Peculiar Rhetoric: Slavery, Freedom, and the African Colonization Movement

Peculiar Rhetoric

RACE, RHETORIC, AND MEDIA SERIES

Davis W. Houck, General Editor

Peculiar Rhetoric

Slavery, Freedom, and the African Colonization Movement

Bjørn F. Stillion Southard

University Press of Mississippi / Jackson

The University Press of Mississippi is the scholarly publishing agency of the Mississippi Institutions of Higher Learning: Alcorn State University, Delta State University, Jackson State University, Mississippi State University, Mississippi University for Women, Mississippi Valley State University, University of Mississippi, and University of Southern Mississippi.

www.upress.state.ms.us

The University Press of Mississippi is a member of the Association of University Presses.

Copyright © 2019 by University Press of Mississippi

All rights reserved

Manufactured in the United States of America

First printing 2019

∞

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Names: Stillion Southard, Bjørn F., author.

Title: Peculiar rhetoric : slavery, freedom, and the African colonization movement / Bjørn F. Stillion Southard.

Description: Jackson : University Press of Mississippi, [2019] | Series: Race, rhetoric, and media series | First printing 2019. | Includes bibliographical references and index. |

Identifiers: LCCN 2019002912 (print) | LCCN 2019005747 (ebook) | ISBN 9781496823717 (epub single) | ISBN 9781496823700 (epub institutional) | ISBN 9781496823731 ( pdf single) | ISBN 9781496823724 (pdf institutional) | ISBN 9781496823694 (hardcover : alk. paper) | ISBN 9781496823830 (pbk. : alk. paper)

Subjects: LCSH: American Colonization Society—History—19th century. | African Americans—Colonization—Liberia—19th century. | Free blacks—America—History—19th century. | Slavery—United States—History—19th century. | Rhetoric—Political aspects—United States—History—19th century. | Lincoln, Abraham, 1809–1865—Political and social views. | Clay, Henry, 1777–1852—Political and social views. | Caldwell, Elias Boudinot, 1776–1825—Political and social views. | Sheridan, Louis—Political and social views. | Teage, Hilary—Political and social views.

Classification: LCC E448 (ebook) | LCC E448 .S84 2019 (print) | DDC 973/.0496073009034—dc23

LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2019002912

British Library Cataloging-in-Publication Data available

For Ella and Finna

Contents

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

INTRODUCTION

CHAPTER 1—Peculiar Argumentation: Henry Clay, Elias B. Caldwell, and the Establishment of Colonization’s Deliberative Discourse

CHAPTER 2—Peculiar Voice: The Counter Memorial of the Free People of Colour of the District of Columbia and the Unsettling of Colonization’s Deliberative Discourse

CHAPTER 3—Peculiar Planning: Louis Sheridan and the Negotiation of Diasporic and Deliberative Discourse

CHAPTER 4—Peculiar Obligations: Hilary Teage and the Constitution of Civic Identity in Liberia

CHAPTER 5—Peculiar Proposal: Abraham Lincoln and the Public Policy Advocacy for Colonization

CONCLUSION—Middle Passages, Emigration, and Peculiar Legacies

NOTES

Acknowledgments

This book and its author benefited in many ways from the support of many people. James F. Klumpp, Shawn J. Parry-Giles, Trevor Parry-Giles, Robert N. Gaines, Andrew D. Wolvin, Mari Boor Tonn, and Kathleen E. Kendall supported the germ of this project. That early idea has grown in unexpected and wonderful ways and is now the book before you. I thank Davis Houck, Vijay Shah, Lisa McMurtray, Lisa Williams, the two reviewers, and the entire team at University Press of Mississippi for helping me to bring this book to fruition.

The librarians at the Library of Congress Manuscript Reading Room were swift and helpful during my multiple visits to work through the American Colonization Society Papers. Tiffany Lewis connected me with Aimee Roberge, who procured some vital letters related to Louis Sheridan from the New York Historical Society.

Angela G. Ray and Paul Stob convened a conference at the Alexandria Lyceum in the Fall of 2015. My engagement with Hilary Teage and the Liberia Lyceum began there. Parts of chapter 4 appeared as A Lyceum Diaspora: Hilary Teage and a Liberian Civic Identity, in a volume titled Thinking Together: Lecturing, Learning, and Difference in the Long Nineteenth Century, edited by Ray and Stob (Penn State University Press, 2018). I appreciate their editing and support of my contribution to the book.

Earlier versions of chapter 2 and chapter 5 have appeared, respectively, as Polyvocality and the Personae of Blackness in Early Nineteenth-Century Slavery Discourse: The Counter Memorial against Colonization, 1816, Rhetoric & Public Affairs 15, no. 2 (2012): 235–66; and Abraham Lincoln’s ‘Second Annual Message to Congress’ and Public Policy Advocacy for African Colonization, Rhetoric & Public Affairs 21, no. 3 (2018), both copyright Michigan State University Press. I thank G. Mitchell Reyes and Charles E. Morris III for their comments on the former essay and the reviewers for both essays for providing feedback that helped in the development of those projects. Special thanks to Martin J. Medhurst, the editor of Rhetoric & Public Affairs, for his guidance on both projects.

My colleagues at the University of Georgia foster a culture of rigor that has pushed me to be a better scholar. In their respective terms as department head, Barbara Biesecker and Edward Panetta have each been supportive of my research in every way possible. Dave Tell has been a constant source of intellectual engagement. Maegan Parker Brooks, Cindy Koenig Richards, Lisa M. Corrigan, Michael Phillips-Anderson, M. Kelly Carr, and Richard Benjamin Crosby have been great interlocutors along the way.

Sally J. Spalding read every word of this manuscript, providing edits, insights, and good humor.

My parents, Barb and Fred Southard, have supported me in countless ways for my entire life. My brothers, Gerrit and Tor, are the best. My extended family—in-laws, aunts, uncles, and cousins—were always kind to listen to me when they would ask the seemingly innocuous question, What is your book about? Nieces and nephews were smart not to ask.

I’ve spent two decades admiring the intellect and drive of Belinda Stillion Southard. Our partnership has seen many states, schools, degrees, jobs, and phases. There is no one whose opinion I sought or trusted more than hers. I could not have gotten through it without her. We carry each other.

This book is dedicated to Ella Rose and Finna Helene. They are fierce and funny and better than me. I love them so very much.

Peculiar Rhetoric

Introduction

In 1816 a group of gentlemen who are friendly to the promotion of a plan for colonizing the free blacks of the United States convened at Davis’s Hotel in the Georgetown neighborhood of Washington City.¹ According to the chair of the meeting, Henry Clay, their purpose was to consider the propriety and practicability of a colonization scheme.² The influential attendees of the meeting included Clay, Daniel Webster, Ferdinando Fairfax, John Randolph, Francis Scott Key, Rev. William Meade, and at least a dozen more political, religious, and social leaders.³ Free blacks—the objects of their scheme—were not truly free; as Clay observed: "That class, of the mixt population of our country, was peculiarly situated. They neither enjoyed the immunities of freemen, nor were they subject to the incapacities of slaves.⁴ Because of the unconquerable prejudices resulting from their color, Clay surmised, they never could amalgamate with free whites of the country."⁵ The remarks delivered at this germinal gathering foreshadowed the decades-long effort to remove free blacks from the United States and resettle them in another country, most notably in what became the country of Liberia on the western coast of Africa. From this meeting the American Society for Colonizing the Free People of Colour of the United States (later shortened to the American Colonization Society) was formed.

As Clay attested, free blacks were indeed peculiarly situated in early nineteenth-century American society. In fact, free blacks lived a life that was not entirely free or enslaved. This peculiarity influenced not only the social position of free blacks within these early communities but also the formation of a black identity.⁶ As Paul Gilroy argues, attempting to be both black and a member of white-dominated society

requires some specific forms of double consciousness. By saying this I do not mean to suggest that taking on either or both of these unfinished identities necessarily exhausts the subjective resources of any particular individual. However, where racist, nationalist, or ethnically absolutist discourses orchestrate political relationships so that these identities appear to be mutually exclusive, occupying the space between them or trying to demonstrate their continuity has been viewed as a provocative and even oppositional act of political insubordination.⁷

In the early-to-mid-nineteenth century, free blacks in the United States occupied the space between that Gilroy describes. Due to the perceived threat that free blacks allegedly posed to white slaveholding society, colonization was a solution worthy of pursuit. Colonization could also be framed in ways that appealed to antislavery whites, as removal to Liberia provided free blacks with an opportunity for freedom and self-rule. If colonization could drain off the free black population, as Clay put it, then clear racial categories could be better maintained within America’s borders and the freedom of already free blacks could be respected. This logic manifested in state laws that simultaneously urged support for colonization and created restrictions on citizenship and economic interactions for free blacks.⁸ Promoted out of respect for racial hierarchy and the liberty of free blacks, colonization aimed to remove the segment of the population that could not be easily defined in American society.

Much like the population they sought to expel from the United States, the American Colonization Society (ACS) was also peculiarly situated. In the second quarter of the nineteenth century, public discourse regarding slavery became more polarized and hostile. While radical abolitionists battled with firebrand proslavery advocates, the ACS attempted to negotiate the extreme positions of the two sides. Clay was well aware that these negotiations would not be easy and thus believed it was necessary to focus the ACS’s efforts on free blacks only. It was proper and necessary distinctly to state, Clay reassured his audience, that no part of the object of this meeting to touch or agitate, in the slightest degree, a delicate question connected with another portion of the colored population of our country.⁹ The other portion of the colored population, the enslaved population, was not under consideration. To an extent, colonizationists’ efforts to negotiate between pro- and anti-slavery discourses succeeded. Over fifteen thousand free blacks were transported from the United States to Liberia.¹⁰ In fact, the arguments for colonization, espoused by the gentlemen in that Georgetown hotel and hundreds of advocates that followed (including Abraham Lincoln), animated colonization discourse for decades, only to be abandoned in favor of emancipation.

The ACS formed at a time of rising colonization sentiment throughout the United States. Early supporters of colonization were few but powerful. For example, in 1790 wealthy white planter Ferdinando Fairfax, an attendee of the first ACS meeting, argued for the propriety of gradual emancipation and colonization in light of sectional tensions.¹¹ As one of the most outspoken and prominent free black men to support colonization, Captain Paul Cuffe stated his belief in the scheme in the early 1810s after visiting the British free black colony in Sierra Leone.¹² It was around this time that colonization groups formed in the North, West, and South. In the North, religious leaders like Samuel J. Mills and Robert Finley preached that colonization aligned with the principles of Christianity.¹³ In the West, groups formed in Ohio and Kentucky that focused on the relocation of free blacks to locales removed from white society.¹⁴ In the South, Virginians secretly contemplated colonization in the General Assembly in 1800 and renewed their interest when the journals from that session were later discovered by Assemblyman Charles Fenton Mercer.¹⁵ Many of these local and state efforts aimed for national support, such as a small group in New Jersey that asked their state legislature "to use their influence with the National Legislature to adopt some plan of colonizing the Free Blacks."¹⁶ The ACS represented a unification of purpose, as well as a recognition that the efficacy of colonization required the considerable resources of the national government.

Despite the support from many corners of the country and the creation of the ACS to amplify the message, the quantitative insignificance and qualitative denouncement of colonization seems to make clear that the African colonization movement failed. The ACS relocated over fifteen thousand free blacks during its entire history (1816 to 1899). By comparison, there were more than one hundred thousand free blacks living in northern states and more than 1,500,000 enslaved blacks in the United States in 1820 alone.¹⁷ Moreover, colonization was incredibly unpopular among prominent abolitionists. For example, Article Four of David Walker’s well-known antislavery tract, Walker’s Appeal, in Four Articles, was devoted entirely to criticizing the ACS. Even though he was once a member of the ACS, William Lloyd Garrison denounced colonization in his pamphlet Thoughts on African Colonization, and in his newspaper, The Liberator.¹⁸ Maria W. Miller Stewart poetically ridiculed colonizationists’ willingness to fund removal rather than pay for free blacks to remain in the country. She stated, Methinks their [colonizationists’] hearts are so frozen towards us, they had rather their money should be sunk in the ocean than to administer it to our relief.¹⁹ In 1849 Frederick Douglass proclaimed that the Colonization Society is one of the most impudent Societies in the world.²⁰ The ACS could not claim significant success in the number of free blacks colonized, nor could it count on the support of some of the country’s most vocal opponents of slavery.

Defenders of slavery similarly decried the scheme. Thomas R. Dew’s Review of the Debate in Virginia Legislature of 1831 and 1832 was influential in the development of the political economic argument for slavery and launched a rebuke of colonization similar to Walker’s. Dew attacked colonization, stating, The whole history of colonization, indeed, presents one of the most gloomy and horrific pictures to the imagination of the genuine philanthropist which can possibly be conceived.²¹ In another widely circulated proslavery text, George Fitzhugh attacked the colonization movement for its moderation, arguing, The negroes despise the Clay clique of Colonizationists, because, believing slavery morally wrong, they have not the courage to say so, nor the justice to give the slave up.²² For a movement supposedly keen to unite abolitionists and slaveholders across regions of the country, colonizationists seemed only to unite both sides in opposition to colonization.

Rhetorical scholarship has adopted this narrative of failure, though for different reasons. In addition to colonization’s statistical failure to repatriate blacks to Africa, Philip C. Wander renders judgment on what he called the abortive scheme of colonization and its retrenchment of racism: The great leaders of the nineteenth century, including Madison, Monroe, Clay, Webster, Lincoln, and Douglas, created and sustained what in our view must be called racist institutions.²³ Despite colonization’s questionable beginnings, other scholars offer more favorable commentary on the movement by focusing on the rhetoric of colonization opponents. For example, Jacqueline Bacon argues that the anticolonization discourse that fomented in the black newspaper Freedom’s Journal creates an identity for African Americans that allows them to speak for themselves and assert agency.²⁴ Stephen H. Browne examines the radical critique of Garrison as expressed in Thoughts on African Colonization, arguing that the pamphlet took on a formidable opponent and sought, literally, to speak it out of existence.²⁵ Alisse Portnoy illuminates the role that women played in the kind of radical critique with which Garrison and other male anticolonizationists have been credited.²⁶ Ousmane K. Power-Greene takes a similar approach by focusing on the history of the black struggle to challenge colonization.²⁷ Altogether, then, rhetorical studies of how racism and rights have been contested in American history position colonization as an antagonist or foil to abolitionist and antiracist discourses.

Colonization discourse was more rhetorically complex than the narrative of failure suggests. Such a narrative emphasizes the quantitative and ideological effect of colonization advocacy. These effects are worthy of critique, but the force of those criticisms has tacitly deemed the case closed on colonization rhetoric. However, as David Zarefsky reminds us, a more complex view of the rhetorical transaction is one that emphasizes contingency and choice rather than predictability and control.²⁸ There is far more contingency and choice in colonization discourse worthy of examination when the movement is not seen as a fait accompli. Specifically, the narrative of failure sublimates the complex rhetorical processes that constituted colonization and blackness in the middle of the public debate about slavery and antislavery for a half century. The middle of colonization discourse was, in part, a matter of its compromise position on the issue of slavery. However, the middle demands attention for the novel rhetorical maneuvers of rhetors navigating between more clearly identified end points. Erik Doxtader argues that public life is a critical domain in which the weight of the middle is often lost. Political agents choose between things: self and collective, stability and change, principles and practice. To resolve these tensions, Doxtader continues, we frequently turn from this middle to consider beginnings and endings. Indeed, middles are hard to define.²⁹ When the middle is discussed, the focus tends to be on the concept of moderation and the pejorative connotations of the middle with mediocrity.³⁰ Like Doxtader, Bradford Vivian resists the diminution of the middle, instead turning toward it and developing what he calls a rhetoric in the middle voice. Vivian offers a rethinking of rhetoric in the middle that emphasizes processes and relations instead of subjects and objects that cannot be suppressed or domesticated by appeals to essential truth, knowledge, virtue, or being.³¹ Viewing colonization as a failure discourages a focus on the middle, away from the processes and relations and complexities of public life that constituted a sustained, strange, and serious conversation about African colonization for a half century.

Peculiar Rhetoric engages in an examination of colonization in the middle of public life, exploring the variety, complexity, contradictions, virtuosity, and, yes, failure of a significant and often polarized discourse about race in America. The case of colonization offers compelling insights into a specific kind of middle rhetoric, what I refer to as peculiar rhetoric of colonization. Peculiarity refers to something that is different from normal (often in a strange way), something particular or special.³² When applied to slavery, peculiar is the euphemistic word that many whites used in public discourse to denature the horrors of slavery, that peculiar institution.³³ The phrase peculiarly situated functioned differently; it conveyed a vision of social hierarchy that recognized the existence of free blacks and their inability to fit into the scheme created by those in power. In both cases, the litotic designation of peculiar understated the savagery and anxieties of slavery in America. The concept of peculiar rhetoric captures the odd, strange, uneasy, and at times transgressive discourses that whites and blacks generated in relation to the subject of colonization.

The approach taken in this book could be called a peculiar rhetorical history. The peculiar rhetorics examined herein affirm Zarefsky’s claim that rhetorical history is a vibrant, multidimensional field.³⁴ Zarefsky discusses the dynamism of rhetorical history in terms of two kinds of studies: synchronic (emphasizing rhetors’ response in a particular moment) and diachronic (emphasizing the development of rhetorical practice over time). Peculiar Rhetoric examines individual rhetors in particular moments but situates those rhetors within the nearly fifty-year span during which colonizationists advocated for widespread, federal support. This approach contributes to the corpus of rhetors and discourses in American public address while also illuminating what Zarefsky refers to as the rhetorical climate of an age.³⁵ Daniel Walker Howe explains that focusing on individuals rather than organizational action offers advantages of accuracy and subtlety that too often are lost in collective portraits of an age or movement.³⁶ By pausing to dart sideways and slantways, in order to examine the interplay of particular texts and contexts in sometimes microscopic detail, as Janell Johnson puts it, those close readings can illuminate the particulars of a moment that provides texture to the broader histories.³⁷ In a Venn diagram of diachronic and synchronic approaches to rhetorical history, this study vibrates in the overlapping middle section, oscillating between particular texts and broader contexts to capture the peculiarity that colonization engendered.

The linkage between diachronic and synchronic approaches to rhetorical history is enriched by the study of the constitutive potential of language. A constitutive approach to rhetoric allows for a more complicated understanding of effect, shifting emphasis away from how rhetoric represents reality to how rhetoric shapes reality through identification.³⁸ As James Jasinski argues, "discursive constitution specifies the way textual practices structure or establish conditions of possibility, enabling and constraining subsequent thought and action in ways similar to the operation of rules in a game. Indeed, as Jasinski goes on to state, language can function to organize and structure … the norms of political culture and the experience of communal existence, providing the linguistic resources of the culture.³⁹ The discourse of white colonizationists, who were operating from a position of political and social power relative to free blacks, shaped those linguistic resources of the culture. Another facet of a constitutive approach highlights how rhetoric contributes to self-constitution and formation of subjectivity."⁴⁰ This perspective is particularly important when attempting to understand the rhetorical history of disempowered and oppressed peoples. When social, rhetorical, and political norms create barriers to full participation in the deliberative public sphere, the typical methods and forms of discourse will provide little insight into the perspectives of those who are excluded. The constitutive framework realizes that the traditional relationship between rhetor and audience can be refigured in order to comprehend alternative perspectives and understand the impact of language that is not tied to persuasive success.

Part of the critical space opened by the constitutive approach is to allow for theoretical play in the examination of historical discourse. There was a moment in rhetorical studies in which the recovery of unheard voices seemed at odds