The Conquering Family: The Conquering Family

Introduction

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It must be said at the outset that there is no need for another history of England unless it can be given popular appeal.

History, on which people depended once for enlightenment and entertainment in reading, is now little read except in classrooms, and this is due to the stern limits which historians have set for themselves. Thomas Babington Macaulay, one of the very greatest of them but a rebel in the matter of the traditions of the craft, had this to say in his definition: The writers of history seem to entertain an aristocratical contempt for the writers of memoirs. ... The most characteristic and interesting circumstances are omitted, or softened down, because, we are told, they are too trivial for the majesty of history. He quarreled with the theory which brushed aside biography and the technique of biographers, and which sternly decreed that history must remain within narrow bounds. He was not content that the annals of mankind should deal with public affairs so much and with life so little. And, of course, he was right. If the high ideals and conceptions which Macaulay laid down could be followed, history would regain some at least of its lost position.

To evolve a popular record of the period covered in this volume is not an easy task. The chronicles of the century and a half which followed the Norman Conquest were written by monks who toiled in cloistered withdrawal and depended on hearsay evidence. Much of what they produced is legend and fable on the face of it; still more is at least, suspect. Industrious historians have found in the scant records room for much divergent theory. A single speech often has been translated in a dozen forms. It is hard, therefore, to keep the pen from wandering off into imaginative bypaths when dealing with material into which fancy has already entered so largely. But the greatest difficulty lies in the fact that the plodding fingers of the monks wrote with one-dimensional brevity.

How, then, may a history of the period be written which will have drama, color, and visual substance? I have always been convinced that it could be done and that various methods are available for the writer who undertakes the task.

First, there is the additional material which may readily be obtained by carrying research into unusual channels, ransacking old and forgotten histories, searching through memoirs and diaries and church documents and the proceedings of local historical societies, above everything else by reading what is available on such subjects as currency, minting, monastic life, sheep raising, weaving, heraldry, architecture, archery. In this way great quantities of fresh fact may be secured; enough, certainly, to clothe quite amply the loose-jointed frame of monkish chronicle.

Even more important is to act upon the suggestion of Macaulay and turn to biography. History, which has dealt with kings and statesmen and soldiers, may be broadened profitably by dealing adequately with the men and women of lesser stature who deserve so much of memory and are accorded so little, the monk and the schoolmaster, the architect and the builder, the thinker and the inventor, the poet and the painter.

There is need for something more, however, if history is to be made up, not of dry bones and locks of hair which crumble at a touch, but of blood and muscle and flesh with the tint of life. Obviously no stories may be invented, no speech may be put into the mouth of a historic character which cannot be authenticated. If the main actors have few scenes to play and brief lines to speak, how may a full-bodied drama be achieved? The answer is, by giving more scope to the players of minor roles (rewarding fellows, they always prove themselves) and by being lavish with scenery and sound effects and by having brisk drummers in the orchestra pit. It is my belief, as it has been that of many historians, that dramatization of certain non-essentials is within the right of the recorder of history. For instance, when it is known that Henry II met Thomas à Becket for the first time at Westminster on Christmas, it is surely not wrong to picture the holiday revelry in the royal palace that day, nor to say that Henry indulged his habit of sticking his thumbs in his belt when confronting the man who would become his chancellor and archbishop and would die under the axes of his knights. When it is known that Good Queen Mold introduced the fashion of letting the hair hang free, is it not permissible to depict her as wearing her golden locks down her back on the occasion when she rode to Lambeth Palace? This method I have adopted, but without invention of fact or incident or the putting of fictional speech in any mouth, believing it to be the only way of making the story of the period live for the casual reader. If this is a crime against the sacred code, then I must plead guilty. In that case, however, I must plead also that the time has come to amend the code.

The picture which emerges is, in my opinion, an honest and complete one. There has been no distortion of events to prove a point, and a sincere attempt has been made to study the men and women of those distant days through the mists which cloud them and to present them as human beings.

I have not weighted the saddle of every page with the lead of footnotes, and old Ibid., that ubiquitous Man Friday of the historian, has not been allowed to stick his long nose in once. The reader, I am sure, will welcome the omission of credit notes and the departure from historical precedent.

The present volume, complete in itself because of the rounding out of the period of the Conquest and its results, is offered with some hesitation, being my first venture into this field. It is my desire and hope, however, to go on with the story of the men and women who have played parts in the pageant of England, the noteworthy, the fantastic, the brave, the too often forgotten great people who made the island empire great. In succeeding volumes, which will deal with periods where the records are more full, it will be easier to accomplish the purpose with which I have begun.

Thomas B. Costain

CHAPTER I

Three Strong Men

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It was late in September, the year was 1066, and that section of the great north highway which crosses the Aire and the Wharfe and rolls on to the city of York was black with marching soldiers. In the van were the Thingmen, the trained troops who formed the King’s bodyguard, proudly carrying the Standard of the Fighting Man, the personal flag of Harold. The King marched with them, this great son of Earl Godwine who had been elected by the Witanagemot to succeed Edward the Confessor, the first man of the people to wear a crown. His presence lent strength to stiffening muscles and persuaded the racing squadrons to pour forth from not too melodious throats the battle songs of Assanduan in full confidence that victory lay ahead of them.

They marched on foot, these space-devouring Anglo-Saxons, battle-ax on shoulder and kite-shaped shield on arm, their knee-length tunics gray with dust, their legs bare (only the leaders wore the bracco or cross-gartering), their gauntlet-topped buskins cut to ribbons of leather. They were of medium height and inclined to a squareness of build. Under their caps, which curved to hornlike points, they had bristling manes of fair hair. Their faces were broad and stolid in expression. But look at them well, these dusty warriors who have marched from London in less than five days. In spite of their cloddish appearance and their obvious lack of learning, these men and their fathers before them had been groping toward an understanding of two great principles; first, that kings are the servants and not the masters of men, and, second, that in all things the will of the majority expressed through a properly constituted assemblage must prevail.

They did not know it, but it was to defend these beliefs that the soldiers of England were marching on sore and blistered feet up the great north highway.

2

Three strong men were fighting for the crown of England: Harold, the choice of the people; Duke William of Normandy, who pretended to have a claim based on a promise of the deceased King, and Harold Hardrada, ruler of Norway, whose only claim lay in his heavy two-handed sword.

The succession had become involved when Edward, called the Confessor, took the crown. Edward was the sole surviving son of Ethelred the Unready, that incapable monarch who earned the hatred of the people to such a degree that they welcomed the Danish invaders who chased him from the throne. His mother was Emma, a beautiful Norman woman of gentle birth and fiercely acquisitive instincts. She later married Canute, the leader of the Danes, and so became Queen of England a second time. She loved Canute devotedly and gave little thought to her son Edward, who had fled the country and was living in Normandy. After the death of Canute and his sons, Edward was summoned back to England by the Witanagemot. His choice had been brought about by the influence of Godwine, Earl of the South and West. A speaker of persuasive eloquence, Godwine was able to win men over to his way of thinking, and his sagacity was such that he should rank with the greatest of the kingmakers who have played parts in English history.

Edward came to the throne with a reputation for saintliness which flickered during his reign but steadied into a strong flame after his death; which grew and grew, in fact, into a legend nothing could shake. It must be said, however, that if he had been left to rule by himself he would almost certainly have been as great a failure as his weak father. That would have been a sorry thing indeed for the country. Fortunately the pious Edward had Godwine to direct him and later the earl’s son, Harold, who was quite as able as his father and less devious.

Edward was a strange individual. He had white hair and a long white beard and a pinkish complexion which made him look almost albino. His hands were long and thin and white to the point of transparency. He had a curious way of staring and he was given to sudden fits of unexplained speech and laughter. He won his reputation for piety by spending hours each day at his devotions. After emerging from his oratory, however, he would go off on hunting orgies during which he slaughtered the poor beasts of the forest with singular bloodthirstiness. When trouble arose in any part of the kingdom, it was Edward’s first thought to send troops with orders to burn and slay; and only the influence of Harold kept him from acting on his sanguinary impulses. After his death people compared the peacefulness of his reign with the terrible years which followed and began to think of him as a saint; a tendency strengthened by the fact that miracles were reported at his tomb.

But the blame for the terrible years, nearly two centuries of cruelty and oppression, can be laid squarely on the doorstep of this second unready King. Although married to Edytha, the beautiful daughter of Godwine, he showed no inclination to beget an heir. In addition he brought Normans over in droves and made bishops of them and earls and court stallers, and he gave lands and great wealth to them; and so created in Norman minds the belief that England was a rich plum for Norman plucking. What is more, when William of Normandy paid him a visit, he promised that intensely ambitious man (or so William swore) the throne of England.

The throne of England was not a prize to be scrambled for by ambitious men or disposed of by weak kings. It was an office which the people conferred through the Witanagemot, the first ancestor of the modern Parliament. Although sons generally followed their fathers, it was understood that this was by the will of the people and not because of any divine right to succeed. The people could dethrone a bad king, and sometimes (but not often enough) they did. If ascetic Edward made such a promise to Norman William, it could not be considered a valid claim.

But William ruled over a land where the people had no rights at all. From that day forward he regarded himself as Edward’s legal successor. He was, however, a longheaded and farseeing man and he took every precaution. When Harold was shipwrecked on the coast of Normandy, William had him brought before a chest covered with a cloth of gold thread on which a missal had been placed. He then demanded that his involuntary guest swear to support his claim. Harold, having no alternative, swore to do so, and the Norman barons, who had been summoned to hear, repeated sonorously, May God be thy Help! The cloth was then whisked off, and it was seen that the chest was filled with the bones and relics of saints. Norman chroniclers say that Harold turned pale when he thus realized the profundity of the oath he had sworn. This was the first evidence that England had of the deep craft of Duke William, but proofs of it would multiply over the years.

When the thin hands of the weak old King had been folded on his breast and his body had been laid away in the great church he had built at Westminster (his one real personal achievement), the Witanagemot faced a problem. England needed a strong man at the head of the state and there was no prince of the blood left with enough resolution to administer a knight’s fee. Harold had not a drop of royal blood in his veins but he had governed England for Edward with wisdom, firmness, and a degree of forbearance which was most unusual in those cruel days. He was, moreover, a general of proven skill and the only man capable of defending the kingdom against the designs of that great schemer across the Channel. Finally, Edward on his deathbed had seen the accession in the right light and had voiced his preference for Harold.

So Harold was chosen. Counting his oath to William wiped out by the nation’s need of him, and considering it invalid because given under duress, he accepted. He was anointed with the holy oil, the Veni, Creator Spiritus was sung over him, he placed the crown of England on his own head, and the country rejoiced at the prospect of a continuation of enlightened rule.

The day after his coronation Harold began to prepare for the blow he knew was coming.

He might perhaps have beaten the forces of William if the issue had been confined to them, but it developed that he had two invading armies to fight. Sometime before the death of the Confessor, Harold had acquiesced in the deposing and banishment of his brother Tostig because of the oppressive way the latter ruled his earldom of Northumberland. Tostig, burning with rage and spite, had since been plotting against Harold. He had been in Normandy, urging William (who needed no urging at all) to assert his right to the throne. From there he went to Denmark and asked King Sweyn for aid against his brother. Meeting refusal here, he went finally to Norway and found a ready listener in Harold, called Hardrada, the King of that country.

A word about this viking King, the third of our three strong men. Harold Hardrada was a blond giant, Thor come down to earth in the guise of a man. He had spent his life in search of adventure, and legends had gathered about him. He was called sometimes Harold the Varanger, sometimes Harold the Lionslayer. He was supposed to have led a small personal crusade against the Saracens (an unsuccessful one, needless to state). He had sailed haughtily through the Bosporus, breaking the chain across it with the prow of his flagship and laughing at Eastern might. He had put out the eyes of the Byzantine Emperor Constantine Monomachos and had enjoyed (but not exclusively) the passionate favors of the Empress Zoë. Strange wild songs came into his head when he went into battle, and he sang them exultantly as he hacked his opponents to pieces. No living man had ever been able to stand against him. His fame was even putting the memory of the truly great Olaf Tryggvisson into temporary shade, and such lesser heroes as Thorkill the Tall and Swen Forkbeard were being forgotten.

So much for legend. This much is certain: Harold Hardrada was a hard-bitten champion who was never happy without his sword in his hand and the head of a foeman to cleave. He was not wise enough to perceive the weaknesses in the proposition Tostig brought him. He listened to that glum traitor and decided he would like to steal the throne of England for himself.

English Harold had been King for a few months only when he learned of the double danger facing him. Harold Hardrada and Tostig had sailed up the Humber River with a large army of invasion. They landed at Riccall and defeated an English force commanded by Edwin and Morkar, earls of the north.

Knowing that he must beat off the Norsemen before the Normans landed, English Harold collected his army and led it on its breakneck march up the north highway.

3

Harold Hardrada had come to stay. He had sailed from Norway with a fleet of extraordinary size and a large army. Some reports have it that he took a thousand ships to transport his troops. However, the remnants of the invading force returned to Norway in twenty-three ships, so it may safely be assumed that the chroniclers have been guilty in this instance of one of the gross exaggerations in which all early annals abound. But the gigantic Norseman had brought his wife, a Russian princess to whom he seems to have been much attached, some at least of his many mistresses, a drove of his children, an ingot of gold so large that twelve men were needed to get it on board, his household goods, his wardrobe, all his shining armor and his prized weapons and his bewinged helmets. He intended to remain and to rule over England.

After beating the English earls at Fulford, he established his headquarters near the village of Aldby in what had once been the home of the kings of Northumberland. This, no doubt, he considered the fit habitation for a conqueror. By settling himself here, he allowed his vanity to get the better of his strategic sense. His army had to be assembled loosely nearby along the banks of the Derwent. It was flat country and offered no advantages at all to defenders.

The truth of the matter is that the powerful Norseman had not expected his English namesake so soon. He would have disposed his troops with greater care had he thought he would be attacked here. It is recorded that he was a much surprised man when he saw a cloud of dust on the road from York and realized that the English were coming to Stamfordbridge. He must have known a moment of panic when it came home to him that a large part of his army was with the ships at Riccall and that still more were encamped on the other side of the river. Harold Hardrada sent off messengers to summon the absent troops and then drew up what forces he had in battle array.

In spite of the poor position of the invaders, they looked formidable enough to the tired English as they crossed the river. The viking King had formed his men in the traditional shield wall which made a complete circle. Little was to be seen save the fierce eyes of the Norsemen above the interlocked shields and the dread flag of the King, his standard, the Land-waster, curling and uncurling in the wind above them. Harold Hardrada rode out to inspect his forces, looking very handsome and martial on his huge black horse. It may have been that the weight in the saddle was too much for even so strong a mount. The black steed stumbled, at any rate, and the King pitched forward to the ground.

English Harold, assembling his men for the attack, saw what had happened. He smiled grimly.

Who is the tall man who fell from his horse? he asked those about him.

It is King Harold of Norway.

The English King, cupping a hand over his eyes, watched his crestfallen enemy return to the Norwegian ranks on foot. A tall man, and a goodly, he is reported to have said. Methinks his luck has left him.

But the English leader, who was almost as hardheaded and realistic as Duke William, put no reliance in that possibility. Thinking of the Norman army which was being assembled across the channel and the need he had of every English soldier, he made an effort to effect a settlement. A herald was sent forward, accompanied by twenty armed horsemen.

The herald stopped and called, Where is Tostig, the son of Godwine?

The traitor, carrying his English battle-ax over his shoulder, stepped out from the ranks. He is here.

Thy brother sends word by my mouth that he salutes thee and offers thee peace, friendship, and thy former honors.

Those are fine words, said Tostig. But if I accept, what will there be for my ally, the noble King Harold, son of Sigurd?

Seven feet of English earth, answered the herald. As he is taller than other men, perhaps a little more.

Go then, cried the brother of the English King, and tell your master to make ready for the battle!

It is reported further that Harold Hardrada, having recovered from his mishap, searched eagerly for a sight of English Harold. When his quest was rewarded, he remarked with all the condescension of a man of extra inches that the King of England is a small man. Then he added with a generous gesture, He stands well in his stirrups.

Harold was small only when compared with a man of the stature of the Norse leader. He led the first charge against the shield wall, brandishing his battle-ax. His men followed close after him, shouting eagerly, The Rood! The Rood! It was apparent from the first that the advantage was with the English. Men fight their hardest when the feet of invaders press on their native soil. If the Norsemen won, they would ravage England from coast to coast. No man’s life, no woman’s honor, would be safe. The need of the homeland inspired every English thrust, it put edge to the sword and weight to the mace, it sped on the tip of every English arrow.

Harold Hardrada, standing beneath the Land-waster, held the English at bay long after they had broken the shield wall. The hero of a hundred legends, the victor of a thousand fights, he fought his last battle like the God of War himself. Singing the battle songs of the north, his eyes blazing with the madness of conflict, he fought until a mound of his dead surrounded him. No man lived who knew the edge of his terrible two-handed sword. But one man cannot win a battle by himself (the records of chivalry to the contrary) and in time the royal gladiator and troubadour went down, an arrow in his throat. He died with his bloodstained kirtle over his face and so was spared the spectacle of the victorious English breaking through.

The battle still went on. Tostig, who was brave in spite of his faults, commanded after the death of the King and fell in turn by the Land-waster. The reinforcements from the ships arrived under the leadership of a soldier named Eystein Orre, but the battle was lost when they reached the field and all they could do was die as their fallen comrades had done.

Harold Hardrada’s amazing career had ended in the seven feet of earth promised him. Most of his men had died with him. Those who survived made their peace and sailed back to Norway, with their women and their household goods and a small remnant of their pride.

But it had been a costly victory. Five days later, when presiding at a victory banquet in York, Harold received word that the Normans had landed on the south coast. Brandishing a bull in his favor which the Pope had sent, William had proclaimed England his and Harold a perjured thief.

The victor of Stamfordbridge rose from his seat and went out to begin preparations for a second battle. Perhaps, as he thought of his weary and shrunken army, he realized that his two dead foes had won after all. Their adventure had so depleted the English ranks that Harold had small chance now of prevailing against the mounted and superbly equipped forces of Norman William. The mad whim of Harold Hardrada and Tostig, which had cost them their own lives, was to clamp a yoke of steel on the neck of England!

4

William’s army was camped around Hastings, facing a spur of the Downs which provided a formidable horizon northward. The rising ground ahead of them was in reality a clutter of choppy hills, through which ran deep ravines with bottoms of broken stone and trickling streams called in those days becks. Strategically placed in the midst of this tumbled confusion of levels was the ridge of Senlac, with high hills from behind which a glimpse might be had of the sea, its flanks well guarded by nature. This ridge was large enough to contain an army; and here on October 14 was fought one of the most discussed and most written about, certainly the most wept over, and most deeply deplored battle in English history.

Harold, not waiting for the tardy earls from the north to arrive with their forces (and not sure even that they would come) because the savage wasting of the countryside was forcing his hand, showed his skill as a general by disposing his hastily assembled and ill-equipped army along Senlac. It was perfect for his purpose. Here he commanded all the roads. Here he could watch the Normans like the eagle from its lofty perch, and pounce if there was any attempt at diversion of forces. Here he had a strong defensive position which he proceeded to improve with trenches and barricades of stakes and osier hurdles. Here he waited.

William had two alternatives, to fight a pitched battle on Harold’s terms or take to his ships. He chose, of course, the former. On the morning of the battle he exhorted his troops at great length, making clear to them that victory meant glory and wealth, but defeat was death for every Norman on English soil. Then the charge began, a fearsome spectacle of steel-clad men on madly plunging chargers, standards swaying wildly above the ranks, covering the rolling ground like a rising tide. A minstrel named Taillefer was in front, tossing his battle-ax in the air and singing the Song of Roland. The defenders on the ridge ahead responded with the deep-throated Saxon invocation to the Rood. A few raised for the first time the cry which was to be employed in clashes so often later, that pathetic shout of men in chains, No Normans! No Normans! No Normans!

Between the English center and right a spur ran out and down from the ridge. The chief Norman attack was along this spur, wheeling at the top to attack the English center; certainly not a favorable situation for the assailants. The interlocked shields of the English were a greater obstacle, however, than anything nature had provided. The Normans were thrown back time and again. Taillefer was killed, William was unhorsed, the hopes of the invading forces reached a low ebb. Then William set his mind to finding other methods than the shock of frontal assault. Twice he had his men simulate retreat, drawing the inexperienced Saxons after them in undisciplined and exuberant pursuit, then turning and cutting the ill-armed peasants to pieces. Even in the face of these losses and the consequent weakening of his flanks, Harold still stood firmly in the center, his brothers Gyrth and Loefwin beside him, the Standard of the Fighting Man as defiantly erect as ever.

The shield wall of the center held as though the men behind it knew that a break would mean not only their deaths and the subjugation of England but also the extinction for centuries of a light which they, the Anglo-Saxons, had kindled, the light which was to guide men in their long quest for freedom. How bravely they stood!

If the archers of Crécy and Agincourt had stood on Senlac with their mighty longbows, the Normans would have been cut to pieces as they charged up the slope. But the English had not yet any great addiction to the bow. They relied on the battle-ax, which was a doughty weapon at close range and one they understood. The Normans had more archers than Harold, and it was a wily use of the weapon which William employed as his final effort to break that stubborn wall.

Shoot your arrows into the air! he ordered.

His hired crossbowmen dropped back far enough to enjoy ease of aim. The arrows began to rain into the circle of English resistance. This lethal hail was so thick that the losses seemed unbearable; unbearable indeed, for one lodged in the eye of the brave Harold. He fell to the ground and writhed in the most intense agony before death came. The heart went out of the defense as soon as this terrible news spread through the ranks.

The wall broke and the battle became a confused tangle of personal fighting. The sun went down and with it the hopes of men for individual freedom.

CHAPTER II

The Strongest Man Rules

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The strongest of the three men had won.

Never in history, perhaps, have the qualities which make a successful dictator been combined more perfectly and completely in one vigorous frame and one keen brain. William was a great warrior as well as an astute general. No other man, according to legend, had the strength to bend his bow. But this perfect fighting machine was topped by a forehead of splendid proportions, and behind that fine brow a brain was at work. He was shrewd, sagacious, farseeing. He planned everything out in advance like a chess champion who figures seven or eight moves ahead. During the years that he reigned as King of England he did many things which verged on genius. His was a stern and thorough rule, but this must be said: he imposed it on his own followers as well as on the conquered Anglo-Saxons.

Like all dictators, he kept the reins in his own hands. He could be just, but he never allowed justice to stand in the way of expediency. Any hint of opposition or double-dealing drove him into tempestuous rages, and when in these fits of anger he was like a mad boar. Revenge was a strong motive with all Normans; with William the Conqueror it was a black urge which drove him to the most horrible cruelties.

When Robert, the first-born son, began to quarrel with William, the Queen was much disturbed and sent to a German hermit who was supposed to have the gift of prophecy, asking advice as to how the dissension could be cured. The hermit replied in part: The Most High has made known to me in a dream the things you desire to know. I saw in my vision a beautiful pasture, covered with grass and flowers, and a noble charger feeding therein. A numerous herd gathered round about, eager to enter and share the feast, but the fiery charger would not permit them to approach near enough to crop the flowers and herbage. But, alas! The majestic steed, in the midst of his pride and courage, died, his terror departed with him, and a poor silly steer appeared in his place as the guardian of the pasture....

The hermit had struck the nail squarely on the head. The Conqueror would not share the beautiful pasture which was England with anyone, not even his first-born. He wanted to keep to himself all the responsibilities and the power, and all the glory.

No one can study the life of William without being amazed at his genius and in equal degree appalled by his ruthlessness and cruelty.

2

Nearly twenty years before the Conquest there was at the court of Count Baldwin of Flanders a very beautiful girl, his sister Matilda. Young Duke William of Normandy fell in love with her at first sight. He did not manifest his devotion, however, in the usual ways. There was none of the mooning of adolescence, no shy dancing of attendance, on the part of the determined Norman. He courted Matilda in a forthright way, making it clear that he intended to marry her, come what may. Matilda met his advances coldly.

Her reluctance may have been due to the fact that William’s mother had been Herleva, the pretty daughter of a tanner, and that his father had taken no steps to legitimatize his birth, thereby condemning him for life to the appellation of Bastard. Most likely, however, her coldness was because the image of a handsome Saxon still filled her mind.

Brihtric Meau, the son of Alfgar, lord of the honor of Gloucester, had been sent to Flanders on a diplomatic mission. He was a handsome fellow, tall and straight of back and leg and with such a fairness of skin that he had been nicknamed Snow. One look at the blue-eyed stranger and Matilda fell as deeply in love with him as William had on his first glimpse of her. She took no pains to hide her infatuation for the blond Saxon but followed him everywhere and tried every expedient to win his attention. When the ladies had retired from the Great Hall (which was so large that three hundred people could dine there at once) and the men had settled down to their wine swilling, she would hide on the minstrels’ gallery and watch Brihtric from behind a tapestry hanging on the railing. Finally she took matters into her own hands and went to him with a suggestion. Why must he return to England, which was a poor and barbarous land? Why not remain in Flanders and take a wife? It would not be hard to find one.

Brihtric knew what she meant, of course. Just how he answered her is not on record. He was flattered, no doubt, by the devotion of the highborn Flemish beauty, but he was also a man of firm principles. There was a lady of his choice in England and he meant to marry her on his return. Whatever his manner of phrasing it, his answer to Matilda was a firm no. Soon after, his mission completed, he sailed back to England.

William’s courting of Matilda lasted seven years in all. At the end of that time, in the year 1047, he became so enraged at her continued refusals that he waited outside a church in the city of Bruges, where she was hearing mass, and attacked her when she emerged. He knocked her down, rolled her in the dirt of the street, tore her fine cloak, upbraided her furiously, and then sprang into the saddle and rode away. Perhaps he should have adopted this method of courtship earlier. It produced, at any rate, the desired effect. Matilda gave in.

They were married in William’s castle of Angi, and it was a grand occasion. If the bride retained any regrets for the handsome Englishman who had rebuffed her, she did not show it. She and William, in fact, were quite happy in their marriage. They had a large family, including four sons, Robert, Richard (who died in his youth), William, and Henry. The last two became kings of England. William saw to it that Matilda was the first wife of an English king to have the title of Queen. The consort of a Saxon ruler had been called lady companion of the King, but this was not good enough for Matilda. William had a special coronation for her and had a crown placed on her fine dark locks. When she died in 1083 he mourned her the rest of his days. He built a great tomb for her at Caen in Normandy, covered with gems and with an epitaph lettered in gold.

But the story has a sequel. Brihtric survived the Conquest. He was married and had a family and he had become a very wealthy man with lands in Gloucestershire and Devonshire and Cornwall. He had many manor houses, and to the manor of Hanley, where he spent most of his time, a new chapel had been added. Wulfstan, the saintly old Bishop of Worcester, had come to hallow it, and the ceremony was under way when a troop of Norman soldiers put in an appearance. They took Brihtric in charge and threw him into a cell in Winchester. The cell was so deep underground that it had no window and the only sound its occupants ever heard was the ironshod foot of a jailer on the stone stairs. It was damp and cold and filled with rats and toads.

Matilda was not in England when this occurred, and it might have been due to the jealousy of William, who had never ceased to resent her early preference for the handsome Saxon. There is nothing in her record to hint at a strain of vindictiveness in her character, and the fact, moreover, that Brihtric’s punishment was conceived with a thoroughness typical of the Conqueror lends further substance to that view. The unfortunate thane, whose only fault had been his constancy, was kept in his deep, dank cell until he died. His possessions were all confiscated. The city of Gloucester was deprived of its charter and all its civic liberties were taken away because Brihtric was a Gloucester man. His family, penniless, were turned away, to live or die.

But Matilda cannot be cleared as easily as that. It is recorded in Domesday Book that all Brihtric’s possessions were given to her and that she held them as her personal property until her death, when they reverted to the Crown. It seems reasonable to believe, therefore, that this remarkable woman stood at William’s shoulder and whispered in his ear. Certainly she acquiesced in the despoiling and death of the fair-haired stranger she had once watched with worshiping eyes from the minstrels’ gallery.

3

But the fate of Brihtric was exceptional only because of the personal reason for the severity shown him. All over England the Saxons were being dispossessed. William had recruited his army by offering to make rich men of all who would follow him to England. He had won and now he had to find rewards for hundreds of clamoring Norman nobles and their followers. The Norman nature was hard, acquisitive, exacting. Nothing was going to satisfy the Fitz-Osborns, the Mortimers, the Laceys, short of land grants in keeping with his most lavish promises. William had proceeded slowly after his victory at Hastings. He had not advanced at once on London but had waited while the distraught Saxon leaders tried all kinds of desperate expedients, even going to the extreme of crowning Edgar the Atheling of the royal line as successor to Harold. It was not until they had time to realize there was nothing they could do, that their army had been almost exterminated in the lost battle, that he advanced to the English capital. The princeling fled, London opened its gates without striking a blow, and William was crowned King on Christmas Day. A grim present for the people of England.

William had been thinking as he paced in front of the pavilion he had raised on the bloodstained soil of Senlac, and an idea had been born in that shrewd head which he proceeded to put into effect. He had realized that, in order to justify what he was now going to do, he must declare what had happened in England since the death of Edward the Confessor an interlude of confusion and misrule. He, William, was the rightful successor to the Confessor. On arriving with his men to take possession of the throne, he had found the country in the hands of an archrobber. Harold had never been King of England, he had been a usurper. The Battle of Hastings had not been a meeting of the armies of two nations but one in which a rebellion had been suppressed. It followed that the men who had fought under Harold were rebels and were to be treated as such. This ingenious piece of casuistry was the weapon he would now use to satisfy his clamoring mercenaries.

He decreed that the property of every man who had fought at Hastings be confiscated to the Crown. Not a Saxon landowner who could get there had failed to fight under the banner of Harold, and most of them had died in the shield wall. It was no longer difficult now to meet the demands of the Norman knights, for William had all of the south of England to give away. He proceeded to do so.

One case will serve to illustrate how generously the Conqueror sweetened the palms of the robber barons. The town of Nottingham had stood out against the invaders, and when it fell he built a typical Norman citadel there to prevent any further attempts at resistance. The citadel was then given to a Norman knight named Guillaume Peveril. But this was a small part only of what he received. It is on record that he was given no fewer than fifty-five manors thereabouts and that in the town he became the owner of sixty-eight houses. He did not need one hundred and twenty-three homes for his own use, and so it is to be assumed that Guillaume Peveril portioned out these properties to the men under him. For himself he built a castle on a very high rock, so high that the place became known as the Peak. To this day some remnants of the original masonry are to be seen.

Guillaume de Garonne was given eighteen villages and Guillaume de Percy eighty manors. Ives de Vesey was awarded the town of Alnwick and the granddaughter of the former owner as his wife. When the wife of Eudes de Champagne, who had been allotted the island of Holderness, gave birth to a son, the father complained to William that the island was capable of growing oats only and that the new heir would die for lack of wheat. This problem was easily solved. William picked out the town of Bytham and gave it over to the anxious father so that the revenues could be applied to securing better land. It is probable that the boy grew up strong and hearty, but it is certain that the unfortunate children of Bytham paid for his health in misery and malnutrition.

William, canny Norman that he was, did not neglect his own interests while thus carving up England like a Christmas turkey. It is recorded that he kept fifteen hundred manor houses, and all the lands attached thereto, for himself; which seems a handsome share. Occasionally he would hand one of these estates away as a special reward. When Matilda was given a coronation of her own, the King was so pleased with a dish of dilligrout (a kind of oatmeal soup) which his cook Tezelin made for the banquet that he there and then conferred the manor of Addington on the lucky chef. Because of this the owners of Addington continued to send a great container of dilligrout to the kings of England on their coronations for many centuries. The bones of the real owner of Addington were moldering on the hill of Senlac, so all this made little difference.

But even through these excesses of liberality William kept a cool and calculating head. He saw to it that the new lands of his knights were scattered. They received a village in one shire, a tract of land in another. He did not want them to grow so powerful with great compact holdings that they would be a menace to royal authority. As the Normans married among themselves, the country soon became a curious crisscross of scattered inheritances. Some nobles held bits of property in nearly all the counties of England!

It was not even necessary for a Frenchman to have fought with William’s army to receive a share. Take the case of a ferocious fellow named Hugues-de-Loup who had succeeded in putting down resistance in the county of Chester. As a reward he was made an earl and had the disposal of the land in his hands. Hugues-de-Loup lost no time in taking advantage of this. He sent at once for all his friends and relatives to come over and get a share of the rich booty. Five brothers named Houdard, Edward, Volmar, Horswin, and Volfan were among the first to arrive. None of them had fought for William, but each received two bovates of land (a bovate being as much as a team of oxen could plow in a year) except Volfan, who was a priest. The Saxon incumbent of the church at Runcone was turned out and Volfan was put in his place.

The people of England were able to retain some sense of humor even in the face of this kind of treatment. They watched the mad scramble of the land-hungry Normans and sometimes they would sing under their breaths a song which was going the rounds:

William of Coningsby

Came out of Brittany,

With his wife Tiffany

And his maid Manfas,

And his dog Hardigras.

They were so bitter in their hearts, however, that they called any Englishman who fell into Norman ways or showed a tendency to conform to the new authority thrall of the Mamzer [bastard]. The Mamzer! They never referred to the self-made King by any other name among themselves. Sometimes they did it openly, without fear of the punishment the Mamzer might inflict.

In order to keep the conquered people in proper subjection, the new masters of England began to erect castles. William entrusted the task of converting a small Roman tower on the Thames into a London stronghold and home for himself to an ingenious monk who had followed victory into England and had been rewarded with the bishopric of Rochester. Gundulph the Weeper, as he became known, was a good builder, and soon Caesar’s Tower was changed into a formidable structure called the White Tower. Here the new King set himself up in the business of governing. He located the mint here and courts of justice and the royal wardrobe. In it were grouped the royal banqueting hall and around it the Queen’s gardens. What the lachrymose Gundulph was building was not intended at first as a prison, but in later reigns it became known as the Tower of London, the most famous prison the world has ever seen.

All the great nobles followed his example by putting up castles of stone, surrounded by deep moats and with battlements from which hot pitch and burning brands and a rain of arrows could be directed at attackers. In all, one hundred strongholds were built during the reign of the Conqueror and that of his son, William Rufus.

This was something new for England. The homes of the thanes had been low wooden houses surrounded by moats and with palisades of pointed beams, strong enough to repel robbers but not to serve the ends of aggression. Now these grim Norman structures, with their glowering keeps, loomed up on every horizon and commanded every strategic point, as proof that the English were a subject race.

4

William had to lead two armies as far as Cumberland and even to the Roman Wall before stamping out resistance in the north, but by