Soldier Groups and Negro Soldiers
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David G. Mandelbaum
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Soldier Groups and Negro Soldiers - David G. Mandelbaum
DAVID G. MANDELBAUM
Negro Soldiers
1952
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESS BERKELEY AND LOS ANGELES
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESS
BERKELEY AND LOS ANGELES, CALIFORNIA
CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS, LONDON, ENGLAND
COPYRIGHT, 1952, BY
THE REGENTS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA
PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA
BY THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRINTING DEPARTMENT DESIGNED BY JOHN B. GOETZ
TO MY FATHER
Contents
Contents
Introduction /
Primary Group /
RELATION TO FORMAL ORGANIZATION
RELATION TO LEADERSHIP
IMPORTANCE OF THE PRIMARY GROUP
BEHAVIOR PATTERNS AND ATTITUDES OF THE PRIMARY GROUP
RESPONSE TO STRESS SITUATIONS
Negro Grouping /
NEGROES IN THE ARMY BEFORE WORLD WAR II
WORLD WAR II EXPERIENCE
THE AIR FORCE: TOWARD THE ABANDONMENT OF SEGREGATION
THE ARMY: TOWARD MODIFICATION OF SEGREGATION
RESULTS OF NEW ARMY POLICY. KOREAN COMBAT
Review /
Bibliography /
Index /
Introduction /
There is a collection of military essays called Battle Studies which has been read assiduously by several generations of career officers. Part of it was first published as a pamphlet in 1868 and the rest put together from the author’s notes after he was killed by a stray projectile from a Prussian gun during the Franco-Prussian War in 1870. The author, Colonel Ardant du Picq, stresses the importance of morale over materiel in battle. This was a popular doctrine among French generals before World War I, not always to the benefit of their military fortunes, and has again become popularly discussed, if not well understood, among military writers more recently, when morale seemed a vital factor.
The difficulty with such discussions, and not only those by military men, is that the term morale
is used in widely differing ways and refers to concepts which are usually elusively and vaguely formulated. Ardant du Picq equates the soldier’s morale with his discipline, which includes respect for and confidence in his chiefs; confidence in his comrades and fear of their reproaches and retaliation if he abandons them in danger; his desire to go where others do without trembling more than they; in a word, the whole of esprit de corps.
(Ardant du Picq, p. 122.)
These comrades are still important to the soldier and influence his behavior in training and in garrison as well as in combat. Indeed, morale—however defined—frequently turns out to vary according to the soldier’s relations to a group of comrades and according to the nature of social relations within such a group.
This group is usually called the primary group
in the following pages because that term has had widest usage in the literature. Nuclear group
is another and perhaps a better term which is applicable. Both terms denote the small, informal groupings which are important in much of human social activity. As used here in the discussion of military organization, the primary or nuclear group refers to the set of men who are close friends and who form a cooperating social nucleus in most phases of a soldier’s life.
Although the men of this group are first brought together through the impersonal operation of the formal military organization, once they establish their alliance they manage to aid each other in many varied ways and to stay together through diverse situations. They not only cooperate in the maimer prescribed by regulations, but also in ways which are not so prescribed or are even proscribed by official rule.
Other terms often used for this kind of intimate alliance, are the informal group,
the face-to-face group,
the clique,
the autonomous group.
Our major interest in Part I of this survey is in the primary group, its relation to the formal structure of the army, to the respect for and confidence in his chiefs,
and to the goals of the larger organization. Few parts of Western social organization are more explicitly defined than the formal organization of a modern army and few have been less well analyzed as they actually function. Essential to an analysis of how an army unit actually operates is an understanding of the role of the primary group. For social theory, this functional analysis will help round out the general view of informal groupings within formal and relatively rigid bureaucratic organizations.
Little information is available about changes in the nature of primary groups as external conditions vary or as internal factors operate. There are probably significant differences between the primary groups of a unit guarding an airfield in North Africa and one guarding the Presidio of San Francisco, or between those in a unit of army clerks and in one of glidermen. Such differences have not yet been subject to reliable scientific observation.
But some data are available on two major differences which are considered here. One is concerned with the effect of combat on the primary group. That is discussed in the final section of Part I. The other, discussed in Part II, is concerned with the effects of grouping Negroes into all-Negro units.
The literature on Negro units contains little or no reference to the primary group. Yet the concept of the primary group is helpful in clarifying what has happened in Negro units in the U.S. armed forces and to Negroes who have fought side by side with white soldiers.
Although both parts of this survey discuss all the U.S. armed forces, the major consideration is with the Army. And the discussion of the primary group in the Army usually refers to the primary groups within an infantry rifle company. The term unit
refers to a unit of company size except where otherwise indicated. Outfit
refers to that unit to which the soldier has special loyalty and with which he identifies most. A soldier’s outfit may be a small detachment or a battalion, depending on circumstances.
Most publications cited in the following discussion, especially of the primary group, deal with the U.S. Army as it was during World War II. There have been some changes since then, both in the military setup and in the society of which it is a part. Hence some statements may need modification, but, in the main, the analysis still holds.
The analysis has been derived from the published sources. The author’s own Army service, like that of other anthropologists who have been in the services, allowed little time or opportunity for ethnological field work in the usual sense on Army culture. But most social scientists who have been in uniform will agree that while their military experience may not have permitted systematic observation, it did yield fruitful insights into military ways.
The index was prepared by Mrs. Mary Anne Whipple; the editorial assistance of Mr. Maxwell E. Knight is gratefully acknowledged.
Primary Group /
Scientific data on the primary group in the military context are extremely meager. This does not come about from any lack of interest, for it is a topic which has been considered as long as there has been interest in the reasons for military success or failure. Thus the classic Battle Studies, mentioned above, deals with some of the central problems formulated here. But Ardant du Picq’s observations, full of insight though they are, were not systematically gathered or carefully checked. His conclusions may be interpreted in many different ways and cannot well be applied rigorously to military situations differing from those of France in the 1860‘s, when du Picq wrote. In short, such writings offer impressions rather than data, and belong to the field of literature rather than to that of science.
Part of the reason for the paucity of reliable data on this topic is that the concepts and techniques for the scientific investigation of the problem have been formulated relatively recently and have yet to be well developed. Hence much of the evidence relating to primary groups in the U.S. Army was gathered incidentally, as an ancillary outcome of research directed toward other problems.
This is true of the best and most comprehensive recent study of the Army, the Studies in Social Psychology in World War II. The four volumes of this important work are the result of the activities of the Research Branch, Information and Education Division, United States Army, during four years of World War II. The first two volumes, The American Soldier: Adjustment during Army Life and The American Soldier: Combat and its Aftermath (referred to as Stouffer, I and II) are especially useful for our purposes. An explanation of why this work is not even more useful is best given in the words of the authors.
"The problem of measuring the cooperative effort of a unit was never solved satisfactorily, and it must be set down as one of the subjects which should call for the best efforts of sociologists and psychologists in years ahead.
"Instead of solving the problem of measurement of group morale, the Research Branch, in large part, bypassed it. Faced with the necessity of giving the Army command, quickly and reliably, information which would be useful in policy making, the Research Branch concentrated primarily not on evaluation of the cooperative zeal of groups toward Army goals, but rather on study of personal adjustment. As compared with the concept of morale, it was easier to find nonverbal behavior whose relationships with the verbal behavior could be studied.
Even though the concept of personal adjustment is an individual and not a group concept, it is nevertheless useful for group comparisons.
(Stouffer, 1:85.)
Not only were group dynamics difficult to observe and to measure, but the Research Branch did not find it easy to obtain the facilities necessary for the proper experimental study of key concepts in the field of group behavior. Thus the authors say:
"Even more reluctant were the authorities to permit experimental studies to test hypotheses about leadership. The social-psychological and sociological literature on this subject is filled with precepts and stereotypes which embody a great deal of common sense experience, but any substantial advance in the way of proving that if you vary X you will also vary Y depends on experimentation under controlled conditions. Not until the war neared the end was authority obtained to begin experimental studies of the effects of leadership (at the noncom level) on troop attitudes. For a few weeks a study preliminary to experimentation was carried out at an Army post in New England, but the end of the war and curtailment of research activities brought this effort to an abrupt end.
There are few practical problems facing social science more urgent than that of studying leadership experimentally and developing some tested hypotheses to replace the copybook maxims that now fill most manuals on leadership, whether written for the Army, for industry, or for organizations like the YMCA.
(Stouffer, 1:363.)
Despite these limitations, this work is the best single source of data for an understanding of the role of the primary group in the U.S. Army.
Another source of relevant information is exemplified by the papers published in The American Journal of Sociology for March, 1946 (vol. 51, no. 5). This issue dealt exclusively with observations on the sociology of military life. All authors of the twenty-one papers in this issue had had direct experience with human behavior under conditions of military service, most of them as officers or enlisted men. All were professionally trained in one of the social or medical sciences. These and similar studies which have appeared in other issues of this and of com parable journals, have the advantage of having been done by trained analysts who knew the data by first-hand experience. They have the disadvantage of having been written as incidental outcomes of other duties, and so were done without over-all planning, unified theoretical outlook, or cross-validation.
Some of the best source materials from the psychiatric approach are found in Men Under Stress by Roy R. Grinker and John P. Spiegel. The authors of this work are psychiatrists whose military duties during World War II gave them wide experience with the problems of group dynamics and also permitted systematic observation. Another work by the same authors, War Neuroses, and similar psychiatrically oriented studies provide some evidence on group behavior. But since the observations were made in the course of clinical work, these studies emphasize individual and abnormal cases of maladjustment rather than the normal processes of group adjustment. The data presented were mainly collected in clinics and hospitals, and only incidentally have to do with typical behavior in garrison and on the field of battle.
One work which does report battlefield behavior is Men Against Fire by S. L. A. Marshall. It presents the conclusions of an astute analyst from intensive and firsthand studies of leadership and unit performance in some of the major operations of World War II. Colonel Marshall’s duties