Christianity and Animism in Melanesia: Four Approaches to Gospel and Culture

Christianity and Animism in Melanesia

Ken Nehrbass has given the churches in Melanesia a wonderful gift. We desperately need ethnographically rich studies like this that help us understand how Melanesians can become fully followers of Jesus while expressing their faith in culturally appropriate ways. Christians from animistic societies around the world live with the terrible tension of dual religious systems which creates a split-level Christianity. They are Christians at one level but their underlying animistic worldview has yet to be transformed by gospel values. We know that the gospel affirms most of culture, critiques some of culture, and transforms all of culture. Nehrbass has demonstrated how this has happened from the earliest days of missionary contact to the present on the tiny island of Tanna in Vanuatu, in the South Pacific, but his study has important implications far beyond Melanesia and is likely to become a classic in the literatures of gospel and culture.

Darrell Whiteman, Author of Melanesians and Missionaries

Vice President and Resident Missiologist, The Mission Society

Atlanta, Georgia

Christianity

and Animism

in Melanesia

Four Approaches to

Gospel and Culture

KENNETH NEHRBASS

Copyright © 2012 Kenneth Nehrbass

Christianity and Animism in Melanesia: Four approaches to gospel and culture

All Rights Reserved. No part of this work may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means—for example, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying and recording—without prior written permission of the publisher. The publisher does not maintain, update, or moderate links and/or content provided by third-party websites mentioned in the book.

Scriptures marked NIV are taken from the Holy Bible, New International Version®, NIV®. Copyright © 1973, 1978, 1984, 2011 by Biblica, Inc.™ Used by permission of Zondervan. All rights reserved worldwide. www.zondervan.com. Contemporary English Version, 1995. New York: American Bible Society. Used by permission.

Published by William Carey Library

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Kenneth and Mendy Nehrbass, interior photos

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Digital eBook Release Primalogue 2015

ISBN 978-0-87808-874-4

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Nehrbass, Kenneth.

  Christianity and animism in Melanesia : four approaches to gospel and

culture / Kenneth Nehrbass.

  p.  cm.

  Includes bibliographical references.

  ISBN 978-0-87808-407-4

  1. Tanna Island (Vanuatu)—Religion.

  2. Animism—Vanuatu—Tanna Island.

  3. Christianity—Vanuatu—Tanna Island.

  4. Christianity and culture—Vanuatu—Tanna Island.

   I. Title.

BL2620.M4N44    2012       261.2’9925—dc23

To my parents, Dick and Marilynn,

who encouraged me to be a lifelong learner.

Break down their altars, smash their sacred stones and burn their Asherah poles in the fire; cut down the idols of their gods and wipe out their names from those places. You must not worhip the Lord your God in their way. But you are to seek the place the Lord your God will choose from among all your tribes to put his Name there for his dwelling.    ~ Deuteronomy 12:3–5, NIV

~

"When I preach, I encourage people to hold on to kastom . . . The house of prayer should promote tupunas [sacred stones] and tamafa [incantations]."     ~ Joshua, a pastor from Tanna

Contents

Note on Vernacular Orthography

Abbreviations

Foreword

Preface

Acknowledgments

Introduction

Part 1: Biblical And Anthropological Models Of Animism

    Chapter 1: Folk Religion for the Bible and Early Church Fathers

    Chapter 2: Folk Religion and Modern Anthropology

Part 2: Kastom On Tanna

    Chapter 3: Kastom and Knowledge

    Chapter 4: Cosmology (Ghosts and Spirits)

    Chapter 5: Magic and Goodness

    Chapter 6: Healing Badness

    Chapter 7: Ethics and Taboos

    Chapter 8: Cargoism

    Chapter 9: Ritual and Exchange

Part 3: Kastom And Christianity On Tanna

    Chapter 10: Mission History and the Integration of Kastom and Christianity

    Chapter 11: The Gospel-response Axis

    Chapter 12: The Cultural-integration Axis

    Chapter 13: Mixers, Transplanters, Contextualizers, and Separators

References

Appendix A: Glossary of Frequently Used Terms in the Southwest Tanna Language

Appendix B: History of Resident Missions on Tanna

Appendix C: Gospel/Culture Assessment Tool

Appendix D: Gospel/Culture Grid

Index

End Notes

Note on Vernacular Orthography

Many vernacular terms in this book are represented in the Southwest Tanna orthography. Special characters are explained below. (Note that Appendix A contains a short glossary of vernacular terms that appear frequently throughout this book.)

ə      Schwa; sounds like the u in cut.

ɨ      High central unrounded vowel; sounds like e in roses.

g      Voiced velar nasal; sounds like the ng in sing.

v      High central unrounded semivowel; sounds almost like w in we, but unrounded.

Abbreviations

AG              Assemblies of God

CCC           Campus Crusade for Christ

LDS            Latter Day Saints

LMS           London Missionary Society

NT              New Testament

NTM          Neil Thomas Ministries

OT             Old Testament

PCV           Presbyterian Church of Vanuatu

PRC           Presbyterian Reformed Church

SIL             Summer Institute of Linguistics

YWAM      Youth with a Mission

Foreword

This book deals with issues that are of great concern to missionaries and local peoples across Melanesia and the world at large. While the focus is on the Island of Tanna in Vanuatu, the issues are the same across the length and breadth of Melanesia, stretching from Fiji in the east to the Moluccas Islands (in Indonesia) in the west. Understanding traditional experience in contrast to the missionary response to spirituality is a crucial missiological issue in our day. Despite over a century of mission dominance and an apparent acceptance of the gospel message, churches throughout Melanesia quickly become nominal and people continue to rely on traditional sources of power. Therefore, it is crucial to understand how contemporary churches can maintain a dynamic interface of culture and biblical awareness. Dealing with Scripture in the contemporary reality of living life as God intended provides the rationale for the case study in this book.

On Tanna, as in much of Melanesia, two religions now reside side by side; traditional animism and missionary-introduced Christianity (Tippett 1967; Trompf 1987). Both religions reflect the cultural environment that spawned them; thousands of years of interaction with spiritual forces and their influence on enabling people to survive in their physical, social, and psychological world; and two thousand years of Christian expansion structured to reflect Greco-Roman philosophy in categories that reflect missionary understanding but have little relevance to local peoples. It is this tension between local and Western worldviews that structures Dr. Ken Nehrbass’ excellent book. Sadly, the missionaries encouraged people to abandon kastom and embrace Christianity. This forced people to make unfortunate choices resulting in split-level Christianity (Hiebert, Shaw, and Tienou 1999, 15ff). This dual perspective creates a dynamic syncretism which enables people to separate Christianity from the way they live their lives. The result is a lack of understanding of Scriptural perspectives—God’s perspective. The Bible is all about God enabling people with whom he communicated to worship him appropriately in contrast to performing ritual to get something they want. God gave Israel many kastoms all with the focus of acknowledging and worshiping him. Nehrbass clearly presents this development in Chapter 1. This is closely juxtaposed with an anthropological understanding of animism as a religion of the people in Chapter 2. In focus, then, is how people respond to God as a product of their beliefs and values, not which worldview (local or Christian) they subscribe to. How people steeped in the reality of life process Scripture is far more important, for them, than the ideas the missionaries brought, as Trompf has made clear (1987, 5–6).

In our contemporary, globalizing world, the people of Tanna and Melanesia in general cannot—must not—ignore the rest of the world. Like missions in the past, a ubiquitous globalization now frames most things people do. However, they still live their lives in a particular context endued with their traditions and lifestyle expectations—kastom. This is the context within which all outside influence must be evaluated. It is this understanding of context and the role of the gospel, encased in Scripture, that Nehrbass seeks to make sense of. Both are critical to the well-being of people who come to church whenever the bell rings and maintain their identity in the context of a spiritually, socially, and emotionally charged reality.

The overall thesis of the book is that kastom is more than a set of superstitions and rituals; it is a fully developed worldview. If missionaries wish to transform the worldview of people from animistic backgrounds, they first need to attain as thorough an understanding of the particular form of kastom as possible (25). In one sense, this book is about the problem of syncretism, with four approaches to gospel and culture that reflect on the situation missiologically. But there is another important sub-theme—the problem of missionaries not taking cultural issues (local folklore, etiologies, social relationships, worldviews) that create kastom seriously. Instead the history of missions shows largely untrained foreigners relying on their own cultural knowledge to recreate Christendom as a Western cultural tradition rather than Christianity as a belief system (Whiteman 1983, 411). Sadly, too many missionaries, despite their enlightened perspectives, are not really interested in what drives local beliefs and values. Rather than being curious about animism, they write it off as something of the devil rather than a dynamic of a peoples’ cultural understanding. Raising the need for cultural awareness drives the author of this book and provides the impetus for strongly encouraging readers to engage people and their ideas about spiritual issues. Today’s missionaries, perhaps more than ever before (because of our globalized world), need to do the hard work necessary to acquire spiritual knowledge. This is not to minimize the need for cultural knowledge in general, but spiritual awareness is crucial to an effective presentation of the true gospel in contemporary contexts. Nehbrass clearly demonstrates the importance of connecting with Tannese in order to present the gospel in a way that makes sense to them.

The book is a nice blend of ethnography (especially in Part 2) and missiological reflection that draws on a wide literature and historical issues especially as they pertain to the development of the church on the Island of Tanna. The historical background enables the author to frame the development of a model that suggests both the state of the church in its integration of the gospel in culture and the type of interaction that best reflects how people go beyond the church to meet social obligations. Can the people be Tannese while at the same time being Christian? Is that possible? There is no quick-fix-gospel, no easy way to gain awareness of their viewpoint short of hanging out with them and understanding what drives their existence. A study of the function of animism (Chapters 3–9), the history of local missions (Chapter 10), and an awareness of local attitudes toward animism (Chapter 11) is essential for engaging a study of missions in an animistic setting (Chapter 12). In such circumstances people are encouraged to see themselves from God’s perspective and apply that understanding to their lifestyle. In doing so, missionaries are able to gain appreciation for what they lack because their perspective is so different. The gospel then becomes a two-way enrichment focused on knowing God—everyone gains new perspective because of what the other brings (Shaw and Van Engen 2003, 209ff). Nehrbass’ presentation of four approaches to the gospel enables him to show how the parameters of a new model make sense for the ongoing development of the church in this island environment.

The focus of the book moves beyond contextualization to the implementation of relevant Christianity for a people who have moved away from God’s intent for them. Much of their kastom reflects the enemy’s ensuring they maintain a search for salvation (Strelan 1977) rather than recognizing God’s loving care and desire to fulfill their heart longings. Christ came to fulfill culture, not marginalize his followers. To be followers of Christ implies culturally and spiritually fulfilled believers who acknowledge the call of God who made them in his image and desires the very best for all of creation (Jn 10:10). Nehrbass rises to a new level in missiological writing and anticipates recognition of new methods and thinking that will encourage people to know God in the midst of their circumstances —in their kastom! The missiological value of this book is the author’s reflection on local culture, how it has been approached historically (with mixed results), and what can be done as local people apply his model to transforming their communities in culturally appropriate ways. Understanding how God can fulfill their lives and enable Tannese expressions of ritual and ceremony to bring honor to God while maintaining social responsibility will make them better Tannese as well as better Christians. Enhanced cultural awareness applied to knowing God will reduce syncretism (Shaw and Van Engen 2003, 144, 166).

May those who read this book engage in the study of local religious beliefs and practices that enable people to develop biblical theologies in their context. This, it seems to me, is much more effective, and reflects biblical intent far better, than the historically inadequate contextual theologies that have populated the missiological literature (Shaw 2010). Readers of this book can use its insight to transform members of their own societies in order to realize God’s intent for them. Enjoy the read!

R. Daniel Shaw

Professor of Anthropology and Translation

Fuller Graduate School of Intercultural Studies

Pasadena, CA

January, 2012

REFERENCES

Hiebert, Paul.G., R. Daniel Shaw, and Tite Tienou. 1999. Understanding folk religion: A Christian response to popular beliefs and practices. Grand Rapids: Baker Book House.

Shaw, R. Daniel. 2010. Beyond contextualization: Toward a twenty-first-century model for enabling mission. International Bulletin of Missionary Research no. 34 (No. 4): 208–215.

Shaw, R. Daniel, and Charles E. Van Engen. 2003. Communicating God’s word in a complex world: God’s truth or hocus pocus? Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield.

Strelan, John. 1977. The Search for salvation: Studies in the history and theology of cargo cults. Adelaide, South Australia: Lutheran Publishing House.

Tippett, Allen R. 1967. Solomon Islands Christianity. London: Lutterworth Press.

Trompf, Gary W. 1987. The gospel is not Western: Black theologies from the Southwest Pacific. Maryknoll, NY: Orbis Books.

Whiteman, Darrell L. 1983. Melanesians and Missionaries. Maryknoll, NY: Orbis Books.

Preface

It is unusual to find Sigmund Freud and John Piper quoted in the same book. And it is probably surprising to find postmodern theories of anthropology discussed alongside some famous missionaries and martyrs of the nineteenth century. However, it really shouldn’t be that surprising. A book on Christianity in Melanesia, such as this one, is undoubtedly going to delve into anthropological theories of so-called primitive religion, mission history, and contemporary missiological strategies. While I focused on a fairly narrow topic—animism and Christianity on Tanna Island—I ultimately found myself knee-deep in the study of cargo cults, totems and taboos, kava intoxication, shamanism, pedagogy, theories of atonement, cross-cultural leadership, and even ecclesiastical architecture. While I have covered a broad number of topics, my primary aim has been to understand how churchgoers from an animistic background process the Christian faith to make it their own.

Traditional religion (called kastom) in Vanuatu comprises a number of elements that are characteristic of animism. There is an extensive cosmology and mythological corpus; and islanders engage in sorcery, divination, sacrifice, and a particular system of totemism. Early missionaries to Tanna deemed Christianity to be incompatible with their traditional religion and attempted, with limited success, to displace it with Christianity. However, with the rise of cargo cults, nationalism, and the enculturation of the church in the mid-twentieth century, many Tannese began to consider Christianity and traditional religion as two roads to the same end. More than a dozen denominations have since arrived, each idiosyncratic in its response to traditional religion. Some denominations have leaned toward syncretism; others have dismissed outright much of the indigenous culture, proscribing practices associated with animism, but not attempting to address the underlying animistic worldview. Still others have made a more conscious effort to contextualize Christianity, avoiding both separatism and syncretism.

Here, I have attempted to uncover how Christians from animistic backgrounds decide which aspects of traditional religion kastom to relinquish and which to retain. What do they find appealing about the churches that promote a clean break from animism? What distinguishes kastom-retainers from kastom-relinquishers? Alternately, what is the allure of the churches that are more accepting of traditional religion? In a largely homogeneous society, how is it that there can be such diverging attitudes about the relationship between animism and Christianity? To answer these questions, I conducted interviews with members of numerous denominations in order to discover factors that contribute to Tannese attitudes about gospel and kastom. Ultimately, I synthesized these interview responses into four ecclesiastical approaches toward animism on Tanna: mixing, transplanting, contextualizing, and separating.

This study is part of an ongoing discussion among church leaders about animism, syncretism, and contextualization. While missionaries on other continents may find that Tannese Christians’ responses toward animism diverge from their own contexts, I anticipate that the model for integrating gospel and culture in this book will help church leaders develop their own context-specific approaches toward animism.

Acknowledgements

My friends in Yanemilen village, Tanna, have been extraordinary hosts to me and my wife Mendy and our four children for the past nine years. They have done a fantastic job patiently teaching us their language and explaining their traditional religious system called kastom. Chief Jenry wanted to document kastom for future generations, and hopes this study of animism on Tanna will equip missionaries as they spread the gospel of Jesus Christ among animistic peoples. I am indebted to the chief and church leaders in Yanemilen and the twenty-five men and women from Tanna who participated in this study.

Mendy helped me think through every concept in this book. Dr. Doug Hayward, Dr. Tom Steffen, and Dr. Doug Pennoyer provided guidance for my research. The following people also helped by proofreading a chapter or more of the manuscript: Phil Brigandi, Dr. Jeff Morton, Dr. Dan Nehrbass, Dr. Richard and Marilynn Nehrbass, Dr. Kevin Pittle, Michael and Danielle Smith, Dr. Richard Starcher, Ross and Lyndal Webb. Thanks to SIL workers on Tanna who provided input about kastom on Tanna: Greg and Bethann Carlson, Erik and Michelle Stapleton. Rev. Malcolm Campbell, Lori Ellison, and Rev. Ken Calvert gave input on the history of missions on Tanna. I appreciate the help from the following people who tested the appropriateness of the Gospel-Culture model (Chapter 13) within the context of their own fieldwork: T. A. (Iraq), Jeff Batcock (Vanuatu), Keith Benn (Philippines), Alan Canavan (PNG), Tom Feldpausch (PNG), Bill Eckerman (PNG), David Healey (Vanuatu), Hansung Kim (Korea), Leigh Labrecque (Vanuatu), Paul Minter (PNG), Stephen and Laura Payne (Senegal), Erik Stapleton (Vanuatu), Dr. Rich Starcher (Congo), David Troolin (PNG), and Ross Webb (PNG).

Thank you to Charlotte Barnhart for the initial format checking, to Brad Koenig for copyediting the manuscript, and to the team at William Carey Library for their part in editing, designing, and publishing this book.

Introduction

One thousand five hundred miles north of New Zealand lies a volcanic island called Tanna. ¹ A brown, jagged coral reef runs along coastlines of black sand rich in volcanic ash. A mountain ridge three thousand feet high runs down the center. Standing at the highest peak, Tukwasmera, one can see all the contours of the twenty-mile-long kidney-shaped island, which is completely covered with the wild vegetation of a tropical jungle. Those who are familiar with the tropics would be able to distinguish the jungle from the small isolated hamlets of bamboo huts, the smoke of cooking fires, or the garden plots on steep mountainsides where the inhabitants cultivate taro, yam, sweet potatoes, and plantains.

Tanna is in the southern hinterlands of Vanuatu, formerly the New Hebrides. The nation is an archipelago of around eighty islands that gained its independence from France and England in 1980. It is a developing nation with a population of only 235,000, and with limited natural resources. Undoubtedly its most valuable resource is its people, who have maintained their tribal languages and customs for centuries. To this day, inhabitants of Vanuatu (called ni-Vanuatu) live simply—their days are occupied with subsistence farming, feasts, exchanges, and the rituals of traditional religion.

In the past one hundred years, the Christian church has experienced tremendous success in Vanuatu, as it has throughout the whole Pacific. However, the manifestation of Christianity in each of the islands in Vanuatu is nuanced, as islanders integrate the church with their traditional religion, called kastom. Many Tannese attend church and yet continue to identify with kastom. They observe clan totems, perform magic to ensure good crops and health, and observe taboos about territorial spirits. Others, however, have experienced a rather drastic worldview transformation. While they maintain social ties, they do not engage in practices associated with traditional religion.

MALCOLM: A KASTOM-RETAINER

Malcolm,² a Tannese man in his mid-thirties, is entrenched in both church and kastom. As the leading elder of the Presbyterian church, he preaches as often as twice a day, at 5:30 a.m. and 7:30 p.m., in the small church building made of wild cane and coconut leaf thatch. He is also the oldest son of the taro tupunas—a taboo man who performs sympathetic magic on his clan’s totem to ensure a good taro harvest for the rest of the village. As the heir of the taro stone, the big men of his village expected Malcolm to learn the intricacies of kastom. This presented no conflict for him; other church leaders in his village are actively involved in kastom. For example, the elders see it as their duty to their ancestors, both living and dead, to drink kava with the other men every evening. Also, Leaf-Armlet, an elder in the church, opens his Bible on his lap as he prepares magical remedies under the influence of a spirit named Karwas.

Church leaders in Malcolm’s village have been incorporating traditional religion and Christianity since the church was planted in 2000. However, kastom and the church could not coexist peacefully indefinitely. Ecclesiastical schedules, finances, and polity are, at times, at odds with traditional religious life. For example, manipulating magical stones involves a series of taboos, and the tupunas must go into seclusion for several months to perform his magic. When the chiefs said it was Malcolm’s turn to go into seclusion and work the taro stone, he had no choice. The harvest of the whole village depended on it. How would he continue his preaching responsibilities if he was in seclusion? Was it even right for a church leader to engage in magic? Wasn’t magic of the devil? Would God punish the church for allowing this? But if Malcolm did not perform the magic, what would become of the taro crop? Traditional religion and Christianity were now in conflict. However, the greatest cause of anxiety, both for people within and outside of the church, was not the clash of theological systems but the disunity over how to handle the conflict. How could the issue be resolved in a way that satisfied both the church leadership and the village’s leaders?

A number of solutions were suggested: Perhaps Malcolm could perform the ritual in the daytime, drink his kava, and then come to church at night. Maybe then he would enjoy the favor of both the ancestors and of God. Discussions went on for months; and finally, leaders from the Presbyterian session were summoned to a meeting with the big men in order to reach an agreement. In the end, it was decided that the church would pray to God to bless Malcolm as he performed the magical ritual, but the church would also formally discipline him for one year. He would need to step down as leading elder.

DANIEL: A KASTOM-RELINQUISHER

Just a half mile from Malcolm’s village, Daniel leads a small Seventh Day Adventist (SDA) congregation. His church members are forbidden to eat pork, an important commodity in Melanesia. They cannot drink kava or attend kastom rituals because, in Daniel’s words, The Bible does not say that we should drink kava or attend kastom rituals. Daniel’s father was a powerful sorcerer—a taboo man. He could summon hurricanes and was responsible for the banana crop. During the taboo season, members of Daniel’s clan cannot eat banana, because it is their totem. Daniel, however, believes he can eat banana anytime. He pointed out, Such taboos and totems are not in the Bible.

Additionally, according to kastom, Daniel should have married his cross-cousin (i.e.,