A Community of Witches: Contemporary Neo-Paganism and Witchcraft in the United States

A COMMUNITY OF WITCHES

STUDIES IN COMPARATIVE RELIGION

Frederick M. Denny, Series Editor

A Community of Witches

CONTEMPORARY NEO-PAGANISM AND WITCHCRAFT IN THE UNITED STATES

Helen A. Berger

University of South Carolina Press

© 1999 University of South Carolina

Cloth edition published by the University of South Carolina Press, 1999

Paperback edition published by the University of South Carolina Press, 2013

Ebook edition published in Columbia, South Carolina,

by the University of South Carolina Press, 2022

www.uscpress.com

Manufactured in the United States of America

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10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1

The Library of Congress has cataloged the cloth edition as follows:

Berger, Helen A., 1949–

A community of witches : contemporary neo-paganism and witchcraft in the United States / Helen A. Berger.

p. cm. — (Studies in comparative religion)

Includes bibliographical references and index.

ISBN 1-57003-246-7

1. Neopaganism—United States. 2. Witchcraft—United States. I. Title. II. Series: Studies in comparative religion (Columbia, S.C.)

BF1573.B47 1999

ISBN 978-1-61117-315-4 (paperback)

ISBN 978-1-64336-287-8 (ebook)

Some of the material in chapter 6 originally appeared in Routinization of Spontaneity, Sociology of Religion 1995, 56(1):49–62.

Front cover photographs: Getty Images

To John

CONTENTS

List of Illustrations

Editor’s Preface

Preface

Prologue: To the Tribe Let There Be Children Born

Chapter 1 Background

Chapter 2 The Magical Self

Chapter 3 The Coven: Perfect Love, Perfect Trust

Chapter 4 A Circle within a Circle: The Neo-Pagan Community

Chapter 5 The Next Generation

Chapter 6 The Routinization of Creativity

Chapter 7 Conclusion

Notes

Bibliography

Index

ILLUSTRATIONS

following page 64

High priestess doing incantation during handfasting (marriage) ritual

High priestess joining together the hands of the bride and groom at a handfasting

High priest in ritual robes

Witch in ritual robes

Ritual altar

North altar at Circle of Light coven’s 1996 Beltane ritual

Bumper sticker with the Neo-Pagan symbol of the pentagram

EDITOR’S PREFACE

Americans have come a long way from the days of the Salem witch trials in the 1600s to the present time, when practically no one blinks at the mention of fellow citizens worshiping at alternative altars far removed from the Christianities and Judaisms that have come to compose the mainstream of American religion. And although newer religious communities from the Middle East and Asia—for example Islamic, Hindu, Buddhist, Confucian—are also bringing doctrines, beliefs, and practices that are new to most Americans, they are nevertheless widely acknowledged to have long, respected histories in their places of origin and definitive institutional development.

Helen Berger’s rich, analytically sophisticated, field-based study of contemporary Neo-Paganism and Witchcraft adds significantly to the steadily growing scholarly literature. A special dimension of her book is its placing the phenomenon in the context of globalism, wherein contemporary people can pick and choose among spiritual options in a free marketplace. During the post–World War II period in America, with some exceptions, it has been increasingly unnecessary to defer to mainstream religion or to be either furtive or brazen when following alternative meaning systems, whether that means being atheist, agnostic, or following an exotic cult.

Another notable dimension of this book is its attention to the phenomenon of routinization whereby Neo-Pagan communities are developing enduring institutional practices and traditions through experimentation and dissemination in matters such as ritual among cobelievers across the country. As founding members of covens age and have children, they are feeling the need to find ways of securing a stable future for their communities. And as these communities become intergenerational they are also having to work through morally complex, emotionally charged, and culturally as well as politically challenging issues connected with the sexual symbolism and ritual that are important dimensions of Neo-Paganism and Witchcraft.

A Community of Witches is an important milestone in the continuing development of this series. And although the data that it analyzes and interprets is fresh and intrinsically fascinating, the study as a whole may also be of considerable use for our understanding of how other new religious communities are sustaining and developing themselves in the unprecedentedly rich tapestry of American religious pluralism.

Frederick Mathewson Denny

PREFACE

This book is an exploration of the new religious movement of Neo-Paganism and Witchcraft as practiced in the United States among groups that include both women and men.¹ My purpose is twofold: to examine Witchcraft as a religion of late modernity and to analyze the aging process of this new religion. In placing the Witchcraft movement within the context of late modernity, I have been influenced by Giddens’s structuration theory (1984, 1987, 1990, 1991) and Beckford’s work on religions of late modernity (1984, 1992a, 1992b).

I argue that the development and spread of Witchcraft in the late twentieth century is an outgrowth of globalism. Only a modern person can stand outside of time and tradition to pick and choose elements of older and geographically disparate religious practices to combine into a new religion. Furthermore, the availability of modern technology—for example, fax machines, computer networks, and desktop publishing—has helped spread this religion.

As I will show in this book, the magical practices of Witches, while having some similarities to the practices of traditional societies, are in essence very different. Magic as practiced by present-day Witches is a technology of the self. Although Witches do participate in magical practices to, for instance, alter the weather or effect a cure for AIDS, most of their magical acts take the form of altering the self. Similarly, I argue that the model of community that has developed among Witches differs from the traditional concept of community—that is, a geographically placed group whose members have face-to-face interactions. Instead, a global construct of community has developed based on shared interest in mysticism, magic, and goddess worship.

Witchcraft, like most new religions, has primarily attracted people in their twenties.² However, the earlier adherents of this religion are now in their thirties and forties and are in the process of raising children and building their careers. As I will illustrate, the birth of children to Witches is having profound effects on both the practice and organization of this religion. For instance, sex, which is viewed as a magical act, has been encouraged in interpersonal relations and at festivals. Neo-Pagans have regularly danced naked or seminaked to the beat of drums around campfires throughout the night at festivals. The growing number of children at festivals has brought concern about open sexuality and the need for quiet so that both the children and their parents can sleep. As I will demonstrate, the dual demands of child rearing and career advancement have led to the development of routinization.

Creating new rituals, organizing festivals, and writing newsletters are time-consuming activities. As the religion and the adherents themselves age, there is increased interest in the development and growth of umbrella organizations. The form of routinization of this new religion, while having some similarities to Weber’s (1964) notion of routinization of charisma, is different. It is not the magical persona and teachings of the prophet that are being routinized by his or her disciples; instead, there is a growth of technical experts who are capable of running a festival, organizing a newsletter, and editing a journal. Because individuals who are forming covens, writing rituals, or preparing magical rites are guided by Neo-Pagan journals, newsletters, and the Internet—as well as by information they have gleaned from their attendance at large festivals—there is a increased homogenization in Wiccan ritual practices and beliefs. This form of routinization is consistent with the developments of late modernity.

This book is the outcome of my participation in the Neo-Pagan community since October 31, 1986; both formal and informal interviews with more than one hundred Witches and Neo-Pagans; study of the prolific body of literature written by adherents on their religious practices; and a national survey I conducted with Andras Corban Arthen, the leader of the largest Neo-Pagan group in New England.³

I met Andras Corban Arthen at the first open ritual I attended. I was invited to the ritual by David, whom I had met at my public lecture at the Boston Public Library, part of a series on witchcraft in New England that the library asked me to present in October 1986.⁴ The lectures focused on the historical witch trials in New England, the most famous of which occurred in Salem, Massachusetts.⁵ The last talk in the series, however, was about the small but growing phenomenon in present-day New England of people who called themselves Witches. I had gathered my material for that presentation from the modest body of literature that then existed on contemporary American Witches (Adler 1979, 1986; Starhawk 1979; Truzzi 1972, 1974) and an interview with a woman peripherally associated with Neo-Paganism.

In response to my comment that Witches looked no different than the average person in Boston, one elderly woman who had attended the entire series asked if there might be Witches in the audience. When I answered in the affirmative, she turned to the audience and asked if anyone there was a Witch. About six or seven people raised their hands. After the talk, several of those who had identified themselves as Witches came to speak to me. It was through these initial contacts that I became integrated into the New England Neo-Pagan community.

Three of the people who had attended that lecture invited me to participate as a researcher in the formation of the group they were organizing, the Circle of Light coven. For the first two years of this group’s existence, I attended weekly meetings and all of the group’s festivals. I have remained friendly with the founders and I continued to attend many of the coven’s open rituals until it disbanded in the fall of 1996. As membership did not require that one be a Witch, I joined the organization founded by Andras Corban Arthen, EarthSpirit Community (ESC), soon after beginning my research, and I have maintained my affiliation with this organization throughout my research.⁶ Membership in the organization entailed paying a fee of $30 per year, which entitled one to a monthly newsletter, invitations to open rituals and festivals, and a reduction of fees for attending those events. Through both my initial contacts and my participation in ESC events, I met a diverse group of Neo-Pagans and Witches. My contacts expanded as each new person I met introduced me to others.

I was able to interview formally more than forty Witches and Neo-Pagans. These interviews were conducted in an open-ended manner. I usually began by asking people about their family and religious backgrounds, and how they had become interested in the practice of Witchcraft. I did not adhere to a strict set of questions but instead permitted the interviewees to discuss those aspects of their spiritual or magical practices that were most important to them. My informal interviews took the form of conversations at gatherings, rituals, or festivals; I later recorded the conversations in my fieldnotes. Both the formal and informal interviews were conducted throughout the eleven-year period of my fieldwork.

The people I interviewed are from a wide variety of covens in the northeastern United States; although in some instances the interviewees were members of the same group, in most they were not. Five of the people at the time of their interviews were solo practitioners; three of these individuals had never been coven members. Because of the secrecy of groups and practitioners, I was dependent on snowball sampling, in which I either was introduced to the people I interviewed through other Neo-Pagans I knew, or met these individuals at gatherings I attended or at public talks I gave on my research. I also put an ad in the EarthSpirit newsletter, on the Internet, and on the bulletin boards of several occult bookstores in the Boston and Philadelphia areas seeking Wiccans I could interview. I received only one response, from a man who with his wife had been trained by one of the covens I knew well. We began the interview by exchanging news about people we both knew within the Neo-Pagan community.

I was invited to participate in at least one ritual with ten different covens—all of which were in the northeastern United States. As the focus of my research has been on inclusive groups, only two of these covens were women’s-only groups; the other eight included both men and women. I have attended a wide range of rituals that were organized by the Circle of Light coven and MoonTide coven, both of which are inclusive of men and women. I began attending MoonTide rituals shortly after I moved to Pennsylvania in the fall of 1991 and have subsequently continued to attend their gatherings. Throughout my research, I have attended rituals, gatherings, and festivals organized by EarthSpirit Community.

As is always the case with qualitative research, my sample was limited to a relatively small number of Neo-Pagans and covens. Furthermore, my interviews and participant observation were confined to the northeastern United States. This may mean that some regional differences within Wicca are not examined in this book. However, my qualitative research was supplemented by reading Neo-Pagan and Wiccan journals and books that have a national or even international circulation, reading on the Internet, and through the national survey I conducted with Andras Corban Arthen. Both my review of Neo-Pagan sources and the results of the survey suggest that the differences among groups and practitioners within the United States are less important than the similarities.

The survey I wrote and distributed with Andras Corban Arthen was entitled The Pagan Census. Andras had initially hoped to do a census of the entire Neo-Pagan community. Although we were unable to achieve that goal, we did receive more than two thousand responses. The survey was distributed through Wiccan and Neo-Pagan organizations nationally, published in journals, reprinted on the Internet, and distributed at festivals. We were not able to guarantee that the survey was randomly distributed. Because of the secrecy of many Witches, neither the journals nor the Neo-Pagan or Wiccan organizations could give us their membership lists. For similar reasons, previous surveys have also not been random—they have either been local (Kirkpatrick et al. 1986) or distributed completely at festivals (Adler 1978; 1979; 1986; Orion 1995). Our survey has the advantage of including people who do not attend large gatherings. Evan Leach and Leigh Shaffer, both on the faculty of West Chester University, worked with me on the process of coding, entering data, and analyzing the materials that Andras and I collected. In addition to the quantitative questions, the survey allowed room for respondents to write freely about any questions or issues they considered important. Some individuals included several typed pages, describing their concerns for the Neo-Pagan community, their personal beliefs and practices, or a critique of our questions. These responses provide a wealth of information, although they clearly do not represent even a random sample of the population that answered our survey.

Since becoming involved with the Neo-Pagan community, I have become friends with a number of Witches and Neo-Pagans but have not myself joined the religion. I tried to make clear to every group I joined and each person I interviewed that I was a researcher, not a Witch. Because I defined myself as an outsider some people guarded what they said in my presence, although on the whole people came to accept my presence as a normal part of a gathering and were open around me. To some people that I met informally, I did not get a chance to explain that I was a researcher; these may think that I am a Witch, because they have seen me at a number of gatherings and rituals. I learned that some members of the Circle of Light coven anticipated that I would join after I learned more about their practices and rituals. An advantage of being an outsider is that I was not viewed as a member of one faction or tradition and was, therefore, often privy to both sides of disputes that developed among groups or between individuals. Furthermore, I was invited to a number of different groups’ rituals.

I am indebted to those individuals within the Witchcraft community who invited me to their homes, rituals, and covens. Many spent hours speaking to me about their religious beliefs and practices. The members of the Circle of Light coven particularly, welcomed me into their circle and their lives. At the start of my research, Andras Corban Arthen invited me to attend his course on Witchcraft at the Cambridge Adult Education Center. Only through his contacts within the larger Neo-Pagan community were we able to complete our survey. I hope that in reading this book, all those who helped me will feel that they have been aptly and sensitively represented.

The Faculty Development Fund at West Chester University provided me with the initial funding to conduct The Pagan Census. More than fifteen student workers helped code and enter data for the survey. I am also grateful to my university for permitting me to take the time from teaching to write this book. My colleagues Leigh Shaffer and Paul Stoller read early drafts of some chapters. Leigh Shaffer, along with Evan Leach, must be thanked for the hours of work each contributed to the organizing and processing of The Pagan Census. Hugo Freund, who for several semesters had the office next to mine, was always available and interested in speaking to me about my research.

Members of my feminist study group at West Chester University—Elizabeth Larsen, Stacey Schlau, Deborah Mahlstedt, Geetha Ramanatha, Anne Dzamba, Ruth Porritt, Madelyn Gutwirth, and Jane Jeffrey—were an inspiration and a help at the early stages of this work. A number of colleagues at the Association for the Sociology of Religion and the Society for the Scientific Study of Religion have contributed their insights as I struggled through my research. Most notably Fred Denny, the editor of this series, and Madeleine Cousineau have generously given time to speak to me about my work. My research on the Covenant of the Unitarian Universalist Pagans (CUUPs) was greatly aided by my friend and former colleague Elisabeth McGregor, who is a trustee of the Unitarian Universalist Association.⁷ She graciously provided me with information and contacts in the association. My greatest debt is to my husband, John H. Wolff, to whom this book is dedicated—he read every chapter and gave me unerring support and love throughout the project.

A COMMUNITY OF WITCHES

Prologue

To the Tribe Let There Be Children Born

A group of about twenty Witches has gathered at the end of August to wiccan, that is, to initiate into the faith, the newborn child of two of the leaders of the New England Witchcraft community. The group has gathered in a suburban state park, near the child’s home, where it has held a number of outdoor rituals. True to Augusts in New England, the day is hot and sunny. The sunlight filters through the trees, which provide some shade and project an abstract pattern on the ground and the surrounding people. Where