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    Paradigm Shift
    Paradigm Shift
    Paradigm Shift
    Ebook238 pages3 hours

    Paradigm Shift

    By Anab Whitehouse

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    About this ebook

    This book outlines a paradigm shift concerning education, schools, learning, the Constitution, and the Bill of Rights. The book explores numerous themes ranging from: religion and science: to: issues of public policy and, in the process, puts forth a perspective which argues that much of what goes on with respect to education is inconsistent with a variety of principles inherent in both the amended Constitution as well as our intuitive ideas about basic human rights. Some of the topics explored in various chapters are: grading, homework, educational purpose, qualities of a teacher, and much more.

    LanguageEnglish
    PublisherAnab Whitehouse
    Release dateOct 22, 2018
    ISBN9780463505076
    Paradigm Shift
    Author

    Anab Whitehouse

    Dr. Whitehouse received an honors degree in Social Relations from Harvard University. In addition, he earned a doctorate in Educational Theory from the University of Toronto. For nearly a decade, Dr. Whitehouse taught at several colleges and universities in both the United States and Canada. The courses he offered focused on various facets of psychology, philosophy, criminal justice, and diversity. Dr. Whitehouse has written more than 37 books. Some of the topics covered in those works include: Evolution, quantum physics, cosmology, psychology, neurobiology, philosophy, and constitutional law.

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      Book preview

      Paradigm Shift - Anab Whitehouse

      Paradigm Shift

      Dr. Anab Whitehouse

      Smashwords Edition, License Notes

      This ebook is licensed for your personal enjoyment only. This ebook may not be re-sold or given away to other people. If you would like to share this book with another person, please purchase an additional copy for each person you share it with. If you are reading this book and did not purchase it, or it was not purchased for your use only, then you should return to Smashwords.com and purchase your own copy. Thank you for respecting the hard work of this author.

      © 2018, Anab Whitehouse

      Interrogative Imperative Institute

      Brewer, Maine

      04412

      Published by: Bilquees Press

      Table of Contents

      1.) Paradigm Shift

      2.) Conceptions of Human Nature

      3.) Grading

      4.) The Interrogative Imperative

      5.) Knowing and Doing

      6.) Homework

      7.) The Sound of One Hand

      8.) Ockham’s Razor

      9.) Educational Purpose

      10.) Qualities of a Teacher

      Rudyard Kipling is reported to have said:

      Words are the most powerful drugs used by mankind.

      If he is correct, then education and learning are complex modes of delivery for introducing such mind- and soul-altering entities into people of all ages ... modalities that both affect the efficacy of such drugs, and, as well, are affected by them.

      1.)     Paradigm Shift

      Preamble

      Like the Preamble to the U.S. Constitution, this section of the current essay helps frame the remainder of the present document. In other words, this preamble establishes the set of principles through which Paradigm Shift might be best engaged or most fruitfully approached.

      For example, the reader should understand that because this is an extended essay and not a lengthy book, there are many facets of the following material that are set forth in a somewhat compressed form, rather than in a fully delineated manner. Although I believe there are enough details inherent in this extended essay to provide an understandable map of the conceptual terrain that this paper outlines, there are many issues that could have been developed more expansively in the present essay that have been left for another day and another discussion (To further explore these ideas, please read: Final Jeopardy: Education and the Reality Problem, Volume VI).

      Secondly, since this paper tends to deal with basic principles and since principles tend to be inherently complex, layered and given to nuance (more on this shortly), the task of unpacking the substantive character of any given principle tends to be something of a work in progress and, in effect, this means there is unfinished business that accompanies this extended essay. However, such unfinished business should not be confused with the issue of logical lacunae, anymore than one should take exception to the fact that a child is, somehow, lacking as an individual simply because further maturation will occur at a later time.

      The foregoing point leads to a third matter. Any time one proposes a paradigm shift, there will be those who will read such a proposal through the colors of the glasses with which they normally view experience and expect the former to conform with the latter and might become agitated when this does not happen and, as a result, tend to dismiss what is being written as so much nonsense. Yet, the whole idea of proposing a paradigm shift is to challenge the usual way of doing business.

      We live in desperate times. There is considerable degradation of: the human spirit, community, politics, moral integrity, and the environment that is taking place currently and has been occurring for quite some time.

      Change is necessary. The argument is no longer whether, or not, to undergo a transition in the way we think about and do things, but, instead, we are faced with task of identifying the sorts of change that might be most capable of stopping the present process of degradation and help lead in the direction of healing – on many, many levels. However, before one can get to the issues of education and learning, one needs to understand the structural character of the context in which these topics are currently embedded. Therefore, I will be exploring quite a few topics that, initially perhaps, might seem to have little to do with natters of education and learning. However, such preliminary adventures are very necessary in order to clear a viable path to the intended destination.

      Consequently, I request you to read the following material slowly, as well as with considerable reflection, equanimity, and patience. For a variety of reasons, the terrain of this extended essay is not always straightforward or easy to navigate, and I hope you will meditate on the themes being explored here rather than rush to judgment concerning the heuristic potential of the principles set forth.

      -----

      Proposal

      What if someone could offer a way to (a) substantially cut property, state, and federal taxes, while simultaneously: (b) revolutionizing the process of education so that the emphasis is on learning instead of accountability wars, political agendas, and self-serving means of generating money for those whose primary interest might be other than the welfare of learners; (c) bringing an end to the, till now, interminable wrangling over discrimination-reverse discrimination and affirmative action debates by truly leveling the playing field for all concerned; (d) enabling citizens to gain complete control over their learning; (e) shifting the burden of responsibility for identifying competence to where it belongs and, thereby, ending a form of subsidization that has done nothing but undermine the process of learning; (f) reducing the costs of both public and higher education by billions, if not trillions, of dollars; (g) rethinking the meaning and purpose of the Constitution; (h) and, doing all of the foregoing by requiring only nominal expenditures for underwriting the transition entailed by such changes? Does this all sound like a Rube Goldberg device, a perpetual motion machine, a quixotic quest, and/or the ranting of someone whom, without proper monitoring of medication, has been dumped back into the community from a mental facility?

      Read on. You might be surprised.

      ----- 

      Rules and Principles

      One of the keys to the possibilities noted above rests with the Constitution. Or, said, perhaps, more accurately, one of the keys lies in how one might approach the problems and challenges that are inherent in the Constitution.

      The word inherent that appears in the previous paragraph is not used inadvisably. Almost by necessity, the Constitution is a hybrid of specific rules and general principles.

      Principles are different from rules. Rules are linear and principles tend to be non-linear.

      In other words, the very nature of a rule is that it should be understood, processed, and applied in roughly the same manner from one situation to the next. This is the essence of what is meant by something being linear.

      A principle, on the other hand, has degrees of freedom within its structural character that provide for variations on whatever theme(s) is (are) at the heart of that principle. These degrees of freedom establish boundary conditions that cannot be transgressed without violating the principle while, at the same time, giving expression to the conceptual area within which the principle is intended to hold prominence, relevance, and applicability.

      Being non-linear, principles have a capacity for flexibility that is not present in rules. Without transgressing its spirit, a principle is capable of responding to varying circumstances in ways that rules are unable to do without undermining the essence of the idea underlying such a rule.

      One should not suppose the foregoing suggests that principles can be anything one wishes to make them. Degrees of freedom are not the same thing as license.

      For example, many people speak of the Golden Rule that, sometimes, is expressed in the following fashion: 'Do unto others as you would have them do unto you'. First of all, referring to this maxim as a rule is a misnomer, for there is no clear, identifiable theme in this saying that can be applied under specifiable conditions in a determinate way, and, consequently, this moral precept is devoid of the very qualities that are necessary to establish it as a rule.

      A general recommendation is being offered, not a hard and fast stipulation. The form of a rule frequently reflects an 'if/then-like' structure such that if certain conditions are met, then, certain behavior or procedures should come into effect or be pursued or applied, but this property is absent from the foregoing moral precept.

      The Golden Rule is really a Golden Principle. There are degrees of freedom encompassed within this principle that permit one to go, simultaneously, in a variety of directions.

      Can one say this Golden Principle is about kindness, compassion, empathy, love, forgiveness, tolerance, honesty, nobility, magnanimity, being charitable, friendship, and so on? Not necessarily, although all of these qualities are quite consistent with that principle.

      If one wishes others to be honest with one, then, one should be honest with them. If a person wishes others to forgive her or him, then, the individual should forgive those other people. If one wishes someone else to be tolerant toward one, then, one should be tolerant with that person.

      The Golden Principle neither explicitly mentions any of the foregoing possibilities, nor does it enjoin upon anyone that she or he must be kind, compassionate, loving, and so on. All it says, at least on the surface, is the following: however one wishes to be treated, then, one should not only treat others in a like manner, but the onus of responsibility for living in accordance with this principles begins with oneself and is not dependent on others treating one in a certain fashion, nor does the principle guarantee that even if one acts in a certain way in relation to others that, therefore, one's mode of engaging people will be reciprocated.

      If one looks at the life of the giver of the Golden Principle, one might say that, by implication, qualities of love, kindness, honesty, generosity, forgiveness, and so on are inherent in this principle. Such an understanding presupposes one knows what was in the mind and heart of the giver of the principle at the time the principle was issued. Consequently, such a presupposition is rooted in a theory of interpretation or a hermeneutical system about someone's intentions, mind-set, purposes, and so on with respect to such a principle.

      Moreover, even if one were to admit that qualities such as kindness, compassion, love, forgiveness, and so on, were, by implication, entailed by the Golden Principle, one is faced by, yet, another problem. What is meant by kindness, compassion, love, forgiveness, etc.?

      All of the entries in foregoing list of terms refer to principles not rules. There is not one way of being kind, or compassionate, loving, or forgiving. Furthermore, what one person considers to be kind or loving might not be seen as such by someone of a different understanding or it might be engaged through an alternative modality for demonstrating kindness, compassion, love, forgiveness, and so on.

      The spirit, or deep structure, of this Golden Principle tends to revolve about good, moral, just, constructive, or positive behaviors. Nonetheless, someone might want to say that, for example, a person with sadomasochistic inclinations might invoke this principle to justify pathological behavior, and while such an application is consistent with the surface character of the precept, such behavior might not be consonant with the underlying spirit of that principle -- at least as envisioned by the one who initially introduced this precept.

      Whatever the deep structure of the Golden-Principle might be, its surface structure only says that if one has any hope of having someone else treat one in a certain way, then, everything begins with oneself and, as well, with what one does in relation to others. Everything else is mere theory, speculation, opinion, and interpretation ... or, as one sometimes hears in the courts: objection, your Honor, this calls for conclusions based on testimony that has not yet been entered into evidence.

      -----

      Constitutional Issues

      There are some portions of the Constitution that are expressed as rules. Many of these rules are clear and straightforward, while others seem to contain language that is ambiguous, and, therefore, in such cases, one is not certain how to proceed even though one might be dealing with a rule rather than a principle. Other facets of the Constitution are in the form of principles. How one should understand such principles is both a huge problem and a challenge.

      There were 39 people who signed the United States Constitution. Among this group there were no women, Native Peoples, Blacks, Asians, or poor people. The signatories were lawyers, bankers, financiers, physicians, landowners, businessmen, and high-ranking soldiers.

      These 39 individuals were selected by a larger sub-set of the population encompassed by the original thirteen states. This larger group is but a sub-set of a still larger group of people who had little, or no, role in the selection process that led to these 39 people being identified as signers of the Constitution.

      Signing the Constitution is not necessarily synonymous with framing the Constitution. Furthermore, there is ample evidence to indicate that Native Peoples had a substantial hand in helping to frame a variety of substantive ideas that shaped the final form of the Constitution even though none of these indigenous individuals were signatories of that document.

      All of the foregoing leads to five important questions. More specifically, when one speaks of the 'Framers of the Constitution': (1) To whom is one referring? (2) Did all of the ‘framers’ understand things in the same way with respect to the language of the Constitution? (3) Even assuming one could identify what such understanding(s) involved, why should one give precedence to what the participants meant over the understandings of those who did not participate in the selection process and/or whose views were not represented by the individuals who were selected? (4) Why should people of today be bound by a document that they had no role in framing or giving consent to? (5) Even assuming people are bound, in some way, to adhere to the Constitution, what is the precise nature of that obligation? ... Is the character of such an obligation: moral, legal, political, logical, or some combination thereof, and what is the structural character of the argument that demonstrates the undeniable truth of such a moral, legal, political, logical, or combinational binding authority?

      Lest one forget too quickly, the Declaration of Independence, signed just 11 years, or so, prior to the Constitution, states:

      "When in the Course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political bands that have connected them with another, and to assume among the powers of the earth, the separate and equal station to which the Laws of Nature and of Nature's God entitle them, a decent respect to the opinions of mankind requires that they should declare the causes that impel them to the separation. –

      "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty, and the pursuit of Happiness. –

      That to secure these rights, Governments are instituted among Men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed, – That whenever any Form of Government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the Right of the People to alter or abolish it, and to institute new Government, laying its foundation on such principles and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their Safety and Happiness. Prudence, indeed, will dictate that Governments long established should not be changed for light and transient causes; and accordingly all experience has shown, that mankind are more disposed to suffer while evils are sufferable, than to right themselves by abolishing the forms to which they are accustomed. But when a long train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the same Object evinces a design to reduce them under absolute Despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to throw off such Government, and to provide new Guards for their future security."

      Rights belong to people and not to governments. Rights that are inalienable exist prior to the establishment of any form of government and those rights are not derived from the process of governing.

      Governments are instituted to be the guardians of such rights. Governments are fiduciary agents for creating conditions that are conducive to people being able to access and secure such rights.

      So says the Declaration of Independence. So says the Constitution. So says the Bill of Rights.

      The Preamble to the Constitution stipulates:

      We the People of the United States, in Order to from a more perfect Union, establish Justice, insure domestic Tranquility, provide for the common defence, promote the general Welfare, and secure the Blessings of Liberty to ourselves and our Posterity, do ordain and establish this Constitution for the United States of America.

      The Constitution establishes the framework of rules and principles within which Governments might be formed and operate. However, Governments are established to serve the people in securing rights, justice, liberty, domestic tranquility, common defense, and the general Welfare.

      There is an interesting possibility associated with the fact that only six of the 39 individuals who were signers of the Constitution were also signatories of the Declaration of Independence. Four of the 56 signers of the latter document died prior to the gaining of independence, and several others retired due to ill health.

      One of the interesting dimensions of the foregoing is that the spirit and language of the Declaration of Independence has not only been substantially toned down when some of its principles were included in the Constitution, but provisions have been etched into the Constitution that render the spirit of the Declaration moot – such as in relation to the idea that people should have the right, if not duty, to abolish Governments that do not serve the unalienable rights to which all human beings are entitled. In such a case, the revolutionary language of the Declaration of Independence has been transformed into an electoral process, and, unfortunately, the Constitution provides people few remedies in the event that many or most of the politicians turn out to

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