the worse ones by destruction and oppression. There is one who said that both (the good

ones and the worse ones commit) destruction, namely, as the good kill the bad, and the bad kill the
good.Abarang said that i t means that the meats are coarse under the tyranny166. Excess and and it may occur also among the tyrants. And deficiency may occur among the ah1 am6~-heretics theexcess of theahl am6-y-hereticsis what -hey spoke ofthe Zand as regardingfood1 67, and

r r a w a r d a r i h u d pad wadtaran z a d a r l h Ud stahmaglh. h a s t k har dfi zadSrTh g6wEd ee weh wad zaned ud wad weh zaned. Abarang guft ed sur stabr andar SSstSrTh. fr6hbUdTh u d ab6bOdTh pad a h l a m S o n 6h bawed Ud padaz SastarSn Oh bawed u d a h l a m 6 e n frehbudlh Zand pad ~ ~ a r d a g gu f' t ~Q.San ~ abebudTh

152 153 154 155 156 157 158 159 160 161 162 163

yezi vagl. ZaraeuStr; au& ttiae$S. tauruallS. (iaeuuanam. maSIlanamca. yaewam. palrlkanamca saeram. kaoilam. karapnamca.

164 Or. ' f l a r d r g .

165 Dhabhar 1963, 167; "these "men" are to be regarded as wicked". The New Persian vereion, which h a bad m a r (*wadag am=, where I read waaag a.mar1, seems to support ~habhar's translation, but i t is to be observed that this version is longer than the Pahlavi-onesand represents a liahtlv drfferent tradition. 6 6 T h s ma, reflect a pace of am-Muaakce propaganda. Lntort..~ateiy. tnera .s neitner Sansint nw New Persmcn m s m f a tms tmtecedng msage. 167 The translations oy Ohachar 1963 ana<anga 1964 are dfferem "em.

their deficiency is holding one's nourishment (only) to the extent of one's hunger175 and the

e x e s of the tyrants is immoderate slaughter and their deficiency is lack of worship1 76, and the
A-ff-itslkav's and karap/karapam are those who

are deaf and blind as regards the affairs of are

Yazdan] of the biped scoundrels177 and of the biped ahlamwheretics [know that there three178sorts of the ahlamor-heretics.

One sort is the deceiver, one sort is selfish,

and one

sort is deceived. Know that the deceiver i s one who perverts a thing consciously, when he puts a
sin worthy of three sr6SOcaranam whips as a merit, or a merit as a sin according t o the iawl 79. the living as wicked and the dead asworth of death1 Andthere is no need to teach him

and t o guide him and t o study (with him?), and his repentance (patKTh) has no value. This
selfish one is that who follows the ahlamov-heretics, and says what saysthat one who is worth of death, and his repentance ( p a t T t i h ) has no value. The deceived one who goes after the ahlamffyharetics in his pure and meritous way of thinking, and says things whether they are

or are not; this he saysl'l.

And he is (worth of) s p a i i 6 i t i ) la2 and therefor

his repentance

(PatTt Th) has value1 and also of the quadwped'wolves.

168 169 170 171 172 173 1 4

mairiianqmca blzangranam ae~smacyanamca blzangranam m e~ew ~ersian version wrongly read H N w N ' t as bini5anaa VShrKanamCa. caewara.zangranqm

175 Obviously, a reference to Mazdaldte teachings. 176 OheMarl963, 169 n. 10, read*ke[n-pa*Sniri 'deficient meal". 177 Onthis word, cf. Bailey 1963. 78-80. The normal Sanskrit gloss for maran is nr$anisa-, "violent cruel". but here it is hlrfsakebhuacca. vrston . . . d. Damesteter 1883. . 258: the New ~ersian hesrhZanan"highway robbers", cf. Damesteter 1883. 266, and Ohabhar 1963, 169 n. 11. 178 The Sanskrit and New Persian versions: two. 179 Obviously. piemics with encratic heretics who used a different Zand 180 The Pahiad text is corruot here. as is also sianalled bv the Sanskrit and New Persian vertions: probably. is would preferrabie t o emend maraarzffn t o *ahlawan, "righteous". or the like. 181 he translation here can be only 182 Cf. Vd 3.41; d.also Kanga 1964, 6 n. 3 and the translations of Kanga 1964. 6 ["he cssts off " ( t h e principle of1 spsyiFirAn this case) (should be applied) t o him"]. (sin)-] and Dhabhar 1963, 171 [

~~

~~~

tentative.

235 CHAPTER N APPENDK I1

236 Kuznetsov 1 9 7 ~ bnoted l ~ ~ the numerous parallels between the Slavonic text and the -2oroastrian New Persian Z a r a t u C t - ~ ~ m a h edited ~~~ in , the 13th century (such parallels, indeed, do exist). This composition is built from the same sources as ZWY and JN (which were

Aswaspreviously noted, the dramatispersons acting in JN are Jamaspand WigtSsp, as in .4Zle3, not Ohrmazd and Zoroaster as in ZWY. We possess another composition arranged in the form of a ham pursagTh ("conference", questions and answers) between an Iranian king and h i s wise minister, where the latter interprets in eschatological terms the king's dream, while there are, too, numerous parallels between i t and between JN and ZWY 4: the bulk of the verses deal with the first dream, me rest are only repetitions. The composition in question exists in Old Church Slavonic (translated also into Mediaeval Slavic vernaculars), being generally known as The Twelve Dreams of the king ~ ' 3 x a i d ~ ~ ; however, the composition has also other different names18s.

unknown t o Kuznewv).
Nevertheless, Kuznetsov went as far as trying t o reconstruct for the Achemenid and Sasnian i n a "Mithraic" religion very similar t o that of Zoroaster, but whose prophet was called Mithra. Doing t h a t he resorted heavily texts dealing with the Bon religion.

According t o Kuznetsov, there were two traditions in Iran, that of the Prophet Zarathustra, and that of Mithra; later, these "Mithraistic" (not in the accepted Western sense) traditions were incorporated into the Zoroastrian heritage, but in Tibet we still have (according t o Kuznetsov) some remnants traced t o Iranian emigres from the 4th-5th centures BCE In Tibet (thus Kuznetsov 1976b. 273), Mithra appears as the Prophet Mathur / Mathara

thus according t o the Tibetan historian Sum-pa Mkhan-po (18th century) who used Tarana tha

h i s composition, the king S a x a i s a of U p w m asks his minister MameraIAmira t o In t

lnterprete his dreams. Scholars (Veselovskij 1879; Polivka 1889, 188; Ol'denburg 1892, 135) have identified the name of the king as the Persian (actually, Parthian) *Sanin<an; the name of him city is given as Hpnu~^i is some older redactions (from the 15th century), while in the youngeronesit became E p ~ x o ~ Jericho. k, Kuznewv 1976b. 272-3, identified Mp~n* as the Parthian form of *Iran; it is true, derivatives of *arya or *ire[n] are found among Iranian loan words in Slavonic (Old Russian i r e ] , Ukrainian v y r e j , Polish v y r a j , "Southern countries")186. Kuznetsovaisosawthe alternative form of the name of the seer Mamer / Amer as reflecting the Parthian for Wnhra. The Slavonic of the composition is highly archaic, and Kuznewv took the text as one of the most ancient literature pieces of the Kievan Rus', prior to 1224 CE It was stated a t an early date that the Slavic composition has Oriental sources; Veselovskij 1879 and Ol'denburg 1892 looked for some Buddhist intermediary; however, Veselovskij was fairly aware of the possibility of an iranian source 1 intermediary; it is well-known that there are some Old Russian texts of Iranian origin, like T h e Story of Ruslan" ('Rustam), 'The Judgewent of Semjaka" (*Semaxa), etc.

(accomplished in 1608). In theTibetan Zhang-Zhung Dktfonary, Deihi, 1967, p. 6.18, cf. Haarh 1968, 37, the name Zarathushtra was is given as dmu-ra. According t o "Ardho 1Aradhoto", a Tibetan historian1 the pupil of Mathur. Mathur was born in ~asargadse(unfortunately,Kuznetsov did not give the Tibetan farmlgl) and was contemporary with Cyrus the Great. .His Vita was translated from

" l a i n " (for Kuznetsov, i t is Pahlavi) into Shang-Shung (Zhang-Zhung) and from it into Tibetan in the epoch of the king Krhi-srong, during 144 yearslg2. The Tibetan book speaks, according t o Kuznetsov,of Dualism, the begetting of Mathura, of the priests and the rites. Then, Mathura meets, in the Southern part of Iran, the God whose Tibetan name means "The Wise One" (^~azda)? 93.

associated with the topic c f . , e.g., ~uccii971. 190 Dr. Dan Martin of Jerusalem, a Tibetologist, informed me that no such a Tibetan historian" ever existed; in Dr. Martin's view, the name seems to be w l y read by Kuznetaov. 191 Gumilev & Kuznetsov 1970, 57M,f, and Kuznetsov 1973, 20, give the form Bar-PO-so-brgyad(* P i n Pano-oard. - . the citv of Persians'l. But cf. Bailev 1976. 311-2: Pasaraadai. the northern A h m e n i a n capital, *"encampent of the Persians*, fleaouro ~ ~ ~ T S n t Sfrom o ~ , *Pars* argada-,

183 AyJ 1.10-13 has a parallel in AvZ 35-8 184 ,Mth variants; axi in% etc. 185 Cf. Poiivfca 1889, 189, Veselovskij 1879, 1-2. The texts are available in Veselovskij 1879, Polivha 1889. an abridged Seriianversion in Basic 1931. 186 Not quoted by Kuznetsov: cf. Vasmer 1976.1.486-7.

where argada is the well known arwarg, as the New Persian for "citadel", TflJTkl a p u Eyxopo, also the m e of the Central Asian city Arg; Parthian ~ k p t y ,hrkpty, .piMmimK, apyP61t, Aramaic H O I ~ X , M ~ = P ~ N . X ~ = P Y M syriac , .govemr of fortre=., the wt of ths h t i n am, arceo. 192 Kuznetsov. ib., quoting Dus-Pa rin-po-cfieSi rgyud gzer-mig, Deihl, 1965, pp. 1127-1138, 1167. 193 If i t be so, one would recall "a man should see Mithra on the see shore" in Pahlavi apocalyptic tradition, but ZWY & JN remained unknown to Kuznetsov.

237 Kuznetsov 1976b, 277, compares the three texts, the Slavonic, the New Persian Zoroastrian m d the Tibetan. For Kuznetsov, "The 1 2 Dreams of UJaxamua" and the Z a r a t u s t - N a m a h (13th century
-

238 How could the Slavs have got this text? The Greek intermediary is impossible (because of 5 of

Saxalga); tt looks like we might ascribe the transferring of the text t o the Sasanian-Bulgarian

CE) both go back to the same source in which the *Vita Mitbra" was interwoven "New Tibetan Evidence for Mithra" is a result of wishful

ties during the epoch of the

First Bulgarian Kingdom which were very strong

- moreover, there

with the Vita Zoroastri [ZaratuSt- Namahl. Unfortunately, all this

ware thousand of Armenians (mostly. ~ a u l i c a n i a n s ~ resettled ~~) in Bulgaria, forming the bulk of the civil administration. This links seems to be the host plausible. In the Late Sasanian, period and even later, after the fall of the Zoroastrian Empire, Western Iranian speech served as lingua franc8 up to the Slavic ~ o r t h Nevertheless, ~ ~ ~ . it is impossible to think of a translation of a written Middle Iranian literary text into Slavonic at such an early date. The suggested original form of the name of the Seer, * Z a m i a l s p - a, is actually indicating that the text disclosed under the extant Slavonic composition was a version of the Pahlavi Jamasp-Namag, Thismight reaffirm, in an oblique way, that it was the Jamasp-Namag

misundestandingl 94. the situation being very similar t o that with the so-called "Achsemenid far map f r o m ~ b e t " ~As ~~ . as-1 could see, there is no Mithra, no Pasargadae, no Cyrus in Tibetan, and our Slavonic text has nothing to do with the mystical depths of Shanbala and Aryans from the Northern Pole. is Mithra traceable on the Slavic soil otherwise? There certainly was some knowledge of M'ihra in Common Slavic in historical epoch, although no Mithra in known in Scythian. It is quite possible that the ultimate source of the Slavic h4ithralg6 was ~ a n i c h e e i s m ' ~cf, ~ the 1.,"peace", 2. "world", 3. "community", Slavonic and Russian198 m i r (mp, ~ i p ) from

that was the prime source of the Zand i Wahman Vast 4. The other way around, it would be impossible

"~ithra"'~ while ~ , the word is not found in many other Slavic tongues, cf. Polish pokoj,"peace". swiet, "world". It is possible that 1have a solution for the Seer's name which does not involves either Mithra.

to

tell why the supposed original names of Ohrmazd and Zoroaster, in their

ham.pursagTH-conference,becamecha@rnWl~tasp

and Jamasp.

or Tibet altogether; we could assume a

in the route of (supposed) transferring of

the text from ~ i a g o l i t i c to ~ Cyrillic; ~~ Mawepa S t S T, or better Mawnpa StS6L t ( I

prefere these forms on Awep-) < * M a w m a W c i )

AtSS TT, from ZSmSsp. One could

, S / 6 , and for i and S , t / 9 (just see easily how similar are the Glagoliiic for M and 7
upside down), for R and P. L / T (the same)202

. who Mndly agreed t o help me with 194 Knowing but little Tibetan, 1 am very thankful t o ~ r Martin, things ?batan and provided me with several bibliography items. nowever, all the conclusions are mine. . Mazar in the Hebrew newspaper Maarlv, 4, 1972 is 195 Cf. Gumiiev & Kuznetsov 1970 (en which B based), Heteny 1973, ~ u z n e t s o v 1973, Stronach 1977; Kuznetsov's views were quoted, sympathetically, by such a [ranist, who also has a very serious Tibetologist background, as Sir Harold in his brief -Report" (~aiiey1975). However, cf. for a new evaluation of the related matterial in Martin 1994. 196 On Mithraism and Manlchaism on the Balkan Peninsula, cf. Cumont 1915, 175.176.
797 k c - . 79 7 5 ~ ~ . . , -

198 Cf.Vasmer 1950 S 1967 a d k . 199 Abayev 1971, 11, showed that the Scythian form of Mthra should be 'mlr. 200 Similarly, there 1 s no need. with ~ i c n e t s o v 1976b, t o postulate a "Parthian- forrii for the Slavonic Waxanuia: i t is merely * U J ~ X ~ H W*Saxansa ~, 201 uaaditic. and not the latter Cyrillic, was invented by Cvrill and Methodius circa 860. Some

203 Cf. Ivanov 1925, 16ft.. for Armenian sKes in Bulgaria, and Menses 1979, 48. 204 Pritaak 1981. I. 28: "in the Northern Dvina basin. Cudian (Old-Estonian) and Middle Persian

. .
202

. .
not her possibility is *amira. from Arabic ami-r. Thiswould be a paralie1 to'gahinsah.