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    The Neo-Orthodox Theology of W. W. Bryden
    The Neo-Orthodox Theology of W. W. Bryden
    The Neo-Orthodox Theology of W. W. Bryden
    Ebook499 pages7 hours

    The Neo-Orthodox Theology of W. W. Bryden

    By John A. Vissers

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    A biographical study on the Theology of W. W. Bryden.
    LanguageEnglish
    PublisherPickwick Publications
    Release dateMar 20, 2006
    ISBN9781498276504
    The Neo-Orthodox Theology of W. W. Bryden
    Author

    John A. Vissers

    John A. Vissers is Principal at The Presbyterian College in Montreal. He is also Director of the Montreal School of Theology and Faculty Lecturer in Christian Theology at McGill University.

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      The Neo-Orthodox Theology of W. W. Bryden - John A. Vissers

      The Neo-Orthodox Theology of W. W. Bryden

      John A. Vissers

      2008.Pickwick_logo.jpg

      THE NEO-ORTHODOX THEOLOGY OF W. W. BRYDEN

      Princeton Theological Monograph Series 56

      Copyright © 2006 John A. Vissers. All rights reserved. Except for brief quotations in critical publications or reviews, no part of this book may be reproduced in any manner without prior written permission from the publisher. Write: Permissions, Wipf & Stock, 199 W. 8th Ave., Eugene, OR 97401.

      ISBN: 1-59752-513-8

      EISBN 13: 978-1-4982-7650-4

      Cataloging-in-publication data

      Vissers, John A.

      The neo-orthodox theology of W. W. Bryden / John A. Vissers.

      xii + 284 p. 23 cm.

      Princeton Theological Monograph Series; 56

      ISBN 1-59752-513-8 (alk. paper)

      1. Bryden, Walter Williamson (1883–1952). 2. Theologians—Canada. 3. Neo-orthodoxy. 4. Theology—History—20th century. I. Title. II. Series.

      BX4825 V58 2006

      Manufactured in the U.S.A.

      Table of Contents

      Title Page

      Preface and Acknowledgments

      Introduction: The Word of God and the Words of Walter W. Bryden

      Chapter 1: The Making of a Presbyterian Mind

      Chapter 2: The Emergence of a Neo-Orthodox Voice

      Chapter 3: The Judging–Saving Word of God

      Chapter 4: A Theology of the Spirit

      Chapter 5: A Church Reformed and Reforming

      Chapter 6: The Witness of W. W. Bryden and the Neo-Orthodox Legacy

      Bibliography

      Princeton Theological Monograph Series

      K. C. Hanson, Editor

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      For my wife, Lynn
      The heart of her husband trusts in her . . .
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      BrydenPortrait.jpg

      Photo courtesy of the Presbyterian Church Archives

      Preface and Acknowledgments

      Among the pictures of past principals to be found in the Caven Library of Knox College in Toronto hangs the portrait of Walter Williamson Bryden. Owlish in appearance, eyes that pierce in eager encounter, a facial expression marked by solemnity and wisdom—Bryden’s image represents what many undoubtedly imagine a Presbyterian divine to look like. For twenty-seven years, from 1925 until 1952, Bryden taught most of the clergy who served in The Presbyterian Church in Canada. This was a critical period in that church’s history. As the sixth principal of the College, from 1945 until he died in 1952, Bryden left an indelible theological imprint on many of the church’s ministers. Through them he influenced the faith and life of Presbyterianism for a generation to come.

      When it was suggested a number of years ago that I should explore and document the theological legacy of Walter W. Bryden in Canadian Protestantism, I was, it has to be admitted, somewhat skeptical. I knew little about Bryden, and what I did know did not immediately convince me that a thorough theological study was warranted. At the time, a few of Bryden’s students had written papers and articles on his thought and influence, but little else, despite good intentions, had been done. However, as I studied Bryden’s material, interviewed his former students, read what had been written about him, and delved into the history of Protestant theology in North America, Britain, and Europe in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, I soon became convinced that there was indeed a theological story to tell. I trust that this effort, therefore, will contribute to the understanding of a pivotal figure and an important era in the development of Canadian Protestant thought.

      The sources upon which I have drawn, in addition to the published material, are those housed primarily in the Knox College Archives and the Archives of the Presbyterian Church in Canada. The materials upon which I have focused set out Bryden’s theological views as expressed in published books, articles, and pamphlets, as well as in unpublished lectures, sermons, and correspondence. References to these sources and the secondary literature that have shaped my interpretation of Walter Bryden’s thought and the character of neo-orthodox theology can be found in the notes and the bibliography.

      Several institutions and people are to be thanked for their contribution to this book. The Board of Governors of the Presbyterian College, Montreal granted me a five-month sabbatical leave from my responsibilities as principal and professor of theology in order to complete the final draft of the manuscript. The Association of Theological Schools, through its Lilly Theological Research Grant Program, and The Priscilla and Stanford Reid Trust for Reformed Theological Education in Canada, provided financial support. Knox College and Tyndale Seminary, both in Toronto, provided resources, at an earlier stage, that allowed me to pursue the research and writing which forms the basis of this book. I should also like to acknowledge the resources of The Presbyterian Church in Canada Archives and archivists Kim Arnold and Bob Anger.

      The list of those who entered into this project at various stages is so long that I am sure to omit some. Nevertheless I should like to begin by thanking a number of Walter Bryden’s students who have shown a keen interest in this project and kindly spent time with me discussing his life, ministry, and theological contribution. They include a number who died before this book was completed: Arthur Cochrane, Charles Cochrane, Donald Wade, J. Charles Hay, George L. Douglas, and Walter Bryden’s son Kenneth Bryden. I want to thank Joseph C. McLelland, whose work on Walter Bryden has shaped mine, and Robert Anderson, for his unflagging commitment to seeing that Bryden’s theological work remains before the Canadian Protestant church.

      A number of Canadian historians and theologians have provided assistance at critical points. I should like to thank David Demson and W. James Farris who supervised an earlier version of this work as a doctoral thesis at The Toronto School of Theology, University of Toronto. Although the material has been expanded considerably and the scope of the argument widened, a good deal of the original research done under their direction has found its way into the book. As far as I can remember, it was Brian Fraser, formerly of the Vancouver School of Theology, who first suggested to me that I pursue research into the theological contribution of Walter W. Bryden. The Roman Catholic scholar Harry McSorley of St. Michael’s College, University of Toronto also read an earlier version of this manuscript and encouraged its publication. Harold Wells of Emmanuel College did likewise.

      Numerous friends and colleagues have read all or part of the manuscript at various stages and offered helpful comments and corrections. Among them I would like to thank Glenn Smith, Barry Mack, W. J. Clyde Ervine, Glen Scorgie, Douglas John Hall, Ian S. Rennie, and John Moir. William Klempa and A. Donald MacLeod reviewed the manuscript carefully and offered many helpful suggestions.

      I should like to thank Donald McKim of Westminster John Knox Press for his interest in this project, and K.C. Hanson and Jim Tedrick of Wipf & Stock Publishers who have guided the book through to publication. I am grateful to Denise Allen who did the copyediting and proofreading.

      To be sure, not all those named will be satisfied with every aspect of my interpretation of Bryden’s thought and influence. It is to be hoped, however, that those who may see things a little differently will nevertheless conclude that I have sought to explicate Bryden’s thinking clearly and fairly in the context of European and North American theology. It goes without saying that any and all errors of commission and/or omission are the responsibility of the author alone.

      My wife Lynn, and my children, Grant, Jennifer and Joel, have lived with Walter Bryden as an unseen member of the family for as long as they can remember. I thank them for their role in making Walter Bryden’s theological story more widely known.

      Introduction The Word of God and the Words of Walter W. Bryden

      We must take the best and most irrefragable of human doctrines, and embark on that, as if it were a raft, and risk the voyage of life, unless it were possible to find a stronger vessel, some Divine Word on which we might journey more surely and securely.¹

      The Gospel is therefore not an event, not an experience, nor an emotion—however delicate! Rather, it is the clear and objective perception of what eye hath not seen nor ear heard. Moreover, what it demands of [us] is more than notice, or understanding, or sympathy. It demands participation, comprehension, co-operation; for it is a communication which presumes faith in the living God, and which creates that which it presumes.²

      Dr. Stuart C. Parker, the influential liberal minister of St. Andrew’s Presbyterian Church (Simcoe Street) in Toronto, was beside himself with rage, and had to be physically restrained. Walter Bryden, Knox College’s professor of church history and the history and philosophy of religion, had just delivered a one hour and fifty minute address on the significance of the Westminster Confession of Faith to the General Assembly meeting in Hamilton, Ontario. The year was 1943, and Parker assumed that by now most Canadian Presbyterians, especially those teaching in the church’s colleges, considered the seventeenth-century statement of Reformed theology as having not much more than historical significance. Yet here was Bryden, one of the church’s leading theological professors, extolling the virtues of the Westminster Confession for the continuing Presbyterian Church in Canada. To be sure, he pointed out its limitations as a confessional standard, and he resisted any and all attempts to adopt it as a statement of faith which set out eternal truths once for all time. But when it came to making his main point, Bryden was unapologetic: the Westminster Confession of Faith represented the enduring witness of a generation to its faith and life in Jesus Christ, and continuing Presbyterians in Canada were under the same obligation of the gospel to confess their faith in God’s Judging-Saving Word. Fortunately, Parker was intercepted as he made his way down the aisle of St. Paul’s Church to speak to the slight and soft-spoken Walter Bryden. Nevertheless, Parker’s response represented the increasing impatience on the part of some Canadian Protestant church leaders with the emergence of a new and distinct theological witness in the second quarter of the twentieth century. What kind of theologian and what kind of theology could possibly provoke such a strong reaction, especially in Canadian Protestantism? These are the questions to be explored in this book.

      Canadian Protestant theology during the 1930s was rife with the mood of crisis. It was a time, in the words of one Canadian church leader, of the seeming failure of liberal theology, a time of theological perplexity, of the lost radiance of Christianity, of the dominance of secularism, of optimism about man and the world though this has faded in the face of the world crisis [and] of the decay of worship.³ Idealism, which had provided the major philosophical paradigm for Protestant theology in Canada since about 1870, had floundered. Two-party Protestantism, divided by the fundamentalist/modernist controversy, bedeviled the mainline churches and, for all its ecumenical promise, the church union movement did not fulfill its hope of renewing the church to confront the forces of secularism. Indeed, as David Marshall has argued, the emergence of such movements as the Oxford Group and the Fellowship of Reconciliation were band-aid measures.⁴ To the extent that the crisis being felt in the churches belonged to the wider mood of disillusionment in Canadian society, it was fed by the economic uncertainty of the Great Depression and the threat of another cataclysmic war in Europe.

      Despite the mood of crisis, or perhaps precisely because of it, a revived Protestantism in the spirit of Luther and Calvin appeared during this period to challenge the dominant Canadian theological ethos and ecclesiastical establishment. The uncertainty and ambiguity which characterized much of the preaching in Protestant churches in the first quarter of the twentieth century generated a protest by a new generation of clergy who believed that the Christian faith had something significant to say in the midst of troubling times. J. G. Berry, writing in the Presbyterian Record in 1941, noted that this new Protestantism took its stand firmly on the Word of God, which it affirmed as the revelation of the living God.⁵ It drew sharp distinctions between time and eternity and it emphasized the infinite qualitative difference (Kierkegaard) between God and humanity. It railed against the teachings of nineteenth-century liberal Protestantism and yet it refused to retreat behind the Biblicism of conservative orthodoxy. It pointed again and again to the Divine Word which it believed had been spoken decisively in God’s crucified Messiah. The mood of crisis, it argued, had to be understood in terms of God’s judgment.

      Among the voices raised in this protest none was stronger in Canada than that of Professor Walter Williamson Bryden. During the 1920s Bryden had already been tenaciously burrowing to the foundations of modern theology in order to find a different basis for Protestant faith and life than the idealist version of Christianity to which he had been introduced as a student. By the early 1930s, when the mood of crisis set in, he was in a position to offer an incisive critique of Canadian church life and the theology which supported it to a new generation of theological students who believed that liberalism had been tried and found wanting. The importance of the Swiss theologian Karl Barth for this movement soon became apparent, and Walter Bryden was one of the first Canadian theologians to understand the radical challenge Barth’s protest posed for the modern church.

      Karl Barth was a young Reformed pastor in Safenwil, Switzerland when, in 1919, he startled the European theological world with the publication of his commentary on Paul’s letter to the Romans. Dominated by the language of paradox, crisis, and dialectics, Karl Barth’s book was an astonishingly brash challenge to the hegemony of nineteenth-century liberal theology and Külturprotestantismus (Cultural Protestantism). Unsatisfied with the first edition, Barth rewrote the book leaving, as he said, no stone unturned. The second edition, published in 1922, erupted with even more volcanic power as Barth pointed to the centrality of the Word of God which touched time and history in Jesus Christ, and which continues to touch humanity again and again as the original Word is heard, leaping across the distances of time which are no barrier or hindrance to the running of the communication from eternity.⁶ Barth spoke passionately about a word of judgment which contradicted and condemned human pride and its manifestation in ethics, politics, and religion. Religion, Barth argued, far from being the point of closest contact with God, is the house human beings build in order to hide themselves from God, to convince themselves that God is within their grasp and under their control. The hurricane of the Word tears away the flimsy structures of our pretensions, the altars of our false gods, the artificial securities to which we love to cling, all that Paul describes as the ‘righteousness of the Law.’⁷ The cross of Jesus Christ is God’s final and decisive ‘No!’ to all that: it leaves us literally nothing of our own on which we can rely. But God’s ‘No!’ is spoken to create faith so that human beings may trust solely in God and hear behind and beyond this ‘No!’ the even deeper, more profound, and final promise of God’s ‘Yes!’ The affirmation is the real purpose of the negation as God’s Word of judgment makes real and radical faith possible, inviting humanity into the saving purposes of God.

      At about the same time that Karl Barth was ringing a bell that sounded throughout Christendom,⁸ a youngish Walter Bryden, an ocean away in a quiet little village in the heart of Old Ontario,⁹ was working his way through Paul’s Corinthian correspondence with many of the same theological questions. Like Barth, Bryden knew what it was to mount the pulpit steps each week to speak to his congregation in the infinite contradiction of their life, but also to speak the no less infinite message of the Bible.¹⁰ Passing largely unnoticed at the time, the book that resulted from Walter Bryden’s study did not contain the sharp language that characterized Barth’s work. But The Spirit of Jesus in St. Paul showed, as James D. Smart noted, a mind moving abreast of the most vital developments in Christian theology at the beginning of the twentieth century and already grappling with the questions which dominated the attention of the church’s leading theologians in the second quarter of the twentieth century. More importantly, when one reads this book, written before much had been heard of Barth or Brunner, one realizes why Dr. Bryden immediately felt a community of interest with them. They were asking the same questions as he had been and were struggling to find the way forward to a Church that would recover its roots in the Scriptures and in the Reformation.¹¹

      Even though he was uneasy about the ecclesiastical and theological climate within which he found himself, Walter Bryden assumed the starting-point of modern theology at the end of the nineteenth century: Divine Spirit. He made the claim that the essential thing in religion "is a real apprehension of God which is neither a purely intellectual or moral, nor yet an emotional experience of life."¹² Such a real apprehension of God, he argued, cannot be experienced but through the Spirit of God as the most important and most present factor in this realistic world. The Spirit is an unobtrusive Presence, easily grieved away and sometimes quenched, but it waits at the door of every soul and is quick to enter at the behest of the slightest need.¹³ The problem of the church in his day, he contended, was that the fact of the Spirit had been so modified in so-called Christian circles (if not altogether dismissed from the category of real things), as to make it practically identical with the natural evolution of the laws of moral progress.¹⁴ The Spirit of God, as Bryden understood it, had been separated from the revelation of God in Jesus Christ and attached to the rational ideals of the modern world. This was precisely the antithesis of the New Testament gospel, a message which emphasized that there was a need for revelation in history and a need for revelation in every individual soul, if that soul is to know truth—God. Revelation in the individual’s life is that light which breaks upon personal labor and patience, and courageous and obstinate adventure in the sphere of the Spirit, and which reveals itself in a knowledge ear-marked of God.¹⁵

      Walter Bryden was reacting to the idealism and rationalism that dominated Protestant thought and life in the opening decades of the twentieth century. Canada’s leading idealist philosopher of the time, John Watson of Queen’s University, Kingston, for example, appealed to Paul’s Athenian address in order to shore up a Hegelian and Darwinian worldview: In God ‘we live and move and have our being,’ Watson told a Kingston meeting of the Y.M.C.A. in 1901. We are spirits capable of communion with the Spirit of all things; the meanest as well as the highest object within our reach witnesses of this universal spirit; and living in it, we may become worthy members of the family, the community, the state, the race. To realize this spirit in all its forms is our true life work.¹⁶ The spirit about which idealism spoke gathered up all humanity as one in the progressive unfolding of history. Watson’s conception of the spirit, however, was too domesticated for Bryden. In the hands of politicians and ecclesiastical bureaucrats it had been used to prop up the status quo and to justify a society and a church that appeared to have little in common with the faith of the New Testament. The Spirit of Jesus, Bryden argued, created longings, passions, paradoxes, and even uncertainties in the midst of real life. The Holy Spirit, it seemed to him, raised questions about God, human beings, and the world, before it created a knowledge of God. The Spirit, when it stirred in the human soul, caused people to labor under the burden of their sins and long to hear a divine word.

      Bryden sensed that there was something profoundly wrong with the idealist bent of Canadian Christianity, yet he also knew that he could not simply embrace the old orthodoxies. Already between a rock and a hard place, Bryden’s dilemma was exacerbated by the church union movement where appeals to the principles of idealism and rationalism were rampant. Though sympathetic to the need for church unity, he remained aloof to the debate in the years leading up to church union because he was alarmed by the indifference to theology displayed by both sides.¹⁷ When required to make the decision, however, Bryden opted for the continuing Presbyterian Church in Canada because the case for union had left him unconvinced. But it would take Karl Barth’s radical and clarion call to reorient Walter Bryden to the theology of Word and Spirit at the heart of the Protestant Reformation. In the wake of Barth’s influence, and within a few short years of writing The Spirit of Jesus in St. Paul, Bryden talked paradoxically and prophetically about God’s Judging-Saving Word, and launched his own protest against the worldview of the dominant ecclesiastical establishment. Along the way, he became one of the most important and articulate post-union voices in the continuing Presbyterian Church in Canada.

      Four years after Walter Bryden’s death in 1952, James D. Smart, then a professor at Union Theological Seminary in New York, and one of Bryden’s former students in the 1920s, gave the following assessment of Bryden’s theological significance:

      A future historian who attempts to understand and evaluate the development of the Presbyterian Church in Canada in the half century following 1925 will find himself very clearly confronted with the fact of Walter W. Bryden. He will not find the name appearing often in the minutes of the General Assembly nor among those serving on important committees which are supposed to wield great power in the shaping of the church’s life. But as he examines the convictions which have moved men to action and asks why the ministry of this Church has moved in certain directions and not in others, he will come upon innumerable trails all leading back to the classroom of this one man. It can be said that he has moved the Church at the level of its faith and its deepest thinking as has no other man in its history.¹⁸

      An exalted estimate, to be sure, but it is safe to say that outside Canadian Presbyterian circles Bryden’s name has never been widely known, let alone acclaimed. Over the years a few United Church theologians have commented on Bryden’s legacy in passing. W.O. Fennell, for example, noted in his anniversary retrospect of the Canadian Theological Society that there were forerunners to the present association of Canadian theological scholars, among them Walter W. Bryden and the Trinitarian Society which met at Knox College during the 1930s and 1940s: the Trinitarian Society, founded by ministers graduated from Knox College, much under the influence of the Barthian scholar, Principal Bryden, and including a few non-Presbyterians in its membership, met regularly to discuss classical theological themes with vigour and scholarly acumen.¹⁹ Some of Bryden’s books were published and reviewed outside Canada but for the most part his influence was exercised within the Presbyterian Church in Canada in the two decades following church union. These were the years he mounted a rigorous defense of the Reformed faith for a church that had gone through a major crisis. He did so by appealing to the increasingly influential dialectical theology of Karl Barth and his colleagues. As a result, Bryden became the conduit through which many Canadian Presbyterians were introduced to neo-orthodox theology.

      Born on September 12, 1883 on a farm near Galt, Ontario, to a family of Scottish immigrants, Walter Bryden studied philosophy, psychology, and modern languages at the University of Toronto before proceeding to theological studies at Knox College, Toronto in preparation for the ordained ministry of The Presbyterian Church in Canada. During the course of studies in divinity, Bryden spent a year abroad at the United Free Church College in Glasgow where he was exposed to theological teachers who were to have a decisive influence on his thinking. Following graduation in 1909 he served successively as the minister of Presbyterian congregations in Alberta, Ontario and Saskatchewan before being called in 1927 to a professorship at Knox College, where he taught church history and the history and philosophy of religion. In 1945 he was appointed by the General Assembly as principal of the college, a position he held until his death on March 23, 1952.²⁰

      In five books, numerous articles and book reviews, correspondence, sermons, and more than ten volumes of unpublished lecture notes and manuscripts, Bryden almost single-handedly set forth an approach to Christian theology that was to reposition Presbyterianism within Canadian Protestantism after church union.²¹ Bryden’s contribution as a Presbyterian minister, theological professor, and college principal is essentially twofold: first, he was one of the earliest and most influential interpreters of Barth and Barthianism on the Canadian scene; and second, he was one of the ablest and most articulate critics of church union in Canada in the post-union era. The main purpose of this book is to examine both dimensions of Bryden’s theological contribution and their interdependence. On the one hand, Bryden marshaled the new Reformation theology of Barth and Brunner to launch a broadside against Canadian Protestantism in general and the church union movement in particular. At the same time, his increasing disillusionment with the idealism of modern Protestant theology and church life, especially as it was expressed in church union, had already prepared him to embrace wholeheartedly the witness of the neo-orthodox theologians.

      The Neo-Orthodox Protest and Canadian Protestantism

      The story of the reception of Karl Barth’s theology in Canada and neo-orthodoxy’s subsequent influence in Canadian Protestantism, as historians have long recognized, is bound up with the life and thought of Walter W. Bryden. In his A History of the Church in the United States and Canada, R. T. Handy identified Professor (later Principal) Walter Williamson Bryden of Knox College, a Presbyterian seminary as one of Karl Barth’s chief interpreters in North America. Bryden, in fact, was the only Canadian interpreter of Barth mentioned.²² Similarly Mark Noll’s A History of Christianity in the United States and Canada isolated but a single figure, W. W. Brydon (sic) of Knox College, Toronto as a significant neo-orthodox thinker in Canada.²³ Canadian church historian John Webster Grant noted that the works of the Swiss theologian Karl Barth had first been drawn to the attention of Canadians through the enthusiastic sponsorship of W.W. Bryden of Knox College.²⁴

      Beyond initial and isolated acknowledgement, however, no one has really examined the nature and substance of Bryden’s thought and influence as a neo-orthodox theological professor in the Canadian context. In fact, Canadian historians and theologians have generally ignored the neo-orthodox movement in twentieth-century Canadian Protestantism. The studies that do exist have gotten the movement quite wrong, either because they fail to examine the thought of Canadian theologians in detail or because they force neo-orthodoxy to fit a preconceived argument concerning the development of religious thought in Canada. For example, Robert Choquette summarizes neo-orthodox theology in Canada by describing Barth’s influence during the 1930s as providing conservative evangelical Christians with a refreshing alternative to the overly simplistic and literal reading of the Bible that all too frequently prevailed in fundamentalist circles.²⁵ One looks in vain, however, for any mention of a Canadian theologian or thinker who actually appropriated Barth in this manner. In an otherwise illuminating study of Canadian religious history, Michael Gauvreau dismisses Barthian neo-orthodox theologians as modernists, relativists, and existentialists who, rather than returning to the sources of evangelical tradition, broke decisively with its theology of history.²⁶ The distinctive tenets of the emerging theology of crisis were characterized by what Gauvreau describes as a sense of absolute contradiction between the uncertain, constantly changing record of human civilization, and the eternal, unchanging, incomprehensible revelation of God.²⁷ Though his instincts may well be correct, Gauvreau says all this without examining the thought of even a single Canadian neo-orthodox thinker. Similarly, in his argument for secularization, David B. Marshall contends that neo-orthodoxy was a brief and unsuccessful detour on the road that led inevitably from Victorian Christianity to secular modernity.²⁸ To his credit, Marshall takes a few pages to examine the reception of Karl Barth’s theology and the emergence of neo-orthodox themes in John Line, D. L. Ritchie, Walter Bryden, and E. H. Oliver. But the overall impression remains the same: neo-orthodoxy had little currency in Canadian Protestantism during the 1920s and 1930s.

      Most interpreters have also failed to distinguish between the theology of Karl Barth and the influence of so-called Barthianism that was transmitted to Canada via other representatives of the dialectical school of theology, especially Emil Brunner and Reinhold Niebuhr. One notable exception is Robert A. Wright who has pointed to the crucial role played by Reinhold Niebuhr of Union Seminary in New York in transmitting Barth’s influence to Canadian Protestantism during the depression. But again, aside from passing references to Walter Bryden, J. King Gordon of the Canadian Fellowship for a Christian Social Order, and John Line of Emmanuel College, there is no serious attempt to understand Canadian expressions of neo-orthodox themes, nor precisely how it was that Niebuhr became so influential in the reception of neo-orthodoxy in Canada.²⁹

      A careful examination of Walter Bryden’s thought and influence, as I intend to show, raises serious questions about the assumptions concerning neo-orthodoxy with which Canadian historians and theologians have worked. For example, Walter Bryden’s early reception of Karl Barth’s early theology indicates that neo-orthodoxy began to emerge in Canadian Protestantism by the late 1920s. There is also evidence to suggest that the interpretation of Barth embraced by Canadian theologians owed as much, if not more, to Brunner and a number of English interpreters in Britain and the United States, as it did to their reading of Barth himself. Furthermore, Walter Bryden was not interested in adopting the themes of Barth’s theology wholesale and transplanting them to Canadian soil. Rather than parroting Barth or borrowing idly (as many of Barth’s followers were known to do), Bryden tried to work out the implications of Barthian insights for the Canadian churches in the second quarter of the twentieth century. And perhaps most important of all, although Walter Bryden was one of the first on the continent to see the significance of Barth, he came through to his basic theological position on his own. He developed his own thought, primarily in reaction to the idealism which dominated Canadian Protestant thought in the first part of the twentieth century, and largely through the influence of the moderating Calvinism espoused by theologians like James Denney and P. T. Forsyth. The reception of Barth by Bryden was also prepared by the influence of Albert Schweitzer’s deconstruction of the search for the historical Jesus, and accompanied by the Formgeschichtliche Schule, of which Rudolf Bultmann’s book Jesus was representative. Bryden’s version of neo-orthodoxy, then, had roots that went deep in Canadian and British intellectual soil as well as those that reached out to continental European theology.

      It is in this context, then, that Barth’s decisive influence on Bryden is to be understood. By the late 1920s Bryden was sounding the themes that were to signal his lifelong engagement with Barth whom he referred to as the stern new prophet of Europe and the modern scion of the Reformation spirit, and whose theology he described as real Calvinism in a modern dress.³⁰ Bryden’s formative teachers had introduced him to a mediating and moderate form of Calvinism which combined critical scholarship with evangelical piety, but it was Barth who provided the categories with which Bryden framed his protest against both confessional Calvinism and progressive Protestantism.

      The term ‘neo-orthodoxy’ demands particular explanation since it figures so prominently in this account of Bryden’s thought and influence. Despite the fact that it is, as Douglas John Hall notes, a highly ambiguous term that defies categorization, and always has been, the term ‘neo-orthodoxy’ has been used to describe the development of twentieth-century theology for so long now that it seems unimaginable to tell the story without it.³¹ Neo-orthodoxy has usually been identified with the theology of the schools of Karl Barth and Emil Brunner, and sometimes Reinhold Niebuhr, which reasserted the principles of Reformation theology in a protest against the continuing influence of late nineteenth-century culture on Protestantism. In fact, the story of how Barth rebelled against his eminent liberal teachers and became the leader of a revolt against a liberal Protestant theological establishment is, as Gary Dorrien has noted, the founding narrative of twentieth-century theology.³² In the 1920s Barth and his chief theological collaborators were known as theologians of crisis or dialectical theologians. Initially Barth’s allies included Eduard Thurneysen, Friedrich Gogarten, Emil Brunner, Rudolf Bultmann, and Paul Tillich. By the 1930s these thinkers and others, including Dietrich Bonhoeffer, Reinhold Niebuhr, H. Richard Niebuhr, Regin Prenter, Gustav Aulen, Helmut Thielicke, and Suzanne de Dietrich, were working out their own forms of theology beyond liberalism while emphasizing their differences from Barth and each other.

      Nevertheless, their initial protest against liberalism was marked by a number of common themes including the transcendence and holiness of a wholly other God, human sinfulness, the doctrine of grace, the centrality of Christ, the strange new world within the Bible, and justification by faith alone. They objected to liberal Protestantism’s emphasis on the immanence of God, the optimism which characterized liberalism’s view of humanity and the progress of history, the authority of religious experience, the identification of revelation with rational and ethical ideals, and the gradual coming of the Kingdom of God on earth through social means. As modern thinkers, however, they accepted biblical criticism and were concerned to work out a social ethic in the industrial order that took social criticism of religion seriously. Initially launched as a protest against liberalism, the so-called neo-orthodox theologians soon trained their sights on the older forms of orthodoxy as well—confessional Protestantism, scholasticism, and fundamentalism—rejecting what they perceived as the reduction of Reformation insights to static scholastic principles and the identification of revelation with the words of a verbally inspired and infallible Scripture. They also pressed their critique to include Roman Catholic theology prior to Vatican II because it allowed, they believed, that human beings could gain a knowledge of God prior to and apart from the revelation of God in Jesus Christ. The movement in which these theologians found themselves as allies of a sort earned such tags as neo-supernaturalism, theology of encounter, existential theology, kerygmatic theology, theology of paradox, theology of the Word of God, Christian realism, dialectical theology, crisis theology, neo-Reformation theology, and Barthianism. Although ambiguous and problematic, the most prominent and persistent title given to the theological protest represented by this web of theological trajectories was neo-orthodoxy.

      The giant figures, as Gary Dorrien notes, compel later generations to explain them. To the extent that they have any say in the matter, they also usually resist the labels assigned to them. ³³ The fact that Karl Barth offers a striking example on both counts is an important point for understanding the shape of neo-orthodoxy in Canada. The movement that grew up around Barth’s initial theological protest soon took on a life of its own. Increasingly, Barth felt the need to distance himself from the others and sharply denied that he was a neo-orthodox theologian. He wanted no part of a movement to create a new or modernized orthodoxy. Furthermore, he rejected almost every other label used to describe the theological work with which he and his colleagues had been engaged, partly because he insisted that he did not want any school of followers, and partly because major rifts began to appear between them in the late 1920s. By the time the periodical Zwischen den Zeiten ceased operations in 1932, Barth and Bultmann had parted company over hermeneutics, and a dispute over natural theology was heating up between Barth and Brunner that led to their acrimonious split in 1934. Aware of this, and writing much later, James Smart lamented the confusion surrounding the term neo-orthodoxy:

      Who and what does it signify? Is this the theology of either of the Niebuhrs, or of Paul Tillich, or of Karl Barth, or of Emil Brunner? It cannot be the theology of all of them since they differ from each other not in superficial but in basic aspects of their theologies. Lumping them together as proponents of a Neo-Orthodox Theology misrepresents every one of them. Yet a surprising number of authors use this term, undefined, chiefly as a way of putting behind them a number of significant theologies of the immediate past.³⁴

      The theology of Barth and his colleagues which reached Canadian shores in the late 1920s, therefore, was already a theology in transition. Whatever consensus had existed among the crisis theologians was in the process of breaking up. And the differences between them were real theological differences. What frequently went by the name of Barthianism represented positions Barth had already repudiated. The reception of Barth and Barthianism in the English-speaking world, including Canada, facilitated by secondary interpreters, often exacerbated the confusion. Perceptively, Walter Bryden was one of the first Canadian interpreters of Barth and Barthianism to see the distinctions, although he was not always consistent in applying the insights. For this reason, Bryden sharply denied on more than one occasion that he was a Barthian. Like Barth, Bryden saw himself as a church theologian in the ongoing tradition of Calvin and Luther who sought to express the

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