Worth saving: Disabled children during the Second World War

INTRODUCTION

Harry Hendrick wrote, ‘Unlike women, black people, and the working class, children are not in a position either to write their own history or to ask awkward questions of those who exercise power over them’.¹ Perhaps ‘disabled’ should be listed alongside ‘children’. Tom Compton maintains that disabled people have lacked the health, education and leisure to record their own plights.² Certainly there are few personal accounts written by disabled people, and published testimony of disabled people who were children at the time of the Second World War is extremely limited. Similarly, although there are copious amounts of scholarly literature on able-bodied evacuees, very little has been published on the subject of disabled children during this time, and their personal experiences have not been examined in any great detail.³ This means that a significant part, not only of children’s experiences of the Second World War but also of the history of disability, is missing.

The primary aim of this book then, is to bring attention to this group of children and to highlight their experiences during the war, thereby correcting the current imbalance in the historical record. In doing this, the book discusses the policies and procedures that shaped the children’s wartime experiences, and the personnel and institutions that were responsible for their welfare. It examines how the children coped on a day-to-day basis: the conditions in which the disabled evacuees lived, and how those who were not evacuated, for whatever reason, were cared for and educated. In short, the book presents a broad overview of the development of policy towards disabled children during the war and the way they were dealt with in practice. Looking primarily at the accommodation, safety and educational aspects of the children’s wartime experiences, the book addresses the following questions: to what extent were the ‘decision-makers’ aware of the problems faced by disabled children during the war; how did they attempt to deal with the problems; and to what extent were they successful?

Despite the lack of an existing analysis of how and where disabled children lived during the war, certain important details can be found in the works of those historians writing on behalf of, or in some other way connected to, the government’s education and/or health departments. The evacuation provided a unique opportunity to study children, including disabled children. During the war the State became more involved in their welfare than ever before and so they became more visible in the historical record. In 1950 the social scientist Richard Titmuss, having been commissioned by the government, published History of the Second World War: Problems of Social Policy.⁴ The book contains an extensive step-by-step account of the effect that the war had on British civilians, with a particular emphasis on the evacuation. According to the Board of Education’s Accountant General and official war diarist, Titmuss should not have discussed the evacuation because he wrote mainly from the Ministry of Health’s point of view and schoolchildren should have been dealt with by the Board of Education.⁵ However, perhaps because of this association with the Ministry of Health, the author makes a relatively large number of references to disabled children, certainly more than any other historian dealing with such a wide range of issues. By putting his references to disabled children in the context of a wider discussion on social policy, Titmuss shows that they were a legitimate concern.

The only other major piece of research that includes detailed information on disabled children during the war was done by Dr Sophia Weitzman, a lecturer in History Teaching who in 1945 was appointed by the government to write the official history of education. A number of chapters were written, including a significant amount on disabled children during the Second World War, but the volume remained unpublished at the time of her death in 1965. In 1976 a colleague of Dr Weitzman, Nigel Middleton, incorporated some of her work in his book A Place for Everyone.⁶ Disappointingly, the book makes only brief mention of disabled children. Clearly this was a missed opportunity but perhaps illustrates the lack of interest in the subject in the 1970s and, indeed, in subsequent decades.⁷

Whilst disabled children have been largely omitted from studies of the Second World War, the effects of the war on children in general continue to be discussed. The long-term psychological effects on those who were children during the war have long been the subject of debate.⁸ However, recent studies of children who suffered psychological problems during the war are few, and tend to focus on the general history of child guidance.⁹ More specific studies, such as those by Deborah Thom or John Stewart, have concentrated on the interwar period and/or the perception of child guidance from within.¹⁰ Again children suffering any form of mental or physical difficulty during the war received more interest from scholars in the decade after the war than in the years since.¹¹

The ways in which the evacuation highlighted the level of poverty in which many children were living continue to be of particular interest to scholars. The evacuation, it is argued, drew attention to many aspects of English life that had previously gone undetected, or were ignored. According to Titmuss, large numbers of evacuated children suffered from lice infestation. Accompanying problems of bad behaviour, and poor clothing and eating habits, led to public opinion being in a type of shock which ‘rivalled the outcry after the Boer War with its disclosure of sickness and low physical standards’.¹² Titmuss believed that the new awareness of how children in towns and cities lived led to a consensus of opinion that radical social reform was needed and in 1998, in his reassessment of the relationship between the evacuation and social policy, John Welshman concluded that Titmuss was ‘undoubtedly correct in arguing that the evacuation profoundly altered attitudes to State welfare and led to significant policy changes’.¹³ However, this view has been challenged by the revisionist John Macnicol¹⁴ and by Rodney Lowe, who found that although some upper- and middle-class people were sympathetic to the invasion of their homes by evacuees, others found that the children’s (and sometimes their mothers’) behaviour and condition confirmed their negative preconceptions of the working classes.¹⁵ The concept of the ‘problem family’ in particular continues to be discussed.¹⁶

Such debates are vital for an understanding of the extent to which the war changed the lives of children, including disabled children. This book examines wartime debates and postwar legislation including the Education Act, 1944, the Disability (Employment) Act, 1944, the National Health Service Act, 1946 and the Children Act, 1948. Julie Anderson has examined the development of rehabilitation techniques which occurred largely as a result of the war and which benefited all disabled people.¹⁷ This book complements Anderson’s work by adding the experiences of those children who would benefit from these new techniques as well as those who contributed to the war effort whilst in hospital training colleges, or in factories as school-leavers.

The new education legislation was particularly important for disabled children and will be examined in depth, although it could be said that the act was a turning point in the education of all children. In 1944 H. C. Dent wrote ‘It is broadly true to say that up to the outbreak of the present war, the average English man or woman was not interested in education. Today, the reverse is the case; there is throughout the country, the keenest interest.’¹⁸ The degree of interest assumed by Dent may have been overstated. In a survey carried out six months after the enactment of the 1944 Education Bill, only 45 per cent of those polled had heard of it.¹⁹ However, it is true to say that the circumstances of war highlighted deficiencies in education. When speaking of the government’s change in attitude towards spending on education, P. H. J. H. Gosden stated that ‘The predominant pre-war attitude had been one of containment of, or an actual reduction in, expenditure. This change was no doubt a reflection of changed social and political values as a consequence of the war.’²⁰ This book shows that to all intents and purposes the changes in educational provision for disabled children after the war were largely the result of a ‘knock-on’ effect of changes in the educational system as a whole. It supports D. G. Pritchard’s contention that ‘Any consideration of the history of the disabled must take into account the development of educational provision for ordinary children’: ‘educational and social trends are followed, not created, by provision for the disabled’.²¹

The details of the 1944 Education Act as it applied to disabled children have been discussed, albeit briefly, in various books on the history of special education and in books on the act itself.²² On the whole, though, historians have tended to concentrate on the professionals, philanthropists and policy-makers involved with disability issues rather than on disabled people themselves. Apart from a few notable exceptions, Helen Keller for example, blind, deaf and other disabled individuals have been virtually invisible in historical accounts. Tom Compton says that ‘while cripples have subsisted on the fringe of all societies, evidence of their lives is generally absent’ because ‘negative stigmas and stereotypes attached to cripples rendered them unlikely subjects for the busy scribes and chronicles of earlier eras’.²³ Robert Davidoff believes that this negativity is what differentiates disability studies from those of race, gender, sexuality, class and other commonly addressed forms of human difference. Anyone can become disabled, and a longer life expectancy extends the risk and increases the odds, perhaps making it a more frightening subject.²⁴ Joyce Goodman highlighted the problems she faced, and that many of us face when dealing with such emotive subjects, when she researched the archive of the Sandlebridge Boarding School and Colony for the Feeble-Minded, 1902–35:

Research methodology warns against emotional involvement that risks skewing research findings. But I came to realise that to deny, negate and neutralise my emotion in the face of this archive was to remain trapped within the rational ordering of an archive that denies emotion and that denying my emotion repeated the condition of the young women when viewed by certifying doctors who posited emotion as unreason and unreasonableness. Rather than researcherly unreason, here, to be angry was to disrupt the archive’s rationalist frame on its own terms. Nonetheless, as researcher I needed to work with and beyond this anger.²⁵

Since the 1980s historians have started to reassess how the disabled have been studied, resulting in the emergence of what Paul Longmore has termed the ‘new disability history’.²⁶ Historians now tend to be more aware of the personal issues surrounding their subject and many use personal accounts to enrich their argument. In Disability and Social Policy in Britain since 1750, Anne Borsay illustrates the history of disability and social policy with numerous personal accounts, focusing on the various environmental hurdles encountered by disabled people: economic, political and cultural.²⁷ Out of Sight: The Experience of Disability 1900–1950 was one of the first texts to allow disabled people to explain, in their own words, how they lived in the first half of the twentieth century.²⁸ The authors provide an insight into the somewhat harsh and patronising attitudes towards disabled people in the first half of the twentieth century, covering experiences in the home, at school and at work, and in hospitals and institutions. Fifty interviewees were included in the book, aged between fifty and eighty but, as the text covers such a wide time-frame, there is very little on a personal level during the war. Where it helps most is in its discussion of the general social and political climate during the Second World War, providing valuable information on attitudes towards disabled children.²⁹

Unfortunately, the increase in personal testimony used in disability studies has not led to a surge of biographies on those who were disabled children at the time of the Second World War.³⁰ In contrast, accounts of the able-bodied who were children during the war continue to be published, as do scholarly works on the evacuation. The early years of the twenty-first century have seen publications by Roy C. Boud,³¹ Mike Brown,³² Juliet Gardiner,³³ Jessica Mann,³⁴ Ross Stewart,³⁵ Jill Wallis³⁶ and John Welshman.³⁷

It is evident, then, that a separate study on the experiences of disabled children during the war is needed. Without this the story of the evacuation and of children and the Second World War is incomplete. This book seeks to fill that void. It has been made possible largely as a result of the reports of His Majesty’s Inspectors (HMIs); the reports and correspondence of government officials and members of the voluntary sector; hospital records and school logbooks; and a selection of newspapers and periodicals. The Special Schools Journal in particular has been a vital resource for this project. As a result of an advertisement placed in a newsletter for former evacuees³⁸ this book has also been able to include the personal testimony of a small number of individuals who were classed as physically disabled during the war. In addition the staff and former pupils of the Lancasterian special school in Manchester have provided the information for a relatively extensive case study, to be found in Chapter 2.

The book is divided into five distinct chapters, with Chapter 1 one serving as an introduction to the lives of disabled children at the outbreak of war. One of the aims of the book is to assess the extent to which the children’s wartime experiences helped bring about change in respect to their health and educational provision and to future employment opportunities. In order to do this it is necessary to look at the level of prewar activity in special education and, in particular Chapter 1 examines the five official categories of disability as defined in the 1921 Education Act. It also examines the arrangements made for the evacuation of disabled children, beginning with the ‘Munich Crisis’ of September 1938 and including the ‘main’ evacuation one year later. For evacuation purposes the children were split into groups depending on their specific disability, with the majority being accommodated in residential special schools in areas deemed safe. The actions and views of those responsible for the Government Evacuation Scheme are examined in some detail.

Chapter 2 examines the experiences of those disabled children who spent their war years in a residential special school, some of which were specially set up for evacuees, others having been established prior to the outbreak of war. Case studies of two residential special schools allow a comparison to be made between those established and maintained by the evacuation authorities and those run privately. A further insight into the former is provided by the testimony of two contributors who also discuss how they were treated by the local population. As will become evident, the experiences and concerns highlighted by these children, whilst not necessarily conflicting with the evidence of government documents, were certainly more personal. A number of residential special schools are examined in Chapter 2, highlighting conditions within the schools and the level of disruption to the children’s education, as well as safety measures such as air raid precautions. Also discussed are the teaching staff, most of whom were ordinary teachers who found themselves in extraordinary circumstances and who, in effect, became the children’s primary carers. The memoirs of the teacher Jessie Thomas, and the testimony of those who knew her, provide an additional perspective on the running of the schools.

Chapter 3 discusses those children who were deemed too seriously disabled to be evacuated and remained at home or in hospital, as well as those who either remained in, or returned early to, vulnerable areas and attended special day schools where available. Again a small selection of personal testimony is included as well as a case study of a hospital specially selected in order to illustrate vocational training during wartime. The experiences of the more seriously physically disabled, arguably the most ‘neglected’ group of children with regard to evacuation, are examined in some detail. The importance of the work of certain charitable organisations in all disabled children’s safety and welfare, but especially in respect to those with serious physical disabilities, is also discussed.

Chapter 4 focuses on two groups of children who were excluded from the 1921 Education Act, and therefore not included in the government’s ‘special parties’ when it came to evacuation arrangements. The first group is those who were deemed ‘ineducable’. Officially, these children were to be accommodated either at home or in a mental institution. However, as is made clear here as well as in Chapter 2, some children were either misdiagnosed or their condition ‘ignored’ with the result that they spent varying lengths of time in residential special schools. The second group of children is the emotionally disturbed who were usually sent to hostels for ‘difficult’ children. Studies of emotional disturbance, or ‘maladjustment’ as it came to be called, was in its relative infancy at the time but it is perhaps the condition about which most was learned during the war.

The final Chapter begins with the return of the evacuees at the end of the war and a look at some of the problems of accommodating those whose parents or peacetime residential schools were unable to accept them back. It then extends the discussion by examining the provisions introduced by postwar legislation in relation to the children’s education, health, and employment opportunities and addresses the question, ‘To what extent did prewar ideas, wartime debates, the evacuation and the children’s own experiences, inform these changes?’ The postwar expansion of special schools and the position of teachers within special education are discussed, as is the changing role of the voluntary sector in caring for disabled children. Of equal if not more importance is the way in which disabled children and adolescents were viewed by the general public and potential employers. As is evident throughout the book, partly as a result of the conditions of war and, in particular, the new ‘visibility’ of disabled people and their contribution to the war effort, perceptions of them began to change.

It is important here to explain some of the language used in this book. Legislation prior to 1944 distinguished between different types of disability and assigned specific terms to particular conditions that were used to classify children and that appeared in official documents. Terms such as ‘defective’, ‘cripple’, ‘idiot’ and ‘imbecile’ were all commonplace. Usage of these labels in this book in no way reflects the present-day position but is in keeping with the historical period. This book includes many direct quotations from official documents, and to use both present-day and contemporary terminology would have been confusing to the reader. An explanation of the language used to describe the five official ‘categories’ of disability prior to 1944 is given in Chapter 1.

Notes

1  H. Hendrick, ‘Children and Childhood’, ReFresh, 15 (Autumn 1992), 4.

2  T. Compton, The Brief History of Disability (or, The World Has Always Had Cripples) (privately published, 1992), p. 1.

3  An exception is: S. Wheatcroft, ‘Children’s Experiences of War: Handicapped Children in England during the Second World War’, Twentieth Century British History, 19:4 (2008), 480–501.

4  R. Titmuss, History of the Second World War: Problems of Social Policy (London: Longman, Green & Co., HMSO, 1950).

5  The National Archives (hereafter TNA), ED138/58, letter from Davidson to Bosworth-Smith, 12 February 1944.

6  N. Middleton and S. Weitzman, A Place for Everyone: A History of State Education from the Eighteenth Century to the 1970s (London: Gollancz, 1976).

7  Fortunately, Dr Weitzman’s original papers are available for researchers at The National Archives: TNA, ED138 series.

8  These are too numerous to mention here, but a number of studies on the long-term effects can be found in the academic journal Aging & Mental Health.

9  For a general history of the child guidance service in Britain see O. C. Sampson, Child Guidance: Its History, Provenance and Future (London: British Psychological Society, 1980).

10  D. Thom, ‘Wishes, Anxieties, Play and Gestures: Child Guidance in Inter-war England’, in R. Cooter (ed.), In the Name of the Child: Health and Welfare 1880–1940 (London: Routledge, 1992), pp. 200–19; J. Stewart, ‘Psychiatric Social Work in Inter-war Britain: Child Guidance, American Ideas, American Philanthropy’, Michael, 3 (2006), 78–91; J. Stewart, ‘I Thought You Would Want to Come and See His Home: Child Guidance and Psychiatric Social Work in Inter-war Britain’ in M. Jackson (ed.), Health and the Modern Home (London: Routledge, 2007); J. Stewart, ‘The Scientific Claims of British Child Guidance, 1918–45’, British Society for the History of Science, 42:3 (2009), 407–32.

11  See: S. Leff and V. Leff, ‘The Maladjusted Child’, in The School Health Service (London: Lewis, 1959).

12  Titmuss, Problems of Social Policy, p. 133.

13  J. Welshman, ‘Evacuation and Social Policy during the Second World War: Myth and Reality’, Twentieth Century British History, 9:1 (1998), 28–53.

14  J. Macnicol, ‘The Evacuation of Schoolchildren’, in H. L. Smith (ed.), War and Social Change: British Society in the Second World War (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1996), pp. 3–31.

15  R. Lowe, ‘The Second World War, Consensus, and the Foundation of the Welfare State’, Twentieth Century British History, 1:2 (1990), 152–82.

16  See P. Starkey, ‘The Medical Officer of Health, the Social Worker, and the Problem Family, 1943 to 1968: The Case of Family Service Units’, Social History of Medicine, 11:3 (1998), 421–41; J. Welshman, ‘In Search of the Problem Family: Public Health and Social Work in England and Wales 1940–70’, Social History of Medicine, 9:3 (1996), 447–65.

17  J. Anderson, ‘Turned into Taxpayers: Paraplegia, Rehabilitation and Sport at Stoke Mandeville, 1944–56’, Journal of Contemporary History, 38:3 (2003), 461–75.

18  H. C. Dent, Education in Transition: A Sociological Study of the Impact of War on English Education 1939–1943 (London: Kegan Paul, 1944), p. vii.

19  Lowe, ‘The Second World War, Consensus, and the Foundation of the Welfare State’, p. 175.

20  P. H. J. H. Gosden, Education in the Second World War: A Study in Policy and Administration (London: Methuen, 1976), p. 433.

21  D. G. Pritchard, Education and the Handicapped, 1760–1960 (London and New York: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1963), p. 1.

22  See J. S. Hurt, Outside the Mainstream: A History of Special Education (London: Batsford, 1988); R. Stakes and G. Hornby, Change in Special Education: What Brings It About? (London: Cassell, 1997); Pritchard, Education and the Handicapped; G. McCulloch, Educational Reconstruction: The 1944 Education Act and the Twenty-first Century (Ilford and Portland: Woburn, 1994); M. Barber, The Making of the 1944 Education Act ((London and New York: Cassell, 1994).

23  Compton, The Brief History of Disability, pp. 1–2.

24  R. Davidoff, Foreword to Paul Longmore, Why I Burned My Book, and Other Essays on Disability (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 2003), p. viii.

25  J. Goodman, ‘Reflections on researching an archive of disability: Sandlebridge, 1902–1935’, Educational Review, 55:1 (2003), 47–54.

26  See P. K. Longmore and L. Umansky (eds), The New Disability History: American Perspectives (New York: New York University Press, 2001).

27  A. Borsay, Disability and Social Policy in Britain since 1750: A History of Exclusion (Basingstoke and New York: Palgrave, 2005).

28  S. Humphries and P. Gordon, Out of Sight: The Experience of Disability 1900–1950 (Plymouth: Northcote, 1992).

29  See also D. Atkinson, M. Jackson and J. Walmsley (eds), Forgotten Lives: Exploring the History of Learning Disability (Kidderminster: British Institute of Learning Disability, 1997); M. Potts and R. Fido, A Fit Person to Be Removed: Personal Accounts of Life in a Mental Deficiency Institution (Plymouth: Northcote, 1991).

30  However, there is testimony from two teachers involved in special education during the war years: S. Smith, Still Unique after All These Years: A History of Blanche Nevile School, Formerly Tottenham School for the Deaf 1895–1995 (London: The School, 1995); J. E. Thomas, Hope for the Handicapped: A Teacher’s Testament (London: Bodley Head, 1967).

31  R. C. Boud, The Great Exodus: The Evacuation of Leeds Schoolchildren 1939–45 (Leeds: Thoresby Society, 2000).

32  M. Brown, Evacuees: Evacuation in Wartime Britain, 1939–1945 (Stroud: Sutton, 2000).

33  J. Gardiner, The Children’s War through the Eyes of the Children of Britain (London: Portrait, 2005).

34  J. Mann, Out of Harm’s Way: The Wartime Evacuation of Children from Britain (London: Headline, 2005).

35  R. Stewart, Evacuation (London: Evans, 2002).

36  J. Wallis, A Welcome in the Hillsides? – The Merseyside and North Wales Experience of Evacuation 1939–45 (Holywell: Avid, 2000).

37  J. Welshman, Churchill’s Children: The Evacuee Experience in Wartime Britain (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2010).

38  The Evacuee: The Newsletter of the Evacuation Reunion Association, www.evacuees.org.co.uk.

1

PREWAR DEVELOPMENTS

Special education

By 1939 disabled children had, for the purpose of determining their educational requirements, been divided into five official categories which were used by the evacuation authorities when arranging suitable accommodation in ‘safe’ areas. Before we discuss these evacuation arrangements, a clarification of each group of children should be made, along with a brief history of each category.¹ The five groups were:

•  Blind

•  Deaf

•  Physically Defective (PD)

•  Epileptic

•  Mentally Defective (MD)

The blind and the deaf

Out of these strictly defined groups, it is the blind and the deaf whose history, as far as specific provision is concerned, goes back the furthest. Sources suggest that the first school in Britain to accept a disabled pupil was Thomas Braidwood’s school in Edinburgh, which admitted a deaf boy in 1760.² In England the first school for deaf children opened in London in 1783, with Braidwood’s nephew as headmaster. The first blind school was established in Liverpool in 1791.³ Like other early institutions for disabled people, these schools were at first merely custodial in nature; they gradually incorporated vocational training, and