Perpetual Peace
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Immanuel Kant
Immanuel Kant wird 1724 in Königsberg geboren. Mit 16 Jahren beginnt er das Studium der Theologie, Philosophie und Naturwissenschaften an der Königsberger Universität. Jedoch erst im Alter von 46 Jahren erhält er eine ordentliche Professur für Logik und Metaphysik in Königsberg. Als wirkungsmächtigster deutscher Philosoph neben Hegel erlangt Kant schon zu Lebzeiten einen legendären Ruf. Er verbringt sein Leben alleinstehend und einem strengen selbstauferlegten Tagesablauf folgend, der Anlaß zu zahlreichen überlieferten Anekdoten bietet. Kant stirbt in hohem Alter von 80 Jahren 1804 in Königsberg.
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Perpetual Peace - Immanuel Kant
PERPETUAL PEACE
..................
Immanuel Kant
KYPROS PRESS
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
Perpetual Peace
SECTION I. CONTAINING THE PRELIMINARY ARTICLES FOR PERPETUAL PEACE AMONG STATES
SECTION II. CONTAINING THE DEFINITIVE ARTICLES FOR PERPETUAL PEACE AMONG STATES
Notes
FIRST SUPPLEMENT. OF THE GUARANTEE FOR PERPETUAL PEACE
NOTES TO THE FIRST SUPPLEMENT
APPENDIX I. ON THE OPPOSITION BETWEEN MORALITY AND POLITICS WITH RESPECT TO PERPETUAL PEACE
NOTES TO APPENDIX I
APPENDIX II. OF THE HARMONY WHICH THE TRANSCENDENTAL CONCEPT OF PUBLIC RIGHT ESTABLISHES BETWEEN MORALITY AND POLITICS
NOTES TO APPENDIX II
PERPETUAL PEACE
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Translated by Mary Campbell Smith
Whether this satirical inscription on a Dutch innkeeper’s sign upon which a burial ground was painted had for its object mankind in general, or the rulers of states in particular, who are insatiable of war, or merely the philosophers who dream this sweet dream, it is not for us to decide. But one condition the author of this essay wishes to lay down. The practical politician assumes the attitude of looking down with great self-satisfaction on the political theorist as a pedant whose empty ideas in no way threaten the security of the state, inasmuch as the state must proceed on empirical principles; so the theorist is allowed to play his game without interference from the worldly-wise statesman. Such being his attitude, the practical politician — and this is the condition I make — should at least act consistently in the case of a conflict and not suspect some danger to the state in the political theorist’s opinions which are ventured and publicly expressed without any ulterior purpose. By this clausula salvatoria the author desires formally and emphatically to deprecate herewith any malevolent interpretation which might be placed on his words.
SECTION I. CONTAINING THE PRELIMINARY ARTICLES FOR PERPETUAL PEACE AMONG STATES
1. No Treaty of Peace Shall Be Held Valid in Which There Is Tacitly Reserved Matter for a Future War
;
Otherwise a treaty would be only a truce, a suspension of hostilities but not peace, which means the end of all hostilities — so much so that even to attach the word perpetual
to it is a dubious pleonasm. The causes for making future wars (which are perhaps unknown to the contracting parties) are without exception annihilated by the treaty of peace, even if they should be dug out of dusty documents by acute sleuthing. When one or both parties to a treaty of peace, being too exhausted to continue warring with each other, make a tacit reservation (reservatio mentalis) in regard to old claims to be elaborated only at some more favorable opportunity in the future, the treaty is made in bad faith, and we have an artifice worthy of the casuistry of a Jesuit. Considered by itself, it is beneath the dignity of a sovereign, just as the readiness to indulge in this kind of reasoning is unworthy of the dignity of his minister.
But if, in consequence of enlightened concepts of statecraft, the glory of the state is placed in its continual aggrandizement by whatever means, my conclusion will appear merely academic and pedantic.
2. No Independent States, Large or Small, Shall Come under the Dominion of Another State by Inheritance, Exchange, Purchase, or Donation
A state is not, like the ground which it occupies, a piece of property (patrimonium). It is a society of men whom no one else has any right to command or to dispose except the state itself. It is a trunk with its own roots. But to incorporate it into another state, like a graft, is to destroy its existence as a moral person, reducing it to a thing; such incorporation thus contradicts the idea of the original contract without which no right over a people can be conceived.1
Everyone knows to what dangers Europe, the only part of the world where this manner of acquisition is known, has been brought, even down to the most recent times, by the presumption that states could espouse one another; it is in part a new kind of industry for gaining ascendancy by means of family alliances and without expenditure of forces, and in part a way of extending one’s domain. Also the hiring-out of troops by one state to another, so that they can be used against an enemy not common to both, is to be counted under this principle; for in this manner the subjects, as though they were things to be manipulated at pleasure, are used and also used up.
3. Standing Armies (miles perpetuus) Shall in Time Be Totally Abolished
;
For they incessantly menace other states by their readiness to appear at all times prepared for war; they incite them to compete with each other in the number of