Ambani & Sons

1

Protean capitalist

In January 2007, a Bollywood movie had an unusual launch in three corners of the globe. The full-length Hindi feature film, incorporating the usual song and dance sequences, was shown simultaneously in Mumbai, Toronto and Sydney – thereby claiming to being in the vanguard in the globalisation of Indian popular culture, although in Sydney at least audiences were almost exclusively of Indian origin.

The ‘purely fictional’ film was titled Guru and told of the rise of one Gurukant Desai, son of the local headmaster in the Gujarat village of ‘Idhar’. After a spell of trading spices in Istanbul, the ambitious young Guru moves to the textile markets of Bombay, where he lives in a chawl tenement with his new wife.

He battles to break into a closed trading circle controlled by an aquiline-featured, wealthy young textile mill owner, prone to golfing in plus-fours and driving about in an open sports car. Intense, active and always looking for loopholes to push through, Guru manages to build up his company, Shakti Trading, diversifying into the manufacture of polyester and raising his capital from adulatory shareholders, to whom he delivers inspirational speeches at mass meetings held in a sports stadium. He wins the friendship of newspaper baron Manikdas Gupta, but the publisher becomes alarmed and insulted by Guru’s bribery of his staff – from the peon’s polyester safari suit to the editor’s new car – and sets Shyam Saxena, a bright young journalist of his newspaper Swatantra, to expose him.

Posters summarised the film story as ‘Villager, Visionary, Winner’. That the film was meant as more than just entertainment is clear from the ‘foreword’ that Mani Ratnam wrote for the cover of the digital video recording later put on sale:

If you are ambitious, if you have dreams, India is the place for you – today. But it wasn’t like this always. After independence we were a huge nation, a young nation, where abstinence was respectable, ambition was not, where society took precedence over the individual. Today we have moved from left of centre to the right. When did this happen? How did this happen? Or did it happen in front of us and we couldn’t see it? Guru is a revisiting of that time, of three decades during which India changed slowly but surely. And the mirror to that change is the life of one man – Gurukant Desai.

The film asserted, sometimes crudely, that Guru was a revolutionary figure, representing a raw new India pushing against the constraints of remnant colonial power structures and nostalgic doctrines. ‘I’ve worked enough for the white man,’ says Guru when announcing his decision to strike out in his own business. His dismissive rivals include Parsi business leaders, dressed in the white robes and tall black hats normally worn at fire temples to make the point. ‘Neither you nor your khadi army can stop me,’ Guru declares to newspaper baron Gupta, referring to the home-spun cotton dress of his generation of freedom fighters against British rule. There is a defiant address to supercilious judges looking into the allegations raised by Gupta’s newspaper. He tells his shareholders the establishment is against them all ‘because we are commoners, middle class’. One of the most contentious figures in contemporary India was being turned into celluloid myth.

Sixteen years earlier, the man being played by one of India’s hottest hearth-throb film stars, with music by the famous score-writer A.R. Rahman, had dropped his name on our doorstep in New Delhi. In January 1991 a messenger delivered a card, elaborately embossed with a picture of Lord Ganesh: Dhirubhai and Kokilaben Ambani invited us to the wedding of their son Anil to Tina Munim in Bombay.

The young couple’s courtship had been a stormy one. The bride, Tina Munim, was a starlet in the Bollywood movie scene and had had a well-publicised relationship with a much older actor before meeting Anil. The groom was the tearaway one of the two Ambani boys. His parents had frowned on the match. Bombay’s magnates usually tried to arrange matches that cemented alliances with other powerful business or political families. This one was not arranged, nor did it bring any more than a certain popularity.

The father, Dhirubhai, was also a controversial figure. Ambani had gone into polyester manufacturing in a big way and got huge number of Indians to invest in shares of his company Reliance Industries. In India, the home of fine cotton textiles, it seemed that people couldn’t get enough polyester. The only constraint on local producers like Reliance was the government’s licensing of their capacity or where they built their factories. To increase his capacity, Ambani had become a big political fixer. It was said his executives had been shuttling briefcases of cash to politicians all over Delhi. There had been epic battles, with the press baron Ramnath Goenka of the Indian Express and with a textile rival from an old Parsi business house, Nusli Wadia.

The wedding was going to be big, so big that it was to take place in a football stadium, the same one where Dhirubhai Ambani had held many of his shareholder meetings. But it began in an oddly casual way.

As instructed, in mid-afternoon we went to the Wodehouse Gymkhana Club, some distance from the stadium. There we found guests milling in the street outside, the men dressed mostly in lavishly cut dark suits and showy ties, moustaches trimmed and hair brilliantined. The women were heavily made up, laden with thick gold jewellery and wearing lustrous gold-embroidered silk saris. Anil Ambani appeared suddenly from the club grounds, dressed in a white satin outfit and sequinned turban, sitting on a white horse. A brass band in white, frogged tunics struck up a brash, repetitive march, and we set off in separate phalanxes of men and women alongside the groom towards the stadium. Every now and then, the process would pause while the Indian guests broke into a provocative whirling dance, some holding wads of money above their head. The stadium was transformed by tents, banks of marigolds and lights into a makebelieve palace for 2000 of the family’s closest friends and business contacts. They networked furiously while a bare-chested Hindu pundit put Anil and Tina through hours of Vedic marriage rites next to a smouldering sandalwood fire on a small stage. Later, the guests descended on an elaborate buffet on tables that took up an entire sideline of the football pitch, starting with all kinds of samosas and other snacks, working through a selection of curries and breads and finishing with fruits and sweets wrapped in gold leaf. The next day the Ambanis put on the same spread – if not the wedding ceremony – at another reception for 22,000 of their not-so-close friends, employees and second-echelon contacts.

The lavishness was eclipsed by bigger displays of wealth in following years, but at the time it was seen as a gesture that Dhirubhai Ambani had made it through the political travails of the previous few years and was unabashed – and certainly not strapped for either cash or friends.

At an interview a month later, Dhirubhai Ambani came limping around a huge desk and sat down on a white leather sofa. Despite the obvious effects of a stroke in a twisted right hand, his mahogany skin was smooth and healthy, his hair plentiful and slicked back decisively in a duck’s tail. His attention was unwavering. Disarmingly, Dhirubhai admitted to many of the youthful episodes that were the subject of rumours and responded evenly to the criticisms commonly levelled against him. He didn’t mind people calling him an ‘upstart’ or even worse names. It just meant they were trapped in their complacency while he was racing ahead. But the disputes were now ‘all history’ and the former critics were now all his ‘good friends’ who bought their polyester and raw materials from him.

‘The orbit goes on changing,’ he declared airily. ‘Nobody is a permanent friend, nobody is a permanent enemy. Everybody has his own self-interest. Once you recognise that, everybody would be better off.’

However, Ambani did point to an unfortunate trait in his countrymen. ‘You must know that, in this country, people are very jealous.’ It was not like in Hong Kong or other East Asian countries, where people applauded each other’s success, he claimed. In India success was seen as the prerogative of certain families. But he didn’t really mind. ‘Jealousy is a mark of respect,’ he said.

The Reliance public relations office continued to be attentive, supplying advance notice of newsworthy events. But the company’s history of political and corporate activity had put a sinister shadow across the gleaming success. All through the government changes of 1990 and 1991, the press carried references to a certain ‘large industrial house’ supporting this or that party or being behind certain politicians. Scores of party leaders, ex-ministers, senior bureaucrats and heads of the big government-owned banks and corporations were said to be ‘Ambani friends’ or ‘Ambani critics’. Mostly it was the friends, it seemed, who got the jobs. At a meeting of shareholders in a big Bombay engineering firm named Larsen & Toubro late in 1991, convened to approve a takeover by the Ambanis, this undercurrent of hostility welled up into a physical mêlée. In the shouting and jostling, the two Ambani sons Mukesh and Anil had to flee the stage. The controversies kept continuing right through the 1990s.

Dhirubhai Ambani attracted adulation or distrust. To his millions of investors, who had seen their share prices multiply, he was a business messiah. To one writer, he was a ‘Frankenstein’s Monster’ created by India’s experiments with close government control of the economy. ‘There are three Dhirubhai Ambanis,’ one of his fellow Gujaratis told me. ‘One is unique, larger than life, a brand name. He is one of the most talked-about industrialists, and for Gujarati people he has tremendous emotional and sentimental appeal. He is their ultimate man and has inspired many emulators. The second Dhirubhai Ambani is a schemer, a first-class liar who regrets nothing and has no values in life. Then there is the third Dhirubhai Ambani, who has a more sophisticated political brain, a dreamer and a visionary, almost Napoleonic. People are always getting the three personalities mistaken.’

In a legal chamber lined with vellum-bound case references, a senior lawyer took an equally stark view. ‘Today the fact is that Ambani is bigger than government,’ said the lawyer in all seriousness. ‘He can make or break prime ministers. In the United States you can build up a super-corporation but the political system is still bigger than you. In India the system is weak. If the stock exchange dares to expose Ambani, he tells it: I will pull my company shares out and make you collapse. I am bigger than your exchange. If the newspapers criticise, he can point out they are dependent on his advertising and he has his journalists in every one of their departments. If the political parties take a stand against him, he has his men in every party who can pull down or embarrass the leaders. He is a threat to the system. Today he is undefeatable.’

Phiroz Vakil, another senior advocate at the Mumbai bar, paused in his tiny chambers in Bombay’s old Fort district, stuffing Erinmore Flake tobacco into his pipe, before looking up intently and warning me that people would suspect that writers asking for stories and opinions about Ambani were being used as a stalking horse by Ambani himself to draw out information. For some others, favourable write-ups of Ambani in the business media still rankled. ‘I suppose you think he’s a hero,’ said the retired Finance Ministry official and Cabinet Secretary Vinod Pande, down the phone.

Others just seemed too battle-weary. When I telephone the Orkay Silk Mills Chairman, Kapal Mehra and asked to meet him, there was a long pause. ‘I’m afraid that won’t be possible,’ Mehra said. The former prime minister Viswanath Pratap Singh did not reply to a letter and giggled nervously when I cornered him at a cocktail party in New Delhi. No, he could not possibly talk about any one company, Singh said, easing away quickly into the crowd. Those who did agree to talk for the most part insisted on anonymity: they had to live in India, they explained.

Reliance and Dhirubhai Ambani meanwhile went on to greater fame and fortune – and more controversies. After his death in 2002, the subsequent split of the Reliance group between his sons and their continuing rivalry make the story of this man and his methods pertinent to understanding the return of India to eminence in the world economy.

2

A persuasive young bania

Among all the 550-odd princely rulers left to run their domains in the last years of the British Raj, few were more eccentric than Mahabat Khan, the Nawab of Junagadh. The Nawab’s family had run this fiefdom, one of several on the Saurashtra peninsula in Gujarat, since the Mughal warrior Sher Khan Babi founded his own subordinate dynasty in 1690. Two and a half centuries later, this warrior’s descendant, best known for his love of dogs, Mahabat Khan had 150 of them, with an equal number of dog-handlers on his payroll and individual quarters for all the canine retinue. The Nawab was the first political target to come into the sights of Dhirubhai Ambani. It was during a movement aimed at overthrowing the Nawab’s rule and securing Junagadh’s accession to India during the Partition of British India in 1947 that Ambani, then a teenage high school student, had his first experience of political organisation and his first brushes with authority.

It was the only moment in modern times that Junagadh has figured in the calculations of statesmen. Even today, Junagadh and its surrounds, a region known as Kathiawar, remain one of the quietest, most traditional regions of India and until the end of the twentieth century one of the least accessible in the otherwise busy north-west coastal area of the country.

The land itself is dry, open, arid and stony. The monsoon rains quickly run off down the short rivers and nullahs that radiate from the rocky hinterland and out to the Arabian Sea. The roads are lined with stunted pipal trees; the stony fields are fenced with straggling rows of cactus. The standard building material is a porous dun-coloured stone cut by saws into ready-made blocks from pits near the seashore. There are few of the modern ferroconcrete extravagances built by the newly rich, or the industrial plants and their residential ‘colonies’ extending into farmland in other Indian regions.

But if the landscape is monotonous, Kathiawar’s people compensate for it with riotous colour where they can. The women drape themselves with cotton scarves tie-dyed in red and orange. The local scooter-taxi is the Enfield motorcycle, grafted to a flat tray resting on two wheels at the back, the handlebars decked with coloured lights, electric horns and whirling windmills. The homes of wealthy merchants are adorned with mouldings of swans, peacocks, flamingos, parrots, elephants, lions and tigers. Massive double doors, twelve-panelled and with heavy iron studs, open tantalisingly on to huge inner courtyards.

A blood-drenched history and complicated mythology are attached to the landmarks and constructions of Kathiawar. On the coast to its west, at Dwarka, is the place where the deity Lord Krishna is said to have died. To the south, the temple of the moon at Somnath is a destination for Hindu pilgrims from all over India. In the steep Girnar hills above the city of Junagadh, long staircases take pilgrims to Jain temples that date back to the third century BC. The city was an important centre for Hindu rulers of Gujarat in the first millennium. Then Junagadh suffered four centuries of sackings until Mughal rule gave it some stability, with Muslim rulers controlling its largely Hindu population. Both its rulers and its people were onlookers in the contest for India’s trade among the English, Dutch and Portuguese, whose galleons fought vicious battles off the Gujarat coast. At night, seen from the coastline at the south of Junagadh, processions of navigation lights travel left and right along the horizon. The seaborne traffic between the west coast of India and the Arabian ports goes on as it has for millennia, ever more intense.

Gujarat was the trading hub of ancient India, where Indian cottons and silks were sold to Arabs and later the East India Company in return for silver, gold, incense and coffee from the Red Sea port of Mocha. Gujaratis were prominent in this pre-colonial Indian Ocean trading network, to which India contributed its wealth of cloth, indigo, opium and spices. The small ports of Kathiawar took part in this trade. Diu handled much of Gujarat’s trade with Aden in the west and Malacca in the east. Gold, silver, quicksilver, vermilion, copper and woollen cloth would be exchanged for Indian gold and silver embroideries and brocades and for cotton muslins of a fineness expressed by such trade terms as abrawan (running water), baft hava (woven air) or shab-nam (evening dew).

Indian entrepreneurs – in Calcutta the Marwari traders and money lenders originally from Rajasthan, in Bombay the Parsis (Zoroastrians originally from Persia) – began moving into large-scale industrial production late in the nineteenth century. Smaller traders also took advantage of the peace and stability brought about by the British Empire by taking steamer passages to all corners of the Indian Ocean and South-East Asia and opening small stores and service stations. Most were from Gujarat; a large proportion of them being from Kathiawar, and many of them thus accumulated considerable wealth, the result of rigorous saving, abstemious living and endless hours of work by unpaid family members – an immigrant’s success story in many parts of the world. In East Africa, it created a resentment that led to the expulsion of Indian traders and appropriation of their assets after the colonies became independent in the 1960s. The effect was to fling the Gujarati diaspora worldwide, to start the process of capital accumulation again.

Among the Gujaratis, the people of Kathiawar are renowned for their exuberance of speech, inventiveness and commercial drive. ‘This is a place of have-nots,’ noted Sheela Bhatt, a former editor of the magazine India Today. ‘It is a barren land, but out of stone they somehow draw out water. The people are so colourful because the landscape is so colourless. They fill their heads with colour. Among Gujaratis, the best language is among Kathiawaris: so many words. Even the trading class will have extraordinary expressions. Kathiawari traders have more vibrant terminology than other traders. They were the first to go out of India for better prospects. Adventure is second nature to them. They have less hypocrisy. All of the other business communities affect modesty to the point of hypocrisy. Dhirubhai Ambani is part of that culture.’

In one sense, Dhirubhai Ambani was born to be a trader, as his family belongs to a Bania caste, a section of the Vaisya category (varna) in the traditional Hindu social order whose roles are those of merchants and bankers. This instantly provided a whole network of relationships, a community and social expectations that made commerce an entirely natural and honourable lifetime’s occupation. Although socially below the Brahmins (priests and scholars) or the Kshatriya (warriors and landowners) and rarely part of aristocratic elites, the Vaisya castes came to exercise enormous power across India. They marshalled huge amounts of capital, which funded the campaigns of maharajas and nawabs and at times the British trade and military expansion when the budget from London ran short of operational needs. Centuries before the modern banking system, Vaisya shroffs or bankers were the conduits of a highly monetised Indian economy, remitting vast sums around India at short notice through a sophisticated trust system based on hundi (promissory notes).

The commercial instincts of Gujarat’s Vaisya were encouraged by a convenient interpretation of Hinduism preached by the holy man Vallabhacharya in his wanderings around the region early in the sixteenth century. Another widely followed religious school known as Shaivism (from the god of creativity and destruction, Shiva) had preached that the world was unreal and that an impersonal abstract essence was the absolute reality and truth. The Jain and Buddhist religions, which had sprung from Hinduism, also preached privation, renunciation and destruction of the self. Vallabhacharya saw a personal god who created and sustained life, for whom living life to the full was a form of devotion. His school became known as Vaishnavism, as the focus of devotion was the god Vishnu’s playful avatar Krishna, perhaps the most widely adored and human face of the divine among Hindus.

Such a belief naturally appealed to the people of a land richly endowed with opportunity like the central parts of Gujarat. It was a philosophy that justified their way of life and gave a divine purpose to their roles as providers and family members. It also fitted the rising social status of the Banias in Gujarat, overriding the formal varna hierarchy:

As Vaishnavism grows, the Varnas decline. We have noticed, for example, how the Vanias [Banias] have reached a social status as high as that of the Brahmins themselves. This upsetting of the balance of the Varnas has been greatly due to economic causes. The merchant and the financier and the capitalist have, by sheer force of wealth and power, for a while become dictators over all, even over the priestly class … A justification of their way of living, a theory of life and a pathway suited and helpful to the living of a life engrossed in work and duty as a man, husband, father, citizen and so on, a hope that such a mode of life as they live is acceptable to the highest deity – the Gujaratis naturally sought for all these.¹

Ambani’s particular caste is called the Modh Bania, from their original home in the town of Modasa north of Ahmedabad before a migration many centuries ago to Saurashtra. The Modh are one of the three Bania castes in this part of Gujarat, who might eat meals together but who would each marry within their caste. They are strict vegetarians, and only the men take alcohol. Their practice of Hinduism follows the Vaishnavite path. But the main object of their pilgrimages, upon marriage or the start of a new business venture, is the idol of Lord Krishna in a temple at Nathdwara, a small town in the barren hills behind Udaipur in Rajasthan. This idol represents Srinath, an incarnation of Lord Krishna, which was brought to Nathdwara from Mathura (Krishna’s birthplace) by a holy man to escape the depredations of the fierce anti-Hindu Mughal emperor Aurangzeb. For reasons that are not clear, Srinath has become the familiar god of the Modh and other Banias. Portraits based on the Nathdwara idol are often seen in the offices of Bania businessmen.

In later years, Ambani and his family made frequent visits to the temple of Srinath, flying into Udaipur airport in his company’s executive jet and driving straight up to Nathdwara. In 1994, Ambani built a large ashram (pilgrim’s rest-house) in Nathdwara for the use of visitors. The three-storey building, faced in a pink granite, is dedicated to the memory of his parents.

If the Modh Bania practise piety in the temple and abstemious ways in their homes, they are known as fiercely competitive and canny traders in the marketplace, with no compunction about taking advantage of opportunities for profit.

Like other Bania castes of the region, the Modh Bania looked far beyond their immediate patch. For centuries it has been a custom for young men to make trading voyages to Arabian ports, building up personal capital over nine or ten years hard work and modest living before returning to marry and take over the family business. Sons inherited family property in equal proportions, with the oldest son assuming the authority of family head.

But all this was a nebulous heritage for Dhirajlal – or Dhirubhai, as his diminutive became – Hirachand Ambani, born on 28 December 1932. His home town was Chorwad, set a mile or so back from the flat Arabian Sea coastline where the Nawab had a two-storey summer palace built of the dun-coloured stone quarried from pits nearby. His father, Hirachand Ambani, seems to have been a diffident trader when he tried his hand at petty commerce, as a wholesaler in ghee (clarified butter, a cooking medium in India). He is recalled by many acquaintances as a ‘man of principle’, meaning perhaps that he was too goodwilled to be good at making money. He is better remembered as a village schoolmaster in the Nawab’s administration. From 1934 to 1936 Ambani senior, a stocky man with dark-brown skin, normally dressed in a white turban, long coat and dhoti, was headmaster of the Chorwad primary school. The industrialist and parliamentarian Viren Shah and his brother Jayan Shah, who also grew up in Chorwad, remember him as a devoted, ‘very strict’ teacher.

Hirachand Ambani made little money and lived in austere circumstances. The family home still stands in a hamlet called Kukaswada, two or three miles outside the main part of Chorwad. It is a two-roomed stone dwelling with a stamped earthern floor, entered by a low doorway and dimly lit by openings under the eaves. Ambani was married twice, having a son from his first marriage (named Samadasbhai) before being widowed. His second marriage gave him five more children, with Dhirubhai in the middle.

The family’s poverty did not deter the Ambanis from contact with better-off members of their social peer group. The Bania occasionally got together for meals or picnics. The Ambani children mixed freely with the Shahs, who were already prospering from a move to the then hub of British commerce in Calcutta, where they set up India’s first factory making aluminium cooking pots.

The two houses of the Shah family in Chorwad, Shanti Sadan and Anand Bhavan, were big and rambling in the traditional style. As well as learning all the ways of business, the children were expected to learn various sports, including horse-riding, swimming and athletics, and to take their turn milking the twenty cows and ten buffaloes kept in the gardens. The Shah family had become early followers of Mahatma Gandhi – also a Bania from Kathiawar – and often gave him accommodation in Calcutta. Jayan Shah remembered Dhirubhai, who was about seven years younger than him, coming to Anand Bhavan. Jayan Shah’s father took an interest in other people’s children, lending them books to read and asking them to do odd jobs around the house. Dhirubhai was welcomed with great affection and returned it with respect. Later, when he had gone away to work overseas, Shah remembered him dropping by to pay his respects during a vacation back in Chorwad, arriving with ‘great gusto and a feeling of an old relationship’.

The guild-like support of his merchant caste helped Dhirubhai continue his education after finishing at his father’s old primary school. In 1945 he moved up to Junagadh and enrolled at Bahadur Kanji High School, which shared with a university college a large yellow stucco edifice on the outskirts of the city built in 1902 by the nawab of the time and named after him. Because of his family’s poverty Dhirubhai was admitted as a free student. He found accommodation in a boarding house funded by the Modh Bania for children of their caste.

The Second World War had largely passed by Kathiawar save for overflights by military transports and the occasional visit of the new army Jeeps. The movement for Indian independence had not. On returning from South Africa, Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi, had established his ashram in Ahmedabad, capital city of the state of Gujarat, and carried out much of his agitation against British rule in the same region, including the famous ‘salt march’ to the sea to protest against the government monopoly of salt in 1930.

His activities were financed by Indian industrialists from the Hindu trading castes, foremost among them the Calcutta-based Marwari jutemiller G.D. Birla. His abstemious lifestyle was an extension of their own ideals, more familiar to them than the Anglicised manners of the Nehru family. But a real self-interest was also involved. The industrialists also saw in the Bania-born Gandhi a counterforce within the Indian National Congress – the main secular vehicle of the independence movement – to the socialist and communist ideas that had taken a strong grip on the thinking of educated Indians. Although also far from friendly to big capital, Gandhi’s ideas of industrial devolution to the villages were intrinsically opposed to the proposals for state capitalism and central planning of investment then being promoted by the Left in India as elsewhere in the world.

In Junagadh, the ideas of Gandhi and Sardar Patel, the Hindu nationalist lieutenant of Nehru who was also a Gujarati, cast a strong influence. The Nawab, with a British Resident, Mr Monteith, at his side, was automatically put in defence of the status quo. His police force and its detective branch kept a close watch on the independence movement and arrested many agitators throughout the 1940s.

At the Bahadur Kanji school, Dhirubhai was quickly infected by the independence mood. Krishnakant Vakharia, later a leading lawyer in Ahmedabad, was two years ahead of Dhirubhai at the school and met him soon after his arrival in Junagadh. The two took part in a gathering of students to discuss the freedom movement. Vakharia recalled that all were inspired by the nationalist ideals of Gandhi, Jawaharlal Nehru, Sardar Patel and, most of all, the socialist Jayaprakash Narayan, then still in the Congress Party.

The Modh boarding house where Dhirubhai was staying became the headquarters of a new group to push these ideals, which they called the Junagadh Vidyarti Sangh (Junagadh Students’ League). The objective was to take part in the national independence movement and Gandhi’s swadeshi (self-reliant) economic programme, which involved boycotting imported factory-made goods in favour of village craftwares, such as homespun cotton (khadi). Activities were to include meetings to salute the proposed national flag of India – the saffron, white and green tricolour with the ox-wagon wheel in the middle, which was then the Congress flag – as well as motivation sessions and sports meetings for the other students.

Vakharia became the president of the Sangh, with Dhirubhai and another student called Praful Nanavati serving as secretaries. ‘We organised a lot of functions, like saluting the national flag and took a lot of risks,’ said Vakharia. ‘At one time we printed pamphlets with a photo of Gandhi and with that we approached some leading citizens to be our sponsors – but no one agreed. In Junagadh at that time no one was allowed to even utter Jai Hind or Vande Mataram, or sing national songs. Even wearing khadi made you a suspect in the eyes of the Nawab’s CID.’

In 1946 the students learnt that Kaniala Munsi, a lawyer and later a leading Congress Party politican and a minister in Nehru’s first homerule government, would be visiting Junagadh. They decided to invite him to address their members in the compound of a boarding house for Jain students. The Nawab’s police summoned Vakharia, Dhirubhai and Nanavati and threatened the three with arrest, expulsion from school and trouble from their parents unless they gave an undertaking that no political speech would be given.

Here Dhirubhai showed a spark of his later genius at bringing apparently irreconcilable demands to an accommodation, if through a dubious intellectualism. ‘We had said that a literary figure would deliver a speech,’ said Vakharia. ‘Dhirubhai whispered that there was nothing wrong in giving this undertaking. "We are not going to give the speech. If there is any breach in the undertaking, it’s a problem between Munsi and the police." Munsi came and delivered a rousing speech in favour of early independence.

As 1947 wore on and partition of British India along Hindu/ Muslim communal lines became more likely, the political position of the princely states came under great scrutiny. By August, when the transfer of British power was due, all the rulers came under pressure to accede to either India or Pakistan. In most of the more than 550 states, the decision was clearcut because of geographical position, the religion of the ruling family and the predominant religion of the population.

Three difficult cases stood out after ‘freedom at midnight’ on 15 August: Kashmir, Hyderabad and Junagadh, what the historian H.V. Hodson called ‘the joker in the pack’.² Junagadh was close to the western side of Pakistan and had a Muslim ruler. But its fragmented territory was interlocked with that of neighbouring Hindu-ruled states and its people were mostly Hindu. Moreover, it contained the great Hindu pilgrimage sites of Somnath and Dwarka. In May 1947 the acting Diwan (the Nawab’s prime minister and closest adviser) was Sir Shah Nawaz Bhutto, a politician from Sindh. Bhutto was active in the Muslim League of Mohammad Ali Jinnah, the father of Pakistan, and was himself the father and grandfather of two prime ministers of Pakistan, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto and Benazir Bhutto.

Bhutto kept in close touch with Jinnah and had the Nawab obey his advice to ‘keep out under all circumstances until 15th August’. Then, on the day of the transfer of British power, the government of Junagadh announced its accession to Pakistan. Jinnah never actually thought Junagadh would be allowed to join Pakistan. The object of the exercise was to set uncomfortable precedents for Nehru in the more pressing contest for Kashmir and perhaps Hyderabad. If Nehru agreed to a plebiscite in Junagadh, which he eventually did, it would help Pakistan’s case for a popular vote in Muslim-majority Kashmir. If the Junagadh ruler’s decision was accepted, over the wishes of his people, the same could apply in Hyderabad. If the Indians simply marched into Junagadh, protests against a similar Pakistani use of force in Kashmir would be greatly weakened. Nehru adopted the course of negotiation while throwing a military noose around Junagadh in the neighbouring Hindu-ruled states, which had all acceded to India. Two subordinate territories of Junagadh, the enclaves of Babariawad and Mangrol, were taken by Indian troops on 1 November 1947 without bloodshed.

Meanwhile, Indian nationalists began agitating within and without Junagadh for the overthrow of the Nawab. In Bombay, on 25 September, they declared an ‘Arazi Hakumat’ or Parallel Government under the presidency of Samaldas Gandhi, a relative of Gandhi who was editor of the newspaper Vande Mataram. From a temporary base in Rajkot, Gandhi kept in touch with supporters inside Junagadh by human couriers simply walking across the open frontiers of the isolated state. Other nationalist journalists called for volunteers to gather in Bhavnagar and other cities close to Junagadh for a non-violent invasion.

The students in the Junagadh Vidyarti Sangh threw their limited weight against the Nawab also. ‘We were too scared to carry out physical sabotage like attacking power stations,’ said Vakharia. ‘So our sabotage consisted of spreading false rumours to cause panic and supplying information back to the provisional government. We used to send someone to Jetalsur or Jedpur in the Indian union to pass on the information.’

In Junagadh, as in many other parts of India, the partition steadily developed a murderous communal nature. Two Muslim communities, called the Sodhana and Vadhana, had taken a militant position in support of accession to Pakistan and mounted big processions through Junagadh, threatening Hindus with retribution if they opposed it. As it became clear that Pakistan was in no position to support the Nawab, Hindus turned on the Muslim minority and massacred whole communities in some outlying villages. Food shortages developed and the Nawab’s revenues dried up. As his administration lost its grip, the Nawab decided the game was up and made a hasty departure for Karachi. On 8 November, after a meeting of the State Council, Bhutto asked the Indian Government to take over the state to avoid a complete administrative breakdown, pending an honourable settlement of the accession issues.

The Indian Army moved into Junagadh without incident