Far-Right Vanguard: The Radical Roots of Modern Conservatism

Far-Right Vanguard

POLITICS AND CULTURE IN MODERN AMERICA

Series Editors: Keisha N. Blain, Margot Canaday, Matthew Lassiter, Stephen Pitti, Thomas J. Sugrue

Volumes in the series narrate and analyze political and social change in the broadest dimensions from 1865 to the present, including ideas about the ways people have sought and wielded power in the public sphere and the language and institutions of politics at all levels—local, national, and transnational. The series is motivated by a desire to reverse the fragmentation of modern U.S. history and to encourage synthetic perspectives on social movements and the state, on gender, race, and labor, and on intellectual history and popular culture.

Far-Right Vanguard

The Radical Roots of Modern Conservatism

John S. Huntington

Copyright © 2021 University of Pennsylvania Press

All rights reserved. Except for brief quotations used for purposes of review or scholarly citation, none of this book may be reproduced in any form by any means without written permission from the publisher.

Published by

University of Pennsylvania Press

Philadelphia, Pennsylvania 19104-4112

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Printed in the United States of America on acid-free paper

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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Names: Huntington, John S., author.

Title: Far-right vanguard : the radical roots of modern conservatism / John S. Huntington.

Other titles: Politics and culture in modern America.

Description: 1st edition. | Philadelphia : University of Pennsylvania Press, [2021] | Series: Politics and culture in modern America | Includes bibliographical references and index.

Identifiers: LCCN 2021005734 | ISBN 9780812253474 (hardcover)

Subjects: LCSH: Conservatism—United States—History—20th century. | Right and left (Political science)—United States—History—20th century. | Radicalism—United States—History—20th century. | Right-wing extremists—United States—History—20th century. | United States—Politics and government—1945–1989. | United States—Politics and government—1901–1953.

Classification: LCC JC573.2.U6 H86 2021 | DDC 320.520973—dc23

LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2021005734

For Kristen

CONTENTS

Introduction. The Radical Undercurrent

Chapter 1. Dissonant Voices

Chapter 2. Radical Patriots

Chapter 3. The Cauldron

Chapter 4. Tightening Networks

Chapter 5. The Apex

Chapter 6. The Aftershock

Epilogue. The Influence of Far-Right Conservatism

Notes

Index

Acknowledgments

INTRODUCTION

The Radical Undercurrent

In early 1967, Louisiana publisher and far-right activist Kent Courtney put out a call to arms. We cannot dismantle Socialism, or destroy the criminal conspiracy of Communism unless we change the policy of the U.S. government, Courtney told his roughly 25,000 readers. His four-page newsletter detailed the apocalyptic dangers facing America, namely the pro-Communist and pro-Socialist programs advocated by the Kennedy and Johnson Administrations. Courtney encouraged his fellow conservatives to organize, to join state-level third parties and fight the communist leviathan restricting America’s freedoms. The government had become the enemy, Courtney intoned, and neither major party was halting the trend toward communist slavery. The only path forward was a right-wing counterrevolution. Courtney concluded his manifesto with a plea for donations and an ominous warning: Although education is a preliminary necessity, unless we translate this anti-Communist education into political action, we will end up being the best educated anti-Communists in a Communist concentration camp.¹

A little over fifty years later, on August 27, 2020, President Donald Trump broke precedent by hosting the Republican National Convention on the White House’s spacious South Lawn. Trump shelved his trademark stream-of-conscious surrealism during his keynote address for a staid, teleprompter-guided cadence. Nevertheless, conspiratorial rhetoric rained down from the dais. This election will decide whether we SAVE the American Dream, or whether we allow a socialist agenda to DEMOLISH our cherished destiny, Trump warned the roughly 1,500 assembled supporters and the 23 million viewers watching from home. Trump meandered through a cornucopia of right-wing talking points—tax cuts, economic deregulation, abortion restrictions, patriotic nationalism—but his fever-pitch fearmongering often took center stage. If the left gains power, they will demolish the suburbs, confiscate your guns, and appoint justices who will wipe away your Second Amendment and other constitutional freedoms, Trump declared. [Joe] Biden is a Trojan horse for socialism.² According to Trump, any political opposition, including the Democratic Party and its supporters, were un-American subversives.

On the surface, Courtney and Trump had little in common. Courtney was an ultraconservative activist hoping to drum up support for a third-party crusade, a man whose movement was barely respectable, let alone formidable. Conversely, Trump was an incumbent president accepting his party’s nomination to run for a second term, quite literally the most powerful politician in the nation. And yet deep ideological roots connected the two men. The conspiracy theories, nativism, white supremacist rhetoric, and radical libertarianism promoted by mid-twentieth century ultraconservatives had metastasized slowly over the course of sixty years until they consumed the Republican Party. During the buildup to the 2020 election, Trump was far from the only conservative voice spreading conspiracies about socialist tyranny, wanton violence, and the erosion of America. If Biden is elected, there’s a good chance you will be dead within the year, wrote cartoonist turned right-wing commentator Scott Adams, before adding an even more apocalyptic declaration: Republicans will be hunted.³ An entire conspiratorial subculture known as QAnon emerged during Trump’s presidency, adherents of which believed that a cabal of Satan-worshipping Democrats, billionaires, and celebrities ran a clandestine sex-trafficking operation. QAnon hailed Trump as their champion against this deep state. In turn, Trump embraced QAnon supporters as people who love our country and like me very much.⁴ The deluded, conspiratorial language that once marked the far right like a scarlet letter had seeped into the conservative mainstream.

Numerous conservative commentators, out of a concern for respectability, tried to create distance between conservatism and Trump. These erstwhile Republicans formed a loose never-Trump coalition and condemned him as a populist, a big-spending nationalist, a creature of illiberalism and authoritarianism.⁵ Mike Madrid, a Republican political consultant and leader of the anti-Trump Lincoln Project, put it bluntly, [Trump] is not a conservative—he is a cancer on America and her institutions.⁶ But this gate-keeping rendered a narrow, misleading definition of modern conservatism. Trump’s brand of politics, however off-putting to some of his conservative detractors, represented the apotheosis of conservatism’s far-right wing. His conspiratorial mudslinging, casual racism, and authoritarian impulses would have been welcome at a John Birch Society gathering or a Citizens’ Council meeting. He was less President Ronald Reagan and more Alabama governor George Wallace, less National Review editor William F. Buckley Jr. and more Birch Society founder Robert H. W. Welch Jr. Ultraconservatives spent years out of the limelight, derided as a bunch of irrational kooks, but they nevertheless served as a centrifugal force within the conservative movement. They were looking for a savior, and they found one in Donald Trump. While it is impossible to forecast the direction of conservatism or Trump’s Republican Party, one thing remains certain: the far right laid the foundation for the vitriolic politics that pulse throughout twenty-first-century America.

The divide between Trump and his conservative detractors illustrates that conservatism is, and has always been, a contested term. Political scientist Clinton Rossiter once called conservatism one of the most confusing words in the glossary of political thought and oratory.⁷ However, that has not stopped people from trying to define it. Russell Kirk, a traditionalist conservative from the 1950s, once wrote that for the conservative, custom, convention, constitution, and prescription are the sources of a tolerable civil order.⁸ In National Review’s mission statement, William Buckley gave this definition a spiritual spin by characterizing conservatives as disciples of Truth, who defend the organic moral order and dissent from the Liberal orthodoxy.⁹ In general, American conservatism embodies a distrust of reform, a suspicion of centralized power, and a desire to maintain the sociopolitical status quo. During the Cold War, these tendencies sharpened into libertarian fears of federal encroachment, an anxious defense of social and cultural norms, and an embrace of evangelical anti-communism. A desire for freedom, virtue, and safety, as scholar George H. Nash put it, undergirded the conservative worldview.¹⁰ Indeed, the conservative tradition contains multitudes, yet political scientist George Hawley’s simple but capacious definition portrayed conservatism as any ideology in which equality is not the central pursuit. When viewed as a coherent whole, these contentions form a conservative big tent. Conservatism is not a monolithic philosophy but rather an ideological map of intersecting ideas. And yet we know much about the conservatism of Reagan and Buckley and far less about the radical foundation upon which they stood.¹¹

The American political spectrum resembles a gradient rather than a series of incontrovertible definitions, and conservatism was (and remains) a continuum marked by complex, overlapping relationships. Picture the American political spectrum as a flat line with definitive end points. On the rightmost edge can be found extreme conservative ideas and groups, such as white power militias and the American Nazi Party, while the farthest left pole houses the American communist movement. The vast majority of Americans can be found somewhere in the middle of the polar extremes. Now, cut the spectrum in half, dividing it into an ideological left and right. Ultraconservatives occupy a broad section of the right-wing continuum, wedged between conservative pragmatists, those willing to moderate their views and work with the political center, and fringe extremists, those who engage in violence to defend their idealized, often racist, vision of American society. When viewed in this light, the far right shifts from the periphery to the core of the conservative typology.

The mid-twentieth century far right was, to use an anachronistic term, the base of the conservative movement, and it left a deep imprint upon the cultural and philosophical bedrock of modern conservatism. Ultraconservatives built a movement as fellow travelers and acerbic critics of modern conservatism. They eschewed political politesse, embraced conspiracy theories, manipulated religious anxieties, and exploited fears of government tyranny and racial equality. Their worldview hinged on the belief in an ongoing cultural and political crisis: America was being taken over by communists. Far-right activists smeared liberals as communists and scorned moderates for lacking ideological purity and unknowingly aiding the communist cause. To the far right, the federal government was a destructive leviathan that preyed upon American citizens through oppressive taxation, irksome bureaucracy, and racial leveling. Ultraconservatives went well beyond defending the status quo. They were true reactionaries, dissenters seeking to peel back the advance of the liberal state, hoping to turn one of the major parties, if not a third party, into a bastion of true conservatism. In short, they were the vanguard of modern conservatism.¹²

The ultraconservative movement was also a product of its time. It started off as a small, but influential, group of former politicians and right-wing businessmen fighting against Franklin D. Roosevelt and the New Deal. This origin point at the height of the liberal tide produced one of the far right’s guiding principles: an uncompromising hatred and distrust of the liberal state. A malleable philosophy, anti-statism explained and animated ultraconservatives’ fears of federal authority, paranoia about communist subversion, and sympathy for states’ rights, and the elevation of free enterprise rhetoric by the conservative business community. However, the far right’s anti-statism doubled as both a deeply held belief and a cynical political strategy. On one hand, ultraconservatives used small government philosophies to demonize political opponents, depicting expansive liberal programs as unconstitutional or un-American. But, on the other hand, they eagerly wielded federal power to disrupt left-wing organizing and liberal governance. According to ultraconservatives, liberalism was a liminal, and equally dangerous, stage of communism. State power, when gripped by a firm conservative hand, offered a salve against this existential slippery slope. In this sense the far right portrayed themselves as the heirs of the American Revolution, the true protectors of Americanism.¹³

Ultraconservative ranks grew quickly, especially when the Cold War cast communism as the nation’s bête noire. During the 1950s and 1960s, as the threat of global communism vexed American minds, the ultraconservative movement reached its apex. Conspiratorial rhetoric permeated Cold War America; conservatives of all stripes portrayed liberalism as a gateway for, if not outright, state tyranny. While many Americans viewed communism as primarily an external threat, far-right conspiracy theorists believed communism had already poisoned America’s institutions. As Welch told his fellow far-right confidants, Today the process has gone so far that not only our federal government but some of our state governments are to a disturbing extent controlled by Communist sympathizers or political captives of the Communists.¹⁴ To wit, the communists and their liberal comrades-in-arms had pushed America to the brink of authoritarianism and only a conservative insurgency could save the nation.

One of the most potent forms of anti-statism manifested through the far right’s defense of states’ rights and racial segregation. As the fight for racial equality percolated during the mid-twentieth century, ultraconservatives, especially those in the South, viewed the civil rights movement as a threat to southern tradition. Worse yet, they warned, civil rights activism was actually a front for communism. Let no one deceive himself, declared pastor Billy James Hargis. The communist conspirators are interested in using American Negroes only for their own evil purposes.¹⁵ Using anti-communism to denigrate the civil rights movement shielded the far right with a thin veneer of respectability, but outright racism often punctured this façade. When campaigning for Texas governor in 1956, rancher-cum-activist J. Evetts Haley proclaimed that integration would lead to spiritual degradation and the disintegration of the white race!¹⁶ According to ultraconservatives such as Haley, white America stood poised at the precipice of annihilation. Far-right zealots fused racial resentment, anti-communism, and anti-statism into a political litmus test to purify right-wing ranks and fracture the predominance of liberalism, which ultimately produced an uncompromising mindset and a hyper-partisanship that precipitated and molded the contours of modern conservatism.¹⁷

The far right formed an indispensable vanguard during the conservative movement’s early years. These right-wing shock troops, including leaders such as Courtney, Welch, Haley, Hargis, and Willis E. Stone, established organizations to carry the ultraconservative banner. Their groups—the Conservative Society of America, John Birch Society, Texans For America, Christian Crusade, and Liberty Amendment Committee, respectively—became points of convergence for bellicose activists, right-wing politicians, and conservative businessmen, each one a critical node within the vast ultraconservative network. Their publications, read by thousands of disaffected Americans, preached a gospel of government malfeasance, liberal treachery, and communist subversion. Their members distributed mailing lists, led voter registration drives, and connected with politicians in both major parties. These groups cooperated with other like-minded organizations, such as We the People, the Liberty Lobby, and the Christian Anti-Communism Crusade, to form an extensive institutional galaxy. Other ultraconservatives and their allies—including Buckley, General Edwin A. Walker, Clarence Manion, Democratic congressman Martin Dies Jr. of Texas, minister Gerald B. Winrod, publisher Dan Smoot, Democratic senator Strom Thurmond of South Carolina, George Wallace, and Republican Senator Barry Goldwater of Arizona—collaborated to varying degrees with the far-right network. This vibrant, interconnected web of institutions, activists, and politicians formed the connective tissue of the ultraconservative movement.¹⁸

The far-right network spanned national, state, and local levels, illustrating how common bonds transcended regional lines while individual chapters still reflected local cultural mores. For example, Courtney’s Conservative Society of America, headquartered in the Deep South, wrapped its states’ rights ideas in white supremacy and segregation, while Stone’s Liberty Amendment Committee, founded on the West Coast, defended states’ rights using colorblind libertarian economics. Slight differences in rhetorical tone or policy focus did not stifle collaboration; on the contrary, it stimulated the diffusion of far-right ideas. Far-right leaders often assumed positions in each other’s institutions—Courtney served as a state chairman for Stone’s organization, for example—illustrating the movement’s interconnectivity. In particular, the far right experienced tremendous success at the local level by hosting conferences, mass mailer fundraising, and canvassing local municipalities. These efforts disseminated far-right ideas, produced fruitful relationships with conservative politicians, and fostered momentum that ultimately produced watershed moments, such as Goldwater’s presidential candidacy in 1964 and Wallace’s third-party run in 1968.¹⁹

Despite their centrality to the conservative movement, the far right was minimized, if not outright mocked, by many contemporary analysts. Senator Thomas H. Kuchel, a California Republican, denounced the far right as a fanatical, neofascist political cult, while some voters derided ultraconservatives as a radical clique full of nuts.²⁰ But far-right conservatives were not dupes or crackpots, as critics alleged. Their worldview, which found significant purchase among the conservative grass roots, simply obviated shades of gray. The far right’s visibility, if not influence, waned before the conservative movement reached its zenith. Old age caught up to the rabble-rousers by the late twentieth century. The far right did not push the conservative movement across the finish line—Reagan accomplished that in 1980—but they set the very foundation upon which conservatives such as Reagan stood. Ultimately, the far-right movement galvanized millions of Americans disenchanted with the trajectory of U.S. politics, built institutions that served as grassroots training grounds, created media outlets to broadcast right-wing resentment, and, though they often saw themselves as critics of mainstream conservatism, helped lay the groundwork for the later success of the conservative movement.²¹

Nevertheless, the far right has often been undervalued as a political catalyst. Historians held a rough consensus about the rise of modern American conservatism, read Rick Perlstein’s retrospective. It told a respectable tale. Perlstein, a historian whose oeuvre contributed to this foundational narrative, admitted that this respectable tale underestimated conservative history’s political surrealists and intellectual embarrassments, its con artists and tribunes of white rage.²² Instead, a great deal of scholarship highlighted the growth of conservative suburbs, the decline of outright segregationism and evolution of color-blind rhetoric, and the advocacy of free-market theories. Conservative businessmen, Christian evangelicals, family-values traditionalists, and Cold War anti-communists featured as the loci for this right-wing surge. Conservative intellectuals guarded their ideological flock against the intrusions of far-right crackpots, preserving the movement’s respectability, while titanic political figures such as Reagan guided conservatism to electoral victories.²³

But this respectable narrative laundered the history of American conservatism by casting the far right as a bit player or a troubling aberration rather than the base of the movement. The reality was that ideological, tactical, and organizational overlaps blurred the line dividing the far right from the conservative mainstream. The difference between the radicals and the respectables was one of degree, not kind. Two issues ostensibly separated ultraconservatives from their mainstream counterparts: the belief that a vast communist conspiracy subverted and controlled American politics and a black-or-white view dividing the political spectrum into a false binary of pure conservatism versus a communist-dominated enemy, which included liberals and conservative moderates. But these ambiguous dividing lines were porous and blurred to the point of illegibility. As contemporary analysts Benjamin Epstein and Arnold Forster observed, The two factions are difficult to separate at times, particularly when they sit at the same rallies and applaud the same ideas.²⁴ In other words, the far-right movement grew out of the same ideological seedbed that nourished the conservative mainstream. Though they experienced few electoral successes, ultraconservatives forced respectable conservatives to grapple with their concerns, thereby intensifying right-wing thought and forecasting the trajectory of American politics.²⁵

Divining the difference between the radicals and respectables is challenging, but establishing a barometer using 1960s Sunbelt politicians, from mainstream to radical conservatives, helps clarify the political scale. Senator John Tower, a Texas Republican, adhered to the tenets of mainstream conservatism—individual liberty, anti-communism, and limited government—but he cooperated with his party’s liberal wing. Senator Barry Goldwater stood a little further to Tower’s right, embodying the same principles with greater vehemence and an aversion to pragmatism. Goldwater, an Arizona Republican, referred to liberalism as a dehumanizing leviathan and contended that anything other than a strict constitutional interpretation amounted to a usurpation of power.²⁶ If Goldwater epitomized the libertarian conservatism of the western Sunbelt, Senator Strom Thurmond, a South Carolina Democrat, represented the Deep South’s segregationist wing. Both men opposed the 1964 Civil Rights Act, but for Goldwater it was a matter of constitutional principle, whereas Thurmond’s dissent stemmed from southern traditions of segregationism and racial politics (he was a harbinger of southern political realignment when he switched to the GOP on September 16, 1964). Goldwater and Thurmond, each representing essential far-right factions, helped build a staunch conservative coalition within the GOP.²⁷

Spanning the ambiguous space separating the radicals and the respectables were what I call right-wing translators, conservative politicians and pundits who repackaged ultraconservative ideas for mainstream consumption. The translators straddling that blurred line, such as Goldwater and Buckley, applied a respectable gloss to ideas outside of the political mainstream. As the conservative movement grew, these translators evolved into ideological and partisan gatekeepers, sentries responsible for policing the movement’s borders while still siphoning energy from ultraconservative groups and their constituencies. Buckley, for instance, shared numerous ideological touchstones with the far right and networked extensively with their organizations through conferences and grassroots campaigns. He separated himself only after becoming convinced that Welch’s conspiracy theories threatened the nascent conservative movement’s credibility. This interaction, which will be studied more closely in a later chapter, epitomized how right-wing translators attempted to regulate the porous, shifting border separating the far right from the so-called responsible Right. These translators elucidated how the ultraconservatives could be both partners and antagonists, propagators and critics, activists and cynics.²⁸

Further out on the right-wing continuum, yet not associated with the violent extreme, resided staunch ultraconservatives such as former General Edwin Walker. While serving in the military in 1961, Walker instituted a program called Pro-Blue that fearmongered about communist subversion and outlined voting recommendations to his soldiers. The military relieved Walker of his command for telling soldiers who to vote for, unleashing him to embark on a crusade, including a speaking tour with Hargis, to warn Americans about the imminent threat of communist subversion. Walker portrayed the election of President John F. Kennedy, a Massachusetts Democrat and liberal Catholic, as evidence that the U.S. government had succumbed to communism.²⁹ This sort of conspiratorial rhetoric placed Walker slightly to the right of Goldwater on the conservative spectrum. However, Walker found common ground with segregationists such as Thurmond. His actions during the integration of the University of Mississippi, where Walker led a mob of students in revolt against U.S. Marshals, showed both Walker’s dedication to defending white supremacy and the permeable boundary separating the far right from violent extremists.³⁰

Throughout this book I use multiple terms interchangeably to describe this segment of the conservative spectrum, including ultraconservative, far right, reactionary, and radical right-wing. I employ the term conservative in a general fashion to refer to those ideals or individuals that resided on the right half of the political spectrum; however, I take pains to demarcate, as best as possible, conservatism’s most extreme elements. Ultraconservatives drew a line between themselves and violent extremists, even though that boundary proved as porous as the separation between the far right and the conservative mainstream. Nevertheless, in my view, groups such as the Ku Klux Klan and Robert DePugh’s Minutemen militia exemplified right-wing extremism because they advocated armed aggression and, at times, participated in extrajudicial violence. The far right, in contrast, represented an exaggerated form of mainstream conservatism by expanding anti-statism and anti-communism into the realm of conspiracy. Over time some far-right activists joined forces with mainstream conservatives while others spiraled away from the political center; nevertheless, ultraconservative philosophies and strategies lingered in the political ether, influencing the shape and tenor of the conservative movement.³¹

Far-Right Vanguard documents the history of the ultraconservative movement, its national institutional network, and its centrality to America’s rightward turn during the second half of the twentieth century. The first three chapters trace the movement’s ideological and organizational origins and partisan complexities, especially the cross-party nature of far-right activism. Chapter 1 examines the historical roots of ultraconservatism, following the thread from the late nineteenth century through the presidency of Franklin Roosevelt. Far-right groups, such as the Jeffersonian Democrats and the American Liberty League, emerged to contest Roosevelt’s liberal revolution, which illustrated the movement’s bipartisan character and provided a foundation for future far-right activism. Chapter 2 analyzes how the World War II era honed far-right philosophies. Wartime patriotism weakened the far right’s anti-interventionist tradition, but the warfare state enabled ultraconservative politicians, ostensibly anti-statists, to employ federal power against liberal opponents. Traditional party loyalties further frayed as angry Democrats mutinied over Roosevelt’s fourth-term campaign while far-right businessmen rebelled against wartime economic regulations. Chapter 3 explores the cauldron of early Cold War politics, a critical era for the emergence of ultraconservative institutions. Senator Joseph McCarthy’s anti-communist investigations, Dwight D. Eisenhower’s Modern Republicanism, and the nascent civil rights movement convinced far-right activists that the red wolf had breached the door. They responded by creating numerous organizations, including For America and the Christian Crusade, that eventually solidified into a cohesive national movement bent on retrenching the legacies of modern liberalism.

The second half of the book studies the interlacing of the ultraconservative network, the far right’s complicated relationship with mainstream conservatives, and the movement’s impact on electoral and party politics. Chapter 4 covers the far right’s entry into party politics and the tightening of the far right’s institutional network. The third-party campaign of T. Coleman Andrews and the formation of the John Birch Society were pivotal moments when disconnected far-right organizations and activists crystallized into a coherent, unified movement. Chapter 5 analyzes the apex of the ultraconservative movement through the far right’s support for Barry Goldwater in 1960 and 1964. Third-party action remained viable, but far-right activists gravitated toward an increasingly conservative Republican Party. However, ultraconservatives came under increased scrutiny from fellow right-wingers in search of mainstream respectability, which led to a boundary-defining conflict over the soul of modern conservatism. Chapter 6 recounts the numerous aftershocks following Goldwater’s defeat in 1964. Viewing the radicals as culpable for Goldwater’s loss, mainstream conservatives tried to further marginalize the far right. In response, ultraconservatives increased their grassroots organizing and rejected the candidacy of Richard Nixon, a moderate conservative, in favor of George Wallace’s third-party crusade in 1968. The book’s epilogue discusses the decline of midcentury ultraconservatism while illustrating the movement’s profound effect on the ideological, strategic, and rhetorical contours of modern conservatism.

The story of midcentury ultraconservatism, from its New Deal era inception through the turbulent 1960s, reveals that movements without significant electoral victories can still carve deep impressions upon the American polity. It also exposes that the right-wing coalition’s more radical elements held widespread influence among the conservative grass roots. The far right’s politics of dissent—against racial progress, federal power, and political moderation—laid the foundation for the aggrieved conservatism of the twenty-first century. Far from impotent fringe outliers, ultraconservative activists and institutions formed the vanguard of the conservative movement.

CHAPTER 1

Dissonant Voices

As the crisp stillness of autumn settled into the Midwest, roughly 2,000 people packed into the Concordia Turner Hall auditorium, a few blocks south of downtown St. Louis. It was October 19, 1936, and the upcoming presidential election loomed just two weeks away. Both the Democratic and Republican parties were hosting rallies in the Gateway City to secure last-minute votes, but instead of saddling up with a major party, the assembled citizens at Concordia Turner represented an ultraconservative splinter faction. This particular meeting had been organized by two insurgent far-right organizations, the National Jeffersonian Democrats and the Independent Coalition of American Women. After the crowd settled in, event chairman Isaac H. Lionberger introduced the keynote speaker, former Missouri Senator James A. Reed, the leader of the Jeffersonian Democrats. The crowd whooped and hollered as Reed strode to the stage. When Reed reached the dais, Lionberger praised him as the greatest Democrat we now have in this country. Reed was seventy-five years old, but he still bore the presence of a man who had spent years thrilling crowds from the stump. He shucked his coat and rolled up his sleeves, ready to denounce the greatest threat to the nation and his beloved Democratic Party: current president, and fellow Democrat, Franklin Delano Roosevelt.¹

Reed stoked the crowd like a plain-folks preacher, his voice swelling with passion as he condemned Roosevelt for abandoning traditional Democratic tenets. I’m here fighting the cause of the Democratic Party tonight. What there is left of it, Reed declared. Roosevelt and his liberal cabal had subjugated the Democratic Party, Reed said, and dragged it over into Red territory. In fact, Reed quipped, I make the assertion that there isn’t a chemist in the world who could analyze a Russian Bolshevist and analyze the New Deal and tell which was the Bolshevist and which was the New Deal.² He impressed upon the audience the importance of saving their party from the clutches of New Deal communism. It was an audacious notion. Retrenching the tidal wave of modern liberalism required putting radical thoughts into action. To Reed’s mind, the only path forward entailed supporting the lesser of two evils, which meant convincing these dissident Democrats to spurn their own party and vote Republican in the coming election.

Four years earlier, Roosevelt’s election had altered the trajectory of American politics. Roosevelt delivered a liberal revolution that rippled throughout the U.S. polity, a new deal that transformed the very relationship between the people and the federal government. He pledged to build America from the bottom up and not from the top down and mobilize government resources on behalf of the forgotten man at the bottom of the economic pyramid.³ To make good on that promise, Roosevelt called a special session of Congress the day after his inauguration. For one hundred days, Congress was a conveyor belt of New Deal legislation. Bills flew out the door to stabilize the banking industry, establish public works programs, create a safety net for struggling farmers and the unemployed, and implement long-overdue regulations on Wall Street. Roosevelt’s New Deal erected a welfare state atop the country’s capitalist foundation, a middle path of regulatory liberalism that circumvented both laissez-faire economics and state-planned socialism.⁴

Rather than viewing Roosevelt’s New Deal as salubrious progressivism, however, the far right spied red-tinged state tyranny. Most ultraconservatives during the 1930s were grassroots activists and former politicians who did not have to satisfy a constituency or maintain a political alliance, which freed them to spread their unvarnished, and at times unpopular, convictions. The far right’s disavowal of modern liberalism was not a simple policy disagreement or a prosaic debate over constitutional boundaries. Roosevelt, in their valuation, was a Marxist in sheep’s clothing, his New Deal a Trojan horse for communist revolution. Bainbridge Colby, the former secretary of state turned far-right activist, lamented that the Democratic Party was becoming a thoroughgoing Socialist Party, while Reed took it a step further by calling the New Deal an unholy combination of Communism, Socialism, and Bolshevism.⁵ Reed concluded his St. Louis speech to rapturous applause: How much further will [Roosevelt] trample upon our Bill of Rights? What wild scheme might be germinating in his brain, or in the brain of some communist advisor? Such a man is not fit to hold the office of president of the United States. Indeed, fears of un-American subversion beset the ultraconservative mind.

The ultraconservative revolt was not simple backlash politics, but a movement with deep roots weaving through both parties and tracing back to the previous century. The nativism, laissez-faire economics, and white supremacy that permeated late nineteenth century America formed the far right’s ideological heritage. In the early twentieth century, rampant paranoia about cultural decay, communist infiltration, and racial upheaval further directed the ultraconservative political compass. This ideological seedbed bolstered the far right’s perception that the New Deal had sparked an existential crisis between a free society and state paternalism. Red-baiting rhetoric, as illustrated by Reed’s speech, doubled as both a strategy to encourage political involvement and a cipher for larger structural critiques about the purpose and purview of government. During the lean years of the Great Depression, ultraconservatives occasionally found allies in right-wing Republicans, who held fast to their pro-business conservatism and despised the New Deal’s cooperation with labor, corporate tax increases, and mushrooming government programs. The far right also collaborated with conservative Democrats who accused Roosevelt of forsaking Democratic traditions. Though some ultraconservatives maintained their party affiliations, the far right as a whole was less driven by partisan loyalties than by a sense of ideological purity and righteous aggrievement. Ultimately, the far right’s ideological blend of economic libertarianism, social traditionalism, anti-statism, white supremacy, and conspiratorial anti-communism catalyzed right-wing action during an era of liberal hegemony.⁶

An interconnected web of ultraconservative reactionaries and organizations coalesced to disrupt Roosevelt’s New Deal revolution. Far-right leaders such as Reed, cattleman J. Evetts Haley, and former congressman Jouett Shouse represented the tip of the spear. Their groups served as critical nodes within the far-right network, each a point of convergence for embittered right-wingers. Shouse’s American Liberty League, an organization created and funded by wealthy elites, cloaked its illiberalism in a veil of constitutionalism, patriotic fervor, and paeans to individual and economic liberty. Reed’s National Jeffersonian Democrats attempted to redeem the Democratic Party through states’ rights arguments and conspiracies about federal and communist terror. Southern Jeffersonian chapters, particularly Haley’s Jeffersonian Democrats of Texas, peppered their rhetoric with white supremacy and southern agrarianism. While the Jeffersonians teamed up with the Liberty League in 1936, reactionary and quasi-fascist third parties, such as the Union Party and Christian Party, also formed to contest Roosevelt’s reelection bid. The breadth of far-right movements illustrated the depth of conservative disillusion during the height of New Deal liberalism. Furthermore, the conspiratorial, anti-statist mindset of 1930s ultraconservatives festered over time, fueling future right-wing activism and shaping the contours of midcentury conservatism.⁷

Mid-twentieth century ultraconservatives did not emerge in a vacuum—they built their movement upon preexisting strains of conservatism. In the late nineteenth century, disparate, and at times paradoxical, right-wing movements and ideologies permeated American society. Conservatism, broadly conceived, crossed party lines. The Democratic Party, especially in the South, was often viewed as the bastion of limited government and states’ rights. The Republicans, on the other hand, were divided between the laissez-faire impulses of the old guard, the nativist fears of social traditionalists, and the pro-government tendencies of nascent progressives. Conservatism stretched beyond Washington, too. As populist agrarian movements challenged the influence of the business elite, economic titans and their allies developed libertarian arguments to preserve their status, protect their property, and defend against federal economic regulations. These libertarians, such as political economist William Graham Sumner and steel tycoon Andrew Carnegie, disdained social traditions and instead promoted a hierarchical, ruthless capitalism in which inequality fired the engines of progress. But their libertarianism proved situational. Industry magnates often used police power, whether governmental or mercenary, to crack down on union organizing, illustrating that state power in the spirit of law and order could be used to bolster the might of capital. On the other hand, social traditionalists distrusted the power of capital and yearned for a return to an idealized past where an entrenched cultural hierarchy commanded deference and civility. Traditionalist conservatives pulled from the ranks of ministers, Republican Mugwumps, and northeastern writers, all of which were groups united by fears of cultural decay, often viewing immigration and direct democracy as a civilizational threat.⁸

In the South, a region dominated by the Democratic Party, traditionalism took the form of white supremacy and an adherence to states’ rights. Defeat during the Civil War and the upheaval of Reconstruction produced among southerners a sense of unity as oppressed people, struggling under the yoke of northern federal tyranny. A prickly sense of pride and tradition dominated the old Confederacy. Southerners yearned for a return to antebellum social norms. To redeem the South, conservatives reduced black Americans to second-class citizens through Jim Crow segregation, and terrorist groups such as the Ku Klux Klan enforced a strict racial hierarchy through extrajudicial violence, all of which extended the nation’s legacy of brutal racism well into the twentieth century. While these disparate conservatives did not always align ideologically, all three factions—traditionalists, proto-libertarians, and southern conservatives—shared an antipathy for the federal government and a fear of radical change. Looking forward, the mid-century far right emerged from the same ideological waters that nourished the nineteenth century’s conservative mainstream. Whether it was anxieties about economic interventionism, militant unionists, or socialist meddlers, anti-statism and anti-radicalism (soon-to-be anti-communism) often served as the bonding elements for the broader conservative movement.⁹

Around the turn