Race Distinctions in American Law

Gilbert Thomas Stephenson

Race Distinctions in American Law

Sharp Ink Publishing

2024

Contact: [email protected]

ISBN 978-80-282-0582-9

Table of Contents

PREFACE

CHAPTER I INTRODUCTORY

WHAT IS A RACE DISTINCTION IN LAW?

DISTINCTIONS AND DISCRIMINATIONS CONTRASTED

LEGAL AND ACTUAL DISTINCTIONS

ALL RACE ELEMENTS INCLUDED

PERIOD COVERED FROM 1865 TO PRESENT

CHAPTER II WHAT IS A NEGRO?

LEGAL DEFINITION OF NEGRO

PROPER NAME FOR BLACK MEN IN AMERICA

CHAPTER III DEFAMATION TO CALL A WHITE PERSON A NEGRO

CHAPTER IV THE BLACK LAWS OF 1865–68

BLACK LAWS OF FREE STATES

RESTRICTIONS UPON MOVEMENT OF NEGROES

LIMITATIONS UPON NEGROES IN RESPECT TO OCCUPATIONS

SALE OF FIREARMS AND LIQUOR TO NEGROES

LABOR CONTRACTS OF NEGROES

APPRENTICE LAWS

VAGRANCY LAWS

PAUPER LAWS

CHAPTER V RECONSTRUCTION OF MARITAL RELATIONS OF NEGROES

REMARRIAGES

CERTIFICATES OF MARRIAGE

SLAVE MARRIAGES DECLARED LEGAL BY STATUTE

MARRIAGES BETWEEN SLAVES AND FREE NEGROES

FEDERAL LEGISLATION

CHAPTER VI INTERMARRIAGE AND MISCEGENATION

INTERMARRIAGE DURING RECONSTRUCTION

PRESENT STATE OF THE LAW AGAINST INTERMARRIAGE

TO WHOM THE LAWS APPLY

EFFECT OF ATTEMPTED INTERMARRIAGE

PUNISHMENT FOR INTERMARRIAGE

PUNISHMENT FOR ISSUING LICENSES

PUNISHMENT FOR PERFORMING THE CEREMONY

COHABITATION WITHOUT INTERMARRIAGE

STATES REPEALING LAWS AGAINST INTERMARRIAGE

MARRIAGES BETWEEN THE NEGRO AND NON-CAUCASIAN RACES

EFFECT GIVEN TO MARRIAGES IN OTHER STATES

INTERMARRIAGE AND THE FEDERAL CONSTITUTION

INTERMARRIAGES IN BOSTON

CHAPTER VII CIVIL RIGHTS OF NEGROES

FEDERAL CIVIL RIGHTS LEGISLATION

STATE LEGISLATION BETWEEN 1865 AND 1883

STATE LEGISLATION AFTER 1883

PENALTY FOR VIOLATING THE LAW

HOTELS

RESTAURANTS

BARBER-SHOPS

BOOTBLACK STANDS

BILLIARD-ROOMS

SALOONS

SODA FOUNTAINS

THEATRES

SKATING RINKS

CEMETERIES

RACE DISCRIMINATION BY INSURANCE COMPANIES

RACE DISCRIMINATIONS BY LABOR UNIONS

CHURCHES

NEGROES IN THE MILITIA

SEPARATION OF STATE DEPENDENTS

CHAPTER VIII SEPARATION OF RACES IN SCHOOLS

BEREA COLLEGE AFFAIR

EXCLUSION OF JAPANESE FROM PUBLIC SCHOOLS OF SAN FRANCISCO

DR. CHARLES W. ELIOT ON SEPARATION OF RACES IN SCHOOLS

SEPARATION BEFORE 1865

PRESENT EXTENT OF SEPARATION IN PUBLIC SCHOOLS

SEPARATION IN PRIVATE SCHOOLS

EQUALITY OF ACCOMMODATIONS

DIVISION OF PUBLIC SCHOOL FUND

CHAPTER IX SEPARATION OF RACES IN PUBLIC CONVEYANCES

ORIGIN OF JIM CROW

DEVELOPMENT OF LEGISLATION PRIOR TO 1875

LEGISLATION BETWEEN 1865 AND 1881

SEPARATION OF PASSENGERS ON STEAMBOATS

SEPARATION OF PASSENGERS IN RAILROAD CARS

SEPARATION OF PASSENGERS IN STREET CARS

CHAPTER X NEGRO IN COURT ROOM

AS SPECTATOR

AS JUDGE

AS LAWYER

AS WITNESS

AS JUROR

SEPARATE COURTS

DIFFERENT PUNISHMENTS

CHAPTER XI SUFFRAGE

NEGRO SUFFRAGE BEFORE 1865

SUFFRAGE BETWEEN 1865 AND 1870

SUFFRAGE BETWEEN 1870 AND 1890

SOUTHERN SUFFRAGE AMENDMENTS SINCE 1890

SUFFRAGE IN INSULAR POSSESSIONS OF UNITED STATES

CONSTITUTIONALITY OF SUFFRAGE AMENDMENTS

MARYLAND AND FIFTEENTH AMENDMENT

EXTENT OF ACTUAL DISFRANCHISEMENT

QUALIFICATIONS FOR VOTING IN THE UNITED STATES.

CHAPTER XII RACE DISTINCTIONS VERSUS RACE DISCRIMINATIONS

RACE DISTINCTIONS NOT CONFINED TO ONE SECTION

RACE DISTINCTIONS NOT CONFINED TO ONE RACE

RACE DISTINCTIONS NOT DECREASING

DISTINCTIONS NOT BASED ON RACE SUPERIORITY

SOLUTION OF RACE PROBLEM HINDERED BY MULTIPLICITY OF PROPOSED REMEDIES

SEARCH FOR A COMMON PLATFORM

PROPER PLACE OF RACE DISTINCTIONS

OBLITERATION OF RACE DISCRIMINATIONS

TABLE OF CASES CITED

INDEX

PREFACE

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America has to-day no problem more perplexing and disquieting than that of the proper and permanent relations between the white and the colored races. Although it concerns most vitally the twenty millions of Caucasians and the eight millions of Negroes in eleven States of the South, still it is a national problem, because whatever affects one part of our national organism concerns the whole of it. Although this question has been considered from almost every conceivable standpoint, few have turned to the laws of the States and of the Nation to see how they bear upon it. It was with the hope of gaining new light on the subject from this source that I undertook the present investigation.

I have examined the Constitutions, statutes, and judicial decisions of the United States and of the States and Territories between 1865 and the present to find the laws that have made any distinctions between persons on the basis of race. Reference has been made to some extent to laws in force before 1865, but only as the background of later legislation and decision. In order to make this study comparative as well as special, the writer has abandoned his original plan of confining it to the Southern States and laws applicable only to Negroes, and has extended it to include the whole United States and all the races.

Immediately after the Negro became a free man in 1865, the Federal Government undertook, by a series of constitutional amendments and statutory enactments, to secure to him all the rights and privileges of an American citizen. My effort has been to ascertain how far this attempt has been successful. The inquiry has been: After forty-five years of freedom from physical bondage, how much does the Negro lack of being, in truth, a full-fledged American citizen? What limitations upon him are allowed or imposed by law because he is a Negro?

This is not meant, however, to be a legal treatise. Although the sources are, in the main, constitutions, statutes, and court reports, an effort has been made to state the principles in an untechnical manner. Knowing that copious citations are usually irksome to those who read for general information, I have relegated all notes to the ends of the chapters for the benefit of the more curious reader who often finds them the most profitable part of a book. There he will find citations of authorities for practically every important statement made.

All the chapters, except the last two, were published serially in The American Law Review/cite> during the year 1909. The substance of the chapter on Separation of Races in Public Conveyances was published also in The American Political Science Review for May, 1909.

I wish that I could make public acknowledgment of my indebtedness to all who have helped me in the preparation of this volume. Hundreds of public officials in the South—mayors of cities, clerks of courts, attorneys-general, superintendents of public instruction, etc.—have responded generously to my requests for information. I am thankful to Mr. John H. Arnold, Librarian of the Harvard Law School, for access to the stacks of that library, without which privilege my work would have been greatly delayed, and to his assistants for their uniform courtesy while I was making such constant demands upon them. I am under especial obligation to Professor Albert Bushnell Hart, of Harvard University, for his direction and assistance in my examination of the sources and his valuable advice while I have been preparing the material for publication in this form; also to Mr. Charles E. Grinnell, former Editor of The American Law Review, for his encouragement and suggestions during the preparation of the articles for his magazine. Lastly, I would express my gratitude to Mr. Charles Vernon Imlay, of the New York Bar, the value of whose painstaking help in the revision of the manuscript of this book is truly inestimable.

Gilbert Thomas Stephenson.

Warren Place, Pendleton, N. C.

June 1, 1910.

RACE DISTINCTIONS IN

AMERICAN LAW

CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTORY

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WHAT IS A RACE DISTINCTION IN LAW?

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A race distinction in the law is a requirement imposed by statute, constitutional enactment, or judicial decision, prescribing for a person of one race a rule of conduct different from that prescribed for a person of another race. If, for instance, a Negro is required to attend one public school, a Mongolian another, and a Caucasian a still different one, a race distinction is created, because the person must regulate his action accordingly as he belongs to one or another race. Or, if a person, upon entering a street car, is required by ordinance or statute to take a seat in the front part of the car if he is a Caucasian, but in the rear if he is a Negro, this rule is a race distinction recognized by law. Again, a race distinction is made by the law when intermarriage between Negroes and Caucasians is prohibited.

Distinctions in law have been made on grounds other than race. Thus, in those States in which men may vote by satisfying the prescribed requirements, but in which women may not vote under any circumstances, the law creates a distinction on the basis of sex. Laws forbidding persons under seven years of age from testifying in court and laws exempting from a poll tax persons under twenty-one years of age give rise to age distinctions. Other instances might be cited, but only race distinctions have a place here.

DISTINCTIONS AND DISCRIMINATIONS CONTRASTED

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It is important, at the outset, to distinguish clearly between race distinctions and race discriminations; more so, because these words are often used synonymously, especially when the Negro is discussed. A distinction between the Caucasian and the Negro, when recognized and enforced by the law, has been interpreted as a discrimination against the latter. Negroes have recognized that they are the weaker of the two races numerically, except in the Black Belt of the South, and intellectually the less developed. Knowing that the various race distinctions have emanated almost entirely from white constitution-makers, legislators, and judges, they regard these distinctions as expressions of the aversion on the part of the Caucasian to association with the Negro. Naturally, therefore, they have resented race distinctions upon the belief and, in many instances, upon the experience that they are equivalent to race discriminations.

In fact, there is an essential difference between race distinctions and race discriminations. North Carolina, for example, has a law that white and Negro children shall not attend the same schools, but that separate schools shall be maintained. If the terms for all the public schools in the State are equal in length, if the teaching force is equal in numbers and ability, if the school buildings are equal in convenience, accommodations, and appointments, a race distinction exists but not a discrimination. Identity of accommodation is not essential to avoid the charge of discrimination. If there are in a particular school district twice as many white children as there are Negro children, the school building for the former should be twice as large as that for the latter. The course of study need not be the same. If scientific investigation and experience show that in the education of the Negro child emphasis should be placed on one course of study, and in the education of the white child, on another; it is not a discrimination to emphasize industrial training in the Negro school, if that is better suited to the needs of the Negro pupil, and classics in the white school if the latter course is more profitable to the white child. There is no discrimination so long as there is equality of opportunity, and this equality may often be attained only by a difference in methods.

On the other hand, if the term of the Negro school is four months, and that of the white, eight; if the teachers in the Negro schools are underpaid and inadequately or wrongly trained, and the teachers of the white schools are well paid and well trained; if Negro children are housed in dilapidated, uncomfortable, and unsanitary buildings, and white children have new, comfortable, and sanitary buildings; if courses of study for Negro children are selected in a haphazard fashion without any regard to their peculiar needs, and a curriculum is carefully adapted to the needs of white children; if such conditions exist under the law, race distinctions exist which are at the same time discriminations against Negroes. Where the tables are turned and Negro children are accorded better educational advantages than white, the discriminations are against Caucasians.

A law of Virginia requires white and Negro passengers to occupy separate coaches on railroad trains. If the coaches for both races are equally clean, equally comfortable, and equally well appointed; if both races are accorded equally courteous service by the employees of the railroad; if, in short, all the facilities for travel are equal for both races, race distinctions exist but not race discriminations. The extent of accommodations need not be identical. The railroad company, for instance, need furnish only the space requisite for the accommodation of each race. If, however, the white passengers are admitted to clean, well-lighted, well-ventilated coaches and Negroes, to foul, unclean, uncomfortable coaches; if white coaches are well-policed, while Negro passengers are subjected to the insults of disorderly persons; if, in other words, the Negro passenger does not receive as good service for his fare as the white, a discrimination against the Negro is made under the guise of a legal distinction.

In like manner, one might consider each of the race distinctions recognized in the law and show how it may be applied so as not to work a discrimination against either race and, as easily, how it may be used to work an injustice to the weaker race. A race distinction connotes a difference and nothing more. A discrimination necessarily implies partiality and favoritism.

LEGAL AND ACTUAL DISTINCTIONS

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There is a difference between actual race distinctions—those practiced every day without the sanction of law—and legal race distinctions—those either sanctioned or required by statutes or ordinances. Law is crystallized custom. Race distinctions now recognized by law were habitually practiced long before they crystallized into statutes. Thus, actual separation of races on railroad coaches—if not in separate coaches, certainly in separate seats or portions of the coach—obtained long before the Jim Crow laws came into existence. Moreover, miscegenation was punished before the legislature made it a crime. Some race distinctions practiced to-day will probably be sanctioned by statute in the future; others will persist as customs. In some Southern cities, for instance, there are steam laundries which will not accept Negro patronage. Everywhere in the South and in many places in other sections, there are separate churches for the races. It is practically a universal custom among the white people in the South never to address a Negro as Mister or Mistress. This custom obtains to some extent elsewhere. Thus, in a recent case before a justice of the peace in Delaware in which the parties were Negroes, one of them insisted upon speaking of another Negro as Mister. The justice forbade him so to do, and, upon his persisting, fined him for contempt. Yet, these distinctions and many others that might be cited are not required by law, and some of them, if expressed in statutes, would be unconstitutional.

Most race distinctions, however, are still uncrystallized. But these will be mentioned merely for illustration, since the purpose here is to discuss only those distinctions which have been expressed in constitutions, statutes, and judicial decisions. Mr. Ray Stannard Baker in his Following the Colour Line,[1] has admirably depicted actual race relations in the United States. He has gone in person out upon the cotton plantations of the Lower South; into the Negro districts of cities in the South, East, and North; into schools, churches, and court rooms; and has described how the Negro lives, what he does, what he thinks about himself and about the white man, and what the white man thinks about him. By studying the race distinctions he describes from the other standpoint suggested—that is, by tracing their gradual crystallization into statutes and judicial decisions, a better understanding may be had of race distinctions in general.

ALL RACE ELEMENTS INCLUDED

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Attention will be directed not only to the Negro but to other races in the United States—the Mongolian in the Far West and the Indian in the Southwest. Of course, by far the largest race element after the Caucasian is the Negro with its 8,833,994 people of whom eighty-four and seven-tenths per cent. are in the thirteen States of the South. But it will be found that in those sections where the Indians have existed or still exist in appreciable numbers and come into association with the Caucasian—that is, where they do not still maintain their tribal relations—race distinctions have separated these two races. This is equally true of the Japanese and Chinese in the Pacific States. Most of the discussion will necessarily be of the distinctions between Caucasians and Negroes, but as distinctions applicable to Mongolians and Indians arise, they will be mentioned to show that race consciousness is not confined to any one section or race.

PERIOD COVERED FROM 1865 TO PRESENT

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Race distinctions have existed and have been recognized in the law from the beginning of the settlement of the New World, long before the thirteen colonies became free and independent States, or before the Federal Constitution was adopted. The first cargo of Negroes was landed in Virginia in 1619, only twelve years after the founding of Jamestown. In 1630, eleven years later, the Virginia Assembly passed the following resolution:[2] Hugh Davis to be soundly whipped before an assembly of Negroes and others, for abusing himself to the dishonor of God and the shame of Christians, by defiling his body in lying with a Negro. Many of the Colonies—later States—prohibited intermarriage between Caucasians and Negroes whether the latter were slave or free. The Colonies and States prohibited or limited the movements of free Negroes from one colony or State to another, prescribed special punishment for adultery between white persons and Negroes, forbade persons of color to carry firearms, and in divers other ways restricted the actions of Negroes.

It is not so profitable, however, at this day to study these early distinctions, for the distinctions based on race were then inseparably interwoven with those based on the state of slavery. Thus, it is impossible to say whether a law was passed to regulate a person’s actions because he was a slave or because he was of the Negro race. Moreover, the laws relating to race and slave distinctions prior to 1858 were compiled by John Codman Hurd in his two-volume work entitled The Law of Freedom and Bondage in the United States, published in 1858. Any attempt at a further treatment of the period covered by that work would result only in a digest of a multitude of statutes, most of which have been obsolete for many years. But a greater reason for the futility of a discussion of race distinctions before 1865 is that prior to that date, as it has been so often expressed, the Negro was considered to have no rights which the white man was bound to respect. The Dred Scott decision[3] in 1857 virtually held that a slave was not a citizen or capable of becoming one, and this dictum, unnecessary to the decision of the case, did much, says James Bryce,[4] to precipitate the Civil War. If the Negro could enjoy only licenses, claiming nothing as of right, it is not very valuable to study the distinctions which the master imposed upon him.

The year 1865 marked the beginning of the present era in race relations. It was in that year that the Negro became a free man, and that the Federal Government undertook by successive legislative enactments to secure and guarantee to him all the rights and privileges which the Caucasian race had so long enjoyed as its inalienable heritage.

The Emancipation Proclamation of 1862, issued as a military expedient, declared that, unless the seceding States were back in the Union by January 1, 1863, all slaves in those States should be emancipated. This did not apply to the Union States, as Delaware, which still had slaves. But immediately upon the cessation of hostilities, Congress set to work to make emancipation general throughout the Union and to give the Negro all the rights of a citizen. The Thirteenth Amendment to the Constitution, ratified December 18, 1865, abolished slavery and involuntary servitude except as a punishment for crime. The following April, the first Civil Rights Bill[5] was passed, which declared that all persons born in the United States and not subject to any foreign power, excluding Indians not taxed, are hereby declared to be citizens of the United States; and such citizens, of every race and color, without regard to any previous condition of slavery or involuntary servitude, except as a punishment for crime... shall have the same right, in every State and Territory in the United States, to make and enforce contracts, to sue,... and to full and equal benefit of all laws and proceedings in the security of persons and property, as is enjoyed by white citizens, and shall be subject to like punishments and penalties, and to none other....

These rights were enlarged by the Fourteenth Amendment, ratified in 1868, which provides that: All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the State wherein they reside. No State shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges and immunities of citizens of the United States; nor shall any State deprive any person of life, liberty, or property without due process of law; nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws. Though the word Negro is not mentioned in this Amendment nor in any of the subsequent Federal enactments, it is not open to dispute that the legislators had in mind primarily the protection of the Negro.

Under the Fourteenth Amendment, the Civil Rights Bill of 1866 was reënacted[6] in 1870, with the addition that it extended to all persons within the jurisdiction of the United States, and that it provided that all persons should be subject to like taxes, licenses, and exactions of every kind.

The same year, 1870, the Fifteenth Amendment was ratified, which declared that the right of citizens of the United States to vote should not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any States on account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude.

The Civil Rights Bill[7] of 1875, the most sweeping of all such legislation by Congress, declared that all persons within the jurisdiction of the United States should be entitled to the full and equal enjoyment of the accommodations, advantages, facilities, and privileges of inns, public conveyances on land or water, theatres, and other places of public amusement; subject only to the conditions and limitations established by law, and applicable alike to citizens of every race and color, regardless of any previous condition of servitude. It also provided that jurors should not be excluded on account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude.

An enumeration of these Federal statutes and constitutional amendments has been made in order to show the efforts of Congress to secure to the Negro every civil and political right of a full-fledged citizen of the United States. Later they will be discussed in detail. By the Civil Rights Bill of 1875, Congress apparently intended to secure not only equal but identical accommodations in all public places for Negroes and Caucasians. If one looks only upon the surface of these several legislative enactments, it would seem impossible to have a race distinction recognized by law which did not violate some Federal statute or the Federal Constitution. But the succeeding pages will show that, under the shadow of the statutes and the Constitution, the legislatures and courts of the States have built up a mass of race distinctions which the Federal courts and Congress, even if so inclined, are impotent to attack.

Footnote

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1. Doubleday, Page & Co., 1908.

2. 1 Hen. 146, quoted in Hurd’s Law of Freedom and Bondage, I, p. 229.

3. 19 How. 393 (1857).

4. American Commonwealth, I, p. 257.

5. 14 Stat. L., 27, chap. 31.

6. 16 Stat. L., 144, chap. 114.

7. 18 Stat. L., 335, chap. 114.

CHAPTER II

WHAT IS A NEGRO?

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LEGAL DEFINITION OF NEGRO

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I had not been long engaged in the study of the race problem when I found myself face to face with a curious and seemingly absurd question: ‘What is a Negro?’ said Mr. Baker.[8]

Absurd as the question apparently is, it is one of the most perplexing and, at times, most embarrassing that has faced the legislators and judges.

If race distinctions are to be recognized in the law, it is essential that the races be clearly distinguished from one another. If a statute provides that Negroes shall ride in separate coaches and attend separate schools, it is necessary to decide first who are included under the term Negroes. It would seem that physical indicia would be sufficient, and, in most instances, this is true. It is never difficult to distinguish the full-blooded Negro, Indian, or Mongolian one from the other or from the Caucasian. But the difficulty arises in the blurring of the color line by amalgamation. The amount of miscegenation between the Mongolian and other races represented in the United States is negligible; but the extent of intermixture between the Caucasian and the Negro, the Negro and the Indian, and the Caucasian and the Indian is appreciable, and problems arising from it are serious.

It is absolutely impossible to ascertain the number of mulattoes—that is, persons having both Caucasian and Negro blood in their veins—in the United States. Mr. Baker[9] says: I saw plenty of men and women who were unquestionably Negroes, Negroes in every physical characteristic, black of countenance with thick lips and kinky hair, but I also met men and women as white as I am, whose assertions that they were really Negroes I accepted in defiance of the evidence of my own senses. I have seen blue-eyed Negroes and golden-haired Negroes; one Negro girl I met had an abundance of soft, straight, red hair. I have seen Negroes I could not easily distinguish from the Jewish or French types; I once talked with a man I took at first to be a Chinaman but who told me he was a Negro. And I have met several people, passing everywhere for white, who, I knew, had Negro blood.

A separate enumeration of mulattoes has been made four times—in 1850, 1860, 1870, and 1890 respectively. The census authorities themselves said that the figures were of little value, and any attempt to distinguish Negroes from mulattoes was abandoned in the census of 1900. If a person is apparently white, the census enumerator will feel a delicacy in asking him if he has Negro blood in his veins. If the enumerator does ask the question and if the other is honest in his answer, it is often that the latter does not know his own ancestry. Dr. Booker T. Washington, for instance, has said that he does not know who his father was.[10] Marital relations among Negroes during slavery were so irregular, and illicit intercourse between white men and slave women was so common that the line of ancestry of many mulattoes is hopelessly lost. But Mr. Baker makes the rough estimate, which doubtless is substantially correct, that 3,000,000 of the 10,000,000 (circa) Negroes are visibly mulattoes. This one third of the total Negro population represents every degree of blood, of color, and of physical demarcation from the fair complexion, light hair, blue eyes, thin lips, and sharp nose of the octoroon, who betrays scarcely a trace of his Negro blood, to the coal-black skin, kinky hair, brown eyes, thick lips, and flat nose of the man who has scarcely a trace of Caucasian blood. It is this gradual sloping off from one race into another which has made it necessary for the law to set artificial lines.

The difficulty arising from the intermixture of the races was realized while the Negro was still a slave. Throughout the statutes prior to 1860, one finds references to persons of color, a generic phrase including all who were not wholly Caucasian or Indian. This antebellum nomenclature has been brought over into modern statutes. It is surprising to find how seldom the word Negro is used in the statutes and judicial decisions.

Some States have fixed arbitrary definitions of persons of color, Negroes, and mulattoes; others, having enacted race distinctions, have then defined whom they intended to include in each race. This has been done particularly in the laws prohibiting intermarriage. The Constitution of Oklahoma[11] provides that wherever in this Constitution and laws of this State, the word or words, ‘colored,’ or ‘colored race,’ or ‘Negro,’ or ‘Negro race,’ are used, the same shall be construed to mean, or apply to all persons of African descent. The term ‘white’ shall include all other persons.

Taking up these definitions in the various States—many of them included within broader statutes—one finds that Alabama,[12] Kentucky,[13] Maryland,[14] Mississippi,[15] North Carolina,[16] Tennessee,[17] and Texas[18] define as a person of color one who is descended from a Negro to the third generation inclusive, though one ancestor in each generation may have been white. The Code Committee of Alabama of 1903 substituted fifth for third, so that at present in that State one is a person of color who has had any Negro blood in his ancestry in five generations.[19] The laws of Florida,[20] Georgia,[21] Indiana,[22] Missouri,[23] and South Carolina[24] declare that one is a person of color who has as much as one-eighth Negro blood: the laws of Nebraska[25] and Oregon[26] say that one must have as much as one-fourth Negro blood in order to be classed with that race. Virginia[27] and Michigan apparently draw the line in a similar way. In Virginia, a marriage between a white man and a woman who is of less than one-fourth Negro blood, if it be but one drop less, is legal. A woman whose father was white, and whose mother’s father was white, and whose great-grandmother was of a brown complexion, is not a Negro in the sense of the statute.[28] In 1866, the court of Michigan, under a law limiting the suffrage to white male citizens, held that all persons should be considered white who had less than one-fourth of African blood.[29] That State gave the right to vote also to male inhabitants of Indian descent, but its court held that a person having one-eighth Indian blood, one-fourth or three-eighths African, and the rest white was not included in that class.[30] Ohio limited the suffrage to white male citizens and made it the duty of judges of election to challenge any one with a distinct and visible admixture of African blood, but the latter requirement was held unconstitutional in 1867,[31] the court saying that, where the white blood in a person predominated, he was to be considered white. This definition is interesting because it is the only instance found of a court’s saying that a person with more than half white blood and the rest Negro should be considered white. In contrast with this is the following sweeping definition laid down in the Tennessee statute: All Negroes, Mulattoes, Mestizoes,[32] and their descendants, having any African blood in their veins, shall be known in this State as ‘Persons of Color.’[33] Arkansas also, in its statute separating the races in trains, includes among persons of color all who have "a visible and distinct admixture of African