Seeking Places of Peace: A Global Mennonite History

Photography and Illustration Credits

Courtesy Mennonite Church USA Archives, North Newton, Kansas, ix, 17, 18, 51, 68, 73, 83, 89, 91, 168, 179, 235, 242; courtesy Saulo Padilla, xi; courtesy Lancaster Mennonite Historical Society, Lancaster, Pennsylvania, 2, 41, 85, 196, 223; courtesy Bethel College Library, North Newton, Kansas, 6; courtesy Jan Gleysteen, 8, 31, 35; courtesy Mennonite Church USA Archives, Goshen, Indiana, 11, 47, 119, 153, 172, 184, 189, 259 (left), 299, 318, 332; courtesy Mennonite Historical Library, Goshen, Indiana, 12, 39, 102, 160, 269, 293, 298, 300; courtesy Centre for Mennonite Brethren Studies, Winnipeg, Manitoba, 20, 60, 94, 113, 129, 205, 217, 231, 259 (right), 270, 272, 280, 289, 304, 317; courtesy Steven M. Nolt, 27; courtesy Mennonite Archives of Ontario, Waterloo, Ontario, 32, 99, 171, 215, 239, 315; courtesy Brethren in Christ Historical Library and Archives, Grantham, Pennsylvania, 37, 139, 143, 253 (bottom); courtesy Menno Simons Historical Library, Harrisonburg, Virginia, 45; courtesy Mennonite Heritage Centre Archives, Winnipeg, Manitoba, 53, 56, 70, 74, 110, 126, 134, 181, 197, 283; courtesy Center for Mennonite Brethren Studies, Fresno, California, 63, 149, 170, 227; courtesy, Catherine Masuk, 67; courtesy Ken Hiebert, 78; courtesy Richard Thiessen, 86; courtesy, A Heritage of Homesteads, Hardships and Hope: 1914-1989, copyright 1989 by La Crete and Area Then and Now Society, 96; courtesy National Archives II, BAE Collection, College Park, Maryland, 103; courtesy Eugene K. Souder, 109; courtesy, Gertie Klassen Loewen, 114; courtesy MB Chinese Herald, Burnaby, British Columbia, 122; courtesy Bethany Christian Schools, Goshen, Indiana, 131;courtesy Evangelical Mennonite Conference, Steinbach, Manitoba, 145; courtesy MennoMedia Inc., Harrisonburg, Virginia, 150, 213; courtesy Pacific Northwest Mennonite Historical Society, Salem, Oregon, 157; courtesy Lancaster (Pa.) New Era, 163; courtesy Africa Inter-Mennonite Mission, Goshen, Indiana, 175; courtesy Winnipeg (Man.) Tribune, 186; courtesy, The Carillon, Steinbach, Manitoba, 199; courtesy Gerald and Annabelle Hughes, 204; courtesy Virginia Mennonite Conference Archives, Harrisonburg, Virginia, 209; courtesy Kitchener-Waterloo (Ont.) Record, 211; courtesy Mennonite Heritage Center, Harleysville, Pennsylvania, 224, 307; courtesy Mennonite Economic Development Associates, Winnipeg, Manitoba, 228; courtesy Mennonite Historical Library, Bluffton, Ohio, 246; courtesy Gerald Musselman, 253 (top); courtesy Mennonites and Brethren in Christ in New York City, copyright 2006 by Pandora Press, 255; courtesy Goshen College, Goshen, Indiana, 263; courtesy Mennonite Central Committee Canada, Winnipeg, Manitoba, 274; courtesy Mennonite Heritage Village, Steinbach, Manitoba, 284; courtesy Hildi Froese Tiessen, 287; courtesy National Film Board of Canada, Toronto, Ontario, 290; courtesy Cathy Stoner, 310; courtesy Die Mennonitische Post, 313; courtesy Christian Aid Ministries, Berlin, Ohio, 320; courtesy Mennonite Mission Network, Elkhart, Indiana, 324 (left); courtesy Eastern Mennonite Missions, Salunga, Pennsylvania, 324 (right); courtesy, Walter Unger, 329. Cover banner photos, from left: Magpie family: courtesy Mennonite Church USA Archives, North Newton, Kansas; Harold and Elizabeth Bender: courtesy Mennonite Church USA Archives, Goshen, Indiana; Old Order father and boy: courtesy Mennonite Historical Library, Goshen, Indiana; Grace Kim: courtesy Centre for Mennonite Brethren Studies, Winnipeg, Manitoba; Old Order Mennonite ladies: courtesy of Kitchener Waterloo Record; Spencer Taylor-Wingender: courtesy Mennonite Central Committee Canada, Winnipeg, Manitoba.

Book Design and Layout: C. Arnold Snyder

Cover and Map Design: Cliff Snyder

SEEKING PLACES OF PEACE

Copyright © 2012 by Good Books, Intercourse, Pennsylvania 17534

ISBN: 978-1-56148-797-4

Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 2012946712

All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America.

No part of this book may be reproduced in any manner, except for brief quotations in critical articles or reviews, without permission.

Publisher’s Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Loewen, Royden, 1954-.

Seeking places of peace : global Mennonite history series: North America / Royden Loewen and Steven M. Nolt; general editors, John A. Lapp ; C. Arnold Snyder.

p. cm.

ISBN 978-1-56148-797-4

Includes bibliographical references and index.

1. Mennonites --United States --History. 2. Mennonites --Emigration and immigration. 3. United States --Church history. 4. Pacifism --Religious aspects --Mennonites. I. Nolt, Steven M., 1968- II. Lapp, John A. III. Snyder, C. Arnold. IV. Title. V. Series.

BX8116 .L635 2013

Foreword

John A. Lapp and C. Arnold Snyder

Preface

Royden Loewen and Steven M. Nolt

Part One: Settling in North America, 1683-1950

  I   Finding Faith and Leaving Europe

 II   Faith and Family in a New Land

III   Creating Communities in the Interior

Part Two: Integrating in North America, 1930-1980

 IV   Struggling Stewards of the Earth

  V   Mennonites in Town and City

 VI   Midcentury Faith Journeys

VII   Transformed through Mission and Peace

Part Three: Growing in North America, 1960-2010

VIII  Families of Faith

 IX   Mennonites and Money

  X   Worshipping Communities

 XI   Media, Arts, and Mennonite Images

XII  Discovering a Global Community

Epilogue

Appendix A: Major North American Conferences/Branches

Appendix B: Mennonite/BIC/Amish/Hutterite baptized membership in the United States, by state

Appendix C: Mennonite population (baptized members and children) in Canada, by province and territory

Appendix D: North American Mennonite, BIC, Amish, and Hutterite baptized membership, 2010

Appendix E: North American Mennonite and Brethren in Christ Universities, Colleges, and Seminaries

Appendix F: Major North American Mission and Service Organizations

Abbreviations

Endnotes

Index

Seeking Places of Peace is the fifth and final volume of a dream that dawned in the mid-1990s. The dream for a Global Mennonite History was sparked by the announcement in 1994 that more Mennonites and Brethren in Christ were now living in the global South than in the global North. What was then 55 percent in the South is now nearly 70 percent. The shift of the numerical center of the world Christian movement from the North to the South is now a clear reality for all major denominational families.

In 1995 at a conference of historians and missiologists, Wilbert R. Shenk, the leading Mennonite mission historian, forcefully suggested that this historic development called for a new history: A global church requires a global history. The Mennonite World Conference in 1997 commissioned the Global Mennonite History Project. They asked that this history reflect The call of the churches in the South to be recognized as full-fledged actors in the Anabaptist-Mennonite story and to be able to tell the story from their own perspectives.

After five years of incubation the Global Mennonite History was launched in 2003. Subsequent volumes appeared in 2006, 2010, and 2011. Seeking Places of Peace, which tells the stories of the Mennonite and Brethren in Christ churches of Canada and the United States, completes this pioneering effort, a new and contemporary effort to place the Anabaptist-descended movement in the context of World Christianity.

The Epilogue of this volume captures this intent in its final sentences: Following Christ in North America would require joint effort with Mennonites in every part of the world. By working together, by imagining a global congregation, by sharing gifts of all sorts, this community would thrive.

We are very pleased with the uniquely shared effort of Professor Royden Loewen of the University of Winnipeg and Professor Steven M. Nolt of Goshen College. Both Loewen and Nolt are masters of the North American story and have charted a fresh journey through remarkably diverse experiences in seeking God’s face, following the simplicity of Christ, extending the witness of the church, and working to secure peace in all its forms. Both Loewen and Nolt bring to this task the insights of social history. As such they focus on people in many geographical environments rather than on institutional development and theological controversy. Like other writers, they freely use the resources of oral history and the artifacts – large and small – that illuminate the creative dimensions of visual culture. The references to many groups and places greatly enrich the character of this volume. Like the other volumes in this series, Seeking Places of Peace deserves wide reading in congregations and classes on Mennonite history and life.

This final volume of the global history series, like all other volumes, has enjoyed the strong support of the Mennonite World Conference, particularly of the recently retired general secretary Larry Miller. The MWC also named an Organizing Committee for this project. They are mentioned elsewhere in this volume. We have been mindful of their support and encouragement throughout the past decade. The Preface includes the acknowledgements of the authors for the support of many colleagues, students, and several educational institutions. We join in these appreciations.

This volume like the others in this series has benefited from the generosity of numerous donors. Since most are North American based, we will mention these major ones: The University of Winnipeg and Goshen College for giving time to the authors as well as research support for themselves and their students. Major donors include Mennonite Central Committee, United Service Foundation, Mennonite Mutual Aid (now Everence), Goodville Mutual Casualty Company, Oosterbaan Foundation through the Algemene Doopsgezinde Societeit (Netherlands), Good Books, Mennonite Brethren Historical Commission, Mennonite Foundation Canada, Lancaster Mennonite Historical Society, Canadian Mennonite Historical Society, Mennonite Historical Society (Goshen). We are also grateful for donations from regional conferences and historical committees as well as individuals in Canada, the Netherlands, and the United States. Associated Mennonite Biblical Seminary welcomed the project to three conferences held on their campus.

We editors have lived with this series since 1999. Each volume has brought us deep satisfaction. We are greatly appreciative for the contributions of each writer and the support of each expert reader. Now with this final volume, we include with gratitude also the authors of this authentically new history of Mennonites and Brethren in Christ in North America. It is a fitting capstone to the Global Mennonite History series.

John A. Lapp

C. Arnold Snyder

In 1877 Maria Lange Becker left her European home – the village of Gnadenfeld in Molochna (Molotschna) Colony in the southern steppes of the Russian Empire – and began a momentous trip to a new home in North America. Her destination was the frontier state of Kansas in central United States. She found emotional security in traveling with her husband, her five children, her mother-in-law and fellow members of her congregation. Still, she described the departure date as a difficult day for me, since all of her brothers and sisters remained in Russia. As the train departed she felt deep sadness: "I stood at the window and looked back till I could not see our loved ones anymore. My heart was heavy, the tears … flowed freely. On the train trip toward the western seaports of Europe she marveled at new vistas. But she confessed that I did not feel at home, and I often felt my soul long for quietness. The separation from her old community caused Becker prayerfully to sing Jesus only my journey’s Guide."¹

Saulo A. Padilla remembered his immigration to Alberta, Canada in 1986 as momentous and disruptive. When I think back on it, I compare it to birth. When a baby is born it suddenly moves from a warm, familiar environment to a big, cold room with a lot of unfamiliar people who are speaking a language it doesn’t understand. Everything is new, and the baby can only cry. For the fifteen-year-old Saulo who had boarded a plane in Guatemala City, arriving at the Calgary International Airport a few hours later in the middle of winter was the first in a series of jarring adjustments to North America. Easing the pain of this new birth was his family – his father had earlier fled to Canada when the Guatemalan government marked him as a subversive – and the people of the Primera Iglesia Evangelica Menonita en Calgary, where the worship seemed familiar and the leaders helpful. His mother soon returned to Guatemala – the transition to the North was too difficult for her – but Saulo remained and participated in a Mennonite Central Committee job training program that helped me believe that I had a future here.²

Maria Becker and Saulo Padilla were two of the tens of thousands of immigrants who arrived in North America as members or soon-to-be members of Mennonite churches between the late seventeenth and late twentieth centuries. They came with a wide variety of emotions, often sadly parting from an old world, but anticipating better, blessed lives in a new one. Life in Europe – or more recently, in Latin America Asia and Africa – had come to be associated with martyrdom and persecution, military service and land restrictions. In contrast, life in North America promised freedom from military service, an abundance of farm land, economic opportunity, and the possibility of living out one’s faith unmolested by authorities.

Indeed, the history of the Mennonites of North America is intricately tied to the hopes and aspirations of a people of faith on the move, as newcomers to a vast continent. While the North American Mennonite community today is increasingly shaped by African-American, Latino, Asian-Canadian, Indigenous North American, and other peoples, this story begins with the coming of northern Europeans to a new homeland more than two centuries ago. The experiences of the immigrants, their identity as a faith minority, their emphasis on ethnic boundaries and their accommodation to multicultural societies have shaped this continent’s Mennonites. Indeed these factors are central in making this story distinct from the stories of Mennonites in other parts of the globe.³

Since 1683 tens of thousands of Anabaptists – the wider family of faith including the Amish and the Hutterites – have arrived with distinctive identities, religious practices, and even specific dialects and folkways. And North America itself has spawned new Anabaptist expressions, such as the Brethren in Christ tradition and numerous new Mennonite denominations. Like Mennonites elsewhere, the North Americans came to be known for their teaching that Christians could find personal peace in yielding to God and accepting Christ; many emphasized the biblical idea of peace, not as the world gives it. They also taught that yielding to God meant following Christ daily and living lives of peace. Thus, they strove to follow ancient teachings on nonviolence, on living simply and in humility, on caring for the poor, on choosing leaders from within the local community, and on insisting that love was the crucial measure of a congregation’s spiritual strength. In practice they often failed, but they refused to give up the conviction that Christ’s teachings could be taken practically, in this world, and were not to be dismissed as a vague set of ideals or relegated to some future millennium in the by and by. Like Mennonites elsewhere, the North Americans also practiced adult baptism, a sign that faith could not simply be inherited but must be reaffirmed in each generation.

Dietrich Gaeddert (1837-1900) and his wife Helena Richert Gaeddert (1858-1953). Dietrich led the migration of Mennonites from Molochna Colony to the area near Buhler, Kansas in 1874, the year in which his first wife, Maria Martens, died. Dietrich was a school teacher and farmer, and was elected a minister in 1867. In Kansas he organized Hofnungsau Mennonite Church and helped start Bethel College. Dietrich and Helena married in 1879. Dietrich had thirteen children with each of his two wives; eighteen survived infancy.

It mattered a great deal in their history that the first Mennonite immigrants to North America came from Europe with specific cultural habits and that they came at particular times. The first sizable groups of Mennonites were Swiss and South German in origin, arriving in Pennsylvania between 1707 and 1755, carrying memories of persecution and an eagerness to obtain farm land. The second significant group, also of Swiss-South German origin, came to the young United States and to what was then Upper Canada between 1817 and 1860 when wars and social unrest in Europe brought economic upheaval and the military draft.

The third group, this one of Dutch-North German origin, arrived in the western parts of both the United States and Canada from homes in the Russian Empire between 1874 and 1880 when the government there began speaking of universal military service. During the 1920s many of the most conservative members of the Canadian cohort of this group migrated again, this time to seek greater social isolation in northern Mexico and central Paraguay. The fourth and fifth major groups of North American newcomers, also of Dutch-North German descent and also from Russia – or the Soviet Union, as it was then named – arrived in Canada escaping revolution and war during the 1920s and the late 1940s.

Because the Mennonite immigrants to North America usually came as groups, often as pre-existing congregations, or through chain migration, they were also able to reassemble as distinctive communities, often in rural places or small towns. Certain specific places came to be associated as Mennonite, places such as Lancaster County in Pennsylvania, Newton and Hillsboro in central Kansas, and Osler and Rosthern in central Saskatchewan. In these and many other places an identifiable ethnicity took shape, built on shared memory, transplanted custom, common kinship, and spoken dialect. In these communities one could hear the Palatine-Swiss German dialect, nicknamed Pennsylvania Dutch, or the northern Low German dialect of Plautdietsch, infused with numerous actual Dutch and Russian words. These cultural conditions enabled the development of closely-knit communities in the 1700s and 1800s. They marked places in which Mennonites sought to chart lives of peace, simplicity and faith.

North America, however, was not a static place. In the three centuries since the first Mennonite congregations took root in Pennsylvania, what Europeans called the New World has undergone massive changes. This transformation fundamentally affected Mennonites.

In 1776 Pennsylvania aligned itself with a political revolution that would form the United States. Based on a republican form of government heralding personal freedom, the young country eagerly encroached on Indigenous lands and oversaw the opening of the vast interior grassland for farm settlement. When the Dominion of Canada was created as an independent country in 1867 to the cry of peace, order and good government, it also used force to create opportunities for white settlers in the continent’s vast northwest. In both countries hopes of peace were tested by one war after another. In the twentieth century, cataclysmic world wars followed by a militaristic cold war tested Mennonites’ resolve to link faith and peace. They found that they could no longer simply ignore the gripping idea of nationalism and patriotism, nor the logic that nations had enemies that must be killed.

During the twentieth century an encroaching modern world compelled Mennonites to take stock, to reaffirm or readjust the central tenets of their faith. Some became intense champions of nonviolence and advocates for social justice in the wider society, others recommitted themselves to traditionalist lives in more isolated Mennonite heartlands, and still others abandoned old beliefs and assimilated the values of militarism and patriotism. All the while, North America’s thriving ethnic and religious pluralism, which placed the Mennonites among a myriad of other church groups, each with its own understanding of peoplehood or religion, also shaped how Anabaptists lived their faith in Canada and the United States. Some embraced dual identities of religious faith and ethnicity, others insisted that they must be separated and that ethnic identities were an impediment to spiritual wholeness.

Saulo Padilla, front row far left, and other youth wear white on the day of their baptism at Primera Iglesia Evangelica Menonita, Calgary, Alberta, in 1986. Padilla and his mother and siblings had immigrated from Guatemala to Canada earlier that year.

One aspect of North America that most Mennonites had to contend with was the continent’s highly developed economy, its wealth and commerce. How did a people of faith, committed to the simplicity of Christ and to a humble life on the farm, deal with a continent that rapidly became one of the most technologized and industrialized places on earth? How did such a people of faith adjust to national ideologies that spoke of the American dream, of upward mobility, promising that hard work would lead to personal success measured with ample consumer products? How did the vast movement of farm families to towns and cities and their places of higher learning and consumer goods, affect Anabaptist values of simplicity and community cohesiveness? What happened when their churches and communities began to include people whose heritage was not European and whose understanding of faithfulness was refracted through other ethnic lenses? What was the effect on North America’s Mennonites of a shrinking globe, made smaller by new technologies of travel and made more visible by a communications revolution? How did North American Mennonites respond to stories of war and poverty in other parts of the globe, of Mennonite brothers and sisters on other continents?

The story contained in this book shows a people of faith seeking first to transplant and then to cultivate lives of peace within congregations and communities. The narrative outlines the challenges and the remarkable transformation of this mission over time. This book is not an exhaustive history of North American Mennonites. It is intentionally not the full story of the great Mennonite institutions and great Mennonite leaders from North America. Certainly the temptation for us as historians of North America in the writing of a global history was to write a trunk history, one in which the roots and the core of the social organism of the global Mennonite community reside in the north, while the branches and vines reach into the south and east. Such a conceptual scheme has not guided the writing of this book.

Rather this book is more along the lines of an essay. It seeks to answer a single question: How did Mennonite men and women live out their distinctive religious calling to follow Christ in North America? The answer is that they did so as ordinary people, in everyday life. In their lives they often aimed for holiness, neatness and orderliness, but the fact is that life is not always neat, it is never sin-less, and indeed it is often messy. There have been joys and tears, moments of achievement and times of failure.

It is in telling these stories that we as authors seek to contribute to a global history of Mennonites. From our conversations it became apparent that the wider global Mennonite community wanted to know how ordinary Mennonites of North America have followed Christ daily, how they have created places of peace, both in spiritual and physical terms. It seemed to us that our global readers were less interested in singular North American achievements. And because the twentieth century was a time of upheaval and far-reaching change for the Mennonite people in North America and around the world, we focused on it rather than on earlier periods.

This story of faith begins with a chapter co-authored by us, the first part focusing on the exodus of the Swiss and South German Mennonites to Pennsylvania and beyond, beginning in earnest in about 1707; the second part focuses on the exodus of Dutch and North German Mennonites via West Prussia and Russia to the North American interior, beginning in large numbers in the 1870s. The second chapter, focusing on the construction of communities in the eastern half of the continent, and then chapters six, seven, nine and ten, dealing with diverging church lines, the ideal of nonviolence, the problem of money and new ways of worship and spiritual care were written by Steve. The third chapter, following settlement construction in the midwest and west, and chapters four, five, eight and twelve, recording land stewardship, life in town and city, family relations, and then the evolving world beyond the continent were written by Royden. Chapter eleven, examining new media in Canada and the United States, was again co-authored. These multifaceted themes seemed to us to encapsulate the main aspects of the Mennonite world in North America. They reflect the complex ways that Mennonites have sought to be a people of peace, externally in geographic sites, internally in mind and soul.

No doubt our own lives and convictions have shaped the narrative we tell. We are both historians of immigration and ethnicity who have most often written for non-Mennonite audiences. We are also committed Mennonites. By some measures we represent different master narratives within this saga, Royden a so-called Dutch-Russian Mennonite from Canada and Steve, a so-called Swiss Mennonite from the United States. Yet we share some common perspectives. Both of us come from places in the Mennonite world – the Kleine Gemeinde (or Evangelical Mennonite Conference) of rural Steinbach, Manitoba and the Lancaster Conference of suburbanizing Smoketown, Pennsylvania – in which a self-confident religious identity relied on a keen sense of tradition and had little interest in denominationalism. In these places, Mennonite institutions were few or distant, an academic articulation of an Anabaptist Vision in the 1940s was not a watershed, and ethnicity remained an ally rather than a competitor in the quest for faithfulness.

Today we are members of large, theologically progressive Mennonite conferences that differ from those of our upbringings. We are active participants in these churches, but sometimes find ourselves wondering if mainline Mennonites take themselves too seriously. We also cherish our friendships with Old Order, Old Colony and other more conservative groups. How Mennonites like us, coming from such hearths, contribute to a conversation on the global Mennonite story, and what our perspectives and biases reveal and obscure about the Mennonite experience, we leave for readers to judge. But we have confidence that in the minority corners of the Mennonite world we have known, there resides some wisdom.

Community is a major theme in North American Mennonite history, and it has been critical to the writing of this book. We are deeply grateful for the hundreds of Mennonites who have told their stories to us. This work is based on dozens of autobiographies and family histories, as well as on the work of the many historians of congregational, institutional, regional, or national Mennonite groups. The historiography of Mennonites in North America is voluminous. Indeed, as authors, we joked that given the richness of historical sources in North America our main challenge was not what to say, but what not to say.

Many people helped us say what we did choose to share and we gratefully acknowledge their assistance. John A. Lapp, coordinator of the Global Mennonite History Project extended an invitation to us and then offered unfailing support and encouragement. Arnold Snyder’s probing questions and thoughtful editing were most welcome. Merle and Phyllis Pellman Good have provided generous support and fine production skills as publishers for the entire Global Mennonite History Series, including for this volume. Mennonite World Conference paid for some research and writing time early in the project and for incidental costs throughout. We also wish to thank our respective academic homes, the University of Winnipeg and its Chair in Mennonite History, and Goshen College and its Department of History for their financial and collegial support. As writers we also benefitted from sabbatical appointments at the University of Guelph and Conrad Grebel University College in Ontario (Loewen) and the Young Center for Anabaptist and Pietist Studies at Elizabethtown College in Pennsylvania (Nolt).

This book benefits from a mountain of records in Mennonite archives, large and small, in all regions of North America. The following staff members of various historical libraries and archives provided invaluable assistance: Conrad Stoesz of the Mennonite Heritage Centre and Centre for Mennonite Brethren Studies in Winnipeg; Joe Springer of the Mennonite Historical Library in Goshen, Indiana; Colleen McFarland, Rich Preheim and John D. Thiesen of Mennonite Church USA Archives, Goshen, Indiana and North Newton, Kansas; Sam Steiner and Laureen Harder at the Mennonite Archives of Ontario; and David Luthy of Heritage Historical Library, Aylmer, Ontario.

In October 2004 Mennonite historians from across North America gathered at the University of Winnipeg for the conference North American Mennonite History: The State of the Field. We benefitted greatly from those presentations and ongoing interaction with many of the participants. Other colleagues read portions of our manuscript and offered comments and corrections that sharpened our thinking and saved us from embarrassment. Readers included Dora Dueck, Timothy Paul Erdel, Mary Ann Loewen, Ronald Peters, John D. Roth, Janis Thiessen, and Hans Werner. Goshen College student research assistants who contributed to this book have included Katie Yoder, Jason Kauffman, Joshua Weaver, David Harnish, and Hannah Canaviri. University of Winnipeg student research assistants included Donovan Giesbrecht, Megan Janzen, Konrad Krahn, and Kelly Ross.

This book has benefitted greatly from the very many conversations Royden and Steve have had with Mennonites – fellow historians, students, church leaders, lay people, women and men, progressive and traditionalist, the youthful and the elderly – from dozens of places across North America. These voices have instilled a sense of hope that the Mennonite search for a biblical peace, lived out in community, might contribute to the wellbeing of the global community.

It may be customary to thank family members last, even though their contributions should rank them near the top of any list. As always, our spouses and children have provided us with perspective, good humor, patience and joy.

Royden Loewen, Winnipeg, Manitoba

Steven M. Nolt, Goshen, Indiana

Selected locations of Mennonite and Brethren in Christ presence in Canada, the United States, and Mexico

Pehaps it was giddiness born of a successful jailbreak that sparked the men’s joking about their future as fugitives. Working quickly in the cold night air, a group of fourteen convicts had just escaped from a prison tower in Zurich, Switzerland, by using a rope to climb over a wall and into a dry moat. Two weeks earlier, in March 1526, officials had sentenced them and six women to confinement on bread and water unless they stopped baptizing adults apart from the state church. Now, as the escapees broke the lock on the gate that stood between them and freedom, some imagined slipping back into ordinary lives they had once known, but the others joked among themselves and said they would go to the red Indians across the sea.¹

Three hundred and fifty years later another group of Anabaptists, Dutch-North German Mennonites in Russia, were pressed by the state to abandon a central feature of their faith, in particular their belief in Christ-like nonviolence. These Mennonites had a firmly organized church, a confession of faith, and even a dialect that separated them from neighbors. But they faced uncertainty, having heard that the government was about to alter their military exemption status. A delegation of twelve men headed across the sea to examine lands in the United States and Canada, and here they found sympathetic hosts. But upon their return to Russia, they faced many doubts. One was based on a February 1874 rumor that the main features of the New World were "privation, starvation and great bodily danger on account of Indians who … massacre the white man wherever he is to be found."²

Imagining North America

From a twenty-first century perspective, the curious bit of humor from 1526 and the ungrounded fear from 1874 raise intriguing questions about European Anabaptist-Mennonites and the North American continent they considered a New World. What did they mean when they joked about going to the Western Hemisphere, and what did they really know about the Indigenous people who lived there? Did they view the Americas as a safe haven? A potential mission field? Why did the Americas come to mind in these moments of high tension? Could they have imagined that their convictions and choices would inspire a religious movement that, in one form or another, eventually would spread around the globe and have more than a million spiritual heirs on continents they could only imagine?

If nothing else, the off-hand comic relief of 1526 and the fearful comments of 1874 marked beginning points of what would become the Mennonite encounter with North America. Years before they arrived in North America, European Anabaptists and Mennonites possessed hopes and anxieties about life there. Those images mixed with their experience of religious persecution, their passing knowledge of transatlantic territory, and their prospects for immigration, all of which would shape early Mennonite relationships with North America.

The way the European Anabaptists imagined North America was important in shaping the sequential waves of migration to the so-called New World. In the sixteenth century, the continent now called North America was home to between four and ten million Indigenous people who represented dozens of local languages and cultural traditions.³ But the rich variety represented by those numbers was hardly known or understood in Europe. Even educated Europeans, like the Zurich Anabaptists, had limited knowledge of the Western Hemisphere and even less sense of its significance. Three hundred years later it was clear that parts of North America remained a mystery, easily generating half-truths and misconceptions of the Indigenous inhabitants of the great continent.

Some of the many arrowheads unearthed by Mennonite Bishop Peter R. Nissley (1863-1921) as he plowed the fields of his Mount Joy, Pennsylvania farm. Aboriginal artifacts bore silent testimony to the original inhabitants of the land.

Europeans had few intellectual tools for dealing with the Americas

It seems obvious to today’s North Americans that their continent’s discovery by Europeans was an event of profound importance, but sixteenth-century Europeans were not so sure.⁴ The social world into which Anabaptism was born and Mennonite traditions developed was one that only gradually incorporated the Americas into its thinking. After 1492 Europeans did discover America, in the root meaning of that word – to reveal, to expose, or to gaze upon – but they had no collective sense of what they were seeing, let alone any real understanding. Europeans had gotten along for centuries without knowledge of continents and populations to the west, and for many of them it was not at all self-evident how this new information would change their lives. In 1513 some European intellectuals suggested that if the Americas really had been important, God would have revealed their presence to the church much earlier. In the absence of a biblical Cornelius story or a Macedonia call, this new world would need to prove its significance.

As the sixteenth century wore on, books about Asia or the Turks – places and people with which Europeans were already familiar – continued to sell briskly, but the reading public showed scant interest in writings about the Americas. Even the memoirs of Spain’s Charles V, who presided over the violent conquest of much of Latin America, made no mention of the Americas, which he apparently considered an incidental footnote to his reign. In the Catholic states of southern Europe, princes discussed gold and clerics debated the conversion of Indigenous people, but there was no sustained discussion of what it all meant.

Indeed, Europeans had few intellectual tools for dealing with what, bit by bit, they were coming to know about these places across the sea. The frequency with which they described the Americas as Eden or its people as savage (a biological term for uncultivated plants, such as those of the Garden of Eden) pointed to how utterly different they perceived this world to be from their own. Early European travelers to the Western Hemisphere despaired of detailing what they saw since it all seemed so novel. In the end, many resorted to describing the Americas in terms of traditional European mythology – giants, fountains of youth, kingdoms of amazons – while obvious things in front of them escaped their notice.

What Europeans slowly did begin to recognize was that these new worlds promoted European movement – movement of wealth, people, and ideas. And where there was movement, there was opportunity. Illiterate, illegitimate peasants on the eastern side of the Atlantic might transform themselves into powerful officials on the other side, where Europe’s old rules did not apply. North America, in the European imagination, became a place where one could begin again, transcend the past, and experiment with new social relationships – from representative democracy to race-based chattel slavery – that they dared not broach in their own Old World. In the end, such desires and the accompanying flow of people and capital, would tie Europe more tightly to the Western Hemisphere than to Asia or Africa, in large part because Europe saw itself anew in the Americas. This inter-regional relationship, complex from the start, was part of the context in which Mennonites met North America.

From Anabaptist to Mennonite

Mennonites who later immigrated to North America saw themselves as heirs of sixteenth-century Anabaptists, men and women like those who had been jailed in 1526 Zurich. Emerging from the spiritual ferment known as the Protestant Reformation – a movement marked by challenges from figures such as Martin Luther and John Calvin to the theological and political claims of the Church of Rome – Anabaptism was both similar to and distinct from other Protestant programs.

Anabaptists shared Reformation concerns for greater involvement of lay people in church life, the use of the Bible to challenge old religious traditions, and a notion that divine salvation hinged on God’s grace and not human effort. But Anabaptists also believed such faith was understood only by adults who were aware of the ethical implications of salvation. As a result, they rejected infant baptism and thereby earned the nickname – and criminal label – Anabaptist (rebaptizer) when they declared their own infant baptisms invalid and baptized one another upon confession of faith.⁵ Anabaptism first surfaced in Zurich, Switzerland in 1525; independent of the Zurich movement, re-baptism began in the Dutch city of Emden in 1530. The movement spread from both places.

Faith produces the fruits of the Spirit

Such faith, as one of their early catechisms explained, is one that produces the fruits of the Spirit and works through love.⁶ Sharing one’s material possessions, rejecting violence and self-defense, and refusing to swear civil oaths were among the fruits most Anabaptists identified. Yet Anabaptism by nature was a loosely constructed movement drawing on diverse interests and lacking central theological leadership or state protection and regulation. While some Anabaptists came from the aristocracy or well-to-do classes, most were common village folk, and some were veterans of an ill-fated 1525 peasants uprising in South Germany, or disaffected artisans in the northern Low Countries.

The role of women within Anabaptism varied from place to place, although especially in the early years and in the midst of persecution, women’s activity was essential to the movement’s survival.⁷ One group of Anabaptists from what is now the Czech Republic folded their worldly goods into a common purse and took up a communal existence under the leadership of Jakob Hutter, eventually taking the name Hutterites.

Although few Anabaptists created a collective life as tightly as the Hutterites, the vast majority understood the church to have clear social dimensions. The church was to be a distinct people separate from the degenerate world. In 1535 such sentiments mixed with apocalyptic expectations to spark an Anabaptist attempt to usher in the Kingdom of God and crush the worldly. The most fanatical of these tendencies occurred in the city of Münster, where Anabaptists subjected their opponents to a reign of terror before collapsing – and permanently linked Anabaptism and violent revolution in many Europeans’ minds.

Most European Anabaptists, however, were decidedly peaceful, though they were inherently subversive in their refusal to acknowledge church-state ties or participate in armed defense. Meanwhile, the very world the Anabaptists hoped to hold at arms’ length reinforced their separatist sensibilities. Harassment, discrimination, and death came from officials bent on stamping out dissent. Before executions ended in the early 1600s, as many as 2,500 Anabaptists were martyred, confirming Anabaptist suspicion of larger society and encouraging them to view the state in confrontational terms. Government might be a necessary evil, ensuring minimal social order, many Anabaptists admitted, but the Christian’s ultimate allegiance was to the church, the body of believers.

The Martyrdom of Anneken Heynd ricks, Amsterdam, 1571

One voice pressing such claims was that of a Dutch Anabaptist named Menno Simons (c. 1496-1561), whose prolific writings calling for simplicity and nonviolence left most Anabaptists with the name Mennists, or Mennonites. Although the label Mennonite was not used by all Dutch Anabaptists, and rarely by Swiss and South German Anabaptists, it became a useful way to identify second and subsequent generations of Anabaptists who, as an established sect, increasingly focused attention on passing the faith to their children. Along the way Mennonites developed a distinct relationship with the world, one characterized both by wary distance from the cultural mainstream and by dependence on the goodwill of sympathetic rulers and neighbors in order to survive.

Patterns of Mennonite Peoplehood

These patterns of Mennonite peoplehood developed in two geographic directions. One had begun to take shape in the midst of sixteenth-century persecution when many Dutch and North German Mennonites fled east to religiously tolerant enclaves in what is today northern Poland. In the process they created a network of Anabaptist connections spanning northern Europe. Exceptional was the experience in the Netherlands itself, where toleration became the norm after 1570, and many Mennonites moved into prosperous commercial and professional positions. The political leverage the Dutch Mennonites gained from their privileged status later allowed them to assist Swiss and South German Mennonites in immigrating to North America.

The Swiss and South German Mennonite tradition – distinct, though never disconnected, from that in the Netherlands – endured outsider status longer. During the later 1500s and 1600s these Swiss and South Germans shifted from artisan and craft pursuits to agriculture and adopted a theology of humility that made sense of the continued harassment they experienced.⁸ Responding to invitations from estate owners in the Palatinate, Alsace and other areas in the Rhine Valley, small groups of Swiss Mennonites relocated downriver to work leased land in exchange for limited liberty. This was especially so in the wake of the Thirty Years’ War (1618-1648) when landlords stuck with pil- laged fields were desperate to find reliable and loyal tenants.

Dutch and Swiss Mennonites remained in contact with one another

Religiously, the Swiss and South German Mennonites borrowed