The Eastern Gate: War and Peace in Nagaland, Manipur and India's Far East

Book One

SMOKE

1. Guns and Runners: À la Carte at the Eastern Gate

Dining room at Imphal Classic full of diplomats. Reps from missions, dy high comm and consulates of UK, US, Japan from Delhi and Cal/Kol. For ceremony to commemorate Battle of Imphal in WWII. Field Marshal William Joseph Slim’s grandson here too. Slim was Lt. Gen. in Dec 1944 when he was knighted near Imphal along with 3 of his corp commanders by the viceroy Field Marshall Archibald Wavell. Reward for finally pushing back Japanese Army that July. Hope Slim the younger has had time to visit the sometime bungalow of his granddad in Kangla Fort just to the south of Classic. Breakfast a great mix even without the diplomats. Japanese filmmaker tracking WWII history. Evangelist family (Yanks). Elderly Tamil couple: bureaucrat parents, family? En route Moreh to visit family? Pit-stop before returning home? A Marwari bizman greets his local guests and, evidently, key contact, with loud cry of ‘UNKEL! How are you?’

Trip to Moreh cancelled on a/c of bandh/blockade called by Thadou Students’ Association to protest perceived falsification of complaint & inaction by sec forces re mid-June incident of violence against some of the community. And this is India’s bridgehead to Myanmar and SE Asia! Part of Asian Highway 1! Good paper plan but thus far, geo-economic + geopolitical joke! Prefer to call this ongoing hoax ‘Indo-Myanmar road’. Boipu texts to say blockade should lift on NH 102 (Imphal-Moreh stretch of old NH 39) but United Naga Council ban on ‘construction of government project works like railways, Asian highway etc in hill districts’.

Blockade politics is as bizarre. Whoever does it blames one or more ethnic or political group or govt. In any case usually they all blame India.

Looking forward to Ratha Jatra feast at Nobo’s place. Unique yet wonderful to see Jagannath’s chariots being pulled along in so many neighbourhoods in Imphal. No escaping the juggernaut of 18th C. Hindu-Sylheti-BengaliBrahmin-caste ingress and conversion by royal decree. Unsurprising so many traditionalist/nationalist Meitei dislike king Pamheiba!

Fabulous feast. 20 course, mix of Meitei + Bengali. Nobo’s dignified wife politely introduces me to four dignified ladies invited to lunch as ‘victims of domestic violence, they now make bags and other things’.

Can’t forget chat with US consul general from Cal/Kol. We’d travelled to Imphal on the same flight. Discussed pathetic dev in Manipur, massive corruption, fractured pol situation, iffy conflict resolution. Spoke of her meeting with Ibobi. She queried the CM about development and he diverted the conversation to how China was a threat. Am not a diplomat, so laughed aloud. CG smiled politely. Diplomatic equivalent of belly-slapping laughter.

History, politics, ethnicity, econ, gender issues, cuisine, culture and govt attitude. All between breakfast & lunch. Let’s see what Moreh has in store!

T is an excellent host.

‘Beretta? Glock? Llama?’ he offers a few top-of-the line 9 mm handguns. T smiles; he can see I’m impressed. ‘Browning? Smith and Wesson?’

He then begins to show off the aperitifs. The Beretta .380, a design first developed by American handgun legend John Browning as the Automatic Colt Pistol in the early years of the 20th century, and has steadily morphed into a deliverer of ever-punchier, ever-quicker bullets. There is also the more delicate .32 Beretta, quite deadly, that carry slimmer 7.65 mm rounds. ‘Maybe for your girlfriend, nah?’

T’s face twitches with mirth and methamphetamine. His hands shake as he tries to hold a small mug of milky tea to his lips and after a futile attempt at sipping gently, gives up. The mug rattles as he sets it down on the tabletop between us. His fingers twitch before he firmly sets them on his track pants. His other accessories are a plain T-shirt, single-strap slippers popular across this region, and a slim gold chain. Out of politeness I too set down my mug, floral-patterned, Made-in-China ware that adds more colour in a room of scattershot décor: a few photographs of Christ, homilies, an awkwardly posing family, a kaleidoscopic and quite worn sofa, a large new television set and a set-top device that beams a football match in Europe, muted for our meeting. T’s glassy eyes reflect the green and red of a football pitch that carries rampaging players of Manchester United. My behaviour calms him, aided by the soothing words of our go-between without whom this rendezvous in one of Moreh’s crowded wards would not have come about. I’m safe, my interlocutor assures T, he can speak freely.

Reassured, T offers a collectors’ favourite, an antique 9mm masterpiece of a handgun from Germany’s über-alles years. ‘Luger?’

The made-in-Spain Llama retails for ₹1,50,000 at T’s weapons deli. The very American Smith and Wesson is marked up at ₹1,80,000. The Italian Beretta, now also manufactured in the United States, and the slick Austrian Glock at ₹2,00,000 a piece. Second hand. New weapons that come in ‘packing’ carry significant premium. Either way, it’s cash only. Indian Rupees also work across the border in north-western Myanmar. Naturally ammunition is extra, and keeps the well-greased after-sales market running robustly.

T is one of several weapons procurers in town who feed some Kuki rebel groups, occasionally a Naga rebel faction, and an assortment of other rebels in far-eastern India. Specifically, T is more like a distributor to the area’s connoisseurs—politicians, crime lords, the occasional politician-crime lord. They also top-up small rebel groups. Well-established and relatively large Naga and Meitei rebel groups and factions, for example, don’t need those like T—even though they have reached him, and those like him, from time to time, for supplies to be collected in Churachandpur and Imphal, even Dimapur. They usually deal directly with the aggregator-suppliers in Myanmar who have their long reach into China, Thailand and of course Myanmar black-andgrey markets, watched over by their armies. The National Socialist Council of Nagalim (Isak-Muivah), for instance, has for long run its own supply chain from Myanmar to reach adjacent Ukhrul district of Manipur—a significant I-M haven on account of ethnic ties—and also into two eastern districts of Arunachal Pradesh bordering Myanmar, also Naga homelands.

T agrees to let me record our conversation and take notes, but requests anonymity. In a place with a population of about 20,000— roughly double if one counts Moreh’s hinterland—and tightly-knit communities of Kuki, Meitei, the Meitei Pangal, and Tamil, Sikh and Nepali folk displaced by Myanmar’s decades-old ethnic cleansing, all stuffed in nine small wards, the tiniest clue can be a giveaway. T claims he would then be open to ‘harassment’ by—and which might include more payoffs to—rogue elements in Manipur’s police, Indian government paramilitaries, and various factions of rebels in Manipur who play protector. Worse, he might end up dead.

It’s time for the main course. I ask T: How about some assault rifles?

He offers several Kalashnikov copies and variants. These are new and used AK 47s brought in courtesy of Thai suppliers, and from the autonomous Shan state in Myanmar’s east, bordering China, Thailand and Lao; AK 56 and Type 81s ‘from China’, a steady trickle of that country’s jettisoned and leached supplies that find a ready local, regional, even global, market. There are ageing American M-15s and M-16s sourced from Thailand, which remains a conduit of Vietnam-era supplies alongside more recent models. The lively and the leaky among Myanmar’s army are also occasional suppliers.

I’ve seen several such weapons during several visits to camps of various Naga rebel groups from 2009 onwards. During one such visit, to the main camp of the Unification faction of the National Socialist Council of Nagaland (NSCN) in Kehoi, east of Dimapur, I spent time talking to some cadres after interviewing a top official. These cadres were lounging about in the courtyard outside the hut where I had conducted the interview. They were cleaning handguns. There were two 9mm weapons, and a .32 calibre one. This last was an Astra, of Spanish manufacture. One of the 9mm weapons was a Smith & Wesson, the other a Spanish Star with Myanmar army markings in Burmese script. It wasn’t the only time I’ve seen such marking on rebel weapons. And, during a visit to Camp Hebron, the administrative and military headquarters of NSCN (I-M), I saw both female and male cadres carry all manner of assault rifles and hand guns: a well-equipped mini army which it was—is.

As with the handguns, a la carte assault weapons cost around ₹3,00,000 each for used, double and more for ‘packing’. Accessories are quite easily available, T assures me. Ammunition, sniper scopes, laser guidance, silencers for both assault rifles and handguns. After payment it takes approximately four days for the order to travel from the supply and finance hub of Mandalay to Tamu; cross-border, cross-cultural delivery that cuts through the Amazon of logistics, unofficial red-tape and rebel-tape.

What else? Landmines, grenades, RPGs—all ‘made in China,’ T says reassuringly, although the demand for landmines in this side of the border is low even if it remains a bit of a rage with Myanmar’s army.

Were I hungry, I joke with T, such a menu would lead to the onset of a food coma.

But you haven’t had dessert, he shoots back with a smile that momentarily dispels the glaze in his eyes, the twitching on his face, the air-piano playing fingers. How about a GSG, a German .22 calibre sports rifle, telescopic sight thrown in at a discount?

Moreh is billed as India’s key transit point to Myanmar on the ribbon of two planned Asian Highway routes—Route 1 and Route 2—linking Southeast Asia with West Asia through India and Bangladesh. It’s mostly a route on paper and emblazoned on hopeful distance markers and signboards. A Land Customs Station is being upgraded; it is to be integrated with immigration facilities. A truck park is planned. There’s been talk of a mineral park for limestone, copper ore and such from Myanmar. (The route would dovetail with a proposed BCIM, Bangladesh-China-India-Myanmar economic corridor that since the 1990s has attempted to move along a corridor to connect Kunming in China’s south-western Yunnan province and designated hub for all policy and practical outreach in this part of the region, to Myanmar and then, via Bangladesh, to Kolkata. India, wary of the C in BCIM, has remained selective about its options. India has also eyed with suspicion a project by China National Petroleum Corporation (CNPC) to transport crude oil and gas from the Bay of Bengal through an 800-km pipeline to Kunming in Yunnan province—not dissimilar to India’s own plans to link Mizoram, or to ship hydrocarbons and other products to Kolkata and beyond via Myanmar.)

Plans have for several years—at least since the early 1990s—called for products and people from both countries and points beyond to move seamlessly—officially—through this eastern gate at Moreh, giving the town a dimension greater than its daily-market-town persona. It has always been preferred as a more upgraded enterprise than the daily-market exchange at Behiang, the border town southwest of Moreh in Manipur’s Churachandpur district. This is along the old Tiddim Road, which heads due south from Imphal through Behiang and right to Tiddim, or Tedim, about 130 km south from this border in Myanmar’s Chin state. This is the road the imperial Japanese army travelled up to fight the battle of Imphal during the Second World War.

That’s the hazy future. For now, the underbelly is the belly. Weapons that come in to India. Narcotics of various shades and grades that travel both ways. Animals for the food and pharmacy markets of Southeast Asia and China.

Red sandalwood from the forests of India’s Karnataka and Tamil Nadu states. This is highly prized and smuggled to Myanmar and onwards to the contraband and finance transhipment hub of Mandalay to the Shan State and through to southwest China, fetching four to five times what it costs in far-eastern India. Another route moves red sandalwood to Thailand through points like Chiang Rai and Mae Sot in Thailand—Mae Sot a point on a proposed ‘Trilateral Highway’ that would run through about half the length of Myanmar to link it to Moreh. A select few among Moreh’s small but influential Tamil community have the reputation of a long reach from the eastern end of the subcontinent to its very south, a reach that survives a route traversing several thousand kilometres and several Indian states. One such Tamil gentleman at the apex of this trade and whose name is spoken both admiringly and carefully, carries a reputation that opens doors in every state capital that lies on the route, from Imphal to Chennai, and is reputed to hold some strings in New Delhi and Nay Pyi Taw as well.

Sometimes, when the scrutiny on Moreh and the Manipur route is high, trucks carrying red sandalwood—as investigation from their occasional interdiction in Assam show—head to Mizoram, for secretion across that state’s 510-km border with Myanmar. Besides several jungle tracks into Myanmar that’s typical of the entire border stretch from Arunachal Pradesh to Nagaland, Manipur and Mizoram (adding up to 1,643 km), there’s a border-trade crossing at Zokhawthar in eastern Mizoram, along the Tiau river, which demarcates the international border here for over nearly 200 kilometres. Across the border a secondary road links up with the old Tiddim Road. Like water, trade usually finds a way.

There are more innocent products: Indian-made pharmaceuticals, fabric for the ubiquitous Myanmarese longyi—also made in Kolkata and Chennai, as manufacturers’ tags proclaim in stores in several regions of Myanmar—juices and fruit-flavoured beverage, chocolate, infant food, tyres for Bajaj autorickshaws. I’ve ridden these Made-in-India vehicles several times on a 15-minute ride from Nanpharlong just across the border from Moreh to Tamu, the nearest town in Myanmar that falls within the radius in which Indians are permitted to travel without a visa, from morning until 5 pm. In a reverse flow arrive LED lamps, blankets, toys, consumer goods, Godzilla brand mosquito repellent, even the delicious, long green beans—yongchak—practically worshipped in Manipur and elsewhere in far-eastern India.

Official trade data for Moreh with the Ministry of Development of North Eastern Region placed two-way trade at a little over ₹4 crore or ₹40 million for 2010–2011 (which increased to a over ₹16 crore or ₹160 million in 2017–2018; border trade statistics are notoriously slow to be updated in central government records). Largely, betel nut was imported, cumin seed exported. Mostly agricultural products and medicine are permitted to be traded without application of duty.

Unofficial trade figures? Officially incalculable. Although an intelligence operative in Imphal told me that his best estimate is ₹100 crore a day—a billion rupees—‘incalculable’ seems a safer option. Incalculable too is the quantum of cut paid to government officials, security overseers, and rebel groups—even rebel groups in ceasefire with the government of India, and, occasionally, the government of Myanmar.

The same uneasy economy applies to narcotics, Moreh’s plasma. As with weapons, this web connects several communities, both ethnic and economic.

One morning in July 2014, after a breakfast of excellent fresh idlis and chutney in Moreh’s Tamil neighbourhood, adjacent to the border with Myanmar, I headed to one of its Kuki neighbourhoods, set a little further back from the border than the Tamil neighbourhood. Here, a little further back can mean just a couple of hundred metres; it’s a serpentine border, much like local and cross-border equations.

The hillside of the veng—a ward in the Kuki-Chin-Mizo languages—had dumps of hundreds, thousands, some even containing tens of thousands of emptied pseudoephedrine strips; blister packs as well as all-foil packs of medicine usually used to treat nasal congestion and the common cold. There had clearly been some attempt to burn the evidence, but it appeared half-hearted, even brazen, like brushing things under a carpet. There were small clumps of melted plastic fused with foil. Amos Holdou Khongsai’s grave held a memorial plaque, but no decoration except dried leaves and a forest of empty strips that began right at the tomb. The strips showed a mix. I counted four different brands from as many Indian manufacturers.

The medicine is extracted and then transported to Myanmar for use in manufacturing methamphetamines. ‘Speed’ comes from it, but that’s an old-fashioned name. A derivative is the caffeine-spiked Yaba, which means ‘crazy medicine’ or ‘mad drug’ in Thai, the production engine for which is located largely in the north-eastern Shan State in Myanmar—mainly in the autonomous region controlled by the Wa. (A briefing on narco-terrorism by an Indian source just before that trip was instructive: ‘According to our information there are twenty-four small to large factories making WY in Myanmar—three in Rakhine state, two in Kachin state, the rest in Shan State, bordering Kachin and Thailand.’)

In far-eastern India, the pills usually come in the brighter colours of the spectrum that sell with the imprint WY. This cousin of the purer crystal methamphetamine, or crystal-meth—or Ice—has spawned a new moniker: World-is-Yours. Plentiful, cheap and, even as I visited, blanketing this region of India and neighbouring Bangladesh.

It wouldn’t do to linger. This wasn’t the main street of Moreh where Mandalay beer from Myanmar, Tiger beer from Singapore and the Chinese Dali are so openly, reasonably available alongside Indian brands of rum and whiskey—this last a steady trickle courtesy of bent security forces in this geography, as my hosts told me, reiterating a claim I’ve heard here for several years. The supply of liquor is always plentiful in this border town, far more than at Pallel, the entry point to these southeastern hills on the road to Moreh. Numbers can vary depending on upticks of security alerts, but there are usually six checkpoints between Pallel and Moreh. Most travellers and traders to and from Moreh are checked, usually by troopers of Assam Rifles. It sometimes turns brutal at these checkpoints, as I have witnessed several times over the years and written of it: the act of stripping vehicles to find contraband, drugs and weapons can often extend of stripping citizens of their dignity— including queries in colloquial Hindi as to their ancestry and proclivity for incest, the extent of their knowledge of Hindi, and their patriotism towards India. Yet such streams never run dry.

This part of the veng was no place for an outsider and people were beginning to notice. I left after hurriedly taking photographs and a grabbing a fistful of empty strips.

In comparison, there was a feeling of relative comfort at Ima B’s heroin hutch. It was a small house in one of Moreh’s back alleys, in a multi-ethnic neighbourhood. The portly, jolly matron leaned back on a small bed that functions as a settee. That was the sanctum. I sat across from her on a chair. She was busy, and indicated in her gravelly voice after several minutes that we could begin our conversation—naturally with the caveat that she would take time out whenever business calls.

Ima, as everyone called her, was calmly efficient. She measured heroin—No. 4 in parlance—from a hollowed-out bamboo bowl into a kokta, a tiny metal container usually used to measure ground tobacco and spices. It’s ₹100 a kokta. Most buyers prefered to stay in a covered space adjacent to the sanctum, shoot up with a puriya-worth of substance, a ‘shot’. Like the young man who came to Ima B’s centre of operations—her bedroom. This main room of the house was tiny, the bed by a tiny window with grills. He handed over a syringe with a plunger removed. Ima poured ₹50 worth of No. 4 into it. He returned to a low wooden table with a couple of ashtrays and candles and carefully poured a measure of water from a plastic jug—water from the well in the backyard—placed the plunger in the tube of the syringe and gave it a good shake for a minute or so. He sat, then heated the thin needle over the flame of a candle, gave it a while to cool down, flexed his bare arm with its ready streams of vein, and with the delicacy of a caring nurse inserted the needle into a vein and, very gently, shot up. He leaned back on the chair and closed his eyes.

There were a dozen or so men and three women seated there on plastic chairs around a scattering of plastic tables with a scattering of match boxes and cheap plastic lighters, and lit candles. Some of the men were in vests, a few bare-chested. They spoke in low tones if they spoke at all. An attractive lady who looked to be in her mid-30s but could have been years younger got up to go to the well, drew a bucket of water, and poured it over her head, over her T-shirts and jeans and after shaking off excess water and chit-chatting with a couple of men near the well, resumed her place in the hutch. A few smoked No. 4. Some snorted it. All were unmindful of the quality of the heroin, uncaring of whatever other substance it was ‘cut’ with, or whether it was an opiate or mostly opioid. Not everyone stayed. Some heavy users revisited up to five times a day. Some took a two- or three-day supply and went off to their villages.

We hit a busy patch. I counted seven buyers in a 10-minute stretch as my translator, a young lady who worked with a local NGO, explained my presence. Ima responded with a series of ‘Hmm’s without missing a beat of the trade or barked instructions. I borrowed the kokta, and in a burst of Scarface fantasy I dipped a little finger into it and then licked the powder, as I’ve seen policemen and anti-narcotic agents do in Hollywood movies. It was acrid, intensely chemical. I made a face. Ima, the translator and a customer burst out laughing. Comic relief during a long day. Ima’s shop opened at 3:30 each morning and closed at 7:30 in the evening.

Among an estimated 150 such sellers in Moreh, of which she claimed a fifth were ‘Manipuri’—shorthand for Meitei, her ethnicity—Ima B claimed to sell about eight grams of No. 4 a day to residents and visitors. Kukis formed the majority of the remainder, but there were Tamils and other communities in the game too. Ima B profited by ₹1,000 daily from a sale of ₹8,000 worth of substance a day. She said she received her supplies from an ‘agent’ in Moreh who also fronted the money, and who in turn received it from ‘Burma’. This agent, her sponsor, pocketed the rest. And, like her sponsor, she also needed to pay the police, which she conflated with ‘police commandos’—an elite force in Manipur’s police with an unlovely, proven history of thuggishness and staging encounters, a power unto themselves—and the local bureaucracy. She named specific forces, specific designations among the police and bureaucracy, who received monthly payment. It was all organised. When police came to collect, they carried a list of sellers and methodically checked it off. That’s how Ima B, who had been in the business for thirteen years as I met her, knew of the number of No. 4 sellers.

She was a widow. Her husband had tuberculosis and was unable to work or pay for medical bills. No. 4 offered a relatively easy way out to pay the bills, run the house, bring up the children. Trials leading to a trap wasn’t an uncommon story in these parts.

From what I gathered from several conversations, people like Ima B didn’t deal with ‘UG’ or political parties. That devolved to the handful of ‘agents’ who work their deals with rebel groups and politicians in the district and in Imphal. For heroin, WY, the lot. This was a part of nearly every conversation I’ve had on the subject since the mid-2000s in this region, or about this region and, indeed, in Moreh from the first time I visited this border town in 2008, and during subsequent visits here.

In February 2014, just months before my visit to Moreh’s ephedrine dump, Ajay Chaudhary, a colonel of the Indian Army and five others, including a soldier with the Territorial Army and locals, were arrested on charges of ferrying from Imphal to Moreh pseudoephedrine tablets of various well-known brands valued at between ₹150 million and ₹200 million. The colonel’s car sported defence ministry plates and a beacon. Two other cars in the convoy had ‘Army’ pasted on the windshields. Police chased them down when the officer breezed past a check post flashing his credentials. Another of those arrested was an Imphal-based security official with an airline. Shipping such medicine as bulk couriered consignments wasn’t uncommon. Neither were articles in media about consignments seized at Imphal’s airport, or unclaimed packages that, after investigation were found to contain pseudoephedrine tablets.

‘You have heard about the arrest of a colonel,’ an official with a central intelligence agency later told me in Imphal. ‘If he can do it at his level then what about brigadier, senior officers, ministers of Manipur? The colonel has done many runs. He got caught.’

Was it an accident or was Col. Chaudhary tracked? I asked, over coffee in my hotel room, away from the CCTV cameras and public attention in the hotel’s lobby and restaurant.

‘We got information that he’s been indulging in such activities for the past one and a half years. He was even being watched by Manipur commandos.’ He meant police commandos. ‘MI [Military Intelligence] has started looking into other officers. For example, with 26 Sector AR in Pallel. Brigadier.’ He mentioned a name. ‘He cleverly left.’

Even so, the interdiction of a colonel was a rarity in this regional trade that security personnel I spoke to placed at several billion rupees a year. They pointed to the involvement of at least a dozen rebel groups of all ethnic persuasions such as Naga, Meitei, Kuki, and Zomi, active in Manipur; and that of the political, bureaucratic and security establishments. All feed off the narco-economy. All want to control it. All find some accommodations, find a level.

This level hasn’t been without conflict—indeed, for some decades. In an entry for November 1992, just before NSCN(I-M) ratcheted up a genocidal campaign on Kukis for control of land, a project commissioned by United Nations High Commission for Refugees recorded a comment on the region’s narcotics trade. The entry by the Minorities at Risk project noted that Kuki and Naga armed groups ‘have frequently clashed in the past for control of the lucrative heroin trade route through Moreh, an Indian outpost close to the Burmese border’. It added: ‘Both groups have a powerful vested interest in prolonging communal conflicts in order to divert attention from their profitable smuggling of timber, gold and heroin. Both the Kukis and the Nagas see this trade (especially heroin), as the best way to finance their guerrilla wars against the Indian government.’ And—the observation didn’t add—against each other.

To the north and south of the Imphal-Moreh artery lie narcotic havens cradled in hilly terrain. In Ukhrul district to the north, a stronghold of Naga rebels, poppy and cannabis are grown—with the south and east of the district favouring poppy and the west, cannabis. Poppy is a favoured crop to the south in Chandel and Churachandpur to the south-west, which like Ukhrul border Myanmar; here Kuki, Zomi and Meitei rebels have sanctuary. Cannabis is largely absorbed into north-eastern India, eastern India and Bangladesh. Poppy, often with poppy seeds supplied by patrons in Myanmar, as I’m told in the course of several interviews in Imphal and Moreh, has more of to-and-fro from raw material to finished product. Poppy sap is cooked into a base to manufacture heroin. It is then transported by couriers using steep mountain trails into Myanmar, with their financiers billing ‘transportation charges’ of between ₹15,000-20,000 a kilo. It returns as heroin, distributed using various channels, including Asian Highway 1.

T Mongbuh (Tongneh Mongbuh) not T Mongbung as I first wrote it, BK corrects me. Good to have BK around, he speaks Thadou-Kuki. Around 300 pop., 20–30 houses. Western edge of Valley, west of Loktak lake. Gorgeous: impossibly green plains to rolling green hills, cloud-crown, rain swept afternoon. Quiet.

LK, 23, is a duo-crop farmer like most in this hamlet. Paddy in the family’s five-acre farm just over the crest of the first hill. After harvest in Oct-Nov, poppy. No option, he says. Nine children just in the house he lives in—‘they consume a lot’. Rice for subsistence and some surplus sale, poppy for everything else. Payoffs the responsibility of buyer though he does shell out to the adamant cop. Reluctant to speak of UG links—although most Kuki UG are now AG! They have weapons, connections, LK and his family have mouths to feed. I ask where the poppy sap—also called jelly, kaami goes. ‘Burma.’ Uses old name for Mynamar that many people still do. Then he checks himself, worried. ‘I don’t know.’ (See int with narc/spook: he talked of trails from Ukhrul to Myanmar, CC’Pur to Myanmar. Carriers paid INR 30K to transport sap consignments weighing 30 kg or so.)

Also ref int with AMADA official. Big name. All Manipur Anti-Drug Asscn. Big mission. Change farmers over from narc to regular crops: pea, yam, potato, maize. Trying to work thru govt agri dept to do soil testing & identify appropriate seed type in Ukhrul, east of Senapati, Tamenglong, Valley fringe areas. Uphill task. ‘Actual financiers not from the farming areas,’ AMADA guy Phoney says. UGs, bureaucrats, pols. Villagers want to make ‘easy money’. That’s how financiers convince villagers to plant poppy. Becomes a tussle between what’s ‘right’ and what’s ‘economic’. Investors track output. Sometimes change plantation location after 2/3 yrs as soil nutrients diminish. When farmers see good R.O.I. they sometimes begin planting poppy even without investors. Guy clams up when I probe deeper about connections, pushback from financiers via govt and open threats from UG to not cut poppy & marijuana, incl. providing weapons to farmers to guard crop. Seeing my disappointment suggests I try bora—pakora—made with poppy leaves. LOVE bora!

CHK claim of NGO guy + cop, both Meitei, that AMADA and CADA— Coalition Against Drugs & Alcohol—have ‘supporting groups’. Says AMADA is KYKL & that’s why AMADA’s POA is more extreme, mirroring KYKL ideology; CADA links = UNLF. But what about Valley groups benefitting from narc? Clams up. Won’t be pushed.

Pride of place in LK’s largish hut, crowded, musty main room is an old Philips TV. The other prominent display is a framed poster of the Last Supper. A Bible-belt makeover of the original earthy da Vinci I had coincidentally seen just months earlier at Sta. Maria delle Grazie. But as powerful as that experience was, the kitschy copy is no less powerful in this small homestead, in its context of faith and survival, and with its additional message: ‘I am the Bread of Life. Whoever comes to me will never be Hungry.’ A booster message on a table by the door, is from John 6: 35. ‘Whoever Believes in me will never Thirst.’

Paddy, poppy and prayer. So it goes.

Here, security forces live cheek by jowl with militant groups that are either actively belligerent or have suspended hostilities as part of negotiations with the government. Either way, there’s coexistence in a food chain from financier to farmer to seller to buyer—and protectors. The occasional interdiction of narcotic consignments, occasional destruction of marijuana and poppy fields, is just for ‘namesake’, a lady with an Imphal-based legal-aid group for HIV-AIDS echoed the comment of an Imphal-based intelligence officer with the central government who once showed me, and later texted me, photos of a well-known rebel commander from Northeast India in the middle of poppy fields in the borderlands of India and Myanmar.

When I visit the office of the sub-divisional police officer in Moreh, the ranking civilian law-enforcer in town, the gentleman offers a suitably surreal interview. The officer of Manipur Police is nervous, evasive. He denies there is any smuggling in Moreh, let alone any sale, trade or trafficking in narcotics and weapons. He claims there are no representatives or proxies of rebel groups in Moreh. He cannot of course speak for what happens in other parts of Manipur, or just across the border in Nanpharlong, or Tamu—that’s Myanmar’s problem. It’s also Manipur’s problem, I don’t have the heart to tell him what he already knows. Some of his senior colleagues in Imphal and some sources in local rebel movements spoke to me of how politicians, bureaucrats, contractors and even some large NGOs take a skim from projects—over and above their own skim—and often ‘arrange’ to have these funds delivered in Tamu, where ‘VBIGs’, or Valley-based insurgent groups as they are called in security parlance, maintain residences and camp-offices.

Indeed, the police officer claims there is hardly any crime in Moreh.

His colleague, a superintendent of the local operations of the emphatically named Customs Preventive Force, is equally evasive. He claims he hasn’t heard of trafficking in contraband. He has heard nothing of raw materials for the drug trade being shipped from Moreh and points to the north and south across to Myanmar. He knows nothing of refashioned drugs, from WY to No. 4, making their way back. He knows nothing of weapons supplies, or the purported methods to smuggle them. He knows nothing of the other lucrative and longterm revenue stream in Moreh: the highly prized, and priced, red sandalwood. Like all local government officials when speaking on record on matters of policing, security and contraband, he knows nothing of the shadowy cabal of Tamil gentlemen who control the trade from their base in Moreh, easily maintaining footprints in Manipur and Delhi and southern India; who, with the impressive facility of the cosmopolitan fluently speak Tamil, Burmese, Meiteilon, English, Hindi, and a dialect or two of the Kuki.

Moreh is the first hub of denial. There are many hubs of denial— Tengnoupal, Pallel, Lilong—all the way back to Imphal and to points far beyond.

Waiting for word from the Anjuman Islahi Uashrah @ Lilong for 4 pm mtng. No point hanging around Imphal, so head on past Lilong past Thoubal (didn’t see aloo-puri lady outside Thoubal mkt area, too late in day, next time) & Wangjing to Khongjom. Such a dramatic place. Khongjom War Memorial hugely significant marker: memorial to Anglo-Manipur War of 1891. Formal end of Manipur as independent kingdom. As significant a year as 1949, seen by most when M pressured to formally accede to Indian Union. Bitter-sweet history since, on balance more bitter than sweet.

Stunning 360° view from tree-shielded hill. Memorial monolith from 1972 encased in polished granite on hilltop. Quotes Paona Brajabasi, major in Manipur army, executed here by Brits: ‘The enemy’s shell can land in our camp … Whereas ours cannot in theirs my fellow countrymen! It is a disgrace to die fleeing, death is now sure for us but we will never retreat.’ Paddies all around, rectangles of silvery water, western cordon of hills in CC’Pur far, nearer hills to the east just a few ranges & gorges away from Myanmar. Absolute stillness. Even young couples are quiet.

Head back to Lilong for meeting with Anjuman. Meitei-Pangal/Muslim hub. Using differentiator advisedly as not all Muslims here are Manipuri. Most I see aren’t. Many eastern Indian faces, faces seen in borderlands of Myanmar/Bangladesh. It’s like a different world within Manipur, this patch east & west of Imphal-Moreh highway, half-hour south of Imphal. Skullcaps, headscarves everywhere, many ladies in burqa. Shop names common in other parts of India: Zam Zam Tailors, Shah Travels. Go west, cross slim river and travel in several kms. No churches, Hindu temples, traditional Meitei Sanamahi shanglen, just mosques & madrasas. With add-on topography & flora, could be B’desh. Could be eastern fringe of Bengal.

Anjuman’s four-storey office is down a sharp slope. Lower floors house offices, upper floors are where narc addicts/users are kept. The upper-floor windows facing front are crowded as I walk in. Meet Maulana Habibullah Nadwi and Mohammad Mohiyuddin, a community elder. We speak in Hindi. The two aren’t Meitei-Pangal. The maulana is aware of the havoc narc has caused in this area, and the unsavoury rep Lilong carries even in a region of unsavoury reps re narc & conflict. Cops, NGO-wallahs speak of Lilong as narco transhipment hub. Frequent news of busts, as elsewhere in the Valley and some parts of hills, but tiny fraction of flow. Maulana speaks of narc-related problems burning through Lilong. Theft. Molestation & rape. ‘Inko khatam karna hai,’ he says. Noble pursuit!

50–52 inmates in the Anjuman, getting a mix of punishment + prayer. ‘Yeh aspatal bhi hai, ek tarah ka jail bhi hai,’ Mohiyuddin says bluntly (MORE DETAIL IN RECORDING + PIX). Mix of hospital and jail. Says no law (‘ain nahin hai’) here, constable to judge. Sometimes sec forces, cops, anti-narcs, AR/army catch folks with heroin, say ‘maida, atta’. ‘Then they release the culprits. Everyone goes free. Then they threaten us. We don’t have weapons. Our weapons are the Quran & Hadis.’ He says it’s faith vs INR 30 lakh/kg for kaami, base for brown. No. 4 is INR 2,400/gm.

They pull out a register to show names of inmates and seized narcotics ++ in two years. Neatly handwritten in English with each head numbered:

(1) Syrup: 9717 bottles—7549 = 2168 bottles [assuming minus botts of cough syrup used for med purposes!] (2) S.P. tabs = 2,96,452 tabs [Spasmo-Proxyvon painkiller] (3) M. Doxine = 1,360 strips (4) Solucuf = 16,650 strips [contains pseudoephedrine] (5) Lupin D = 16,660 strips (6) No. 4 = 84 gm (7) Kaami = 2 kg 900 gm (8) Wine = 829 litres [booze nt wine] (9) N-10 = 6,467 tabs [sleeping pills, basically] (10) Vehicles = 25 (11) Machine for Kaami manufacturing = 2 nos.

ADD ON: Drugs sold openly in Imphal. More exp than Moreh but still cheap comp with Mainland. Been seeing pushers, users in North AOC area for years, short walk from my regular hotels & near where buses to Kohima-Dimapur & Ukhrul leave every morning. SP aka Spasmo-Proxyvon = painkiller. Ganja. No. 4. WY. Entry-level No. 4 ₹50/shot. Double ++ for hooked user. Bizarre to see it all near barracks + offices of Manipur cops, CRPF, BSF, AR. Have jogged often in the morning from North AOC past the veng & thru Minuthong Hatta north & east along Kangla Fort perimeter to the CM’s res & Secretariat! At night, tricky place. Users, sex workers, pushers … Tell me of alarm system when irregular folks like unpaid cops and similar show up. Hit electric poles. Noise telegraphed down the street. Everyone disappears for a bit. Not tonight. They have time to talk. Users and SWs sit around listlessly. Couple of men & a woman are in a stupor. They’re going nowhere, slowly, painfully. Done deal.

Drug-rehab workers say numbing out also come from alt stuff. Diazepam brands eg Valium, PKs eg Lobain, even adhesives eg Dendrite & nail polish. Brilliant briefing from Ms Kimboi & Ms Phamila at the HIV/AIDS legal aid place near Chingmeirong crossing (CHK notes earlier pages). Men, women both affected with drugs + HIV/AIDS but women have it worse. As ever. Steady slide.

Various reasons over the years, multiple conflicts & tensions. Kuki-Naga, Kuki-Meitei, Meitei-Meitei Pangal, Kuki-Zomi/Hmar/Paite …

In fact the last not that well known. But a chk of Manipur Police records show, e.g., tension way bk in 1960 when Manipur’s security apparatus had bn busy wt Naga rebellion that had travelled south by