On Being Maya and Getting By: Heritage Politics and Community Development in Yucatán

IMS Studies on Culture and Society Series

VOLUME 1

Symbol and Meaning behind the Closed Community: Essays in Mesoamerican Ideas

edited by Gary H. Gossen

VOLUME 2

The Work of Bernardino de Sahagún: Pioneer Ethnographer of Sixteenth-Century Aztec Mexico

edited by J. Jorge Klor de Alva, H. B. Nicholson, and Eloise Quiñones Keber

VOLUME 3

Ethnographic Encounters in Southern Mesoamerica: Essays in Honor of Evon Zartman Vogt, Jr.

edited by Victoria R. Bricker and Gary H. Gossen

VOLUME 4

Casi Nada: A Study of Agrarian Reform in the Homeland of Cardenismo

by John Gledhill

VOLUME 5

With Our Heads Bowed: The Dynamics of Gender in a Maya Community

by Brenda Rosenbaum

VOLUME 6

Economies and Politics in the Aztec Realm

edited by Mary G. Hodge and Michael E. Smith

VOLUME 7

Identities on the Move: Transnational Processes in North America and the Caribbean Basin

edited by Liliana R. Goldin

VOLUME 8

Beware the Great Horned Serpent!: Chiapas under the Threat of Napoleon

by Robert M. Laughlin

VOLUME 9

Indigenous Bodies, Maya Minds: Religion and Modernity in a Transnational K’iche’ Community

by C. James MacKenzie

VOLUME 10

On Being Maya and Getting By: Heritage Politics and Community Development in Yucatán

by Sarah R. Taylor

On Being Maya and Getting By

Heritage Politics and Community Development in Yucatán

Sarah R. Taylor

University Press of Colorado

Boulder

© 2018 by University Press of Colorado

Published by University Press of Colorado

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the Association of American University Presses.

The University Press of Colorado is a proud member of the Association of University Presses.

The University Press of Colorado is a cooperative publishing enterprise supported, in part, by Adams State University, Colorado State University, Fort Lewis College, Metropolitan State University of Denver, Regis University, University of Colorado, University of Northern Colorado, Utah State University, and Western State Colorado University.

ISBN: 978-1-60732-771-4 (cloth)

ISBN: 978-1-60732-857-5 (paperback)

ISBN: 978-1-60732-772-1 (ebook)

DOI: https://doi.org/10.5876/9781607327721

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Names: Taylor, Sarah R., author.

Title: On being Maya and getting by : heritage politics and community development in Yucatán / Sarah R. Taylor.

Description: Boulder : University Press of Colorado, [2018] | Includes bibliographical references and index.

Identifiers: LCCN 2018012512| ISBN 9781607327714 (cloth) | ISBN 9781607328575 (pbk) | ISBN 9781607327721 (ebook)

Subjects: LCSH: Heritage tourism—Mexico—Ekbalam. | Ekbalam Site (Mexico) | Yucatán (Mexico : State)—Antiquities. | Mayas—Antiquities.

Classification: LCC G155.M6 T39 2018 | DDC 338.4/7917265—dc23

LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2018012512

Portions of chapter 6 appeared in Maya Cosmopolitans: Engaging Tactics and Strategies in the Performance of Tourism, Identities 21, no. 2 (2014): 219–32, DOI: 10.1080/1070289X.2013.878250. Portions of chapter 7 appeared in Issues in Measuring Success in Community-Based Indigenous Tourism: Elites, Kin Groups, Social Capital, Gender Dynamics, and Income Flows, Journal of Sustainable Tourism 25, no. 3 (2017): 433–49, DOI: 10.1080/09669582.2016.1217871.

Cover photograph by Sarah R. Taylor, 2007.

For Lupe, of course.

Contents

List of Figures

Foreword by Walter Little

Acknowledgments

Introduction: A Tale of Two Ek’Balams

1. The Arrival of Touris1

2. Maps, Guides, and the Beaten Path

3. Negotiating Tourism

4. Land Tenure, Tourism, and Free Trade

5. Development in a Community in Crisis

6. Maya Cosmopolitans

7. Defining Successful Community Development

Conclusion: Being Maya, Getting By

References

Index

Figures

0.1. Main tourist corridor through Yucatán

0.2. Castillo at Chichén Itzá and Acropolis at Ek’Balam

0.3. Location of initial entrance to archaeological zone

0.4. Access to archaeological zone

2.1. Municipality of Temozón, Yucatán

2.2. Village of Ek’Balam, 2012

2.3. Map of CBT project in relation to village

2.4. Patrilocal residence patterns by kin group

2.5. May kin group

2.6. Example of patrilineal organization in kin groups

2.7. Mena kin group

2.8. Ay kin group

2.9. Proyecto Ek’Balam urban survey

4.1. Location of Village of X’Kumil

4.2. Ejido of X’Kumil

4.3. Foreign-owned lots in ejido of X’Kumil, 2012

4.4. Rates of migration, prior to 2003 through 2012

5.1. Change in CBT participation within collaborator sample, 2004–2012

5.2. Levels of participation in CBT project by kin group

5.3. Household income from tourism outside of CBT project, 2004–2012

5.4. Change in household income sources, 2004–2012

5.5. Years as municipal commissioner of Ek’Balam by kin group, 1971–2012

7.1. Change in income categories, 2004–2012

7.2. Ek’Balam’s ecosystem of authenticity

Foreword

It is easy for tourists and even anthropologists to romanticize the Yucatán peninsula. From the beautiful tropical beaches on the coastline to the magnificent Maya archaeological sites that are found throughout the region and interspersed by small Maya villages and cities with Spanish Colonial architecture. Sarah R. Taylor’s monograph, On Being Maya and Getting By: Heritage Politics and Community Development in Yucatán, captures this romanticism of the Yucatán and then expertly complicates it, as any excellent ethnographic work should.

Anyone marginally familiar with the Yucatán will recognize there is something for every kind of tourist, and for those tourists who like to do a bit of everything—from exploring contemporary and historical Maya culture to sampling regional delicacies like cochinita pipil, suckling pig cooked in an earthen pit, and sikil p’ak, a dish made of ground pumpkin seeds. From the Cancún international airport, it is minutes to beach resorts and luxury hotels. An easy hour-and-a-half drive south through the Maya Riviera is Tulum, a Maya archaeological site that survived into the Spanish colonial invasion. Turning inland, it’s another one and a half hours to Valladolid, which, like the larger city Mérida and the smaller, Izamal, offers tourists cosmopolitan urban experiences and Spanish colonial history and architecture. Well-known Maya archaeological sites like Chichén Itzá and Uxmal, roughly two hours and four hours by car from Cancún, respectively, draw thousands of tourists, but the peninsula has dozens of smaller accessible sites and Maya villages, nestled among henequin plantations, and scrubby thorny forests, that contrast starkly with the capital cities of the region.

One of the region’s especially distinctive qualities, outside of Cancún and the hyper-developed Maya Riviera that includes Cozumel and Playa de Carmen, is that it largely does not feel overridden with tourism. Certainly Chichén Itzá gets its fair share of the nearly two million who visit the peninsula, but less toured places can be found in abundance and make for experiences that do not seem all that touristy. One such place is Ek’Balam, the location of this wonderful ethnography.

As I am a Guatemalanist anthropologist who has studied Maya handicraft vendors and artisans in tourism marketplaces for thirty years, my connections to the Yucatán are a mix of personal engagements, touristic, academic, and social. So it is as an interloper that I offer my thoughts here. My first trip to this region was in 1986. I had vague goals of seeing authentic Maya architectural sites and a very specific goal of avoiding tourist traps like Cancún, thinking myself a traveler, rather than a tourist. The Maya Riviera had not yet been developed into a tourism resort zone and it was still possible to sleep for free on the beach below Tulum. Ek’Balam, the contemporary village or the archaeological site, was not yet integrated into the tourism circuit, but there were more than enough archaeological sites to explore and little Maya villages to visit to give the impression of being off the beaten path. In hindsight, I know I was not.

It is important to remember, whether one is a tourist or an anthropologist, that tourism in the Yucatán has been carefully cultivated by the Mexican government and local residents for decades. Tourism’s influence, deep and far-reaching, has been studied by cultural anthropologists for decades now. Taylor’s book adds to the tourism scholarship of this region that has included Alice Littlefield’s study of the hammock industry in the 1970s, Quetzil Castañeda’s research on Maya archeological sites and Maya artisans from the 1980s to the present, and M. Bianet Castellanos’s investigation of Maya migrant laborers to Cancún since the 1990s. Such scholarship offers a window into Maya worldviews and socioeconomic ecologies of development.

In 2013, when I finally returned to visit the Yucatán, it was in part to visit Taylor at Ek’Balam. My sensibilities had been reshaped by long-term research in Guatemala, where political and social violence, if not immediately present, is always percolating under the surface. Arriving in Valladolid at dusk, my spouse and I decided it was too dangerous to drive the final half hour to Ek’Balam. Instead, we called Taylor and asked the family to forgive us for not coming to dinner. We were not given the option of skipping dinner and soon found ourselves back in the rental car, navigating dark, curving roads; getting lost; and eventually arriving to the best pork spare-ribs we have ever eaten. Sitting around the kitchen hearth with Taylor and our hosts, we were reminded, for the first of many times, that Yucatán is not Guatemala; that it is not even Mexico when it comes to safety and violence. At the same time, I was struck by how much my hosts participated in the same kinds of international tourism that the Guatemalan Mayas do, tempered by their distinctive cultural and linguistic perspectives. Here, too, are people whose lives are so entangled in tourism that there is no real distinction between life inside and outside of it. Taylor helps us see this in this book without reifying touristic tropes or simplifying the people of Ek’Balam.

The residents of Ek’Balam are part of tourism, mixed up in it, like all Mayas living in this region of Mesoamerica. Some residents do participate in construction projects in resorts on the Maya Riviera coastline, just as others work as restaurant waiters and hotel staff. Some work as professional, government-authorized guides at the neighboring archaeological site, also known as Ek’Balam. Women in the village still make hammocks for local and touristic consumption, while men carefully tend their milpas to ensure the best possible maize harvest. In these endeavors, they are like many other Mayas living in the Yucatán. What stands out in Taylor’s work, in comparison to other ethnographies of Maya tourism, including my own of Antigua Guatemala, is that Taylor explores the inner workings of a community that is experimenting with how to participate in tourism. Drawing on more than a decade of experience, she shares how Ek’Balam residents actively seek positive economic development of their community according to their needs, utilizing government and non-governmental resources that inspire rethinking of what sustainable development and community-based development mean, all the while adhering to their own values. This is by no means a simple task. They are caught within the complex power dynamics of local community politics, where their cultural values, economic strategies, and social and kin and family relations are debated and negotiated, as are their strategies for contending with the far more powerful Mexican state and international tourism industry.

Taylor takes the reader into Ek’Balam households to show how families navigate touristic constructions of Maya identity in relation to their own senses of self. This leads to contradictions that result in Maya in this small town being both sophisticated cosmopolitans and farmer-artisans at the same time. Taylor skillfully demonstrates how their critical, hopeful, and skeptical engagement with foreign and Mexican tourists and tourism industries can lead to entrepreneurial challenges and successes without the compromise of their core cultural values.

Walter Little

Professor of Anthropology

University at Albany, SUNY

Acknowledgments

This ethnography, like all of those that have come before it, is only possible because of the support and contributions I received from many people at home and in the field. I would like to acknowledge and thank them here. The greatest debt is, of course, owed to the residents of Ek’Balam. Their patience and generosity allowed me to begin this research and the friendship and good humor of many families and individuals enabled me to complete it. In particular, I am grateful to doña Guadalupe Balam Canche and don Andres Ay Tuz, who have been my friends and hosts since the day I first arrived in Ek’Balam. Their family kept me fed, safe, and healthy, and has vouched for the character of their gringa more than once. Most of my early knowledge of Yucatec Maya was gained in their household through patient repetition and teasing. Their children—Mauricio, Beatrice, Angel, Alberto, Jose, and Maria de la Cruz—never tired of my questions about this word or that and made marvelous teachers. Their son-in-law, Teofilo, is always ready and willing to tell stories and answer questions. I would also like to thank don Mario Tuz May, don Guteberto Mena Tuz, and don Federico Chan Tuz for their enormous contributions to this research. They graciously allowed me to accompany them into the milpa and forest any time I asked, and somehow never tire of recounting the old stories and explaining the most mundane activities. They also shared with me the history of the community-based tourism project and the successes and challenges it has had along the way. Their patience when asked to repeat themselves and their gentle teasing about some of my more ridiculous questions make them the best collaborators an ethnographer could imagine. Lee Christie also deserves thanks for her friendship and provision of creature comforts during many hot summers.

A number of mentors influenced and supported me through this research process. Walter E. Little, Robert Jarvenpa, Marilyn Masson, and Ronald Loewe all read the earliest versions of this book and each of them has influenced it in important ways. Jarvenpa taught me about the potentials of a political ecological approach and introduced the concept of an ecosystem to my research. Masson patiently shared her archaeological expertise of Yucatán. Loewe instilled the importance of reading Mexican ethnography and incorporating it into my research. Finally, Little modeled for me the commitment that long-term longitudinal ethnographic research entails and greatly influenced my understanding of Mesoamerican scholarship. I have the good fortune of conducting fieldwork in a region with a rich history of ethnography. Quetzil Castañeda, Ellen Kintz, Lisa Breglia, Alicia ReCruz, Francisco Fernández Repetto, Gabriela Vargas-Cetina, Steffan Igor Ayora Diaz, and Grace Bascopé all played a role in enriching my knowledge of life in Yucatán. Specifically, I owe a debt of gratitude to Alejandro Cabrera Valenzuela for sharing his deep knowledge of Ek’Balam and the surrounding communities. He is an excellent collaborator and a good friend. A number of archaeologists in Yucatán were patient with me as I learned about the pre-Colombian history of the area and about how local communities engage their archaeological heritage. Marilyn Masson, Jennifer Mathews, Bradley Russell, and Caroline Antonelli each helped me with this. Mesoamerica more broadly has a long ethnographic history, and Jayne Howell and Tim Wallace both influenced my knowledge of this history and its incorporation into my writing.

It may seem excessive to include undergraduate mentors in these acknowledgments; however, there are two individuals in particular at California State University, Chico who are in many ways responsible for this product. Charlotte Ekland introduced me to Yucatán, and William Loker encouraged me to spend a summer conducting independent fieldwork there. I am grateful to both of them for getting me started on this path.

A number of organizations supported this research over the years. The California State University, Chico Undergraduate Research and Creativity Award funded the 2004 fieldwork, and a grant from the American Philosophical Society’s Lewis and Clark Fund supported a number of subsequent field seasons. Final research and write-up were supported by the DeCormier Research Award from the Institute for Mesoamerican Studies and the Christine E. Bose and Edna Acosta-Belen IFW Feminist Research Award. The University at Albany, SUNY supported my research and writing through graduate assistantships. During my years there, I benefitted from many conversations with faculty and students and made some wonderful friends. Prominent among them are Heidi Nicholls and Christine Vassallo-Oby, for whom I am so grateful. Wichita State University supported me in the form of graduate research assistants during the revision stages. Lisa Lonning and Amanda Assaf were incredibly resourceful and helpful as I worked to revise this manuscript, and Juan R. Argueta Jr. did wonderful work on some of the maps included here. California State University, Dominguez Hills provided resources for indexing during the final stages of publication, and my colleagues in the Department of Anthropology at CSUDH contributed a great deal of enthusiasm.

The editorial team at University Press of Colorado has been a great support. Specifically, Jessica d’Arbonne who started the process and Laura Furney who is seeing it completed. Five anonymous reviewers read drafts and revisions and their feedback helped me write a much better book.

This process has been supported by numerous individuals in my personal life as well. I am indebted to my parents, Clark and Paula Taylor, who have always supported my goals, and to Bruce and Leslie Steidl and our Feather Falls family for teaching me to be curious and to believe in others and in myself. I want to acknowledge my mother-in-law, Joy Tash, and my friends the Kirkland family for being an endless fountain of encouragement during some of the challenges along the way. Finally, I would like to thank the people who are truly the foundation of this work: my husband, Sloan Tash, and our daughter, Clara Lux. Sloan has supported this endeavor emotionally, financially, and physically by both agreeing to brave winters in Albany, New York, and bearing the intense heat of Yucatán in July. I am amazed by his generosity, patience, and ability to find humor in all situations. I am also grateful to him for logistical support, including maintaining our household for months at a time while I am in the field and never, ever asking me not to go.

Introduction

A Tale of Two Ek’Balams

Indigenous populations throughout Mexico have been the focus of state-led development for many years. With the development of tourism on the coast of the Mexican state of Quintana Roo in the 1970s, tourism became a vital tool for economic development projects. At the same time, the country was preparing for massive changes to the ejidal system—a communally based land tenure system dating back to the post-Revolutionary period of the 1920s and 1930s. By the mid-1990s, sweeping neo-liberal reforms to land policy throughout the country had fundamentally altered the land tenure system. The federal government was intent on modernizing the country’s rural, peasant, and largely indigenous population. Trends in international development that favored a community-based approach to combat the numerous failings the top-down approach had yielded in previous decades were primary influences on this development process. These contemporaneous shifts in economic development, land tenure, and indigenous farming played out in a variety of ways in different parts of the country.

In the midst of these changes, the history of one village in the state of Yucatán took a unique turn when an important archaeological zone opened to the public just 300 meters from the town center. This book is about these two Ek’Balams: one is a notable archaeological site and the other is a community living in the shadow of this ancient urban center. In 1994, the archaeological zone of Ek’Balam became a destination, bringing tourists to the municipality for the first time. In 1996, the ejido entered into the land privatization process through a new government initiative. In 2001, the village became the site of a community-based tourism (CBT) development project funded by the Mexican government.

The site of Ek’Balam, or Black Jaguar in Yucatec Maya (Barrera Vázquez 1980), is one of forty-six archaeological zones in the region open for exploration by the 10 million tourists who travel in Yucatán and Quintana Roo each year (SEDETUR 2013; SEFOTUR 2014). The Mexican state of Quintana Roo, home of Cancún and the Maya Riviera, receives about one-third of all foreign tourist expenditures in Mexico, and since 1970, this state has had a higher rate of growth than any other part of Mexico (SECTUR 2014; Clancy 2001b). Cancún is the tourist emporium located on the northeast tip of the Yucatán Peninsula. Since its creation in the 1970s, it has become a destination famed for its white beaches, turquoise sea, and 280-kilometer coral reef. For guests it offers good and predictable hotels, an exotic ambiance of margaritas and mariachis, lush tropical forests, and Maya ruins (Pi-Sunyer, Thomas, and Daltabuit 2001, 122).