Classics in Political Science

Preface

Wherever people live together in groups there arises the problem of liberty on the one hand and of authority on the other. There has been no end of theorizing about the complexity of politics, ranging from analysis of the operational aspect of public affairs to the formulation of philosophic systems and ideologies. Since political thinking is usually, if not always, done in the light of acute questions, the scope of political thought covers most trivial events of the day as well as fundamental principles.

The present volume attempts to feature the classics in the field, through selection of those thinkers who, in the editor’s judgment, have made a basic contribution to the political science field.

Our thanks and appreciation to Dr. Dagobert D. Runes, Director of the Philosophical Library, for initiating the project and for his critical guidance. Special thanks also to Professor Lewis Ice, Director of the University of Bridgepor Library, for his help in securing widely scattered materials for this project, and to Mr. Angelo Cocco, my assistant, for devoting endless hours to the routine tasks needed to bring the project to completion.

University of Bridgeport

J

OSEPH

S. R

OUCEK

JOHN ADAMS

(1735-1826)

Although remembered as the second President of the United States (1797-1801), was one of the most prolific political essayists of his generation—and one of the most astute. Unlike his doctrinaire contemporaries, he was little interested in abstrac tions and generalities (such as natural rights and social contracts), and in the revolutionary struggle favored the radicals in action but not in thought. Although not disputing the natural-rights-social-contract theory on the whole, he believed it had little bearing on the controversy between England and the colonies; he felt the real issue was one of practical constitutional principles since Great Britain had reached a point in her development where former concepts had to be reconsidered and adapted to new situations. The Empire could no longer be ruled on a parentchild basis, but must be viewed as a partnership of equals, which in fact it had become. The British constitution, therefore, should be conceived as the fundamental law of the Empire, determining the equal rights and duties of the partners.

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Thoughts on Government Applicable to the Present State of the American Colonies January, 1776)*

My

DEAR SIR

,—If I was equal to the task of forming a plan for the government of a colony, I should be flattered with your request, and very happy to comply with it; because, as the divine science of politics is the science of social happiness, and the blessings of society depend entirely on the constitutions of government, which are generally institutions that last for many generations, there can be no employment more agreeable to a benevolent mind than a research after the best.

Pope flattered tyrants too much when he said,

"For forms of government let fools contest,

That which is best administered is best."

Nothing can be more fallacious than this. But poets read history to collect flowers, not fruits; they attend to fanciful images, not the effects of social institutions. Nothing is more certain, from the history of nations and nature of man, than that some forms of government are better fitted for being well administered than others.

We ought to consider what is the end of government, before we determine which is the best form. Upon this point all speculative politicians will agree, that the happiness of society is the end of government, as all divines and moral philosophers will agree that the happiness of the individual is the end of man. From this principle it will follow, that the form of government which communicates ease, comfort, security, or in one word, happiness, to the greatest number of persons, and in the greatest degree, is the best.

All sober inquirers after truth, ancient and modern, pagan and Christian, have declared that the happiness of man, as well as his dignity, consists in virtue. Confucius, Zoroaster, Socrates, Mahomet, not to mention authorities really sacred, have agreed in this.

If there is a form of government, then, whose principle and foundation is virtue, would not every sober man acknowledge it better calculated to promote the general happiness than any other form?

Fear is the foundation of most government; but it is so sordid and brutal a passion and renders men in whose breasts it predominates so stupid and miserable, that Americans will not be likely to approve of any political institution which is founded on it.

Honor is truly sacred, but holds a lower rank in the scale of moral excellence than virtue. Indeed, the former is but a part of the latter, and consequently has not equal pretensions to support a frame of government productive of human happiness.

The foundation of every government is some principle or passion in the minds of the people. The noblest principles and most generous affections in our nature, then, have the fairest chance to support the noblest and also most generous models of government.

A man must be indifferent to the sneers of modern Englishmen, to mention in their company the names of Sidney, Harrington, Locke, Milton, Nedham, Neville, Burnet, and Hoadly. No small fortitude is necessary to confess that one has read them. The wretched condition of this country, however, for ten or fifteen years past, has frequently reminded me of their principles and reasonings. They will convince any candid mind, that there is no good government but what is republican. That the only valuable part of the British constitution is so; because the very definition of a republic is an empire of laws, and not of men. That, as a republic is the best government, so that particular arrangement of the powers of society, or, in other words, that form of government which is best contrived to secure an impartial and exact execution of the laws, is the best of republics.

Of republics there is an inexhaustible variety, because the possible combinations of the powers of society are capable of innumerable variations.

As good government is an empire of laws, how shall your laws be made? In a large society, inhabiting an extensive country, it is impossible that the whole should assemble to make laws. The first necessary step, then, is to depute power from the many to a few of the most wise and good. But by what rules shall you choose your representatives? Agree upon the number and qualifications of persons who shall have the benefit of choosing, or annex this privilege to the inhabitants of a certain extent of ground.

The principal difficulty lies, and greatest care should be employed, in constituting this representative assembly. It should be in miniature an exact portrait of the people at large. It should think, feel, reason, and act like them. That it may be the interest of this assembly to do strict justice at all times, it should be an equal representation, or, in other words, equal interests among the people should have equal interests in it. Great care should be taken to effect this, and to prevent unfair, partial, and corrupt elections. Such regulations, however, may be better made in times of greater tranquility than the present; and they will spring up themselves naturally, when all the powers of government come to be in the hands of the people’s friends. At present, it will be safest to proceed in all established modes, to which the people have been familiarized by habit.

A representation of the people in one assembly being obtained, a question arises, whether all the powers of government, legislative, executive, and judicial, shall be left in this body? I think a people cannot be long free nor ever happy, whose government is in one assembly.

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* This excerpt taken from: Charles Francis Adams, ed., The Life and Works of John Adams, Boston: C. C. Little and J. Brown, Vol. IV, 1851, pp. 102-103.

CZAR ALEXANDER II

(1818-1881)

Has been called the Czar-Liberator, the White Czar, and even the Abraham Lincoln of Russia. Actually, neither his training nor his temperament predisposed him to any of those roles. When he came to power at the age of thirty-six, like his father he saw himself as an autocrat whose duty it was to use the power given him by Providence, and he abhorred any movement which challenged his regime. He possessed, however, sufficient wisdom to discern what changes were unavoidable and the strength of character to see those changes through—even over the opposition of the nobility. With whatever distaste, he set resolutely about the task of finding a solution to the crippling burden of serfdom. Immediate emancipation of the peasants without land would obviously have produced enormous disorders. In this dilemma, he preferred to consult the nobility, whose elected marshals assembled at Moscow in August, 1856, for the coronation. Earlier, in March, 1856, in a speech to the local nobility of Moscow, Alexander had thrown out the famous propaganda warning that serfdom cannot be continued forever, and it would therefore be better that this reform be effected from above than below.

The nobles, however, declined to take the initiative. Nearly five years passed before the first major legislative enactment affecting the peasants was signed. In its final form, the legislation consisted of seventeen articles plus special sections, was titled Act on the Emancipation of the Peasants from Serfdom, and was signed on March 3, 1861. (This was followed, in 1866, by special legislation bringing personal liberty to the state peasants. In addition, much supplementary legislation was needed to deal with particular problems of emancipation.) Although the emancipation act ended the serf-landlord relationship, it did not sever the peasant-commune ties; in fact, emancipation increased the jurisdiction of the commune over its members, for to it were transferred many of the administrative and police powers which the nobles had formerly exercised. Although the peasants were free, they remained a class apart, at the bottom of the social hierarchy. Yet emancipation accelerated the ruin of the nobility in spite of their efforts to safeguard their prerogatives.

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Emancipation Ukase: The Emancipation of the Russian Serfs*

By

THE CRACE

of God, we, Alexander II, Emperor and Autocrat of all the Russias, King of Poland, Grand Duke of Finland, etc., to all our faithful subjects make known:

Called by Divine Providence and by the sacred right of inheritance to the throne of our ancestors, we took a vow in our innermost heart so to respond to the mission which is intrusted to us as to surround with our affection and our Imperial solicitude all our faithful subjects of every rank and of every condition, from the warrior who nobly bears arms for the defence of the country to the humble artisan devoted to the works of industry, from the official in the career of the high offices of the State to the labourer whose plough furrows the soil.

In considering the various classes and conditions of which the State is composed we came to the conviction that the legislation of the empire having wisely provided for the organization of the upper and middle classes and having defined with precision their obligations, their rights, and their privileges, has not attained the same degree of efficiency as regards the peasants attached to the soil, thus designated because either from ancient laws or from custom they have been hereditarily subjected to the authority of the proprietors, on whom it was incumbent at the same time to provide for their welfare. The rights of the proprietors have been hitherto very extended and very imperfectly defined by the law, which has been supplied by tradition, custom, and the good pleasure of the proprietors. In the most favorable cases this state of things has established patriarchal relations founded upon a solicitude sincerely equitable and benevolent on the part of the proprietors, and on an affectionate submission on the part of the peasants; but in proportion as the simplicity of morals diminished, as the diversity of the mutual relations became complicated, as the paternal character of the relations between the proprietors and the peasants became weakened, and, moreover, as the seigneurial authority fell sometimes into hands exclusively occupied with their personal interests, those bonds of mutual good-will slackened, and a wide opening was made for an arbitrary sway, which weighed upon the peasants, was unfavourable to their welfare and made them indifferent to all progress under the conditions of their existence.

These facts had already attracted the notice of our predecessors of glorious memory, and they had taken measures for improving the conditions of the peasants, but among those measures some were not stringent enough, insomuch that they remained subordinate to the spontaneous initiative of such proprietors who showed themselves animated with liberal intentions; and others, called forth by peculiar circumstances, have been restricted to certain localities or simply adopted as an experiment….

We thus came to the conviction that the work of a serious improvement of the condition of the peasants was a sacred inheritance bequeathed to us by our ancestors, a mission which, in the course of events, Divine Providence called upon us to fulfil.

We have commenced this work by an expression of our Imperial confidence towards the nobility of Russia, which has given us so many proofs of its devotion to the Throne, and of its constant readiness to make sacrifices for the welfare of the country….

Having invoked the Divine assistance, we have resolved to carry this work into execution.

In virtue of the new dispositions [of the nobility], the peasants attached to the soil will be invested within a term, fixed by the law with all the rights of free cultivators.

The proprietors retaining their rights of property on all the land belonging to them grant to the peasants for a fixed regulated rental the full enjoyment of their close…. In this state, which must be a transitory one, the peasants shall be designated as temporarily bound.

At the same time, they are granted the right of purchasing their close, and with the consent of the proprietors, they may acquire in full property the arable lands and other appurtenances which are allotted to them as a permanent holding. By the acquisition in full property of the quantity of land fixed, the peasants are free from their obligations towards the proprietors for land thus purchased, and they enter definitively into the condition of free peasants-land-holders.

Although these dispositions, general as well as local, and the special supplementary rules for some particular localities, for the lands of small proprietors, and for the peasants who work in the manufactories and establishments of the proprietors, have been, as far as was possible, adapted to economical necessities and local customs, nevertheless, to preserve the existing state where it presents reciprocal advantages, we leave it to the proprietors to come to amicable terms with the peasants, and to conclude transactions relative to the extent of the territorial allotment and to the amount of rental … observing, at the same time, the established rules to guarantee the inviolability of such agreements.

Aware of all the difficulties of the reform we have undertaken, we place above all things our confidence in the goodness of Divine Providence who watches over the destinies of Russia.

We also count upon the generous devotion of our faithful nobility, and we are happy to testify to that body the gratitude it has deserved from us, as well as from the country, for the disinterested support it has given to the accomplishment of our desigs. Russia will not forget that the nobility, acting solely upon its respect for the dignity of man and its love for its neighbour, has spontaneously renounced rights given to it by serfdom actually abolished, and laid the foundation of a new future, which is thrown open to the peasants. We also entertain the firm hope that it will also nobly exert its ulterior efforts to carry out the new regulation by maintaining good order, in a spirit of peace and benevolence, and that each proprietor will complete, within the limits of his property, the great civic act accomplished by the whole body, by organizing the existence of the peasants domiciliated on his estates, and of his domestics, under mutual advantageous conditions, thereby giving to the country population the example of a faithful and conscientious execution of the regulations of the State….

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* Text: The Annual Register, 1861, London: J. & F. H. A. Rivington. 1862, pp. 207-212, passim.

ST. THOMAS AQUINAS

(1225-1274)

Was recognized as the philosopher of the Roman Catholic Church when his authority was officially granted by Pope Leo XIII in the encyclical Aeterni Patris (1879). This Italian scholastic philosopher was also known as the Angelic Doctor (Doctor Angelicus) and Prince of Scholastics (Princeps scholasticorum); his school companions at Monte Cassino called him the Dumb Ox. He entered the Dominican order and studied under Albertus Magnus at Cologne, where he also began his career as a teacher; after 1252 he also taught at Paris, Rome, Bologna and elsewhere (Dante, in the Purgatorio, suggests that he died by being poisoned). His major contribution is the Summa Theologica. His political ideas can be found also in his De Regimine Principium, of which only the first book and the first six chapters of the second are by Aquinas, the rest being the product of his disciple, Ptolemy of Lucca. Aquinas also wrote Commentaries on the Politics of Aristotle, but this contains little of his theory of the state.

Principium, of which only the first book and the first six chapters ot the second are by Aquinas, the rest being the product of his disciple, Ptolemy of Lucca. Aquinas also wrote Commentaries on the Politics of Aristotle, but this contains little of his theory of the state.

His philosophy, currently called Thomism, is based on the axiom that knowledge springs from the well of reason and revelation (the field cultivated especially today by Jacques Maritain). In Thomas’ theory ot knowledge the essential point is that there are levels, especially two—that which deals with the facts of nature, and which reason is competent to comprehend; and that which deals with truth beyond nature, and which must be revealed by faith, e.g., the mysteries of the Christian doctrine. These two are not opposed to each other, but faith must be called in where reason reaches its limits. Philosophy is knowledge of ultimate things by way of reason. Theology has two divisions: (1) natural, which can be understood by reason, and (2) revealed, which must come through faith, which reaches beyond reason. Knowledge is attained when human ideas fit exactly their objects, as the impression on wax fits the object which imprints it. Thomas concurred with Aristotle’s belief that the soul is the form of the body and is incomplete without it. Soul, being immaterial, is immortal. Since the process of knowledge is fundamentally inductive, there is nothing in the intellect which was not present first in the senses. In metaphysics Thomas maintained that the most universal notion is being; this ranges all the way from God, the highest form, to matter, the lowest form. Since man by nature is a social animal, he inevitably lives in social groups. The rules for living together are formulated in the laws of the state, the aim of which is to maintain conditions for the highest welfare of men. He explained that the will of the people counteracts tendencies to tyranny. Although monarchy is most in accord with nature, an acceptable form of government is that which performs well the functions of the state, including the education of the citizens and the maintenance of freedom from economic want. In support of his doctrines, Aquinas accepted Aristotelian philosophy because it was compatible with the doctrines of Christianity and met the needs of human society; many of his pronouncements were directly influenced by Jewish thinkers (especially by Maimonides and Bahya ibn Pakuda). His ideas were developed more fully by his follower, Aegidius Romanus (in his De Regimine Principium). St. Thomas and Aegidius coordinated the doctrines of the Church developed in the previous centuries and provided what was thought a perfect and permanent system by identifying natural law with the will of God and by supporting monarchic government and the supremacy of ecclesiastical authority. Aquinas’ theories also helped to lay the foundations of the Jesuit system and influenced their political activities.

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On Kingship*

The Function of a Ruler

[2] T

HE FIRST STEP

in our understanding must be set forth what is to be understood by the term king.

[3] In all things that are ordered towards an end wherein this or that course may be adopted, some directive principle is needed through which the due end may be reached by the most direct action. A ship, for example, which moves in different directions according to the impulse of the changing winds, would never reach its destination were it not brought to port by the skill of the pilot. Now, man has an end to which his whole life and all his actions are ordered; for man is an intelligent agent, and it is clearly the part of an intelligent agent to act in view of an end. Men also adopt different methods in proceeding towards their proposed end, as the diversity of men’s pursuits and actions clearly indicates. Consequently man needs some directive principle to guide him towards his end.

[4] To be sure, the light of reason is placed by nature in every man, to guide him in his acts towards his end. Wherefore, if man were intended to live alone as many animals do, he would require no other guide to his end. Each man would be a king unto himself, under God, the highest King, inasmuch as he would direct himself in his acts by the light of reason given him from on high. Yet it is natural for man, more than for any other animal, to be a social and political animal, to live in a group.

[5] This is clearly a necessity of man’s nature. For all other animals, nature has prepared food, hair as a covering, teeth, horns, claws as means of defense or at least speed in flight, while man alone was made without any natural provisions for these things. Instead of all these, man was endowed with reason, by the use of which he could procure all these things for himself by the work of his hands. Now, one man alone is not able to procure them all for himself, for one man could not sufficiently provide for life unassisted. It is therefore natural that man should live in the society of many….

[6] If, then, it is natural for man to live in the society of many, it is necessary that there exist among men some means by which the group may be governed. For where there are many man together and each one is looking after his own interest, the multitude would be broken up and scattered unless there were also an agency to take care of what appertains to the commonweal. In like manner, the body of a man or any other animal would disintegrate unless there were a general ruling force within the body which watches over the common good of all members.—With this in mind, Solomon says: Where there is no governor, the people shall fall. …

[10] Now it happens in certain things which are ordained towards an end that one may proceed in a right way and also in a wrong way. So, too, in the government of a multitude there is a distinction between right and wrong. A thing is rightly directed when it is led towards a befitting end; wrongly when it is led toward an unbefitting end. Now the end which befits a multitude of free men is different from that which befits a multitude of slaves, for the free man is he who exists for his own sake, while the slave, as such, exists for the sake of another. If, therefore, a multitude of free men is ordered by the ruler towards the common good of the multitude, that rulership will be right and just, as is suitable to free men. If, on the other hand, a rulership aims, not at the common good of the multitude, but at the private good of the ruler, it will be an unjust and perverted rulership. The Lord, therefore, threatens such rulers, saying by the mouth of Ezechiel: Woe to the shepherds that feed themselves [seeking, that is, their own interest]: should not the flocks be fed by the shepherd? Shepherds indeed should seek the good of their flocks, and every ruler, the good of the multitude subject to him….

[14] Now since man must live in a group, because he is not sufficient unto himself to procure the necessities of life were he to remain solitary, it follows that a society will be the more perfect the more it is sufficient unto itself to procure the necessities of life. There is, to some extent, suffiency for life in one family of one household, namely, insofar as pertains to the natural acts of nourishment and the begetting of offspring and other things of this kind. Selfsufficiency exists, furthermore, in one street with regard to those things which belong to the trade of one guild. In a city, which is the perfect community, it exists with regard to all the necessities of life. Still more self-sufficiency is found in a province because of the need of fighting together and of mutual help against enemies. Hence the man ruling a perfect community, i.e. a city of a province, is antonomastically called the king. The ruler of a household is called father, not king, although he bears a certain resemblance to the king, for which reason kings are sometimes called the fathers of their peoples.

[15] It is plain, therefore, from what has been said, that a king is one who rules the people of one city or province, and rules them for the common good. Wherefore Solomon says: The king ruleth over all the land subject to him.

One Man is Preferable as Chief of State

[36] When a choice is to be made between two things, from both of which danger impends, surely that one should be chosen from which the lesser evil follows. Now, lesser evil follows from the corruption of a monarchy (which is tyranny) than from the corruption of an aristocracy.

[37] Group government [polyarchy] most frequently breeds dissension. This dissension runs counter to the good of peace which is the principal social good. A tyrant, on the other hand, does not destroy this good, rather he obstructs one or the other individual interests of his subjects—unless, of course there be an excess of tyranny and the tyrant rages against the whole community. Monarchy is therefore to be preferred to polyarchy, although either form of government might become dangerous….

[40] The strongest objection why monarchy, although it is the best form of government, is not agreeable to the people is that, in fact, it may deviate into tyranny. Yet tyranny is wont to occur not less but more frequently on the basis of a polyarchy than on the basis of a monarchy. It follows that it is, in any case, more expedient to live under one king than under the rule of several men.

[41] Therefore, since the rule of one man, which is the best, is to be preferred, and since it may happen that it be changed into a tyranny, which is the worst (all this is clear from what has been said), a scheme should be carefully worked out which would prevent the multitude ruled by a king from falling into the hands of a tyrant.

[42] First, it is necessary that the man who is raised up to be king by those whom it concerns should be of such condition that it is improbable that he should become a tyrant. Wherefore Daniel, commending the providence of God with respect to the institution of the king says: The Lord hath sought him a man according to his own heart, and the Lord hath appointed him to be prince over his people. Then, once the king is established, the government of the kingdom must be so arranged that opportunity to tyrannize is removed. At the same time his power should be so tempered that he cannot easily fall into tyranny….

[49] If to provide itself with a king belongs to the right of a given multitude, it is not unjust that the king be deposed or have his power restricted by that same multitude if, becoming a tyrant, he abuses the royal power. It must not be thought that such a multitude is acting unfaithfully in deposing the tyrant, even though it had previously subjected itself to him in perpetuity, because he himself has deserved that the covenant with his subjects should not be kept, since in ruling the multitude, he did not act faithfully as the office of a king demands….

The Reward of a Good Ruler

[63] It is implanted in the minds of all who have the use of reason that the reward of virtue is happiness. The virtue of anything whatsoever is explained to be that which makes its possessor good and renders his deed good. Moreover, everyone strives by working well to attain that which is most deeply implanted in desire, namely, to be happy. This, no one is able not to wish. It is therefore fitting to expect as a reward for virtue that which makes man happy. Now, if to work well is a virtuous deed, and the king’s work is to rule his people well, then that which makes him happy will be the king’s reward. What this is has now to be considered. Happiness, we say, is the ultimate end of our desires. Now the movement of desire does not go on to infinity else natural desire would be vain, for infinity cannot be traversed. Since then, the desire of an intellectual nature is for universal good, that good alone can make it truly happy which, when attained, leaves no further good to be desired. Whence happiness is called the perfect good inasmuch as it comprises in itself all things desirable. But no earthly good is such a good. They who have riches desire to have more, they who enjoy pleasure desire to enjoy more, and the like is clear for the rest: and if they do not seek more, they at least desire that those they have should abide or that others should follow in their stead. For nothing permanent is found in earthly things. Consequently there is nothing earthly which can calm desire. Thus, nothing earthly can make man happy, so that it may be a fitting reward for a king.

[64] Again, the last perfection and perfect good of anything one chooses depends upon something higher, for even bodily things are made better by the addition of better things and worse by being mixed with baser things. If gold is min gled with silver, the silver is made better, while by an admixture of lead it is rendered impure. Now it is manifest that all earthly things are beneath the human mind. But happiness is the last perfection and the perfect good of man, which all men desire to reach. Therefore there is no earthly thing which could make man happy, nor is any earthly thing a sufficient reward for a king. For, as Augustine says, We do not call Christian princes happy merely because they have reigned a long time, or because after a peaceful death they have left their sons to rule, or because they subdued the enemies of the state, or because they were able to guard against or to suppress citizens who rose up against them. Rather do we call them happy if they rule justly, if they prefer to rule their passions rather than nations, and if they do all things not for the love of vainglory but for the love of eternal happiness. Such Christian emperors we say are happy, now in hope, afterwards in very fact when that which we await shall come to pass. But neither is there any other created thing which would make a man happy and which would be set up as the reward for a king. For the desire of each thing tends towards its source, whence is the cause of its being. But the cause of the human soul is none other than God Who made it to His own image. Therefore it is God alone Who can still the desires of man and make him happy and be the fitting reward for a king.

Dictatorship Is Usually Short-lived

[80] The government of tyrants, on the other hand, cannot last long because it is hateful to the multitude, and what is against the wishes of the multitude cannot be long preserved. For a man can hardly pass through this present life without suffering some adversities,

occasion cannot be lacking to rise against the tyrant; and when there is an opportunity there will not be lacking at least one of the multitude to use it. Then the people will fervently favor the insurgent, and what is attempted with the sympathy of the multitude will not easily fail of its effects. It can thus scarcely come to pass that the government of a tyrant will endure for a long time.

[81] This is very clear, too, if we consider the means by which a tyrannical government is upheld. It is not upheld by love, since there is little or no bond of friendship between the subject multitude and the tyrant, as is evident from what we have said. On the other hand, tyrants cannot rely on the loyalty of their subjects, for such a degree of virtue is not found among the generality of men, that they should be restrained by the virtue of fidelity from throwing off the yoke of unmerited servitude, if they are able to do so. Nor would it perhaps be a violation of fidelity at all, according to the opinion of many, to frustrate the wickedness of tyrants by any means whatsoever. It remains, then, that the government of a tyrant is maintained by fear alone and consequently they strive with all their might to be feared by their subjects. Fear, however, is a weak support. Those who are kept down by fear will rise against their rulers if the opportunity ever occurs when they can hope to do it with impunity, and they will rebel against their rulers all the more furiously the more they have been kept in subjection against their will by fear alone, just as water confined under pressure flows with greater impetus when it finds an outlet. That very fear itself is not without danger, because many become desperate from excessive fear, and despair of safety impels a man boldly to dare anything. Therefore the government of a tyrant cannot be of long duration.

The Characteristics of a Good Ruler

[93] The next point to be considered is what the kingly office is and what qualities the king should have. Since things which are in accordance with art are an imitation of the things which are in accordance with nature (from which we accept the rules to act according to reason), it seems best that we learn about the kingly office from the pattern of the regime of nature.

[94] In things of nature there is both a universal and a particular government. The former is God’s government Whose rule embraces all things and Whose providence governs them all. The latter is found in man and it is much like the divine government. Hence man is called a microcosmos. Indeed there is a similitude between both governments in regard to their form; for just as the universe of corporeal creatures and all spiritual powers comes under the divine government, in like manner the members of the human body and