Philippine Progress Prior to 1898: A Source Book of Philippine History to Supply a Fairer View of Filipino Participation and Supplement the Defective Spanish Accounts

Conrado O. Benitez, Austin Craig

Philippine Progress Prior to 1898

A Source Book of Philippine History to Supply a Fairer View of Filipino Participation and Supplement the Defective Spanish Accounts

EAN 8596547050520

DigiCat, 2022

Contact: [email protected]

Table of Contents

Philippine Progress Prior to 1898

Introduction

Need of more study of Philippine Economic Development.

Divisions of present work.

I. Agriculture and Landholding at the Time of the Discovery and Conquest

Agriculture.

Live stock.

Land holding .

II. Industries at the Time of Discovery and Conquest

Shipbuilding.

Fishing.

Mining and metal work.

Textile industries .

Miscellaneous industries.

Conclusion.

III. Trade and Commerce at the Time of Discovery and Conquest

Domestic trade.

Trade relations with oriental countries.

IV. Trade and Commerce: the Period of Restrictions

Restrictions.

Effects of the galleon trade

V. The Nineteenth Century and Economic Development

The Sociedad Económica de Amigos del País .

The Royal Company.

The opening of the ports.

Effects of the opening of the ports.

Conclusion.

II. The Filipinos’ Part in the Philippines’ Past

Pre-Spanish Philippine History

A. D. 43–1565

Pre-historic Civilization in the Philippines

A Thousand Years of Philippine History Before the Coming of the Spaniards

San-tao.

Ma-i.

Su-lu.

Spanish Unreliability; Early Chinese Rule over Philippines; and Reason for Indolence in Mindanao

Bisayans in Formosa

The Tagalog Tongue

Philippine Tribes and Languages

The Beginnings of Philippine Nationalism

The Friar Domination in the Philippines

Archbishop Martinez’s Secret Defense of His Filipino Clergy

Nineteenth Century Discontent

The Liberal Governor-General of 1869–1871

The Rebellion in the Philippine Islands

Filipinos with Dewey’s Squadron

A Prediction of 1872

Philippine Progress Prior to 1898

Table of Contents

THE OLD PHILIPPINES’ INDUSTRIAL DEVELOPMENT

Chapters of an Economic History

by Conrado Benitez, A. M. (Chicago)

Assistant Professor of Economics and Sociology in the University of the Philippines

PHILIPPINE EDUCATION CO., INC., MANILA, 1916

Filipino Writers Quoted in The Old Philippines’ Industrial Development

:

Citizens of the Philippine Islands, Memorial to the Council, Manila, 1586.

Gobernadorcillo Nicolas Ramos, Affidavit for Governor Dasmariñas, Cubao, 1591.

Chief Miguel Banal, Petition to the King of Spain, Manila, 1609.

Governor Manuel Azcarraga y Palmero, La Libertad de Comercio en las Islas Filipinas, Madrid, 1872.

Gregorio Sangclanco y Gozon, LL. D., El Progreso de Filipinas, Madrid, 1884.

Dr. Jose Rizal Mercado y Alonso, Annotations to Morga’s Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas, Paris, 1890.

Rizal’s La Indolencia de los Filipinos, Madrid. 1889.

T. H. Pardo de Tavera, M. D., Philippine Census, Volume I, History, Manila, 1903.

Tavera’s Resultados del Desarrollo Economico de Filipinas, Manila, 1912.

Antonio M. Regidor, D.C.L., (with J. Warren T. Mason), Commercial Progress in the Philippine Islands, London, 1905.

Made in Manila—

Press of E. C. McCullough & Co.

—The Work of Filipinos

Introduction

Table of Contents

Need of more study of Philippine Economic Development.

Table of Contents

The Spanish writers, and with them the Filipinos as well as, to a great extent, writers of Philippine treatises in other languages, have over-emphasized the political history of the Philippines. The history of this country has been regarded but as the history of the Spaniards in it, and not of its people, the Filipinos.¹ Hence arises the need of studying our history from the point of view of the development of our people, especially to trace and show the part played by them in Philippine social progress as a whole.²

The study of the economic

history of a country is important also because economic forces play a great part in the development of any people. Indeed, some claim that all history may be explained in terms of economic motives. This is known as the economic interpretation of history.³ Without going into the controversy centering around this theory, we can readily see that what we know as civilization has a two-fold basis, the physical and the psychical. And it is only after the physical basis is secured, that further psychical advance is possible. Among all species, and in every stage of evolution, the extent of aggregation and its place or position are determined by external physical conditions. Even when men have become united by sympathies and beliefs, the possibility of perpetuating their union is a question of the character and resources of their environment. The distribution of food is the dominating fact. Animals and men dwell together where a food supply is found, or may be certainly and easily produced. Other physical circumstances of the environment, however, such as temperature and exposure, surface and altitude, which make life in some places comparatively easy, in others difficult or impossible, exert an influence not to be overlooked. (Franklin Henry Giddings, The Principles of Sociology, p. 82. New York: 1911.)

We need not trace the history of early civilizations to show the influence exerted by physical factors. We need only to recall the motives, familiar to all, which led to the discovery of America, namely, the closing of the trade routes to the East through the conquest of the Turks. And the history of this country itself furnishes many illustrations. Both ancient and modern writers have had a good deal to say about the strategic position of the Philippine Islands in relation to the countries bordering around the Pacific Ocean.⁴ It was that central geographical position which explained the marked predominance of Manila as a trade depot over all the other ports in the Orient, at one time in our history. That was, furthermore, the reason why the Spaniards kept the country; they wanted to use it as a means to be nearer, and to reach more quickly, the rich country of spices, and then the continent of Asia, Japan, and the Orient in general.⁵

Finally, we should distinguish the various causes that explain historical events. For example, a good deal of what has been known as the religious question in this country, is not concerned with religion at all, but chiefly with economics. It is not always easy to distinguish these various causes; a fact which only goes to explain the one-sided point of view which has prevailed till the present. But, that the questions connected with the means of getting a living were considered paramount, even long before the formal exposition of the economic interpretation of history, may be seen from the words of the provincials of the religious orders in a remonstrance addressed to the governor and captain-general of the Philippines, wherein they depicted the deplorable conditions in the Islands:

"Third, all the Christian Indians would be more steadfast and rooted in the holy faith, and would become effective and most suitable instruments for (gaining) new conversions of infidels (and) apostates, the infidels themselves beholding the abundant wealth and profit, and other benefits, of the Christian Indians;

FOR IT IS THE TEMPORAL WELFARE EVIDENT TO THEIR SENSES WHICH, AS EXPERIENCE TEACHES US, STRONGLY INFLUENCES BOTH CLASSES OF INDIANS, TO BE CONVERTED OR TO MAINTAIN THEMSELVES IN THE CHRISTIAN FAITH

."⁶

Divisions of present work.

Table of Contents

The present work is built around a group of ideas briefly summarized as follows: The first three chapters portray the industries and commerce at the time of the coming of the Spaniards; and explain the causes that led to their decline; the fourth chapter dwells upon the era of restriction, and the Manila-Acapulco trade, which, for over two centuries, dominated this country, and has had such depressing effect upon economic growth; the last chapter takes up the era of liberalism, during the nineteenth century, and shows how the opening of the Philippines to foreign influence resulted in the development of its natural resources. Any attempt to trace Philippine economic development in the past three centuries must necessarily start, not so much with a detailed account of how the industries developed as with an exposition of how they were not developed. On the other hand, the remarkable social progress of the last half of the nineteenth century, following the opening of the markets of the world to Philippine products, is an encouraging indication of probable social advance yet to be attained.

¹

"This modest work, which does not pretend to be without mistakes, and perhaps other flaws, has a special interest in that it treats of a matter about which the historians of those islands had hardly occupied themselves. The chronicles written by the laborious ecclesiastics, the only books of history which may be consulted about the Philippines, contain nothing but descriptions of the campaigns against the Dutch, the wars against the infidels—in the Archipelago as well as on the continent of Asia—the rebellions of the natives in some provinces, so easily suppressed, the bloody encounters with the Chinese settled in the islands, portentous miracles, progress of the missions in China, Annam and Japan, famous conflicts between the ecclesiastical jurisdiction and the civil power represented by the Governor General and the Real Acuerdo, great crimes, other notable events of different kinds and changes in the personnel and form of administration of the country.

But in all these works, though useful and important, there is observed, among others, the absence of antecedents relative to economic and mercantile legislation, the scarcity of data to show the development of wealth of the country and of its commercial movement, the lack of a critical analysis of the legal provisions concerning such activities, and of their influence on the decadence or progress of production and commerce. (Manuel Azcarraga y Palmero, Gobernador civil cesante de Manila, Alcalde mayor que ha sido de Cagayan y de Bulacan, Auditor honorario de Marina, etc., La Libertad de Comercio en las Islas Filipinas.—Madrid, 1872, pp. 9–10.)

²

* * * The result is that Spanish writers, with them the Filipinos, and to a great extent the writers of Philippine treatises in other languages (drawing hastily upon Spanish sources), have over emphasized the political history of this Philippine record. Of course, in Spain and the Spanish countries long-standing habit makes it the tendency to look to government for everything, and to think of all amelioration of evils and all incitements to progress as coming from above; while social and economic conditions in the Philippines are such as to emphasize this tendency, the aristocracy of wealth and education standing apart from the masses and being, to the latter, identified in the main with the government, with the powers above. Nevertheless, it is to be insisted that social and economic progress in the Philippines during the last half-century should be considered separately and studied more practically than they have been thus far. (Le Roy’s Bibliographical Notes.—Bl. and Rb., Vol. 52, 134.)

³

For detailed discussion of this theory, see The Economic Interpretation of History, by E. R. A. Seligman. Also, History of Civilization in England, by H. T. Buckle, Vol. I, Chapter II, Influence Exercised by Physical Laws over Organization of Society and the Character of Individuals. This chapter is reprinted in Sociology and Social Progress, by T. N. Carver.

⁴

In many ways the next decade of the history of the Philippines may resemble the splendid development of the neighboring country of Japan. Both countries have in past times been isolated more or less from the life and thought of the modern world. Both are now open to the full current of human affairs. Both countries promise to play an important part in the politics and commerce of the Far East. Geographically, the Philippines occupy the more central and influential position, and the success of the institutions of the Philippines may react upon the countries of southeastern Asia and Malaysia to an extent that we cannot appreciate or foresee. (Dr. D. P. Barrows, A History of the Philippines, pp. 9–10.)

"Manila was also the commercial center of the Far East, and the entrepôt through which the kingdoms of eastern Asia exchanged their wares. Here came great fleets of junks from China laden with stores. Morga fills nearly two pages with an enumeration of their merchandise, which included all manner of silks, brocades, furniture, pearls and gems, fruits, nuts, tame buffalo, geese, horses and mules, all kinds of animals, ‘even to birds in cages, some of which talk and others sing and which they make perform a thousand tricks; there are innumerable other gewgaws and knickknacks, which among Spaniards are in much esteem.’

"Each year a fleet of thirty to forty vessels sailed with the new moon in March. The voyage across the China Sea, rough with the monsoons, occupied fifteen or twenty days, and the fleet returned at the end of May or the beginning of June. Between October and March there came, each year, Japanese ships from Nagasaki which brought wheat, silks, objects of art, and weapons, and took away from Manila the raw silk of China, gold, deer horns, woods, honey, wax, palm-wine, and wine of Castile.

From Malacca and India came fleets of the Portuguese subjects of Spain, with spices, slaves, Negroes and Kafirs, and the rich productions of Bengal, India, Persia, and Turkey. From Borneo, too, came the smaller craft of the Malays, who from their boats sold the fine palm mats, the best of which still come from Cagayan de Sulu and Borneo, slaves, sago, water-pots and glazed earthenware, black and fine. From Siam and Cambodia also, but less often, there came trading-ships. Manila was thus a great emporium for all the countries of the East, the trade of which seems to have been conducted largely by and through the merchants of Manila. (Ibid., pp. 173–174.)

Their position, whether in a political or a commercial point of view, is strikingly advantageous. With India and the Malay Archipelago on the west and south, the islands of the fertile Pacific and the rising empires of the new world on the east, the vast market of China at their doors, their insular position and numerous rivers affording a facility of communication and defence to every part of them, an active and industrious population, climates of almost all varieties, a soil so fertile in vegetable and mineral productions as almost to exceed credibility; the Philippine Islands alone, in the hands of an industrious and commercial nation, and with a free and enlightened government would have become a mighty empire—they are—a waste! (Bl. and Rb., Vol. 51, pp. 74–75, Remarks on the Philippine Islands, 1819–22, by An Englishman.)

⁵

* * * No one who has studied this subject with care can get rid of the idea that the religious aim was not the chief basis of the activities connected with the occupation of the Philippines. It was purely commercial. It was only later that the religious element acquired greater strength. * * *

* * * In such mercantile activities, the Philippines played the role of a central market for the distribution of products between the West and East—a work which was of greatest importance. * * * These Islands were not only a great commercial market, but also a great religious center. * * *

* * * No one who has followed the opportunities offered to these Islands, can doubt the importance that they will have, due to their geographic position, in the modern commercial market which is opened to them with the establishment of their new means of communication with the world. (Referring to the Panama Canal.) These Islands, and not Japan, or Hongkong will bind the East with the West. (The Importance of the Study of Philippine Geography,—Lecture delivered by Dr. J. A. Robertson, before the Asociación Geográfica de Filipinas, November 27, 1912.)

⁶

Manila, October 7, 1701. (The Philippine Islands, 1493–1898—Blair and Robertson, Vol. 44, p. 139.)

I. Agriculture and Landholding at the Time of the Discovery and Conquest

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Agriculture.

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At the time of the arrival of the Spaniards, agriculture in the Philippines was in a comparatively prosperous condition.¹ The Filipinos cultivated rice, which, as today, formed their chief article of food. They grew also sugar-cane, coconuts, indigo, sweet potatoes, and other tubers, various kinds of bananas, the betel-nut palm, the tamarind, lansone, and several varieties of legumes,² The hemp plant was likewise grown, and as we shall see later on, was used at the time for making the so-called sinamay cloth.³ Cotton was cultivated, and furnished the material for weaving. Among the native fruits mentioned by Morga are: sanctors, mabolos, tamarinds, nancas, custard-apples, papaws, guavas, and everywhere many oranges, of all kinds—large and small, sweet and sour; citrons, lemons, and ten or twelve varieties of very healthful and palatable bananas.⁴

With the coming of the Spaniards, very many plants which are commonly considered to be indigenous in this country, were introduced.⁵ The most important economic plant imported since Spanish discovery was the tobacco, which today forms one of the staple crops, though it took many years before it came to anything like its present position. The cacao nut also was imported. Among the most commonly known of the others are; maize, peanut, papaya, and, also pineapple, and sweet potato.⁶ All of these plants came from Mexico.⁷ Coffee was introduced from Europe.⁸

Live stock.

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The Filipinos at the time of discovery had domestic animals, dogs, cats, pigs, goats and buffaloes, i.e. carabaos.⁹ There were no horses, mares, or asses in the islands, until the Spaniards had them brought from China and brought them from Nueva Espana.¹⁰

The Kings of Spain in their instructions to the governors-general of the Philippines were solicitous about this matter of supplying this country with sufficient live stock to carry on farm work.¹¹ The early accounts of expeditions to find food for the Spaniards show that chickens were raised by the Filipinos.¹²

It has been truly said that the Filipino has been affected by the centuries of Spanish sovereignty far less on his material side than he has on his spiritual.¹³ For as we read the early accounts about agricultural life at the time of discovery and conquest, and compare it with that of a decade ago, we do not find any marked change or advance.¹⁴ The early Filipinos knew how to construct implements for the cultivation of their rice, such as for hulling and separating the chaff from the grain; and they had wooden mortars and pestles for pounding and whitening rice. Then, the women did most of the work of pounding the rice for use, whereas today, the men do it.¹⁵ Furthermore, in the early days, the system of irrigating the rice fields that is used today was known and practiced.¹⁶ Of course, the so-called caing̃in method of cultivation prevailed, but the considerable amounts of rice which at various times were contributed by the Filipinos for the support of the Spanish conquerors could not have been produced under such a crude system of cultivation, but only by the more advanced one, which closely resembled that of the present time.¹⁷

Land holding.

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The lands of the ancient Filipinos were divided among the whole barangay, so that each one had his holding and no resident of one barangay was allowed to cultivate lands in another barangay unless he had acquired them by inheritance, gift, or purchase. In some barangays the lands belonged to the chief through purchase from the original owners. In some localities the chiefs or principal personages also owned the fisheries, and their rights were respected.

¹⁸

With the coming of the Spaniards, lands were assigned to the colonists, of which they were to have perpetual ownership after four years’ residence.¹⁹ Encomiendas of the Indians were also granted to the discoverers and conquerors.²⁰ It is in connection with the administration of these encomiendas that we find in the annals of the Philippines many accounts of abuses and extortions practiced on the natives, and the consequent revolts. It must not, however, be supposed that the Filipinos were actually dispossessed of their lands by the king; for, although according to the constitutional law of the Indies the land and the soil in all colonies were the domain of the king²¹ and, therefore, could be