French Ways and Their Meaning
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Edith Wharton
Edith Wharton (1862-1937) was born in New York, into a rich and socially prominent family. She began to write at an early age. In 1885 she married Edward "Teddy" Wharton, a Boston banker. They lived a privileged life, and moved to Paris in 1907, but divorced in 1913. Edith continued to live in France, her beloved adoptive home, until her death.
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French Ways and Their Meaning - Edith Wharton
Edith Wharton
French Ways and Their Meaning
EAN 8596547250210
DigiCat, 2022
Contact: [email protected]
Table of Contents
PREFACE
I FIRST IMPRESSIONS
I
II
III
II REVERENCE
I
II
III
III TASTE
I
II
III
IV
IV INTELLECTUAL HONESTY
I
II
III
V CONTINUITY
I
II
III
IV
VI THE NEW FRENCHWOMAN
VII IN CONCLUSION
I
II
III
IV
V
PREFACE
Table of Contents
This book is essentially a desultory book, the result of intermittent observation, and often, no doubt, of rash assumption. Having been written in Paris, at odd moments, during the last two years of the war, it could hardly be more than a series of disjointed notes; and the excuse for its publication lies in the fact that the very conditions which made more consecutive work impossible also gave unprecedented opportunities for quick notation.
The world since 1914 has been like a house on fire. All the lodgers are on the stairs, in dishabille. Their doors are swinging wide, and one gets glimpses of their furniture, revelations of their habits, and whiffs of their cooking, that a life-time of ordinary intercourse would not offer. Superficial differences vanish, and so (how much oftener) do superficial resemblances; while deep unsuspected similarities and disagreements, deep common attractions and repulsions, declare themselves. It is of these fundamental substances that the new link between France and America is made, and some reasons for the strength of the link ought to be discoverable in the suddenly bared depths of the French heart.
There are two ways of judging a foreign people: at first sight, impressionistically, in the manner of the passing traveller; or after residence among them, soberly, advisedly,
and with all the vain precautions enjoined in another grave contingency.
Of the two ways, the first is, even in ordinary times, often the most fruitful. The observer, if he has eyes and an imagination, will be struck first by the superficial dissemblances, and they will give his picture the sharp suggestiveness of a good caricature. If he settles down among the objects of his study he will gradually become blunted to these dissemblances, or, if he probes below the surface, he will find them sprung from the same stem as many different-seeming characteristics of his own people. A period of confusion must follow, in which he will waver between contradictions, and his sharp outlines will become blurred with what the painters call repentances.
From this twilight it is hardly possible for any foreigner's judgment to emerge again into full illumination. Race-differences strike so deep that when one has triumphantly pulled up a specimen for examination one finds only the crown in one's hand, and the tough root still clenched in some crevice of prehistory. And as to race-resemblances, they are so often most misleading when they seem most instructive that any attempt to catch the likeness of another people by painting ourselves is never quite successful. Indeed, once the observer has gone beyond the happy stage when surface-differences have all their edge, his only chance of getting anywhere near the truth is to try to keep to the traveller's way, and still see his subject in the light of contrasts.
It is absurd for an Anglo-Saxon to say: The Latin is this or that
unless he makes the mental reservation, or at least seems so to me
; but if this mental reservation is always implied, if it serves always as the background of the picture, the features portrayed may escape caricature and yet bear some resemblance to the original.
Lastly, the use of the labels Anglo-Saxon
and Latin,
for purposes of easy antithesis, must be defended and apologised for.
Such use of the two terms is open to the easy derision of the scholar. Yet they are too convenient as symbols to be abandoned, and are safe enough if, for instance, they are used simply as a loose way of drawing a line between the peoples who drink spirits and those who drink wine, between those whose social polity dates from the Forum, and those who still feel and legislate in terms of the primæval forest.
This use of the terms is the more justifiable because one may safely say that most things in a man's view of life depend on how many thousand years ago his land was deforested. And when, as befell our forbears, men whose blood is still full of murmurs of the Saxon Urwald and the forests of Britain are plunged afresh into the wilderness of a new continent, it is natural that in many respects they should be still farther removed from those whose habits and opinions are threaded through and through with Mediterranean culture and the civic discipline of Rome.
One can imagine the first Frenchman born into the world looking about him confidently, and saying: Here I am; and now, how am I to make the most of it?
The double sense of the fugacity of life, and of the many and durable things that may be put into it, is manifest in every motion of the French intelligence. Sooner than any other race the French have got rid of bogies, have cleared the mind of shams,
and gone up to the Medusa and the Sphinx with a cool eye and a penetrating question.
It is an immense advantage to have the primæval forest as far behind one as these clear-headed children of the Roman forum and the Greek amphitheatre; and even if they have lost something of the sensation felt in the blood and felt along the heart
with which our obscurer past enriches us, it is assuredly more useful for them to note the deficiency than for us to criticise it.
The French are the most human of the human race, the most completely detached from the lingering spell of the ancient shadowy world in which trees and animals talked to each other, and began the education of the fumbling beast that was to deviate into Man. They have used their longer experience and their keener senses for the joy and enlightenment of the races still agrope for self-expression. The faults of France are the faults inherent in an old and excessively self-contained civilisation; her qualities are its qualities; and the most profitable way of trying to interpret French ways and their meaning is to see how this long inheritance may benefit a people which is still, intellectually and artistically, in search of itself.
Hyères, February, 1919.
FRENCH WAYS
AND THEIR MEANING
I
FIRST IMPRESSIONS
Table of Contents
I
Table of Contents
Hasty generalisations are always tempting to travellers, and now and then they strike out vivid truths that the observer loses sight of after closer scrutiny. But nine times out of ten they hit wild.
Some years before the war, a French journalist produced a thoughtful book
on the United States. Of course he laid great stress on our universal hustle for the dollar. To do that is to follow the line of least resistance in writing about America: you have only to copy what all the other travellers have said.
This particular author had the French gift of consecutive reasoning, and had been trained in the school of Taine, which requires the historian to illustrate each of his general conclusions by an impressive array of specific instances. Therefore, when