Work Useful to Religion and the Humanities: A History of the Comparative Method in the Study of Religion from Las Casas to Tylor

Acknowledgments

It would be difficult for this tiny page of acknowledgments to adequately express the gratitude I feel toward all the people in my life who have been on this journey with me. I cannot let go of this study without giving credit to those people who make my world such a delightful place. Thank you from the bottom of my heart, all of you.

My students faithfully helped me hunt down articles and discussed readings with me. Gabriella Dattadeen, Paul Moore, Vicky Salim, and Ana Lee-Yee were all outstanding supporters and give me hope for the future.

My colleagues provided wonderful sounding boards and gentle guidance. Fay Bothom, Lynn Euzenas, and Joe Price always listened thoughtfully and asked provocative and helpful questions as I worked through the details of the project. I know it is a stronger book because of their help.

My support network of friends and family eased the way and offered support, encouragement, and the right combination of shoring-up and nudging to keep me on track through the past few years. Shannon Beets, Mark Cronan, Meg Garrett, Sandy Hereld, Sammie McGlasson, Melody Mooney, Karen Torjesen, and Glenn Yocum—I cannot thank you enough for your love and friendship. I would have been lost without you. And, in the I’d-be-lost-without-you category, Nana Sadamura provided coaching and an steadfast shoulder for me to lean on as I worked out the contours of my argument and my life.

I am indebted to my committee for their kindness and their thoughtful guidance. Ken Wolf offered insight and support, especially at the beginning of the project, and I am very grateful for his time and help. Lori Anne Ferrell provided comfort and consolation through long days of writer’s block as well as a strong line edit that made this dissertation much stronger. Ann Taves offered vision and clarity when I could not see the path clearly and gave me the tools to write this project. This project has benefitted tremendously from the patience and support of the editors and staff at Pickwick Publications.

My partner, Randy Reed, makes everything in life so much better. His careful attention to my work and his unwavering support made the entire endeavor possible. He has been an unfaltering companion and a comfort day and night. There is no way this would be possible without his kind and generous presence in my life.

Abbreviations

Brevisma Brevísma relación de la destrucćión de las Indias

FC Florentine Codex

Moeurs Moeurs des sauvages américains comparées aux moeurs des premiers temps

PC Primitive Culture

1

Introduction

What I have given here is only a very imperfect sketch of what can be done. Still it contains a plan on which work useful to religion and the humanities can be done . . . I protest that I shall be infinitely obliged to any who may wish to correct me on any points where I may have misunderstood or gone astray, or furnish new proofs on which to base my conjectures or to make new ones.

Joseph-Francois Lafitau

Moeurs des Sauvages Ameriquains

The great variety of peoples and cultures of the New World offered unique challenges to the inhabitants of the Old World. The New World challenged Old World ideas about humanity, slavery, politics, and especially religion. As Old World theologians tried to incorporate the New World in their theology, they turned to antique sources to explore the unity of humanity. Suddenly understanding pre-Christian peoples became much more important to Christian intellectuals and Christian missionaries alike. This was primarily because, like the indigenous New World peoples, people who lived before Christ had no knowledge of Christ. Augustine wrote with regard to antique accounts of peoples: Either the written accounts of certain races are completely unfounded; or, if such races do exist, they are not human; or, if they are human, they are descended from Adam. ¹

Such races did clearly exist, the New World was living proof (as it were). In the encounter with the New World both question of the humanity of these peoples and their relationship to Adam became central. Whether the peoples of the New World were sons and daughters of Adam and Eve was an urgent question for sixteenth-century Europeans. The practice of and debate about Amerindian slavery dominated conversations in Old World courts and seminaries as well as New World missions. After a long century of debate and conflict the question of the humanity of Amerindians was resolved and an official church policy established, though the practice of Amerindian slavery lingered. The next challenge for Old World theologians was to explore the relationship between Adam and the Amerindians. In the search for the answer to the question are these people descended from Adam the comparative method in religion was born.

Beginning with the early missionaries to the New World, the act of comparing Amerindians and their practices with accounts from antiquity and the biblical narratives became a way to understand how the Amerindians could exist without the knowledge of the true God. One of the most prominent New World missionaries and proponent of Amerindian rights, Bartolomé Las Casas, wrote:

I say that not only have the Indians shown themselves to be very prudent peoples, with acute minds, having justly and prosperously governed their republics (so far as they could without faith and the knowledge of the true God), but they have equalled many diverse races of the past and present, much praised for government, way of life, and customs. And in following the rules of natural reason, they have even surpassed by not a little those who were the most prudent of all , such as the Greeks and Romans. This advantage . . . will appear very clearly, if it please God, when the Indian races are compared with others.²

With this statement, the practice of comparing Amerindians with the Greeks and Romans was begun. During the sixteenth-century comparing Amerindians with Greek and Roman sources became a motif in many missionary accounts of the New World.

Las Casas was not the only missionary to use the comparative method to demonstrate the prudence of the Amerindians and their ways of life. His contemporaries, Bernardino de Sahagún and José de Acosta, also compared Amerindians with Greeks and Romans.³ A century after Las Casas, Sahagún, and Acosta, another missionary took up the practice of comparing Amerindians with texts from antiquity and introduced the possibility of seeing in the Amerindians the lives of the Greeks and Romans. His work is still cited as a pioneering text in comparative religion.⁴ He was the Jesuit missionary Joseph François Lafitau.

Joseph Lafitau (1681–1746) was the author of Moeurs des sauvages américains comparées aux moeurs des premiers temps (1724). This book is an ambitious comparative work, examining the practices and beliefs of Amerindians in relation to Greek and Roman accounts. A central question for Lafitau was the very question Augustine posed: could he demonstrate that the Amerindians were the descendents of Adam? Lafitau traced the lineage of the ancients (Greeks and Romans) and the Amerindians to their shared point of origin in the Garden of Eden. He argued that, through the comparison of customs—cultural practices and beliefs—he could trace the living Amerindians back through time to their deceased ancestors, the ancients. From that conclusion, Lafitau then compared myths and stories with the Bible in order to show the roots of Christianity in those seemingly non-Christian peoples. From this comparison, Lafitau concluded the ancients and the Amerindians were in fact, descended from Adam.

In the history of the practice of comparison in the study of religion in particular, Lafitau’s text has emerged as a pivotal document. His comparative work represents a moment in history where the world of the Enlightenment comes into stark relief. Lafitau’s text gives his readers, from Edward Burnett Tylor to Michel de Certeau to David Chidester, a moment’s pause as they reflect on the impact of the Enlightenment on the comparative study of religion.

Lafitau’s Useful Work: A Survey of Citations

In the preface to his comparative study of the Amerindians with that of first times Lafitau wrote he hoped his work would be useful to religion and the humanities.⁵ In some ways, Lafitau’s hope was realized. This work began as a project to investigate the question of why the Jesuit missionary Joseph Lafitau was the first ethnographer of the New World to some scholars,⁶ the father of cultural anthropology to other scholars,⁷ an acute Jesuit to some,⁸ and, finally, the founder of modern ethnography to yet others.⁹ Lafitau’s work, Moeurs, has been used by numerous scholars from Francis Parkman to Lewis Henry Morgan to Arthur C. Parker to Daniel Richter. His work is regularly cited by scholars interested in details about Amerindian life, especially Iroquois life, in the early colonial period of the North American Northeast.¹⁰ However, regardless of their discipline, none of the scholars mentioned above, from Francis Parkman to David Chidester, are interested in Lafitau’s comparative system or his understanding of religion. Instead, these authors mine Lafitau’s text for details about Amerindian life, especially Iroquois life, and disregard his other goals.

There are an eclectic mix of scholars who consult Lafitau’s work on religion and anthropology. Most significant for the study of religion, Lafitau is regularly mentioned by Edward Burnett Tylor. Tylor credits Lafitau with making the initial observation that Lewis Henry Morgan will later develop into a classificatory system for family structure among the Iroquois:¹¹ Father Lafitau . . . carefully described among the Iroquois and Hurons the system of kinship to which [Lewis Henry] Morgan has since given the name of ‘classificatory,’ where the mother’s sisters are reckoned as mothers, and so on.¹² Tylor is not the only scholar to credit Lafitau with insightful contributions to their particular field of study, be it anthropology, ethnology or comparative religion. Lafitau’s work is cited in many histories of anthropology and ethnology from the nineteenth and twentieth-centuries.

By way of introduction it is important to see the place Lafitau’s text has had in the history of anthropology, even though there is much disagreement about the breadth and depth Lafitau’s contribution. In 1934 Alfred C. Haddon wrote in History of Anthropology that Lafitau regarded primitive peoples as living witnesses of stages in the history of humanity.¹³ This reading of Lafitau’s text was followed by Penniman in his history of anthropology. He wrote that Lafitau interprets ancient peoples in light of modern savages.¹⁴ Both Haddon and Penniman felt that Lafitau’s text deserved some recognition in their history of anthropology, though neither summary is particularly complete. Frederick Teggart offers a similar one-line reference that Lafitau noted parallels between customs of . . . indians [sic] and those of the early Greeks.¹⁵ Sol Tax, in a history of anthropology entitled From Lafitau to Radcliffe-Brown mentions that Lafitau, when describing the matrilineal system of the Iroquois hit . . . by chance on the classificatory system that would dominate 19th century anthropological discussions of kinship.¹⁶ These short assessments reflect the primary goals of Lafitau’s work and acknowledge the contribution Moeurs made to the early history of anthropology, though they disregard his religious perspective and theological agenda.

Probably the best consideration of Lafitau’s work prior to the critical edition of Moeurs by William Fenton and Elizabeth Moore in 1977 is Margaret Hodgen’s appraisal in her 1964 book Early Anthropology in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries.¹⁷ In this work, Hodgen gives Lafitau’s work a careful review. She outlines the structure of Lafitau’s larger argument about the relationship between Amerindians and what can be learned about antique and pre-Christian peoples: Pére Lafitau insisted that the religion of the Indians was basically the same as that of the ancients, and cited innumerable rites and practices which seemed to bear a striking resemblance to those of the Greeks at the time of Homer and the Hebrews at the time of Moses.¹⁸ More than any other author, Hodgen represents the core of Lafitau’s argument: Not only did Pére Lafitau indicate innumerable parallels between American Indians and the Greeks and Romans, with reference to his chief interest, the institution of religion, but he showed the same meticulous interest in the collection of correspondences in government, marriage, family, education, the occupations of men and women, hunting and fishing, the disposition of the dead, and language.¹⁹ Few other reviewers read Lafitau as thoroughly as Hodgen. In her attempt to trace the history of the early modern practice of anthropology, she credits Lafitau as the most mature and competently stated argument regarding the connections, real or imagined, between Amerindians and the peoples of antiquity.²⁰ She is the only scholar to recognize the import of Lafitau’s contribution to the practice of comparison in the history of anthropology.

Most important for the purposes of this work, Hodgen also points to a similarity between Lafitau and Tylor. She states in her conclusion regarding Lafitau that "He attempted . . . not unlike Tylor at a much later date, to demonstrate that the customs of the American Indians displayed ‘singular and curious traces; or ‘vestiges’ of the cultures and religions of the earliest historical peoples, namely, the Greeks at the time of Homer and the Hebrews at the time of Moses; that all men came from the same inaugural stem; but that the Indians, as savages, represented an earlier and older phase of human development and occupied a lower place than civil man in the temporalized chain of being."²¹ This statement is provocative: Hodgen points out a demonstrable relationship between Lafitau’s comparative system and Tylor’s comparative system that has not been explored in any detail. This similarity, present in a deep reading of Lafitau’s text, is the starting-place for this study.

Despite the recognition given Lafitau’s work in the history of anthropology, histories of the Society of Jesus, remarkably, neglect him.²² The Catholic Encyclopedia (1910) says After Charlevoix, Lafitau was the most remarkable historian and naturalist ever sent to Canada by the Society of Jesus.²³ The New Catholic Encyclopedia (1967) mentions Moeurs, Lafitau’s second book Histoire des découvertes et des conquetes des Portugais dans le Nouveau-Monde (1733), and Lafitau’s contribution to the eighteenth century Jesuit periodical Mémoires de Trévoux, but does not make any claims for Lafitau’s intellectual contribution to the history of anthropology or comparative religion.²⁴ William V. Bangert mentions Lafitau only once in his History of the Society of Jesus (1972) as having been recognized as the Father of Cultural Anthropology but does not develop his assessment of Lafitau’s contribution to either the order or the discipline of anthropology any further.²⁵

One outstanding exception to this lack of Jesuit interest in Lafitau is Carl F. Starkloff’s (SJ) assessment in Common Testimony: Ethnology and Theology in the Customs of Joseph Lafitau (2001).²⁶ Starkloff attributes Lafitau’s absence in many Society of Jesus histories to his lack of an overt theological agenda: "That lack of Jesuit interest in him today is an oversight that Lafitau himself would