Nisei Naysayer: The Memoir of Militant Japanese American Journalist Jimmie Omura

Stanford University Press

Stanford, California

© 2018 by the Board of Trustees of the Leland Stanford Junior University.

All rights reserved.

Grateful acknowledgment is made to the Nichi Bei Foundation and the Japanese American National Library for generously supporting the publication of this volume.

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Printed in the United States of America on acid-free, archival-quality paper

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Names: Omura, James Matsumoto, 1912–1994, author. | Hansen, Arthur A., editor, writer of introduction.

Title: Nisei naysayer : the memoir of militant Japanese American journalist Jimmie Omura / James Matsumoto Omura ; edited by Arthur A. Hansen.

Description: Stanford, California : Stanford University Press, 2018. | Series: Asian America | Includes bibliographical references and index.

Identifiers: LCCN 2017057765 (print) | LCCN 2018020518 (ebook) | ISBN 9781503606128 (electronic) | ISBN 9781503604957 | ISBN 9781503604957 (cloth : alk. paper) | ISBN 9781503606111 (pbk. : alk. paper)

Subjects: LCSH: Omura, James Matsumoto, 1912–1994. | Japanese American journalists—United States—Biography. | Journalists—United States—Biography. | Japanese Americans—Evacuation and relocation, 1942–1945.

Classification: LCC PN4874.O66 (ebook) | LCC PN4874.O66 A3 2018 (print) | DDC 070.92 [B]—dc23

LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2017057765

Typeset by Classic Typography in 11/14 Adobe Garamond

Cover photo: "Jimmie Omura as editor of San Francisco’s New World Daily News, 1934–35." Omura Papers, Green Library, Stanford University

Cover design: Rob Ehle

Nisei Naysayer

THE MEMOIR OF MILITANT JAPANESE AMERICAN JOURNALIST JIMMIE OMURA

James Matsumoto Omura

Edited by Arthur A. Hansen

STANFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS

STANFORD, CALIFORNIA

ASIAN AMERICA

A series edited by Gordon H. Chang

The increasing size and diversity of the Asian American population, its growing significance in American society and culture, and the expanded appreciation, both popular and scholarly, of the importance of Asian Americans in the country’s present and past—all these developments have converged to stimulate wide interest in scholarly work on topics related to the Asian American experience. The general recognition of the pivotal role that race and ethnicity have played in American life, and in relations between the United States and other countries, has also fostered the heightened attention.

Although Asian Americans were a subject of serious inquiry in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, they were subsequently ignored by the mainstream scholarly community for several decades. In recent years, however, this neglect has ended, with an increasing number of writers examining a good many aspects of Asian American life and culture. Moreover, many students of American society are recognizing that the study of issues related to Asian America speak to, and may be essential for, many current discussions on the part of the informed public and various scholarly communities.

The Stanford series on Asian America seeks to address these interests. The series will include works from the humanities and social sciences, including history, anthropology, political science, American studies, law, literary criticism, sociology, and interdisciplinary and policy studies.

A full list of titles in the Asian America series can be found online at www.sup.org/asianamerica

To my wife, Karen, my two sons, Gregg and Wayne, and my grandsons, Brian and Travis,

and

To those Americans of Japanese ancestry whose constitutional and human rights were unjustly sacrificed during World War II on the altar of national security

—James Matsumoto Omura

To Debra Gold Hansen, my beloved wife and esteemed colleague, and in fond memory of my parents, Haakon and Anna, and my brother, Roy,

and

To those Japanese Americans who, like James Omura, resisted oppression before, during, and after World War II

—Arthur A. Hansen

To refuse to run with the herd is generally harder than it looks. To break with the most powerful among that herd requires unusual depth of character and clarity of mind. But it is a path we should all strive for if we are to preserve the right to think, speak, and act independently, heeding the dictates not of the state or fashionable thought but of our own consciences. In most places and most of the time, liberty is not a product of military action. Rather, it is something alive that grows or diminishes every day, in how we think and communicate, how we treat each other in our public discourse, in what we value and reward as a society, and how we do that.

—THOMAS E. RICKS, CHURCHILL AND ORWELL: THE FIGHT FOR FREEDOM

Contents

Editor’s Note

ARTHUR A. HANSEN

Contributors

Foreword: Let Us Now Praise Famous Men

FRANK CHIN

Preface: A Uniquely Genuine Person

YOSH KUROMIYA

Introduction: James Omura and the Redressing of Japanese American History

ARTHUR A. HANSEN

NISEI NAYSAYER: THE MEMOIR OF MILITANT JAPANESE AMERICAN JOURNALIST JIMMIE OMURA

JAMES MATSUMOTO OMURA

Prologue

1. Bainbridge Island Beginnings, 1912–1923

2. Pacific Northwest Coming of Age, 1923–1933

3. Dateline California, 1933–1940

4. Showdown in San Francisco, 1940–1942

5. Denver Disputes and Concentration Camp Dissent, 1942–1944

6. Rocky Mountain Resistance, 1944

7. Down and Out in Denver, 1944–1945

Afterword: Who Writes History?

FRANK ABE

Acknowledgments

Appendixes

Notes

Selected Bibliography

Index

Editor’s Note

ARTHUR A. HANSEN

Because James Omura’s 1994 death deprived him of having his autobiographical manuscript critically reviewed by peers or professionally copy-edited, some significant changes were made prior to publication. First, its working title, Shattered Lives, was changed so as to better represent it as a memoir rather than a standard historical study. Second, two of its chapters—one on the history of Japan and the other on Japanese American resisters of conscience within the U.S. Army—were pruned to enhance the work’s unity and cohesion. Third, all chapter subtitles were stripped to achieve a narrative flow harmonious with a life-review document, while new chapter titles were provided. Fourth, the author’s prologue was truncated so as to render it more germane and proportionate to its purpose. Fifth, redundant material in the manuscript, most of which resulted from unintended computer glitches, was expunged. Sixth and finally, when possible the author’s absent footnote references were editorially generated and his incomplete ones fleshed out.

Apart from minor changes in word choice, sentence structure, and the length of selected quoted passages, James Omura’s manuscript has been faithfully reproduced. All such alterations were transacted silently, both to avoid being a distraction to readers and for aesthetic reasons. In no cases have the names of people and places provided by the author been changed for the sake of anonymity.

Since the memoir of James Omura deviates from the standard genre with respect to its utilizing ample bibliographical and discursive notes, it was necessary to devise a means of clearly distinguishing these notes from my own editorial notes. Accordingly, the memoirist’s notes (supplemented where necessary by me) appear as footnotes using Roman numerals, while my more detailed, contextual notes are indicated by Arabic numerals and collected as notes at the end of the volume. Within the memoir proper, all insertions by James Omura are enclosed in parentheses, while all bracketed insertions are mine.

To avoid possible confusion by readers over the use of Japanese American generational terms, their respective meanings are as follows: Issei, immigrant generation, denied, until 1952, U.S. citizenship; Nisei, U.S.-born citizens, children of Issei; Kibei, Nisei educated in Japan; Sansei, third-generation Japanese Americans; Yonsei, fourth-generation Japanese Americans. As for the term Nikkei, it is employed generically to designate all Americans of Japanese ancestry.

Contributors

FOREWORD: LET US NOW PRAISE FAMOUS MEN

Frank Chin (b. 1940), a fourth-generation Chinese American, was born in Berkeley, California, raised in San Francisco and Oakland, and graduated in 1965 from the University of California, Santa Barbara. He is a widely acclaimed writer of plays, novels, short fiction, and essays, who has won three American Book Awards. An Asian American theater pioneer, Chin founded the Asian American Theater Workshop and was the first Asian American to have a play produced on a major New York stage. Two of his coedited anthologies, Aiiieeeee! (1974) and The Big Aiiieeeee! (1991), also established him as a forerunner in the development of Asian American literature. For the second work, Chin contributed an essay, Come All Ye Asian American Writers of the Real and the Fake, which celebrated the valiant World War II roles of journalist James Omura and the Heart Mountain Relocation Center’s Fair Play Committee in mobilizing—against the U.S. government and the Japanese American Citizens League—the sole organized draft resistance movement in the ten War Relocation Authority-administered imprisonment camps for Japanese Americans. Later, Chin’s classic oral history-driven documentary novel, Born in the USA (2002), detailed and dramatized this same inspiring message of bold resistance to oppressive power. The Frank Chin Papers are housed in the California Ethnic and Multicultural Archives of the Special Collections Department of the University of California, Santa Barbara, Library.

PREFACE: A UNIQUELY GENUINE PERSON

Yosh Kuromiya (b. 1923), a second-generation Japanese American born and raised in the San Gabriel Valley of southern California, had his Pasadena Junior College education aborted when he and his family, along with other West Coast Americans of Japanese descent, were summarily evicted from their homes and communities and unjustly imprisoned in American-style concentration camps. After detention at Pomona Assembly Center in Los Angeles County, Kuromiya was incarcerated at Wyoming’s Heart Mountain Relocation Center. In early 1944 the twenty-one-year-old Kuromiya joined the camp’s Fair Play Committee (FPC), an inmate organization protesting on civil rights grounds the U.S. government’s military draft of American citizens of Japanese ancestry. As one of sixty-three FPC members refusing preinduction physical examinations, Kuromiya was arrested, tried at a Cheyenne federal court in Wyoming’s largest mass trial, and sentenced to three years imprisonment at Washington’s McNeil Island Federal Penitentiary. In late 1947 President Harry S. Truman granted full pardons to Kuromiya and all other draft resisters. In the postwar period, Kuromiya graduated from California Polytechnic State University, Pomona, and then compiled a highly successful landscape architect career. From the early 1980s onward, he has championed the wartime dissent and historical legacy of the Heart Mountain Fair Play Committee, the World War II Japanese American draft resisters, and James Omura.

INTRODUCTION: JAMES OMURA AND THE REDRESSING OF JAPANESE AMERICAN HISTORY

Arthur A. Hansen (b. 1938), a third-generation American of Irish-Norwegian descent, was born in Hoboken, New Jersey, and came of age in Santa Barbara, California. He earned all of his academic degrees at the University of California, Santa Barbara, and is now a professor emeritus of History and Asian American Studies at California State University, Fullerton (CSUF). During his CSUF tenure he was the founding director of both the Center for Oral and Public History and its Japanese American Oral History Project. Between 1991 and 1995 he edited for publication the six-volume Japanese American World War II Evacuation Oral History Project. In 2007 the Association for Asian American Studies presented him its Distinguished Lifetime Achievement Award. Most of his scholarly writings, including those on James Omura, have focused upon the resistance Japanese Americans mounted against their community’s World War II oppression by the U.S. government and the Japanese American Citizens League leadership. Formerly the senior historian at the Japanese American National Museum, Hansen is currently serving this Los Angeles-based institution as a historical consultant. In 2018 the University Press of Colorado will publish an anthology of his writings titled Barbed Voices: Oral History, Resistance, and the World War II Japanese American Social Disaster.

MEMOIR: NISEI NAYSAYER

James Matsumoto Omura (1912–1994), a second-generation Japanese American, was born on Bainbridge Island, Washington, and graduated in 1932 from Seattle’s Broadway High School. Between 1933 and 1936 Omura edited the English-language sections of three Japanese vernacular newspapers in Los Angeles and San Francisco. In 1938–42, Omura was employed by San Francisco floral enterprises; after 1940 he was also the editor-publisher of Current Life, the magazine of arts, letters, and public affairs he founded to enlighten and activate American-born Japanese. It was in this capacity that on February 23, 1942, he testified at the San Francisco hearings of the Tolan Committee and registered the sole voice of protest to the U.S. government’s projected forced mass eviction and incarceration of the West Coast’s Japanese American population. Electing to voluntarily resettle out of the coastal defense zone into the unrestricted interior city of Denver rather than submitting to involuntary imprisonment, Omura established a free placement bureau there to facilitate employment opportunities for the swelling number of other Japanese-ancestry resettlers. After contributing articles to the English sections of Denver’s two Japanese vernacular papers, the Colorado Times and the Rocky Shimpo, in early 1944 Omura accepted the latter’s editorship. His brief tenure in this role led to his militant endorsement of the organized and Constitution-based draft resistance movement spearheaded by the Heart Mountain Relocation Center’s Fair Play Committee (FPC). It also resulted in the U.S. government forcing Omura to resign his position and, in late 1944, trying him in a federal court with FPC leaders on conspiracy to aid and abet violation of the Selective Service Act of 1940. Although exonerated, Omura was demonized for his dissidence by Denver’s Japanese American community, forcing him to abandon journalism and to pursue instead a postwar career of distinction as a landscape contractor. In 1981 he testified at the Seattle hearings of the Commission on Wartime Relocation and Internment of Civilians and thereafter devoted the remainder of his life to sustaining the agenda of the National Council for Japanese American Redress, defending both the patriotic valor and civil propriety of the World War II draft resisters—and his support for them—from persistent defamations by the Japanese American Citizens League (JACL), and writing his anti-JACL-themed memoir. The repository for the James Omura Papers is the Green Library at Stanford University.

AFTERWORD: WHO WRITES HISTORY?

Frank Abe (b. 1951), a third-generation Japanese American born in Cleveland and raised in northern California’s Santa Clara Valley, is a University of California, Santa Cruz, graduate. He featured James Omura in Conscience and the Constitution (2000), his PBS film on the largest organized resistance to the World War II incarceration of Japanese Americans, and writes about Omura and the Heart Mountain draft resisters on his blog at Resisters.com. He was a founding member of the Asian American Journalists Association in Seattle, and Frank Chin’s Asian American Theater Workshop in San Francisco. As an actor he appeared as a Japanese American Citizens League leader in the 1976 NBC-TV movie Farewell to Manzanar. With Chin he helped to create the first two Days of Remembrance in 1978–79 to publicly dramatize the campaign for redress. Abe reported for KIRO Newsradio in Seattle and served as communications director for two King County (Washington) executives and the King County Council. He is currently collaborating with the Wing Luke Asian Museum in Seattle on a graphic novel dramatizing the resistance to wartime incarceration, including that of James Omura.

Foreword

Let Us Now Praise Famous Men

FRANK CHIN

James Omura is famous for going before a congressional committee in 1942 and asking, Has the Gestapo come to America? Have we not risen in righteous anger at Hitler’s mistreatment of the Jews? Then, is it not incongruous that citizen Americans of Japanese descent should be similarly mistreated and persecuted?

Omura was talking about the Japanese American Citizens League (JACL). James Matsumoto Omura was born in 1912 on Bainbridge Island in the state of Washington. He carved himself out a career as a journalist writing for, then editing, then owning and publishing English-language Japanese American newspapers and magazines from Seattle to Los Angeles.

He had a special interest in Nisei arts and ideas, and encouraged Nisei intellectuals to essay their thoughts on the being, meaning, and future of Japanese in America, and Japanese Americans. His magazine Current Life was distinguished by the quality and variety of the writing. Current Life won the admiration and support of Pulitzer Prize-winning author William Saroyan. Virtually all the prewar Nisei poets and writers and thinkers, including Toshio Mori, Ferris Takahashi, Hisaye Yamamoto, and Toyo Suyemoto, were nurtured in Current Life and other publications Omura edited.

It was as the publisher and editor of Current Life that James Omura appeared before a congressional committee studying the necessity of concentration camps for the Nikkei, to repudiate the leadership of Mike Masaoka and his Japanese American Citizens League. He said the JACL was being appointed the leaders and representatives of Japanese America without having consulted, sought, or obtained the approval of the 120,000 Japanese Americans concerned. He called the JACL Quislings.

Before this same committee the leaders of the JACL declared that 25 percent of the Nisei were disloyal and only with JACL’s help could the government separate the wolves from the sheep. How could they have ever been mistaken for a civil rights organization? Jimmie often wondered aloud.

When the Japanese attacked Pearl Harbor and brought America into World War II, the JACL’s betrayal of Japanese America to White racist demagoguery was already a fait accompli. The JACL had invented and asked for a loyalty oath to distinguish between the good and evil Japanese Americans, and it had fingered thousands of Issei and Kibei-Nisei as potential saboteurs and joined the local police and the FBI in their arrests.

And after asking for concentration camps in which persons of Japanese ancestry would have their behavior modified, be Americanized, and—following the JACL’s fifteen pages of recommendations—be turned into Better Americans for a Greater America, they intimidated the Nikkei into entering the camps without protest or resistance by lying to them about a nonexistent U.S. Army contingency plan to use force to imprison all 120,000 persons of Japanese ancestry on the West Coast within twenty-four hours.

The U.S. Army had 174,000 men in uniform in December 1941 with 488 machine guns and forty rickety tanks from World War I. Even if they wanted to, the army had neither the manpower nor the arms and vehicles needed to accomplish Masaoka’s contingency plan.

All this Jimmie Omura summed up in a phrase that has become famous, if not credited: The JACL sold Japanese America down the river. Since then, many Nisei have said, The JACL sold Japanese America down the river, but not too loudly, for the camps gave Japanese America to the JACL to run as its own police state.

The latest summation of the JACL betrayal is known as The Lim Report. From the first hints of incarceration, Omura sought to resist any racially selective orders on constitutional grounds and assert the Nisei rights as U.S. citizens in the courts. The JACL declared all test cases to be seditious, traitorous, and un-American because they brought bad publicity to the Nisei. Omura appealed to the Nisei for money to hire a lawyer and pursue a test case, but because of the JACL police state no one dared to respond. Jimmie’s attempt at going for a redress of constitutional grievance fizzled. Still, Jimmie didn’t take the hint.

Omura wanted to keep writing. He didn’t feel he’d be free to write if he were evicted and incarcerated, so he voluntarily evacuated to Colorado and eventually, in two years, became editor of the English-language section of the Denver Rocky Shimpo.

Omura’s editorials on the right and wrong way for Nisei to resist the draft inspired the Issei and the Nisei alike, especially at Wyoming’s Heart Mountain camp, where unlike the resistance at the other nine camps administered by the War Relocation Authority, there was leadership and organization. At the other camps, Nisei were individually calling the government’s bluff. If the government takes away their citizenship rights, they’re no longer citizens. And if the government really thinks they’re Japanese, then the government can’t draft them, but must send them back to Japan.

The strategy was to embarrass the government into saying it’d made a mistake: the Nisei were obviously U.S. citizens; restore the Nisei to their precamp condition, then draft them, everybody’s happy, on with the war. Jimmie thought this strategy for restoring the constitutional rights of Nisei was wrongheaded, to say the least.

Omura had already been fingered by the FBI thanks to the JACL’s Minoru Yasui. Yasui went out of his way to personally promise Jimmie, to his face, [I will] see you behind bars. Knowing the JACL and the FBI were ready to pounce, Omura chose his words carefully when he editorialized on Nisei draft resisters. These are the words that got him arrested:

Those who are resisting the draft are too few, too unorganized and basically unsound in their viewpoints.

Expatriation is not the answer to our eventual redemption of democratic and constitutional rights. Unorganized draft resistance is not the proper method to pursue our grievances.

We do not dispute the fact that such rights have been largely stripped and taken from us. We further agree that the government should restore a large part of those rights before asking us to contribute our lives to the welfare of the nation—to sacrifice our lives on the field of battle.

But ours should not be an act of rashness or haste. There is no reason why we should not petition for a redress of grievances, but there is every reason why we should resist the draft in the way it is being done now.

The Heart Mountain Fair Play Committee refused to respond to the draft until their citizenship status was clarified in the courts. Their strategy was to use the draft to test the constitutionality of the exclusion and detention of American citizens of Japanese ancestry. If the exclusion and detention were legal, then the Nisei were no longer citizens. If they were not legal then the government could not draft the Nisei until all their rights and properties were restored and the wrongs redressed.

Eighty-eight Nisei men at Heart Mountain resisted the draft and were convicted in Cheyenne’s federal court and imprisoned in Leavenworth, Kansas, and McNeil, Washington, federal prisons. They were among the 262 draft resisters pardoned on Christmas Eve 1947 by President Harry S. Truman.

James Omura was tried with seven leaders of the Heart Mountain Fair Play Committee as a coconspirator, in a conspiracy to cause violations of the Selective Service. He wrote letters appealing to the people he had published in his various newspapers and Current Life for help with the expenses of his defense. He didn’t receive a dime in the mail. Not only did the cream of Nisei poets and writers not send any money; they didn’t send any letters. He was acquitted but by JACL design, financially ruined and ostracized from the society controlled by the JACL police state.

From this moment on, James Omura would be thought of as dead. His career in Nisei journalism was over. The leaders of the Fair Play Committee, Kiyoshi Okamoto, Paul Nakadate, Frank Emi, Minoru Tamesa, Isamu Horino, Ben Wakaye, and the Issei Zen man, Guntaro Kubota, had their convictions reversed in appeals court.

Before the Fair Play Committee trials, the JACL openly threatened the draft resisters and James Omura with social ostracism in the pages of the JACL weekly Pacific Citizen. The JACL’s Joe Grant Masaoka and Minoru Yasui proudly worked as shills for the FBI to try and intimidate and threaten the resisters into giving up their cause, and turn fink on them.

After the trials the JACL made good on its threat. Last year [1993], Jimmie told us: When I was acquitted, I felt I was vindicated. Vindicated as a person. Vindicated in my profession. I returned to Denver and tried to obtain work. I was hounded from one job after another. It took me three months to finally find a job. Actually I eventually went into landscape contracting. Because there I felt that I couldn’t be molested or harassed by people who were against me.

His ostracism from the Japanese American community was so complete that even his admirers, including Michi Weglyn, who quotes and writes about him in her book Years of Infamy, and the draft resisters themselves, thought the James Omura who dared repudiate the JACL was dead.

No, he was actually living in Denver. To the Japanese Americans there he might have been better off dead. He said the ostracism was not physical or violent. He wasn’t attacked in the streets or beat up. Most of all it was one of these subtle sort of things. You could feel it. You could feel the tenseness. I was in a bowling league and I could feel the tenseness. It got so bad that I couldn’t bowl any longer. It was no fun, I can tell you that.

The Bernstein Commission hearings on redress in the early 1980s brought Jimmie back into Nisei history from the dead. When redress activist Henry Miyatake approached me at the hearings in Seattle and told me there was a Jimmie Omura who wanted to meet me, I was dumbfounded.

Could this be the James Omura who said the JACL sold Japanese America down the river? He was. He wanted to meet me because of what I said about the JACL betrayal before the commission. And Lawson Inada and Shawn Wong and I wanted to meet him. That first meeting we sat with Jimmie Omura in a pizza parlor and felt we had found a long-lost uncle.

He had inspired the Heart Mountain draft resisters to make their stand in 1944, and through the 1980s he inspired the resisters to come out of the shadows of their social ostracism, tell their stories, and reclaim the history they had made. It was something to see.

Men who had never spoken of their resistance jail terms appeared in broad daylight to meet James Omura. And Jimmie found himself living like an old uncle. Frank Emi was pleased to have Jimmie stay at his house in San Gabriel. Mits Koshiyama and Dave Kawamoto were gushing all over having Jimmie stay at their homes in San Jose. Yosh Kuromiya in Los Angeles. Jimmie was on the road again, writing and working on a book about Japanese America, the JACL, the camps, the resisters, and himself—the storyteller, nitpicker, gossip, and old crank of the Japanese American family. Jimmie was a necessary old man. I think he even spent a night in my house.

Jimmie was at work on his book when he was struck with a heart attack and died, in Denver, at 6:35 a.m., June 20, 1994. He had lived to see the resisters he championed begin to be restored to the community. After forty years of silence and obscurity, Jimmie began to be rediscovered and his work recognized by Asian America. The Asian American Journalists Association honored him. The National Coalition for Redress/Reparations honored him. But Japanese America, Asian America, never knew Jimmie well enough.

NOTE

This item originally appeared in the Rafu Shimpo on June 25, 1994, to commemorate the recent death of James Matsumoto Omura (1912–1994). Reprinted by permission from the Los Angeles News Publishing Company, d.b.a. THE RAFU SHIMPO.

Preface

A Uniquely Genuine Person

YOSH KUROMIYA

James Matsumoto Omura was everything the Japanese American Citizens League (JACL) was not. It is difficult to define one without the other.

Like two opposing astrological signs, they held in common the relevance of any particular issue because they were inextricably locked on to a common axis, yet held conflicting perceptions and ideologies on dealing with the issue because they approached the subject with a set of opposing survival dynamics.

The JACL, pragmatically, felt the future of Japanese Americans lay in their convincing America of their worthiness and credibility through good deeds, eventually attaining the social acceptance of the broader American public and thereby political empowerment. In short, the end justifies the means. They proceeded to draw an exceedingly wide swath as to the moral and ethical limits of those means.

James Omura, on the other hand, saw the end and means as two phases of a single aspiration. The worthiness of any goal was part and parcel of the moral integrity of the process by which the goal was achieved. In terms of the Nisei (second-generation Japanese Americans) during the World War II crisis: to believe in the primacy of our citizenship, and therefore our loyalty, as a foregone conclusion, and not something to be earned or proven. Innocent until proven guilty. To be what we already are. His commitments were based on these precepts.

As events evolved, the pragmatic JACL approach seemed to prevail. Yet the visionary ideals of James Omura, a few of his contemporaries, and many more in the growing new generation of Asian American intellectuals and realists expressed doubts of the model minority myths. There was hope!

My initial awareness of James M. Omura was in 1942 (precamp) after his famous query on February 23 at the San Francisco hearings of the Tolan Committee—Has the Gestapo come to America?—as the national JACL continued its witch hunt against the Issei (immigrant-generation Japanese Americans, ineligible for U.S. citizenship) and Kibei (Nisei educated in Japan) as potential enemy spies. This transpired over three months after President Franklin Roosevelt was presented with the Munson Report findings of no immediate threat of espionage by the Japanese population either on the West Coast or in Hawaici. The JACL declared James Omura as Public Enemy Number One and proceeded to destroy him in the eyes of the Japanese American community.

During the 1944 Nisei draft controversy at Wyoming’s Heart Mountain incarceration camp, Omura supported the constitutional basis of the draft through his editorials in the English section of the Rocky Shimpo, an ethnic vernacular newspaper in Denver. However, he also warned of legal entanglements, especially in the lower courts, where constitutional veracity held little weight.

Later that same year, Omura was indicted as a coconspirator counseling draft evasion along with seven leaders of the Heart Mountain Fair Play Committee (FPC). Omura had never set foot in Heart Mountain, nor had he met any of the FPC leaders. He had obviously been set up by the JACL. Omura was cleared of all charges, but court costs had virtually wiped out all his savings. Further, he lost his Rocky Shimpo editorship and was blackballed at other publishing firms under the influence of the JACL. The Denver-area Japanese American community had turned its back on Omura financially, socially, and in employment out of fear of JACL reprisals.

In 1981 James Omura reemerged as a witness in the Seattle session of the Commission on Wartime Relocation and Internment of Civilians (CWRIC). He had virtually disappeared since his JACL-inspired censure and abandonment by the Denver-area Japanese American community. Frank Chin, a Chinese American playwright, became aware of the Heart Mountain draft resistance and the FPC, and having met James Omura in Seattle after his CWRIC testimony, proceeded to reunite him with the few surviving Heart Mountain draft resisters he could locate, including me, along with FPC leader Frank Emi.

When Jimmie Omura had speaking engagements or other business in the Los Angeles area, he often stayed in Frank Emi’s home. On one occasion Frank also had a speaking engagement, in San Jose, so he asked my wife, Irene, and me to take Jimmie in. It was on very short notice and within fifteen minutes Emi and Omura appeared at our front door. We quickly cleared space in our spare bedroom, hoping it would suffice. Jimmie spent most of the day quietly in the room, reading or writing, so I was careful not to disturb him. When necessary for his research, I would drive him to the Los Angeles Public Library or to other sources of information. I was very comfortable in his presence and felt honored that he referred to us as his home away from home. However, once when he popped up unannounced, we did suggest to him that he allow a couple of days warning of his arrival. Fortunately, we didn’t have prior commitments on that particular occasion, but he could have been locked out of his home away from home for the entire day.

I detected in Jimmie a rare quality of sincerity and honesty that I seldom encountered in my then seventy years of existence on earth. I was, of course, familiar with the conventional face-saving rituals we were all conditioned to accept as sincerity and honesty, but with Jimmie it was a deeper, more frightful commitment that often seemed to put his very survival at risk.

Omura’s decision to place the telling of his life story in the capable hands of Dr. Arthur Hansen was no accident either. Although it would take years for him to review and order the awesome volume of notes and narratives thrust upon him, thanks to his dedication, James Matsumoto Omura’s style of sincerity and honesty will be forever preserved.

Introduction

James Omura and the Redressing of Japanese American History

ARTHUR A. HANSEN

James Matsumoto Omura (1912–94) was the foremost editorial voice raised against the U.S. government’s World War II exclusion and incarceration of Japanese Americans. He was also the chief spokesperson decrying the Japanese American Citizens League’s (JACL’s) collaborative role in this shameful development. The lone Nikkei journalist to editorialize against the JACL-endorsed federal policy of drafting imprisoned Japanese American citizens into the military, Omura was the first Nikkei to seek governmental redress and reparations for wartime violations of civil liberties and human rights. The heroic role he played in redeeming the tarnished repute and self-esteem of the Japanese American community has been grossly underrecognized and generally unheralded by Nikkei and non-Nikkei Americans alike. Without question, James Omura deserves to be accorded a place of honor in U.S. history commensurate with that already consecrated for resisters Gordon Hirabayashi, Minoru Yasui, Fred Korematsu, and Mitsuye Endo.¹

In 2003 I authored a chapter for an anthology that honored the distinguished historian Roger Daniels’s career-long contribution to Asian American history. I titled this piece Return to the Wars: Jimmie Omura’s 1947 Crusade against the Japanese American Citizens League.² Assuredly, it had been Omura’s animus toward the JACL that fueled the wars to which, in mid-May 1947, he was returning as the newly reappointed English-section editor of Denver, Colorado’s Rocky Shimpo vernacular newspaper.³ After all, only three years previously, due in great measure to the behind-the-scenes machinations of JACL’s national and regional leadership, Omura was flushed out of his initial four-month tenure, in early 1944, as the Rocky Shimpo’s English-section editor by the U.S. government and subsequently—along with the seven leaders of the Fair Play Committee (FPC) at Wyoming’s Heart Mountain Relocation Center⁴—indicted, arrested, jailed, and forced to stand trial in a Cheyenne, Wyoming, federal court for unlawful conspiracy to counsel, aid, and abet violations of the military draft. Even though Omura, unlike the FPC leadership, was acquitted of this charge, his legal vindication did not prevent the Denver-area JACL power brokers from mobilizing an extralegal vendetta against him within the Nikkei community. Indeed, they so effectively harassed and demonized Omura as to make it virtually impossible for him to gain sustainable employment or to revel in the rewards of a viable social and cultural life, and these deprivations in turn hastened his 1947 divorce from his Nisei wife, Fumiko Caryl Omura (née Okuma).⁵

As discerning readers of Nisei Naysayer will discover, Omura discloses within his memoir’s pages all of the above information save for what transpired during his May–December 1947 editorial stint with the Rocky Shimpo. However, by thus curtailing his autobiographical account with his being down and out in Denver at the end of World War II, Omura inadvertently bolsters the conventional historical narrative stamped on his life by his contemporary critics and latter-day chroniclers that his militant 1934–44 opposition to the JACL leadership of the Japanese American community and the U.S. government’s wartime treatment of Japanese Americans was brought to a halt before the end of World War II. While poetically accurate, this perception violates historical veracity, since within the short interval of Omura’s 1947 Rocky Shimpo tenure, he used his editorial position to a greater degree than at any time previously as a bully pulpit to criticize his nation’s government, institutions, and practices, and far more often and pointedly to wage war against the JACL. As Omura promised his readers in his opening editorial column of May 16, 1947, Nisei America: Know the Facts, he would pursue a progressive type of journalism [to] freely criticize wherever occasion demands. He also issued a warning to the JACL leadership: Those who have disagreed with us in the past and have been unpardonably guilty of working nefariously in the shadows may evince certain misgivings with our return to the Nisei journalistic wars. They have cause to feel uneasy.

Omura’s bite more than matched his bark. His special brand of liberalism pervaded his columns: he praised the Committee for Industrial Organizations, urged Nisei to join unions, and called for the abolition of race-, sex-, and creed-based restrictions in union constitutions;⁶ he lauded advances toward interracial progress and advocated legislation against racial discrimination;⁷ and he simultaneously disparaged the dangers to democracy of both communism and its magnification as a threat by the House Un-American Activities Committee.⁸

Then too about one-fifth of Omura’s some 120 editorial columns criticized the JACL. On May 27 he castigated its leaders for having been autocratic and arrogant and contended that we need something beside the JACL. Then on June 26 he explained that the JACL did not deserve criticism for failing to avert the Evacuation but, rather, for its dereliction of duty to defend with all its might the civil rights of the then discredited Nisei racial minority. Omura’s July 23 editorial was more personal and pointed: The JACL lended its helping hand to the government in a vain effort to railroad this editor to Leavenworth. In his August 2 column Omura blasted the selfish and arrogant JACL leadership for denying the right of any Nisei to hold views contrary to its own.

As for the JACL’s chief spokesperson, Mike Masaoka, his attitude, according to Omura’s August 19 column, had been narrow, arrogant, [and] overbearing. The other high-level JACL officials, added Omura on August 26, cannot properly deny that they have engaged and are still engaging in invidious reprisals against the few who courageously assail the leadership of the organization. In the very next day’s column, he charged that the JACL hierarchy had seen in the war a golden opportunity to promote the organization to a position of influence.

Even at a time when, as Omura put it in his September 8 column, the JACL was engaged in a worthwhile campaign to rectify certain injustices, he nonetheless felt that the organization’s activities in Washington are merely patterns in the design to achieve authoritarian control of Nisei society. On September 10, Omura berated JACL bigwigs for impotency, inferiority, and a lack of forthright leadership. Insofar as Omura had a good word for the JACL, it pertained to its stand on communism: The Japanese American Citizens League follows the best procedure in refusing even to wink at Communism.⁹

On December 4 a small item in the Rocky Shimpo announced that Omura had tendered his resignation and asked to be relieved of his duties as of December 15. Certainly personal finances figured heavily in Omura’s decision. So also did fatigue. Throughout much of his editorship, Omura had operated the Omura Landscape Service, and this double duty exacted its price. As he had commented in an adversarial open letter to Togo Tanaka, a national JACL leader and a Chicago-based columnist for the English-language section of the Colorado Times,¹⁰ Denver’s competitor Japanese American community newspaper, such a schedule had reduced his sleep at night to four or five hours.¹¹ This revelation prompted a left-wing JACLer, Joe Oyama of New York, to write Omura a note: Take the advice of an old hand, Mr. Omura. You can’t do two things at one time. Otherwise, you do both badly. My advice to improve your paper is to quit and devote full time to your ‘going business.’¹² The December 4 Rocky Shimpo announcement by Omura signaled that he had decided to heed Oyama’s sardonic recommendation about quitting his paper to enhance his budding career as a landscape architect, but surely not so as to improve the Rocky Shimpo. Indeed, only the prior day that paper reported Omura being named a recipient of a national rose-culture award and cited his membership in the American Rose Society, the American Horticultural Society, the National Garden Institute, and the Colorado Forestry and Horticultural Association.

Before officially abdicating his position as the Rocky Shimpo’s editor, Omura fired a volley of parting shots, aimed first at the JACL and then at the Colorado Times and its most opinionated columnist, Minoru Yasui, a staunch JACL advocate and Omura’s arch-nemesis. On December 3 Omura dedicated his editorial to the possible role that liberals in the JACL could play to reform the organization. Such liberals, he claimed, had frequently solicited him to join the organization and assist in this process. But he had declined on the grounds that if the leadership had rejected his advice from outside the JACL’s ranks, it was absurd to think that it would listen to him as a member. Still, the liberal element in the JACL represented the best hope for reforming the organization. Institutional salvation could only come about, though, if the leadership recanted its wartime performance and revised its current campaign in Congress so that the legislation sought would materially help a majority of the Nisei and not merely a chosen few.

Having dealt with the liberals in the JACL, Omura then turned in his December 9 editorial to the fanatics within the organization. He charged that such individuals, who pervaded the league’s top leadership, presented the view that the JACL was engaged in a high calling and could therefore demand unqualified allegiance from other Nisei. But the JACL’s numerically small membership (six thousand out of a total Nisei population of eighty-five thousand eligible Nisei, including thirty thousand Nisei war veterans) proved that such fanaticism lacked popular appeal. Because the fanatical leaders, whom Omura saw as being both intelligent and unbalanced in their organizational devotion, had made (and continued to make) so many personal sacrifices to promote the JACL, they were virtually immune to and even resented constructive criticism. In the long run, concluded Omura, the liberals in the JACL would have to reform the organization before the fanatics destroyed it.

In his editorial assessment of the state of Denver Nisei Leadership for the December 12 issue of the Rocky Shimpo, Omura drew a damaging comparison between his newspaper’s approach to this state of affairs and that of the Colorado Times. Whereas the rival Denver vernacular deplored the inadequacy of the city’s Nisei leadership, it nonetheless defended it and shielded it from the Rocky Shimpo’s criticism. This craven policy by the Colorado Times was anathema to Omura, who had operated the Rocky Shimpo on the premise that what should be courted was truth and democratic progress, not public favor. Ours, exulted Omura, is the journalism of the Bennetts, the Danas, the Goulds—the men who built American journalism and lifted it from the Milquetoast, fawning journalism of personal editors. Because of the Rocky Shimpo’s forthrightness, it got vilified by a paper like the Colorado Times, for which firmness and fairness were lower priorities than flattering the community and gaining its goodwill. This situation, accused Omura, is accentuated by our violent enemies, such as the Ya-suis, who inaccurately report statements we make before public groups and clothe them in language to incite resentment and aggravate ill feelings. A particularly vicious example was Yasui’s attempt to attribute to Omura the patently false and absolutely untrue allusion that none of the Nisei leaders in Denver are any good at all. We have labeled this statement, explained Omura, a lie. Mr. Yasui has threatened to sue us unless we retract. We have refused to retract. The next move is Mr. Yasui’s.

FIGURE 1. Jimmie Omura, Liberty Calling program on KLZ radio, Denver, Colorado, October 12, 1947. In the first of two broadcasts on Japanese Americans’ problems in Denver, the Rocky Shimpo editor stressed discrimination faced by Nikkei in employment, education, and housing. In contrast, the second broadcast’s featured speaker, Colorado Times publisher Fred Kaihara, maintained that discrimination in no way hampered Denver’s Japanese American community. Omura Papers, Green Library, Stanford University.

Omura’s editorial swan song, titled Not without Regret, appeared in the Rocky Shimpo’s December 15 edition. He regretted that his plan to put the newspaper on a sound financial footing had never been implemented. He regretted, too, his stepping down from his post on the basis of sheer nostalgia, for he was among those people who live, breathe and virtually eat journalism. He was sorry, practically speaking, that his exit was prompted by the declining fortunes of the Nisei vernaculars in Denver (compared to the boom wartime years), owing to the escalating competition posed by their revitalized West Coast counterparts. Furthermore, he was doleful that at this late juncture the English-language sections of the vernaculars, in spite of having an important role to play, were still a financial flop and a crummy adjunct to the Japanese-language sections. He regretted, finally, that the new approach to policy he had introduced in the Rocky Shimpo—cosmopolitanism, principled candor, and progressive democratic reform—had not yet been adopted by other Nisei vernaculars. The current policies of Nisei newspapers, mourned Omura, cater to the provincialism of the Nisei and make no effort whatsoever to guide its readers to a broader and more liberal outlook. It is a policy that looks backward and fails to keep pace with the individual intellectuality of the Nisei.

Predictably, in the December 18 issue of the Colorado Times, Yasui responded to Omura’s sweeping indictment of him and his newspaper. He dealt with the last of these matters first. The Colorado Times did not fancy itself as being in the same grandiose and pretentious tradition of journalism as Omura claimed for his paper. But the Colorado Times also had not, as charged by Omura, catered to public favor. It believed in factual and objective reporting of the news. Its interest in reporting national and international news was circumscribed by the seeming insignificance of such news to Nisei. Rather, the paper tried to cover news on topics of interest to local Nisei residents, such as discrimination (though never in a carping or crusading manner). It also sought to encourage Nisei and put their activities in the best possible light in order to advance the interests of the Nisei in our community and in our nation.

As for Omura’s barbs against him, Yasui expressed amazement that the Rocky Shimpo editor had named him as a violent enemy. Yasui had considered suing Omura but now felt this action pointless, given his resignation.¹³ It is enough, declared Yasui, that a disturbing factor in Denver journalism is now gone, and he apologized to the Colorado Times’ readership for having subjected them to his quarrels with Omura and the Rocky Shimpo. But if Min Yasui was silent about Jimmie Omura in the Colorado Times for the rest of 1947, he was hardly through with him.

On December 29 Yasui’s Colorado Times column revisited the very issue most responsible for the bad blood between him and Omura—wartime Nisei draft resistance. What provoked Yasui’s editorial was President Harry Truman’s Christmas granting of amnesty (the restoration of full political and civil rights) to virtually all of the approximately 315 Japanese Americans convicted of violating the Selective Service Act. While never mentioning the name of Jimmie Omura or the Heart Mountain FPC and localizing his concern to the thirty-one pardoned draft resisters from Colorado (mostly former Amache, or Granada, concentration camp inmates), he did implicate the first two parties in his comments. Broadly, Yasui was charitable toward those who had resisted the draft so as to register a legal protest against evacuation. He emphasized the extenuating circumstances leading to their actions and expressed the belief that the pardons had been unnecessarily long-delayed. At bottom, however, Yasui’s commentary represented a critique of the FPC, Omura, and the Nisei draft resisters. As a protest against evacuation, pronounced Yasui, many Nisei listened to the ‘latrine gossip’ that circulated in camps, and decided that they would refuse to answer the draft call. These Nisei, ill-advisedly, contended that they ought not to be called upon to fulfill their obligations as a citizen until their rights as a citizen were fully restored. Fortunately, the stigma produced for Japanese America by these draft evaders was more than offset by the overwhelming number of Nisei who chose to serve their country in the army and sometimes ended up wounded or worse. Yasui then delivered his peroration on Nisei wartime patriotism:

We hope and