Barack Obama, Abraham Lincoln, and the Structure of Reason

Our Founding Fathers were students of Greek philosophy and Greek history, drawing on Greek principles to guide our own nation in its earliest days.

—Barack Obama, Reception Honoring Greek Independence Day (March 25, 2011)

© 2012 by David Hirsch and Dan Van Haften

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To Esther

Contents

Chronological List of Demarcated Barack Obama Speeches

Preface and Acknowledgments

Introduction

Chapter 1: Poetry

The Declaration of Independence—July 4, 1776

The Gettysburg Address—November 19, 1863

At An Evening of Poetry at the White House— May 11, 2011 (Video)

Chapter 2: Comfort

At a Memorial Service for the Victims of the Shooting in Tucson, Arizona—January 12, 2011 (Video)

On the Shooting of American Service Members in Germany—March 2, 2011

On the Situation in Japan—March 17, 2011

About Storms Throughout the Midwest—May 24, 2011

At a Memorial Service in Joplin, Missouri—May 29, 2011

Chapter 3: Culture

At the 50th Anniversary of John F. Kennedy’s Inauguration—January 20, 2011

At In Performance At The White House: The Motown Sound—February 24, 2011

At a Cinco de Mayo Reception—May 5, 2011

At a Reception in Honor of Jewish American Heritage Month—May 17, 2011

Chapter 4: Economy

On the National Wireless Initiative in Marquette, Michigan—February 10, 2011

To Chrysler Workers in Toledo, Ohio—June 3, 2011

On the Critical Role the Manufacturing Sector Plays in the American Economy—June 28, 2011

Chapter 5: Budget

On the Unveiling of the Budget in Baltimore, Maryland—February 14, 2011

On the Budget Talks—April 6, 2011

On Fiscal Policy—April 13, 2011

At a Press Conference by the President—June 29, 2011

Chapter 6: Energy

On America’s Energy Security—March 30, 2011

In a Town Hall Discussion on Energy in Fairless Hills, Pennsylvania—April 6, 2011

Chapter 7: Education

During a Classroom Tour in Miami, Florida—March 4, 2011

At the Miami Dade College Commencement—April 29, 2011

At the Booker T. Washington High School Commencement—May 16, 2011

At the U.S. Coast Guard Academy Commencement— May 18, 2011 (Video)

At a Skills for America’s Future Manufacturing Event—June 8, 2011

Chapter 8: The World

On the Situation in Egypt—February 1, 2011

On Egypt—February 11, 2011

In an Address to the Nation on Libya—March 28, 2011

Welcoming the Wounded Warrior Project’s Soldier Ride—May 4, 2011

At the Pride of Midtown Firehouse, Engine 54, Ladder 4, Battalion 9—May 5, 2011

On the Middle East and North Africa—May 19, 2011

At the AIPAC Policy Conference 2011— May 22, 2011 (Video)

At the Official Arrival Ceremony for Chancellor Merkel—June 7, 2011

At a Reception Honoring Greek Independence Day— March 25, 2011

On Osama Bin Laden— May 2, 2011 (Video)

Epilogue—

Endnotes—

Bibliography—

Chronological List of Demarcated Barack Obama Speeches

01/12/11—At a Memorial Service for the Victims of the Shooting in Tucson, Arizona (Video)

01/20/11—At the 50th Anniversary of John F. Kennedy’s Inauguration

02/01/11—On the Situation in Egypt

02/10/11—On the National Wireless Initiative in Marquette, Michigan

02/11/11—On Egypt

02/14/11—On the Unveiling of the Budget in Baltimore, Maryland

02/24/11—At In Performance At The White House: The Motown Sound

03/02/11—On the Shooting of American Service Members in Germany

03/04/11—During a Classroom Tour in Miami, Florida

03/17/11—On the Situation in Japan

03/25/11—At a Reception Honoring Greek Independence Day

03/28/11—In an Address to the Nation on Libya

03/30/11—On America’s Energy Security

04/06/11—In a Town Hall Discussion on Energy in Fairless Hills, Pennsylvania

04/06/11—On the Budget Talks

04/13/11—On Fiscal Policy

04/29/11—At the Miami Dade College Commencement

05/02/11—On Osama Bin Laden (Video)

05/04/11—Welcoming the Wounded Warrior Project’s Soldier Ride

05/05/11—At the Pride of Midtown Firehouse, Engine 54, Ladder 4, Battalion

178 05/05/11—At a Cinco de Mayo Reception

05/11/11—At An Evening of Poetry at the White House (Video)

05/16/11—At the Booker T. Washington High School Commencement

05/17/11—At a Reception in Honor of Jewish American Heritage Month

05/18/11—At the U.S. Coast Guard Academy Commencement (Video)

05/19/11—On the Middle East and North Africa

05/22/11—At the AIPAC Policy Conference (Video)

05/24/11—About Storms Throughout the Midwest

05/29/11—At a Memorial Service in Joplin, Missouri

06/03/11—To Chrysler Workers in Toledo, Ohio

06/07/11—At the Official Arrival Ceremony for Chancellor Merkel

06/08/11—At a Skills for America’s Future Manufacturing Event

06/28/11—On the Critical Role the Manufacturing Sector Plays in the American Economy

06/29/11—At a Press Conference by the President

Preface

Presidential power is the power to persuade. (emphasis in the original)¹ Approximately 50 years after Richard Neustadt, advisor to four presidents, wrote that sentence, Barack Obama was interviewed by 60 Minutes reporter Steve Kroft. The November 4, 2010, interview took place shortly after the midterm elections:

KROFT: … [T]here is this feeling particularly among people who are among your most ardent supporters, who feel a little disappointed that they think that you’ve lost your mojo. That you’ve lost your ability, that touch you had during the campaign, to inspire and lead…. People have made the argument you lost control of the narrative. You’ve let other people define you. That you haven’t sold your successes well enough.

PRESIDENT OBAMA: I think that’s a fair argument. I think that over the course of two years … we were so busy and so focused on getting a bunch of stuff done that we stopped paying attention to the fact … leadership isn’t just legislation. That it’s a matter of persuading people. And giving them confidence and bringing them together. And setting a tone. And making an argument that people can understand. And I think that we haven’t always been successful at that. And I take personal responsibility for that. And it’s something that I’ve got to examine carefully as I go forward…. [T]here are conservatives who are good people, who feel very strongly about their ideas that I’m never gonna persuade on some issues. I think what’s still fair to say is that I can do better than I’ve done in painting a picture for people about where we need to go that pulls people together as opposed to drives them apart. And that’s one of my central tasks over the next couple of years.²

On June 4, 2011, at the Chicago Printers Row Lit Fest, journalist Jonathan Alter (who had been critical of Barack Obama’s early presidential speeches)³ said in a private conversation with Dan Van Haften: Obama’s [2011] speeches have improved.⁴ What happened that made 2011’s oratory better?

Acknowledgments

Many people helped put this book together, and many resources went into doing so. The most valuable resource was www.whitehouse.gov. No matter who the president, this resource is rich with primary source material. It is easy to overlook the importance of prompt availability of not only text but video (for most speeches). The unvarnished and unedited words of a president, along with the dates and places they were uttered, reveal much about both that president and the country.

Nearly everyone likes Abraham Lincoln. That was not always so. When this book was written, not everyone liked Barack Obama. Kind of like Lincoln in his time, you either love him or you have a distaste for him. But you do not need to be an Obama aficionado to learn from the structural speaking system President Obama learned from Lincoln. Lincoln’s structure itself was first explained in the 2010 Savas Beatie publication, Abraham Lincoln and the Structure of Reason. This book, Barack Obama, Abraham Lincoln, and the Structure of Reason moves forward from the earlier book. Shorter and more focused, the Obama book is also easier to read because President Obama’s English is simpler than Lincoln’s. Plus, it is generally easier to understand (or think one understands) events that happen during one’s lifetime than the nuances of the politics of 150 years ago.

The most interesting comments from readers of early versions of the Obama manuscript came from those we knew were not Obama aficionados. But the most detailed comments came from Rod Mackler and Susan VanHaften. Rod and Susan took the manuscript apart, right down to the word level. It helps that both are retired, though at the time of his comments Rod was only 50% retired. Our thanks go equally to everyone who helped us. Ideas and insights from busy people who do not have time to critique on the word level is invaluable. Our thanks to Jerry Courtney, Jean Hirsch, Jennifer Klever-Kirkman, Greg Kirkman, Ed Schneider, and Anthony Gambone. Thanks to Marc Harding, the senior lawyer in the Des Moines law firm in which David Hirsch practices. (George Harding, Marc’s cousin—probably a couple of generations removed—associated with Abraham Lincoln on cases in 19th century Peoria, Illinois.)

The person who deserves the most thanks is Theodore P. Savas, our publisher and the managing director of Savas Beatie. A man of solid values and unambiguous principles, he is fun to work with. Savas Beatie is an example of the kind of business that is important to any country, particularly in the current world. Thanks to developmental editor Rob Ayer. This is the second book he assisted us with. He is your advocate, making reading smoother and more enjoyable. Thanks also to Sarah Keeney and the rest of the Savas Beatie staff. It was a pleasure to again work with Lee Merideth on formatting.

Feedback from readers of Abraham Lincoln and the Structure of Reason helped shape Barack Obama, Abraham Lincoln, and the Structure of Reason. May the structural communication principles of Abraham Lincoln continue to push this country and world civilization forward. This charge is to our readers; our leaders will follow.

Visit our website at http://www.thestructureofreason.com

Introduction

This is a story about Barack Obama’s presidential speeches. The speeches date from January 2011, but the story goes back to ancient Greece. It extends through three American presidents: Jefferson, Lincoln and Obama. It is an American story, framed by education and contrast.

Thomas Jefferson is regarded as a great writer and a poor speech giver. Jefferson, the founder of the University of Virginia, was highly educated and owned slaves.

Abraham Lincoln freed slaves. This self-taught man is known as a great speaker. He had virtually no formal education—less than a year.

Barack Obama graduated from Harvard Law School magna cum laude. He was president of the Harvard Law Review. His children are the descendants of slaves.

These three Presidents were attorneys. Jefferson disliked the practice of law; Lincoln loved it; and Obama taught it. In their argumentation, both as attorneys and statesmen, all three used a secret weapon emanating from ancient Greece: Euclid’s six elements of a proposition.

The weapon was a secret hiding in plain sight until the November 2010 publication of Abraham Lincoln and the Structure of Reason.¹ That book described in detail Euclid’s six elements of a proposition. The six elements were nearly lost in the dustbin of history. Jefferson used the six elements to structure the Declaration of Independence and the Statute of Virginia on Religious Freedom, two of his greatest writings. Lincoln used the six elements to structure nearly all of his speeches after 1853. Obama used the six elements to structure most of his speeches from January through June 2011, the period covered by this book—six months of six elements.

The six elements are simple to express:²

Enunciation: The enunciation states what is given and what is being sought from it.

Exposition: The exposition takes separately what is given and prepares it in advance for use in the investigation.

Specification: The specification takes separately the thing that is sought and makes clear precisely what it is.

Construction: The construction adds what is lacking in the given for finding what is sought.

Proof: The proof draws the proposed inference by reasoning scientifically from the propositions that have been admitted.

Conclusion: The conclusion reverts to the enunciation, confirming what has been proved.

A proposition can be thought of as a hypothesis to be demonstrated or proved. Invisible yet present, the six elements are the backbone of the demonstration. The easiest way to understand the magic of the elements is to read examples.

Chapter One, Poetry, contains three propositions. One is Thomas Jefferson’s Declaration of Independence, another is Abraham Lincoln’s Gettysburg Address. These two Euclidean propositions provide proof of our national identity as a free and lasting one. In a third proposition, President Obama uses the structure of Euclid’s six propositional elements to demonstrate the importance of free expression.

The rest of the book covers a selection of President Obama’s speeches from the first six months of 2011. Selected speeches are grouped into seven topics: Comfort, Culture, Economy, Budget, Energy, Education and World. A brief summary by the authors precedes each speech. The speeches are then demarcated into the elements of a proposition (enunciation, exposition, specification, construction, proof and conclusion). At the end of most speeches we provide a mini-demarcation, a concise summary.

Knowing a speech’s structure clarifies how it was written, making it easier to understand. In effect, we learn how structure conveys meaning. Occasionally a proposition’s weakness is exposed; but in most cases beauty is revealed.

Thomas Jefferson begins the narrative; Abraham Lincoln perfects the technique; President Obama’s speeches tell the story.

Chapter One

Poetry

The Declaration of Independence¹

Thomas Jefferson proves the proposition that the United States must separate from Great Britain:

IN CONGRESS, July 4, 1776.

The unanimous Declaration of the thirteen united States of America, Enunciation: [Given] When in the Course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with another, and to assume among the powers of the earth, the separate and equal station to which the Laws of Nature and of Nature’s God entitle them, a decent respect to the opinions of mankind requires that they should declare the causes which [Sought] impel them to the separation.

Exposition: We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.—That to secure these rights, Governments are instituted among Men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed,—That whenever any Form of Government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the Right of the People to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new Government, laying its foundation on such principles and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their Safety and Happiness. Prudence, indeed, will dictate that Governments long established should not be changed for light and transient causes; and accordingly all experience hath shewn, that mankind are more disposed to suffer, while evils are sufferable, than to right themselves by abolishing the forms to which they are accustomed.

Specification: But when a long train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the same Object evinces a design to reduce them under absolute Despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to throw off such Government, and to provide new Guards for their future security.—Such has been the patient sufferance of these Colonies; and such is now the necessity which constrains them to alter their former Systems of Government.

Construction: The history of the present King of Great Britain is a history of repeated injuries and usurpations, all having in direct object the establishment of an absolute Tyranny over these States. To prove this, let Facts be submitted to a candid world.

He has refused his Assent to Laws, the most wholesome and necessary for the public good.

He has forbidden his Governors to pass Laws of immediate and pressing importance, unless suspended in their operation till his Assent should be obtained; and when so suspended, he has utterly neglected to attend to them.

He has refused to pass other Laws for the accommodation of large districts of people, unless those people would relinquish the right of Representation in the Legislature, a right inestimable to them and formidable to tyrants only.

He has called together legislative bodies at places unusual, uncomfortable, and distant from the depository of their public Records, for the sole purpose of fatiguing them into compliance with his measures.

He has dissolved Representative Houses repeatedly, for opposing with manly firmness his invasions on the rights of the people.

He has refused for a long time, after such dissolutions, to cause others to be elected; whereby the Legislative powers, incapable of Annihilation, have returned to the People at large for their exercise; the State remaining in the mean time exposed to all the dangers of invasion from without, and convulsions within.

He has endeavoured to prevent the population of these States; for that purpose obstructing the Laws for Naturalization of Foreigners; refusing to pass others to encourage their migrations hither, and raising the conditions of new Appropriations of Lands.

He has obstructed the Administration of Justice, by refusing his Assent to Laws for establishing Judiciary powers.

He has made Judges dependent on his Will alone, for the tenure of their offices, and the amount and payment of their salaries.

He has erected a multitude of New Offices, and sent hither swarms of Officers to harrass our people, and eat out their substance.

He has kept among us, in times of peace, Standing Armies without the Consent of our legislatures.

He has affected to render the Military independent of and superior to the Civil power.

He has combined with others to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign to our constitution, and unacknowledged by our laws; giving his Assent to their Acts of pretended Legislation:

For Quartering large bodies of armed troops among us:

For protecting them, by a mock Trial, from punishment for any Murders which they should commit on the Inhabitants of these States:

For cutting off our Trade with all parts of the world:

For imposing Taxes on us without our Consent:

For depriving us in many cases, of the benefits of Trial by Jury:

For transporting us beyond Seas to be tried for pretended offences

For abolishing the free System of English Laws in a neighbouring Province, establishing therein an Arbitrary government, and enlarging its Boundaries so as to render it at once an example and fit instrument for introducing the same absolute rule into these Colonies:

For taking away our Charters, abolishing our most valuable Laws, and altering fundamentally the Forms of our Governments:

For suspending our own Legislatures, and declaring themselves invested with power to legislate for us in all cases whatsoever.

He has abdicated Government here, by declaring us out of his Protection and waging War against us.

He has plundered our seas, ravaged our Coasts, burnt our towns, and destroyed the lives of our people.

He is at this time transporting large Armies of foreign Mercenaries to compleat the works of death, desolation and tyranny, already begun with circumstances of Cruelty & perfidy scarcely paralleled in the most barbarous ages, and totally unworthy the Head of a civilized nation.

He has constrained our fellow Citizens taken Captive on the high Seas to bear Arms against their Country, to become the executioners of their friends and Brethren, or to fall themselves by their Hands.

He has excited domestic insurrections amongst us, and has endeavoured to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers, the merciless Indian Savages, whose known rule of warfare, is an undistinguished destruction of all ages, sexes and conditions.

Proof: In every stage of these Oppressions We have Petitioned for Redress in the most humble terms: Our repeated Petitions have been answered only by repeated injury. A Prince whose character is thus marked by every act which may define a Tyrant, is unfit to be the ruler of a free people.

Nor have We been wanting in attentions to our Brittish brethren. We have warned them from time to time of attempts by their legislature to extend an unwarrantable jurisdiction over us. We have reminded them of the circumstances of our emigration and settlement here. We have appealed to their native justice and magnanimity, and we have conjured them by the ties of our common kindred to disavow these usurpations, which, would inevitably interrupt our connections and correspondence. They too have been deaf to the voice of justice and of consanguinity. We must, therefore, acquiesce in the necessity, which denounces our Separation, and hold them, as we hold the rest of mankind, Enemies in War, in Peace Friends.

Conclusion: We, therefore, the Representatives of the united States of America, in General Congress, Assembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude of our intentions, do, in the Name, and by Authority of the good People of these Colonies, solemnly publish and declare, That these United Colonies are, and of Right ought to be Free and Independent States; that they are Absolved from all Allegiance to the British Crown, and that all political connection between them and the State of Great Britain, is and ought to be totally dissolved; and that as Free and Independent States, they have full Power to levy War, conclude Peace, contract Alliances, establish Commerce, and to do all other Acts and Things which Independent States may of right do. And for the support of this Declaration, with a firm reliance on the protection of divine Providence, we mutually pledge to each other our Lives, our Fortunes and our sacred Honor.

The Gettysburg Address²

Abraham Lincoln proves the proposition that the nation will survive (we have added italics to the demarcation to clarify what the proposition is, and what is proved):

Gettysburg, Pennsylvania, November 19, 1863

Enunciation: [Given] Four score and seven years ago our fathers brought forth on this continent, a new nation, conceived in Liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal. Now we are engaged in a great civil war, [Sought] testing whether that nation, or any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure.

Exposition: We are met on a great battle-field of that war.

Specification: We have come to dedicate a portion of that field, as a final resting place for those who here gave their lives that that nation might live. It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this.

Construction: But, in a larger sense, we can not dedicate—we can not consecrate—we can not hallow—this ground.

The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it, far above our poor power to add or detract.

The world will little note, nor long remember what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here.

Proof: It is for us the living, rather, to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced.

It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us—that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion—

that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain—

Conclusion: that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom—and that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth.

At An Evening of Poetry at the White House³(VIDEO)

At an evening dedicated to poetry, Barack Obama proves a proposition concerning the value of free expression, commenting on structure and purpose:

East Room of the White House, May 11, 2011

Enunciation: THE PRESIDENT: [Given] Hello, everybody. Please have a seat. Welcome to the White House. I am going to be brief, because on a night like tonight my job is to get out of the way and let the professionals