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    Pausanias' Guide to Ancient Greece
    Pausanias' Guide to Ancient Greece
    Pausanias' Guide to Ancient Greece
    Ebook369 pages4 hours

    Pausanias' Guide to Ancient Greece

    By Christian Habicht

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    A Greek who lived in Asia Minor during the second century A.D., Pausanias traveled through Greece and wrote an invaluable description of its classical sites that is a treasure trove of information on archaeology, religion, history, and art. Although ignored during his own time, Pausanias is increasingly important in ours—to historians, tourists, and archaeologists. Christian Habicht offers a wide-ranging study of Pausanias' work and personality. He investigates his background, chronology, and methods, and also discusses Pausanias' value as a guide for modern scholars and travellers, his attitude toward the Roman world he lived in, and his reception among critics in modern times. A new preface summarizes the most recent scholarship.


    A Greek who lived in Asia Minor during the second century A.D., Pausanias traveled through Greece and wrote an invaluable description of its classical sites that is a treasure trove of information on archaeology, religion, history, and art. Although ignor
    LanguageEnglish
    PublisherUniversity of California Press
    Release dateNov 15, 2023
    ISBN9780520342200
    Pausanias' Guide to Ancient Greece
    Author

    Christian Habicht

    Christian Habicht is Professor at the School of Historical Studies, Institute for Advanced Study, Princeton. He is the author of Athens from Alexander to Antony (1997) and Cicero the Politician (1990).

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      Pausanias' Guide to Ancient Greece - Christian Habicht

      SATHER CLASSICAL LECTURES

      VOLUME FIFTY

      PAUSANIAS’

      GUIDE TO ANCIENT

      GREECE

      PAUSANIAS’ GUIDE

      TO ANCIENT

      GREECE

      Christian Habicht

      With a New Preface

      University of California Press

      Berkeley Los Angeles London

      University of California Press

      Berkeley and Los Angeles, California

      University of California Press, Ltd.

      London, England

      First Paperback Printing 1998

      © 1985 by The Regents of the University of California

      New Preface © 1998 by The Regents of the University of California

      Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data

      Habicht, Christian.

      Pausanias’ guide to ancient Greece.

      (Sather classical lectures; v. 50)

      Bibliography: p.

      Includes indexes.

      I. Pausanias. Description of Greece—Addresses, essays, lectures. 2. Greece—Description and travel— To 323—Addresses, essays, lectures. 3. Greece— Antiquities—Addresses, essays, lectures. I. Title.

      II. Series.

      DF27.P383H33 1985 913.8'049 84-16243

      ISBN 0-520-06170-5 (alk. paper: pbk.)

      Printed in the United States of America 123456789

      The paper used in this publication is both acid-free and totally chlorine-free (TCF). It meets the minimum requirements of American Standard for Information Sciences—Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials, ANSI Z39.48-1984.

      FOR FREIA

      CONTENTS

      CONTENTS

      LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

      PREFACE TO THE 1985 EDITION

      PREFACE TO THE PAPERBACK EDITION

      LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

      I THE MAN AND HIS WORK

      II PAUSANIAS AS A GUIDE

      III PAUSANIAS AND THE EVIDENCE OF INSCRIPTIONS

      IV PAUSANIAS ON THE HISTORY OF GREECE

      I THE ROMAN WORLD OF PAUSANIAS

      VI A PROFILE OF PAUSANIAS

      APPENDIX ONE

      APPENDIX TWO

      BIBLIOGRAPHY

      INDEX OF PASSAGES CITED

      GENERAL INDEX

      INDEX OF SIGNIFICANT GREEK WORDS

      LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

      1 Silver bracelet, 86 B.C., 16

      2 Route of Pausanias in the area of Megalopolis, 19

      3 Kallipolis, location, 33

      4 Kallipolis, seal of Cnossus, 35

      5 Kallipolis, Aetolian seal with the name of Charixenus, 35

      6 Messene, aerial view of the large square, 40

      7 Messene, temple and altar of Asclepius, 42

      8 Messene, reconstruction and schematic drawing of the Asclepieium, 43

      9 Messene, plaster model of the Asclepieium, 45

      10 Messene, the Asclepieium from a balloon, 45

      11 Messene, map of the Asclepieium, 46

      12 Pergamum, Asclepieium, 47

      13 Messene, Apollo or Dionysus, 48

      14 Messene, priestesses of Artemis, 49

      15 Messene, head of Apollo, 49

      16 Messene, battered head of Asclepius, 50

      17 Lycosura, Demeter of Damophon, 51

      18 Lycosura, Artemis of Damophon, 51

      19 Lycosura, Anytus of Damophon, 52

      20 Pergamum, the Wild Man, 53

      21 Cleitor, Polybius, 54

      22 Cape Artemisium, the God from the Sea, 60

      23 Messene, statue of the fourth or fifth century A.D., 62

      24 Delphi, entrance to the sanctuary of Apollo, 72

      25 Athens, Agora with gate and trophy, 78

      26 Athens, route of Pausanias in the Agora, 79

      27 Athens, the Agora according to C. Robert, 80

      28 Athens, lead tablet from the Kerameikos, 81

      29 Samos, base of statue of Philopoemen, 90

      30 Athens, decree for Cephisodorus, 93

      31 Olympia, Exedra of Herodes Atticus, 135

      32 Louvre, bust of Herodes Atticus, 136

      33 Athens, monument of Philopappus, 138

      34 Aegira, Zeus of Euclidas, 160

      PREFACE TO THE 1985 EDITION

      The pages that follow represent the lectures given under the same title at the University of California, Berkeley, in the fall of 1982. The Preface, notes, and two appendices have been added; apart from these, material changes have been slight.

      Opinions on the value of Pausanias’ work still diverge. To some, he seems muddleheaded; to others, a most reliable guide. The strongest accusations against him have for some time been satisfactorily answered and are no longer a real issue. There is, nonetheless, still much current prejudice against him and also, among literary critics, a tendency to neglect him.¹ A low esteem for postclassical authors in general may have contributed more to this neglect than the assessment of Pausanias’ individual ability as a writer. If it is true of all these writers that the greatest need … is for sustained analyses of the fundamental quality of literature written in the shadow of a … classical past,2 Pausanias most definitely deserves a fresh study. The most pressing need, it has been stated long ago, is for an interpretation of Pausanias’ work that does not lose sight of the whole for the sake of the particulars.3 The present volume is meant to be a modest contribution toward this goal.

      The English quotations from Pausanias’ text are taken from James G. Frazer’s translation of 1898, whose literary quality far outweighs anything that might seem out of fashion in expression or in spelling of ancient names. References with Roman numerals always refer to the books of Pausanias.

      My obligations are numerous and deeply felt. For the generous invitation to do these lectures I am obliged to the members of the Department of Classics at the University of California, Berkeley, and to them and their chairman, Charles Murgia, as well as to many colleagues in other departments, for their kindness, assistance, and hospitality. They all made our stay in the Bay Area a delightful and unforgettable experience.

      In the preparation of the book my greatest debt is to Dr. Alfred S. Bradford, Jr., for many good suggestions and for a very thorough revision of my English draft. I am also most grateful to Mrs. Sandra S. Lafferty of the Institute for Advanced Study for her meticulous preparation of the typescript and to Mrs. Doris Kretschmer and her staff at the Press for all the care they provided during the editorial process. Finally, I wish to acknowledge with gratitude the kindness of all those who authorized me to reproduce photographs, maps, or drawings: American School of Classical Studies, Athens (figs. 25, 26, 30); Ar- chaiologike Hetaireia, Athens (figs. 8a, 9-11, 13, 14, 16, 23); A. S. Bradford (fig. 8b); Deutsches Archaologisches Institut, Abteilung Athen (figs. 15, 17-19, 28, 29, 31); Deutsches Archaologisches Institut, Abteilung Istanbul (figs. 12, 20); Ecole Franςaise d’Archeologie, Athens (fig. 1); Alison Frantz (fig. 22); Pantos Pantos (figs. 3-5); R. Schoder, SJ (figs. 6, 7); A. F. Stewart (fig. 34).

      Ch. H.

      Princeton, New Jersey, 1985

      1 Ed. Norden, in his monumental Antike Kunstprosa, has no room for a discussion of Pausanias; he gives him just one sentence (which does not even mention his name): Ein Grieche registriert die Monumente der Vorzeit weniger aus kunstlerischem als aus anti- quarischem Interesse: er ist dadurch eine unserer wichtigsten Quellen fur Religionsalter- turner geworden (vol. 1, 3d ed. [Leipzig and Berlin 1915], 345). M. P. Nilsson, where he discusses Greek religion as reflected in the literature of the empire, has sections on Babrius, Lucian, Aristides, Philostratus, Aelianus, Heliodorus, and Nonnus, but nothing on Pausanias (Geschichte der griechischen Religion, vol. 2 [Munich 1950], 535—46; 3d ed. [1974], 558—69). In their introduction to a volume devoted to Greek literature written under the empire the editors especially regret the absence of essays on Nonnus … or his many successors; … on Philostratus, the eminent sophists, Aelian, Quintus of Smyrna, the other novelists, the literary criticism of philosophers, Plutarch, Oppian, and many others who well deserve to be read … (J. J. Winkler and G. Williams, YCS ΊΊ [1982]: vii-viii)—again no mention of Pausanias, who could easily compete with most of those named. Finally, the recent collection Ancient Writers: Greece and Rome, edited by T. Luce (2 vols. [New York 1982]), has, among some fifty authors, no corner for Pausanias.

      2 Winkler and Williams (above, n. 1), p. viii.

      3 Regenbogen, p. 1095: Was fr das gesamte Werk des P. am dringendsten vonnoten, aber nicht immer leicht ist, ist die Interpretation auch des Einzelnen aus dem Ganzen heraus. Es ist fraglich, ob in unserer Zeit das noch einmal geleistet werden wird.

      PREFACE TO THE PAPERBACK EDITION

      The Sather Classical Lectures on Pausanias have long been out of print, as has the German edition of the book. I am therefore most grateful for the initiative of the Press in making them available again. I take the opportunity to review selectively recent scholarship and to make some corrections and additions prompted by it. For the production of the book, my thanks go to Mary Lamprech and Suzanne Samuel.

      Interest in Pausanias, both the man and his work, long dormant, has skyrocketed over the past twenty years and led to a flood of books and articles. I would like to think that my Sather Classical Lectures, reprinted here, contributed to this boom; in fact, in the Preface to Pausanias Historien (Entretiens 41, 1996), the editor states that these lectures triggered the conference at Geneva. Among important scholarship since 1985,1 would mention the reissue of the edition by H. Rocha-Pereira, 1989-1990. Bilingual editions with introduction and commentary are appearing in Italy¹ and have begun to appear in France.² A complete German translation of Pausanias with notes was published in 1986-1989,³ and a Japanese translation in 1991.⁴ A wider audience is targeted by J. Lacarriere’s book Ais die Saulen noch standen: Spaziergange mit Pausanias in Griechenland.⁵

      Major studies on individual regions treated by Pausanias have appeared for Attica (book I),⁶ Corinth (II),⁷ Sparta (III),⁸ Messene (IV),⁹ and Olympia (V-VI).¹⁰ Other works analyze Pausanias’ reports on Achaia (VII),¹¹ Arcadia (VIII),¹² and Delphi (X).¹³ Pausanias’ use of and approach to history continue to be widely discussed,¹⁴ and the same holds both for his standing as a Greek in a Roman world and for his views on Rome and the Romans.¹⁵ Art, artists, and architecture of the past and of the writer’s own time form a major part of a recent book and are the object of a recent article.¹⁶

      The following pages will review in the light of recent scholarship specific topics discussed in the book.

      Chapter 1 (The Man and His Work): For what audience did Pausanias write? That question continues to be discussed, and also the question of what kind of book he wanted to write: a guide for tourists, a literary work to be read at home, or an attempt (as I have argued) to combine both aims. These days, most scholars hold that he had, above all, if not exclusively, readers in mind, not people who would want to use the book as a guide on tour. In this sense, see 0. Andersen and D. Knoepfler in Entretiens 41 and other scholars quoted therein.¹⁷ F. Chamoux, on the other hand, argues that Pausanias thought equally of both groups.¹⁸ It is ironic that Wilamowitz, who in fact set out to follow him in the field, got lost—through his own, not Pausanias’, fault.¹⁹

      Chapter 2 (Pausanias as a Guide): The story of the burnt archive at Kallipolis (pp. 34-35), for which I relied on the excavator’s report (P. Themelis), needs to be revised, after the archive’s thorough publication by P. A. Pantos.²⁰ The results show that this was not the city’s archive but rather that of one of the leading and well-known families of Aetolia. The documents were not burned in 279 B.C., but about a century later, perhaps during the course of civic riots. The strategos Charixenus, whose seal is shown (fig. 5), is, consequently, not Char- ixenus I, but his son Charixenus II, three-time federal strategos in the 240s and 230s. The archive from Delos (p. 34 and n. 24) has now been published.²¹

      Messene (pp. 36-63): New excavations are under way.²² Important new evidence for Damophon (pp. 38-57) has been found near the Asklepieion on an inscribed column. It contained decrees of seven states honoring Damophon. Most interesting is the one of Lycosura (SEG 41.332). From the fact that it mentions tetradrachms as valid currency, Themelis concludes that since they were no longer minted in the Peloponnese after 190 B.C., this year was the terminus ante quem for the inscription. He then argues that Damophon’s career culminated between 223 and 190 or some forty to fifty years earlier than hitherto assumed. The fallacy of this argument is that tetradrachms continued to circulate long after minting had stopped (whenever that was).²³ There seems to be no good reason to abandon the traditional chronology that has Damophon active between ca. 180 and 150. If he in fact, as Themelis argues, was instrumental in the planning of the temple, the same will then be true for the temple’s chronology.

      The date of the important Messeniam inscription cited on p. 61 and n. 88 continues to be controversial; see now L. Migeotte, "La date de Voktobolos eisphora de Messene," Topoi 7 (1997), 51-61, who opts for a date between 70 and 30 B.C.

      Chapter 3 (Pausanias and the Evidence of Inscriptions): Increased attention has recently been given to Pausanias’ use of inscriptions.²⁴ For the three dedications at Delphi discussed on pp. 74-76 (nn. 39, 42, 46), my comments depended on Vatin’s readings. These have since been questioned by other French scholars who were unable to read what he reported to have read.²⁵

      The invasion of Greece by the Celts (pp. 84-86) is told by Pausanias twice, in book I and in book X. He says (Χ.19.5) that he had planned it so from the beginning. His assertion has been questioned by Ameling, who holds that his interest was rekindled, long after he wrote book I, by the invasion of the Costoboci in A.D. 170 (see p. 9), and that this event prompted him to tell the story again, and in more detail.²⁶ There is general agreement that this event was very important to him, on the level of the Trojan and Persian wars. Furthermore, the view that Hieronymus of Cardia was his main source for it seems to gain ground.²⁷ Two important details can now be added: the Boeotian commander Lysandros, mentioned by Pausanias (X.20.3) is now epigraphically attested,²⁸ and for Archandros, the son of the Athenian general Kallippos (1.3.5; 3.4; X.20.5), an important decree was found at the Athenian fortress of Rhamnus, dating to the 240s.²⁹ This evidence further corroborates the quality of Pausanias’ source and of his own factual report.

      The inscription from Xanthus mentioning Tlepolemus (p. 88 and n. 89) has been published.³⁰

      For the Athenian statesman Cephisodorus (pp. 92-94), new evidence suggests two modifications: the mover of the decree of 229/8 is different from the politician honored in the early second century, and the date of this decree (fig. 30) is 184/3 rather than 196/5.³¹

      Chapter 4 (Pausanias on the History of Greece): Little has been said recently about Pausanias’ use of previous historians. An important borrowing (1.26.4) from Herodotus (Ι.5.3) has been observed by D. Musti and discussed by him and others.³² There is a recent reaction against the traditional view that Pausanias made substantial use of Thucydides.³³ Whether or not he used Philistos, the historian of the Greek West, and Diodorus, the historian of the known universe, is a matter of controversy,³⁴ as is the extent of his use of the geographer Strabo.³⁵

      Chapter 5 (The Roman World of Pausanias): My interpretation (p. 121) of Pausanias’ verdict concerning Sulla’s cruelty (or savagery) in 1.20.7 has been criticized by E. L. Bowie as going too far.³⁶ In support of his own view he adduces another passage (IX.33.6): Sulla’s treatment of the Athenians was also uncivilised and alien to the Roman character. I welcome this reference and accept his criticism as valid.

      In connection with Hadrian’s characterization as the benefactor of Athens (p. 124 and n. 29), a discussion has recently begun about what (if anything) this emperor’s Panhellenion meant for Pausanias. D. Musti thinks that Pausanias’ work reflects the spirit of the Panhellenion. Similarly, according to Arafat, Pausanias wrote against the background of the creation of the Panhellenion, and, referring to an unpublished paper by A. Spawforth, Arafat states: Pausanias’ readers were, effectively, the delegates to the Panhellenion.³⁷ Contrary to this, Ameling holds that the author was probably critical in his opinion of the Panhellenion which, according to him, only feigned a nonexistent unity of the Greeks, whereas Bowie doubts that the Panhellenion could have reflected Pausanias’ conception or elicited his enthusiasm.³⁸ There is an unreal element in this discussion, insofar as Pausanias never mentions the Panhellenion and there is no evidence that he ever found readers (p. 1).

      Concerning Pausanias’ criticism that the Athenians altered the names on the statues of Miltiades and Themistocles into those of a Roman and a Thracian (p. 137, n. 79), I should have referred the reader to the ingenious suggestion of J. and L. Robert that the places of the famous Athenians were taken, respectively, by the Thracian king Rhoemetalces III, Athenian archon in A.D. 36/7, and by lulius Nicanor of Hierapolis in Syria, acclaimed in Athens as the new Themistocles (and the new Homer) at about the same time.³⁹

      Chapter 6 (A Profile of Pausanias): For the Roman emperors initiated into the Eleusinian mysteries (p. 156 and n. 6), see K. Clinton, The Eleusinian Mysteries: Roman Initiates and Benefactors, Second Century B.C. to A.D. 267, ANRWW 18.2 (1989): 1499-1539.

      Concerning the head of Aegira (fig. 34; Pausanias VII.26.4): Walter’s identification of it as that of Zeus and as a work of Euclidas (p. 159, n. 80) is disputed by B. Madigan,⁴⁰ who opts for Dionysus. His assertion that Euclidas must be a sculptor active in the middle of the 4th century B.C.,⁴¹ however, is arbitrary: Euclidas could very well have worked in the second century, as Damophon did.

      Appendix One (Pausanias and His Critics): See also my paper An Ancient Baedeker and His Critics: Pausanias’ Guide to Greece, Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society 129 (1985): 220-224.

      Christian Habicht Princeton, New Jersey March 1998

      NOTES

      1 Pausanias, Guida della Grecia, ed. by various scholars; so far 5 vols., 1982-1995, Milan. Also R. Salvatore, Pausania, Viaggio in Grecia: guida antiquaria e artistica, vol. 1: Attica e Megaride, introduction, translation, and notes, Milan 1991.

      2 Pausanias, Description de la Grece, vol. l, ed. M. Casevitz et al., Paris 1992.

      3 Pausanias, Reisen in Griechenland, trans. E. Meyer and F. Eckstein, 3 vols., Zurich 1986-1989.

      4 Pausanias’ Description of Greece, trans. Iio K., Tokyo 1991.

      5 Frankfurt 1991, originally Promenades dans la Grece antique, Paris 1978.

      6 R. Garland, The Piraeus, London 1987. K.-V. von Eickstedt, Beitrage zur Topographic des antiken Piraeus, Athens 1991. D. Knoepfler, Sur une interpretation his- torique de Pausanias dans sa description du Demosion Sema Athenien, Entretiens 41: 277-311.

      7 D. Engels, Roman Corinth: An Alternative Model of the Classical City, Chicago 1990.

      8 C. M. Stibbe, Beobachtungen zur Topographic des antiken Sparta, Bulletin Antieke Beschaving 64 (1989): 61-99. A. R. Meadows, Pausanias and the Historiography of Classical Sparta, Classical Quarterly 89 (1995): 92-113.

      9 P. Themelis, Damophon von Messene—sein Werk im Lichte der neuen Ausgrabun- gen, AntK 36 (1993): 24-40. J. Auberger, Pausanias et les Messeniens: une histoire d’amour, REA 94 (1992): 187-97. P. Sineux, A propos de 1’Asclepieion de Messene: Asclepios Poliade et Guerisseur, REG 110 (1997): 1-24.

      10 H.-V. Herrmann, Die Siegerstatuen von Olympia, Nikephoros 1 (1988): 119-83.

      11 Y. Lafond, "Pausanias historien dans le livre VII de la Periegese," Journal des Savants (1991): 27-45; A. D. Rizakis (ed.), Achaia und Elis in der Antike, Athens 1991; the same, Achaie I: sources et histoire regionale, Athens 1995. M. Moggi, "L’excursus di Pausania sulla Ionia,"Entretiens 41 (1996): 79-105.

      12 M. Jost, Sanctuaires et cultes d’Arcadie, Paris 1985. M. Moggi, Processi di urban- izzazione nel libro di Pausania sull’ Arcadia, REG 99 (1991): 46-62.

      13 L. Lacroix, Pausanias et les origines mythiques de Delphes: eponymes, genealogies et speculations etymologiques, Kernos 4 (1991): 265-76; the same, A propos des offrandes a Apollon de Delphes et du temoignage de Pausanias: du reel a 1’impres- sion, BCH 116 (1992): 157-76. A. Jacquemin, Delphes au IIe siecle ap. J.-C.: un lieu de la memoire grecque, in S. Said (ed.), Ελληνισμός: quelques jalons pour une histoire de Pidentite grecque, Leiden 1991, 217-31.

      14 F. Chamoux, Pausania historien, Melanges Tuilier, Paris 1988, 37-45. U. Bultri- ghini, Pausania e le traduzioni democratiche: Argo et Elide, Padua 1990. C. Bearzot, Storia e storiografia ellenistica in Pausania il Periegeta, Venice 1992. Pausanias Historien (Entretiens 41), passim.

      15 J. Elsner, Pausanias: A Greek Pilgrim in the Roman World, Parola del Passato 135 (1992): 3-29. S. Alcock, Graecia capta: The Landscape of Roman Greece, Cambridge 1993. Y. Lafond, Pausanias et I’histoire du Peloponnese depuis la conquete romaine, Entretiens 41 (1996): 167-98. K. W. Arafat, Pausanias" Greece: Ancient Artists and Roman Rulers, Cambridge 1996, 80-190 (Mummius, Sulla, Roman emperors).

      16 Arafat (n. 15), 36-79. U. Kreilinger, Td άξιολοώτατα τού Παυσανίου. Die Kun- stauswahlkriterien des Pausanias, Hermes 125 (1997): 470-91.

      17 Andersen, pp. 73-74; Knoepfler, p. 308, who quotes various other scholars as arguing in this vein.

      18 Ibid., pp. 48 and 74.

      19 The full story is told in Appendix One (pp. 165-74, esp. 170) and, in somewhat different terms, Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society 129 (1985): 220-24.

      20 Td σφρα7ΐσματα τής Αίτωλικής Καλλιπόλεως, Athens 1985.

      21 Μ.-Ε Boussac, Les sceaux de Delos, vol. 1, Athens 1992.

      22 P. Themelis reports on them annually in Praktika, so far 1986-1994 (1997). See also the works cited in n. 9 and Themelis in O. Palagia and W. Coulson, Sculptors from Arcadia and Laconia, Oxford 1993, 99-109.

      23 D. Knoepfler, Museum Helveticum 46 (1989): 212-13 and Topoi 7 (1997): 46-47.

      24 J. Tsifopoulos, Pausanias as a στηλοκόπας. An epigraphical commentary of Paus- anias" ΗΛΙΑΚΩΝ A and B, Ph.D. diss. Ohio State University, 1991 (microfilm). H. Whittaker, Pausanias and His Use of Inscriptions, Symbolae Osloenses 66 (1991): 171-86. A systematic study of the topic is now under way at Siena and Geneva (Entretiens 41 [1996]: 319).

      25 J. Bousquet, Bull, epigr. 1988, 644 (cf. 643) and Bull, epigr. 1994, 349, pp. 531-34, signed by five scholars. See also SEG 31.546.

      26 W. Ameling, Entretiens 41 (1996): 145-58.

      27 Ameling, ibid. 150, n. 163.

      28 D. Knoepfler, ibid., 166.

      29 Ergon 1993, 7.

      30 J. Bousquet, REG 101 (1988): 193-201; see also F. W. Walbank, ZPE 76 (1989): 184-96.

      31 A. P. Matthaiou, Horos 6 (1988): 13-18. D. M. Lewis, ibid., 19-20.

      32 Entretiens 41 (1996): 10-11; 35-39; 40-42. Arafat (n. 15), 9.

      33 T. Eide, Pausanias and Thucydides, Symbolae Osloenses 67 (1992): 124-37.

      34 Entretiens 41 (1996): 303, 312, 317 (Philistos), 65, 72-73 (Diodorus).

      35 Entretiens 41 (1996): 87-92, 114-15.

      36 Entretiens 41 (1996): 218.

      37 Musti, ibid. 161. Arafat (n. 15), 13, 35.

      38 Ameling, ibid., 157. Bowie, ibid., 162 and 224.

      39 Bull, epigr. 1962, 137 (p. 155) and 1984, 183. For lulius Nicanor see C. Habicht, ZPE 111 (1996): 79-87.

      40 B. Madigan, A Transposed Head, Hesperia 60 (1991): 503-510.

      41 Madigan, 504.

      LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

      For ancient authors see the Oxford Classical Dictionary, 2d ed., pp. ix—xxii; for works cited by the name(s) of the author(s) only see the Bibliography.

      I

      THE MAN AND HIS WORK

      Pausanias, the man whose work and personality will be discussed on the following pages, has not fared well with posterity. In his own time he missed the audience for whom he wrote his ambitious book (almost nine hundred printed pages in the Teubner text). The first sign that it had been read comes only some 350 years after the author’s death,1 and the reader, Stephanus of Byzantium (in the time of the emperor Justinian), did not read it for pleasure or entertainment. No, Stephanus exploited it for a limited scholarly purpose: to extract from it the names of Greek cities and their ethnics. He hardly seems to be a member of the audience the author had hoped to attract. It has even been claimed; and with strong reason, that before Stephanus there was perhaps not a single copy of the work except that in the writer’s own hand, deposited in one of antiquity’s famous libraries.2

      After Stephanus, there is once more no sign of any interest in our author or his work for several centuries. Only with the rise of modern scholarship did Pausanias finally receive attention. Unfortunately, those who now came to read him were scholars only, and most of them were more interested in pointing out his shortcomings than in acknowledging his merits.3 On top of all this misfortune is heaped poor preservation of the text: the manuscripts are late and defective (the earliest one, from which all others are derived, is fifteenth-century).4 Posterity has not smiled on our author. He has had to wait for the twentieth century and the age of tourism to attract attention and win

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