Making All Black Lives Matter: Reimagining Freedom in the Twenty-First Century

Making All Black Lives Matter

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The publisher and the University of California Press Foundation gratefully acknowledge the generous support of the George Gund Foundation Imprint in African American Studies.

AMERICAN STUDIES NOW: CRITICAL HISTORIES OF THE PRESENT

Edited by Lisa Duggan and Curtis Marez

Much of the most exciting contemporary work in American Studies refuses the distinction between politics and culture, focusing on historical cultures of power and protest on the one hand, or the political meanings and consequences of cultural practices, on the other. American Studies Now offers concise, accessible, authoritative, e-first books on significant political debates, personalities, and popular cultural phenomena quickly, while such teachable moments are at the forefront of public consciousness.

1. We Demand: The University and Student Protests, by Roderick A. Ferguson

2. The Fifty-Year Rebellion: How the U.S. Political Crisis Began in Detroit, by Scott Kurashige

3. Trans*: A Quick and Quirky Account of Gender Variability, by Jack Halberstam

4. Boycott! The Academy and Justice for Palestine, by Sunaina Maira

5. Imagining the Future of Climate Change: World-Making through Science Fiction and Activism, by Shelley Streeby

6. Making All Black Lives Matter: Reimagining Freedom in the Twenty-First Century, by Barbara Ransby

Making All Black Lives Matter

Reimagining Freedom in the Twenty-First Century

Barbara Ransby

UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESS

University of California Press, one of the most distinguished university presses in the United States, enriches lives around the world by advancing scholarship in the humanities, social sciences, and natural sciences. Its activities are supported by the UC Press Foundation and by philanthropic contributions from individuals and institutions. For more information, visit www.ucpress.edu.

University of California Press

Oakland, California

© 2018 by Barbara Ransby

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Names: Ransby, Barbara, author.

Title: Making all Black lives matter : reimagining freedom in the twenty-first century / Barbara Ransby.

Description: Oakland, California : University of California Press, [2018] | Includes bibliographical references.

Identifiers: LCCN 2018008706 (print) | LCCN 2018012421 (ebook) | ISBN 9780520966116 (epub and ePDF) | ISBN 9780520292703 (cloth : alk. paper) | ISBN 9780520292710 (pbk. : alk. paper)

Subjects: LCSH: Black lives matter movement. | Black power—United States—History—21st century.

Classification: LCC E185.615 (ebook) | LCC E185.615 .R26 2018 (print) | DDC 323.1196/073—dc23

LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2018008706

Manufactured in the United States of America

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When our political activism isn’t rooted in a theory about transforming the world, it becomes narrow; when it is focused only on individual actors instead of larger systemic problems, it becomes short-sighted. We do have to deal with the current crisis in the short term. That’s important. We have to have solutions for people’s real-life problems, and we have to allow people to decide what those solutions are. We also have to create a vision that’s much bigger than the one we have right now.

Patrisse Khan-Cullors, cofounder

#BlackLivesMatter

CONTENTS

Overview

Introduction

1. Roots and Recalibrated Expectations: Prologue to a Movement

2. Justice for Trayvon: The Spark

3. The Ferguson Uprising and Its Reverberations

4. Black Rage and Blacks in Power: Baltimore and Electoral Politics

5. Themes, Dilemmas, and Challenges

6. Backlash and a Price

7. A View from the Local: Chicago’s Fighting Spirit

8. Political Quilters and Maroon Spaces

Conclusion

Epilogue: A Personal Reflection

Acknowledgments

Notes

Glossary

Key Figures

Selected Bibliography

OVERVIEW

INTRODUCTION

The introduction provides a general survey of the Movement for Black Lives (commonly known as the Black Lives Matter Movement), which will be abbreviated throughout the text as BLMM/M4BL. BLMM/M4BL is a far-reaching movement for racial justice and social transformation (2012–17) that was triggered by vigilante and police violence against Black people in the United States. This chapter also introduces the thesis of the book, which argues that the movement is politically and ideologically grounded in the US-based Black feminist tradition, a tradition that embraces an intersectional analysis while insisting on the interlocking and interconnected nature of different systems of oppression; advocates the importance of women’s group–centered leadership; supports LGBTQIA issues; and seeks to center the most marginalized and vulnerable members of the Black community in terms of the language and priorities of the movement.

#BlackLivesMatter•State and Vigilante Violence•Black Feminist Intersectional Praxis•Anti-Black Racism

CHAPTER 1. ROOTS AND RECALIBRATED EXPECTATIONS

This chapter offers short biographical profiles of a handful of BLMM/M4BL leaders and founders and traces the antecedents of the Movement for Black Lives in other feminist-centered and Black radical organizations that have focused on state violence. Key groups and campaigns surveyed include Black HIV/AIDS mobilization of the 1990s; the Black Radical Congress; INCITE! Women of Color against Violence; and the prison abolitionist group Critical Resistance. The election of Barack Obama, the nation’s first African American president, another precursor to the emergence of BLMM/M4BL, is also explored in this chapter, which argues that BLMM/M4BL represents a rejection of postracialism and the middle-class politics of respectability that surrounded the Obama presidency. Rather, racism for the majority of poor and working-class Black people, despite the election of a Black president, is far from over.

Black Radical Congress•Critical Resistance•INCITE! Women of Color against Violence•Prison-Industrial Complex•Barack Obama

CHAPTER 2. JUSTICE FOR TRAYVON

The 2012 killing of unarmed Florida teenager Trayvon Martin triggered a series of protests and inspired the formation of a number of groups—namely, Black Youth Project 100 (BYP100), Million Hoodies, Dream Defenders, and the Black Lives Matter Global Network—that played prominent roles in BLMM/M4BL as it evolved. This chapter outlines the origins of those groups, as well as the birth of the Free Marissa Now campaign, which demanded the fair treatment of a woman who was jailed despite her claim of self-defense. Her case demonstrated the important feminist principle that women victims of state injustice should be supported and mourned alongside men.

Trayvon Martin•Black Lives Matter Global Network•BYP100 (Black Youth Project 100)•Million Hoodies Movement for Justice•Dream Defenders•Marissa Alexander

CHAPTER 3. THE FERGUSON UPRISING AND ITS REVERBERATIONS

The August 2014 uprising in Ferguson, Missouri, that followed the police murder of eighteen-year-old Michael Brown is often cited as the catalyst for the emergence of a full-blown, Black-led resistance movement. It reverberated around the world and garnered intensive news and social media coverage. This chapter chronicles the Ferguson protests, the conditions that spawned them, and the organizers and activists who led and sustained them, notably young Black women, some of them queer and many of whom found their feminist sensibilities and politics crystallized by the uprising.

Ferguson Uprising•Michael Brown•Organization for Black Struggle•MAU (Millennial Activists United)•Movement for Black Lives•Lost Voices

CHAPTER 4. BLACK RAGE AND BLACKS IN POWER

The death of Freddie Gray, a twenty-five-year-old Black man in police custody, triggered the second major uprising in less than a year’s time. This chapter covers the Baltimore protests, key activist organizations, and the significant fact that half of the police officers and many of the local authorities involved were Black. BLMM/M4BL organizers indicted the system in Baltimore as racist, emphasizing the structural nature of the problems that persisted, irrespective of which individuals were carrying out policy. The chapter concludes with a lesser-known Baltimore story, that of Korryn Gaines. Gaines was a young mother killed by police in her own home, whose death also sparked protests and debates about gender and self-defense. Baltimore protesters and Gaines’s defenders were angry, not only about what occurred in Baltimore but about the cumulative impact of the multiple high-profile police killings of unarmed Black people that had taken place since Michael Brown’s death in Ferguson. The chapter also explores how writers and activists have talked about the politics of rage and outrage.

Freddie Gray•Korryn Gaines•Leaders of a Beautiful Struggle•Baltimore United for Change

CHAPTER 5. THEMES, DILEMMAS, AND CHALLENGES

Chapter 5 warns against seeing the movement as monolithic by teasing out and briefly highlighting five distinct but interrelated themes that have arisen as BLMM/M4BL has evolved: the emphasis on blackness and Black oppression, as reflected in the slogan Unapologetically Black; the role of social media and social media personalities; the youth-centered nature of the movement and the intergenerational politics that have surrounded it; sexism within the movement and new Black feminist and abolitionist-informed practices that seek to hold activists accountable for sexist behavior; and finally the class politics of the movement and leaders’ critique of racial capitalism.

Unapologetically Black•Postracialism•Black Twitter•Black Feminism•#SAYHERNAME•#cutthecheck

CHAPTER 6. BACKLASH AND A PRICE

This chapter touches upon the ways in which BLMM/M4BL has been a target of threats, excessive punishment by the state, and disparaging and defamatory statements from conservative politicians and pundits, as well as how its own internal stresses and losses have jeopardized the movement. The shootings of BLMM/M4BL protestors in Minnesota, the arrest of Jasmine Abdullah Richards, the long jail term for Josh Williams in St. Louis, and the suicide of one of the movement’s young leaders in Ohio are all part of the price that organizers have paid over the course of the past few years as this movement has unfolded.

Black Friday 14•Mall of America Protests•Jasmine Abdullah Richards•Josh Williams•MarShawn McCarrel

CHAPTER 7. A VIEW FROM THE LOCAL

This chapter focuses on one local political ecosystem, the City of Chicago, where BLMM/M4BL organizations have been very active and, to a certain extent, successful in campaigning against police and state violence targeting Black communities. The Chicago case study outlines several key campaigns and offers short biographical sketches of individuals and organizations that have been catalysts for change in the city. In addition to the national organizations already mentioned, local groups like the short-lived We Charge Genocide collective, the Let Us Breathe Collective, and Assata’s Daughters have helped to anchor the activist work in Chicago, building upon long-standing traditions of organizing and activism in the Black community. Three of the movement’s important achievements have been the firing of the police chief, the electoral defeat of an unsympathetic state’s attorney, and the victory of a reparations ordinance for survivors of police torture.

Jon Burge Torture Scandal•Justice for Rekia•Laquan McDonald•#ByeAnita•We Charge Genocide•Let Us Breathe Collective•Assata’s Daughters

CHAPTER 8. POLITICAL QUILTERS AND MAROON SPACES

Building organizations is different from building a broad-based social movement that includes multiple organizations. Chapter 8 focuses on Blackbird, a strategic and communications team dedicated to movement-building that was formed in the wake of Ferguson; BOLD (Black Organizing for Leadership and Dignity), a small nonprofit leadership-development and network-building group; and the BlackOUT Collective, a group of tactical and direct action trainers. These three groups (or political quilters) have been instrumental in stitching together different patches of BLMM/M4BL work through workshops, leadership training, political education, strategic convenings, and tactical training and support. They have also provided the scaffolding that structures a movement made up of dozens of local and national formations. Each of the three groups has played a different role, but their net effect has been to supply the connective tissue that has turned an assemblage of organizations into a movement. I use the metaphor of maroonage to highlight the ways in which political quilters have allowed activists to retreat from intensive periods and spaces of organizing to reflect, connect with one another, and refuel.

Blackbird•BOLD (Black Organizing for Leadership and Dignity)•BlackOUT Collective•Political Quilting

CONCLUSION

The conclusion briefly situates BLMM/M4BL in the context of a shifting political landscape and of a large and long Black radical history. From a discussion of the prison abolitionist politics of Ruth Gilmore, to the legacy of the 1970s Black feminist group the Combahee River Collective, to the hostile political climate that arose in the wake of the election of Donald Trump as president, this chapter explores BLMM/M4BL’s current challenges and possible trajectory.

Racial Capitalism•Abolition•Nonreformist Reforms•Intersectionality

EPILOGUE

These final pages offer my very personal reflections as a participant-observer in BLMM/M4BL for over two years. As a historian, I had never written about a movement in the making, and I found it a uniquely powerful, moving, and challenging experience. In the epilogue, I take off my researcher’s hat and share deeply personal observations and sentiments about BLMM/M4BL and what I observed in the process of writing its story.

Protofascism•Aislinn Pulley•Bree Newsome•Mary Hooks

Introduction

Black Lives Matter began as a social media hashtag in 2013 in response to state and vigilante violence against Black people, sparked by the vigilante murder of Trayvon Martin in Sanford, Florida, 2012, and the police murder of Michael Brown in Ferguson, Missouri, 2014. The slogan has evolved into the battle cry of this generation of Black youth activists. Tens of thousands of people participated in Black Lives Matter protests in some form between 2013 and 2017. At the height of the protests a Pew poll indicated that over 40 percent of Americans were sympathetic to the Black Lives Matter movement, as they understood it.¹ In the same period, the term Black Lives Matter was tweeted over a hundred thousand times per day.² There is hardly a person in the United States who has not heard the now ubiquitous phrase.

The breadth and impact of Black Lives Matter the term has been extraordinary. It has penetrated our consciousness and our lexicon, from professional sports to prime time television, to corporate boardrooms, and to all sectors of the art world. The powerful phrase has resonated as a moral challenge, and as a slap in the face, to the distorting and deceptive language of colorblindness and postracialism that gained traction in the United States after voters elected the country’s first African American president in November 2008. While the symbolism was powerful, having a Black man in the White House as president did not change the material reality for some thirteen million Black people living in the United States—a reality that included economic inequality, the epidemic of mass incarceration, and various forms of unchecked state violence. The protest and transformative justice movement that emerged under the banner of the Black Lives Matter Movement (BLMM), and later the Movement for Black Lives (M4BL), rejected representative politics as a stand-in for substantive change in the condition of Black people’s lives. The 2014 uprising in Ferguson, Missouri, was not the beginning of that fight, but it was a pivot.

What are the forces, who are the individuals, and what are the underlying ideas that have animated, nurtured, and sustained this movement? The answer is complicated, but one important fact stands out. Black feminist politics have been the ideological bedrock of Black Lives Matter and the Movement for Black Lives. Black women have been prominent in leadership and as spokespersons, and have insisted on being recognized as such. The movement has also addressed the racism and violence experienced by the LGBTQIA communities. Organizers have enacted a Black feminist intersectional praxis in the campaigns, documents, and vision of the major BLMM/M4BL organizations.³ And it is important to note that while Black feminist ideas had influenced many veteran BLMM/M4BL organizers before they entered this phase of the movement, these ideas have also circulated widely among new activists and protesters, giving women (and men) who had not previously been introduced to Black feminism an entry point and a larger vision for change and transformation. The new activists have encountered Black feminist terms and concepts like intersectionality in the context of struggle, rather than simply through textbooks or in college classrooms. Finally, BLMM/M4BL organizations have championed a grassroots, group-centered approach to leadership very much akin to the teachings of Black Freedom Movement icon Ella Baker (1903–86).

This movement has also patently rejected the hierarchical hetero-patriarchal politics of respectability. Organizers have eschewed values that privilege the so-called best and brightest, emphasizing the needs of the most marginal and often-maligned sectors of the Black community: those who bear the brunt of state violence, from police bullets and batons to neoliberal policies of abandonment and incarceration. Black feminist politics and sensibilities have been the intellectual lifeblood of this movement and its practices. This is the first time in the history of US social movements that Black feminist politics have defined the frame for a multi-issue, Black-led mass struggle that did not primarily or exclusively focus on women. I use the term Black-led mass struggle because it is decidedly not a Black-only struggle, and it is not only for Black liberation but rather contextualizes the oppression, exploitation, and liberation of Black poor and working-class people within the simple understanding, at least in the US context, that once all Black people are free, all people will be free. In other words, poor Black people are represented in all categories of the oppressed in the United States. They are immigrants. They are poor and working class. They are disabled. They are indigenous. They are LGBTQIA. They are Latinx and Afro-Asians. They are also Muslim and other religious minorities, and the list goes on. So to realize the liberation of all Black people means undoing systems of injustice that impact all other oppressed groups as well.

In addition to being distinct in its inclusivity, this new movement is defined by action—street protests, uprisings, and various forms of direct action—and it is at its heart a visionary movement, calling not only for reforms but for systemic and fundamental change. Many of its participants identify as abolitionists, imagining a world without prisons or police. Others envision lives without the sanctions and violence that attempt to regulate their bodies, their gender expressions, and their sexuality. And others still dare to imagine a postcapitalist society in which competition, greed, gross wealth disparity, and various forms of waste and excess do not rule the day and the billionaire class do not rule over all of us. In the spirit of Black literary genius James Baldwin, they are demanding the impossible, or the seemingly impossible.

Even though Black Lives Matter is how the movement has been most commonly referenced, the Black Lives Matter Global Network (BLMGN) is only one organization within a larger constellation of groups that fall under the Movement for Black Lives (M4BL), which is both