The High Walls of Jerusalam

PROLOGUE

Antecedents

•1838-1905•

•1•

LONDON AND JERUSALEM: A VICTORIAN ROMANCE

Among the persisting undercurrents of English political and intellectual life in the nineteenth century was an aspiration to help bring about a Jewish revival in Palestine. Its ripples could be discerned from time to time, and on at least four occasions it rose to the surface with sudden force. Two of these occasions were political and were dissipated in almost the very moment they occurred; the others were literary and took the form of two novels that have since become classics in their respective ways.

The first political occasion came at the conclusion of a decade that had begun in 1831 with the invasion of Palestine by the troops of Mehemet Ali, ruler of Egypt. After a succession of victories over Palestine’s Turkish overlords—who were nominally Egypt’s suzerains as well—the Egyptian army had soon taken possession of all of Syria.* France and England took different views of this event. For the French, whose ancient appetite for Syria—dating back to the Crusades—had been whetted by Napoleon’s abortive attempt to conquer it in 1799, Mehemet Ali had provided an opportunity to gain a sphere of influence, and they proceeded to cultivate friendly relations with him. The English, on the other hand, saw him as a disposable threat to the integrity of the Ottoman Empire, which they were determined to maintain, preferring its waning power in the area to that of any stronger rival.

Lord Palmerston, the British foreign secretary, made his decisive move in July 1840, when he gathered representatives of the Austrian, Prussian, and Russian governments to agree on terms whereby Mehemet Ali was to be induced to withdraw from at least the north of Syria. The resulting Treaty of London was rejected by the Egyptian ruler, and in September the British bombarded and occupied Beirut. France did not come to the aid of Mehemet Ali, who was forced to evacuate all of Syria.

* Until the twentieth century the term Syria usually referred to the entire region today comprising Israel, Lebanon, and most of Syria and Jordan.

Was Palmerston’s triumph in this instance an early display of British ambition for empire in Egypt and southern Syria? If it was, then the ambition manifested itself in what were to go on being peculiarly British terms. There exists at present among the Jews dispersed over Europe, Palmerston wrote that August to Lord Ponsonby, his ambassador at Constantinople, a strong notion that the time is approaching when their Nation is to return to Palestine; and consequently their wish to go thither has become more keen, and their thoughts have been bent more intently than before upon the means of realizing that wish. He therefore instructed Ponsonby to bring these considerations confidentially under the notice of the Turkish Government, and strongly recommend them to hold out every just encouragement to the Jews of Europe to return to Palestine.

Palmerston thought that a combination of Jewish industriousness in Palestine and investment there by wealthy Jews abroad—the name Rothschild doubtless came to mind—would tend greatly to increase the resources of the Turkish Empire, and to promote the progress of civilization therein. In other words, it would strengthen that soft Syrian underbelly that had been so susceptible to Mehemet Ali’s assaults. Palmerston must also have realized that Britain was the only one of the three Christian powers particularly concerned with the Levant to have lacked, until now, a specific religious group there to receive its protection and gratefully stand up for its interests. France had the Roman Catholics and Maronites, Russia had the Greek Orthodox; now England, lacking any substantial Protestant community there, would stand on its Old Testament solidarity with the Jews. Indeed, Palmerston had already taken an important step in this direction two years before, when he established a vice-consulate at Jerusalem—no other European country yet had diplomatic representation there-and instructed W.T. Young, who was assigned to the post, to afford protection to the Jews generally and report on their condition.

Palmerston had solidly practical grounds, then, for his incipient policy regarding Palestine and its Jews; but he also had spiritual grounds, and one need not have looked far among the people closest to him to find their source. In December 1839, Palmerston, a true son of the Regency, had at the age of fifty-five concluded a lifelong bachelorhood and a liaison nearly as long with Lady Emily Lamb Cowper—sister of Lord Melbourne, the prime minister-by marrying her, two years after her husband’s death. Of Lady Cowper’s children, Palmerston’s favorite was Minnie, who may even have been his illegitimate daughter, and who had been married since 1831 to Lord Ashley, the future seventh earl of Shaftesbury—the highest born and one of the most eminent of England’s social reformers and evangelicals.

An officer in the London Society for Promoting Christianity Among the Jews, which had been founded in 1808 as a means of doing charitable works and hastening the Second Coming at the same time, Ashley urgently believed in the return of the Jews to Palestine. It was he who had inspired the foreign secretary to extend consular protection to the Jews of Palestine, at which time he wrote in his diary: Palmerston had already been chosen by God to be an instrument of good to His ancient people. And in January 1839, he had published an article in the Quarterly Review that spoke of the growing interest manifested in behalf of the Holy Land on the part of both Christians and Jews. A Christian who had recently traveled in Poland, he said, informs us that several thousand Jews in that country and of Russia have recently bound themselves by an oath, that, as soon as the way is open for them to go up to Jerusalem, they will immediately go thither. When Ashley heard about Palmerston’s letter to Ponsonby, he described it in his diary as a prelude to the Antitype of the decree of Cyrus.*

There was even a potential British Nehemiah to carry out the task of rebuilding in Zion, for these were the very days in which Sir Moses Montefiore began a succession of journeys to Palestine and undertook charitable works there that were to become legendary. Born in 1784, Montefiore was the grandson of a Sephardic Jewish emigré from Italy. Rising from moderately prosperous origins to great wealth—his marriage in 1812 to Judith Cohen, whose sister Hannah was the wife of Nathan Mayer Rothschild, gave a substantial boost to his advancement as a financier—he retired from the London stock exchange in his early forties to devote himself to philanthropy. He made his first journey to Palestine in 1827, accompanied by his wife, and came away determined to make the largely impecunious Jews of that country prominent among the objects of his benevolence.

* Thus saith Cyrus king of Persia, All the kingdoms of the earth hath the Lord God of heaven given me; and he hath charged me to build him an house in Jerusalem, which is in Judah. Who is there among you of all his people? The Lord his God be with him, and let him go up. 2 Chronicles 36:23. This brought about the return of the Jews from Babylonian exile in 537 B.C.E. and the rebuilding of the Temple of Jerusalem.

By the time he visited Palestine again in 1839—two years after he had been knighted by the new young queen-Montefiore had become imbued with a larger and more significant ideal. Doubtless he had been partly inspired by Ashley’s article in the Quarterly Review. He must also have been stirred by the fact that the British Government was now providing consular protection to Palestine’s Jewish community, which, under Mehemet Ali’s relatively enlightened rule, had grown rapidly in size. The Jewish population of Jerusalem was now 5,500, ten times what it had been in 1827, and the number of Jews in the country as a whole was nearly 10,000. Many of these were pious immigrants, come to the Holy Land to live out their lives in study and prayer and be supported by the Halukkah—charitable donations from Jewish communities abroad. But there was also a vigorous mercantile element of growing size, largely Sephardic Jews from the neighboring regions, and living mainly outside of Jerusalem.

It was because of the plan taking shape in his mind that Sir Moses made Safed his first stop when he arrived in Palestine at the end of May. The Galilee had been the principal center of Jewish population in the country since the Roman destruction of Jerusalem, and Safed’s Jewish community—now about 1,500 souls-had been the largest in the country until it was overtaken by that of Jerusalem during the 1830s. But what particularly interested Montefiore in Safed was the fertile soil that surrounded it. From all information I have been able to gather, he wrote in his diary,

the land in this neighborhood appears to be particularly favorable for agricultural speculation. There are groves of olive trees, I should think, more than five hundred years old, vineyards, much pasture, plenty of wells and abundance of excellent water; also fig-trees, walnuts, almonds, mulberries, etc., and rich fields of wheat, barley, and lentils: in fact it is a land that would produce almost everything in abundance, with very little skill and labor.

This led to reflections upon the idea that had brought him there. I am sure if the plan I have in contemplation should succeed, he went on,

it will be the means of introducing happiness and plenty into the Holy Land. In the first instance, I shall apply to Mehemet Ali for a grant of land for fifty years; some one or two hundred villages; giving him an increased rent of from ten to twenty per cent, and paying the whole in money annually in Alexandria, but the land and villages to be free, during the whole term, from every tax or rate either of Pasha or Governor of the several districts; and liberty being accorded to dispose of the produce in any quarter of the globe. The grant obtained, I shall, please Heaven, on my return to England, form a company for the cultivation of the land and the encouragement of our brethren in Europe to return to Palestine.

After going on to visit Tiberias, Hebron, and Jerusalem—where he considered a possible purchase of agricultural land right outside the city walls—Sir Moses proceeded to Egypt and discussed his plan with Mehemet Ali.

The following year, Montefiore found reason to make a third journey to the Near East—this time to exert his influence in opposition to a ritual murder charge that had been leveled against the Jews of Damascus. Just before departing, he and a group of other Anglo-Jewish leaders went to see Palmerston to discuss the problem, and the foreign secretary promised to use his own influence with both Mehemet Ali and the Turkish government to put a stop to such atrocities. Sir Moses took this opportunity to praise Vice-Consul Young’s humanity at Jerusalem, and to mention that the Jews of Palestine were desirous of being employed in agricultural pursuits.

A few months later, Palmerston wrote his letter to Ponsonby about the return of the Jewish nation to Palestine.

But nothing was to come of any of this. By the end of the following year, Mehemet Ali was no longer a threat to the stability of the Near East, and Lord Melbourne’s cabinet had fallen. Palmerston was not to return to the Foreign Office for five years, during which time his concerns became focused elsewhere. The idea, which had reached the level of cabinet discussion and the pages of The Times, continued to be discussed in governing circles for a while, but with diminishing commitment. Nor was there, in spite of what Ashley had written in the Quarterly Review, any clear and organized commitment from the only source that would have made such an enterprise possible—the Jewish masses of Eastern Europe. Such manifestations on their part were still two or more generations away. As for Ashley’s hopes, these had perhaps achieved a certain satisfaction with the appointment, in the fall of 1841, of the Reverend Michael Solomon Alexander—a converted Jew and professor of Hebrew and Arabic at King’s College—as the first Anglican bishop of Jerusalem. Unofficially, his task was to convert Jews, but he was to succeed in winning over only a handful by the time of his death in 1845.

Benjamin Disraeli must have watched all this with considerable interest; in his novel Tancred, he even refers to the good bishop of Jerusalem, who is himself a Hebrew. In 1844, having reached a lull in what was proving to be a brilliant but unorthodox political career, Disraeli made a temporary return to his earlier calling as a writer of fiction, and in the ensuing three years produced a trilogy of outstanding political novels: Coningsby, Sybil, and Tancred. The third, based in large part on a journey to Palestine that the author himself had made in 1831, presents yet another vision of Jewish—or, in this case, pan-Semitic—revival there. As for the Hebrew bishop of Jerusalem, Disraeli’s interest in him was not of merely passing significance. Himself born a Jew of Sephardic descent, Disraeli had been converted to Christianity by his father at the age of thirteen, but had subsequently become preoccupied with an idea of Jewish peoplehood—of Jewish race, as he liked to put it—that was not strictly a matter of religious affiliation. All is race, Disraeli’s fictitious Jewish philosopher and financier Sidonia tells the Christian Englishman Tancred: there is no other truth.

Among the many themes in the trilogy is a persistent, at times obsessive, concern with the Jewish race and its contributions to Christian civilization. Christianity is completed Judaism, says one character in Sybil. In Tancred: or, The New Crusade, Disraeli goes a step further and suggests that Judaism is a major source of English civilization as well. Oppressed with the emptiness of his privileged existence, young Lord Montacute—whose Christian name, Tancred, is significantly that of a great Crusader-decides to go on a pilgrimage to the Holy Sepulcher. But when he approaches Sidonia for advice before departing, the latter makes him realize he is after something more—that what he really wants to do is penetrate the great Asian mystery. Disraeli never says precisely what this is; but it is at least partly implied in such moments as when, after Tancred has reached the Judean hills, the author reflects upon how,

for this English youth, words had been uttered and things done, more than thirty centuries ago, in this stony wilderness, which influenced his opinions and regulated his conduct every day of his life, in that distant and seagirt home, which, at the time of their occurrence, was not as advanced in civilization as the Polynesian groups or the islands of New Zealand. The life and property of England are protected by the laws of Sinai. The hard-working people of England are secured in every seven days a day of rest by the laws of Sinai.

Tancred seems to discover himself to be a Hebrew in every respect but race. He falls in love with a beautiful Jewess of Bethany and becomes involved in the political intrigues of the Levant of Mehemet Ali, exhorting his friends there to an ideal of Semitic revival. The task, he tells them, is to free your country, and make the Syrians a nation–by which he means a nation of Muslim and Christian Arabs as well as of Jews, for to Disraeli these are a single race. As one character puts it, the Arabs are only Jews upon horseback. Jerusalem, the author says, will ever remain the appanage either of Israel or of Ishmael; either one has the right to sit upon the throne of David–but not anyone else.

The book abounds in criticism of the attempts of Frenchmen through the ages, starting with the Crusades, to force themselves upon this throne that was not theirs either by racial or by moral right. So far out of sympathy is the French nation with everything Semitic, Disraeli observes, that in its revolution it even had made a violent effort to disembarrass itself of its Asian [i.e., Judeo-Christian] faith. The English are quite different: I am not, alas, a true Arab, though I love Arabia and Arabian thoughts, Tancred says; and he is believed. The book implies that, whereas French rule would suppress the Syrian nation, a benign English suzerainty would enable it to flourish. If the English would only understand their own interests, an Arab tells Tancred, with my co-operation, Syria might be theirs.

The English, said Tancred, why should the English take Syria?

France will take it if they do not.

I hope not, said Tancred.

But if he hesitates to draw the inevitable conclusion, his rambunctious Arab friend Fakredeen is quite ready to leap beyond it. Let the Queen of the English collect a great fleet, he says,

let her stow away all her treasure, bullion, gold plate, and precious stones: be accompanied by all her court and chief people, and transfer the seat of her Empire from London to Delhi. There she will find an immense empire ready made, a first-rate army, and a large revenue. In the mean time I will arrange with Mehemet Ali. He shall have Bagdad and Mesopotamia, and pour the Bedoueen cavalry into Persia. I will take care of Syria and Asia Minor. . . . We will acknowledge the Empress of India as our suzerain, and secure for her the Levantine coast.

Disraeli’s great Asian mystery thus culminates in a fantastic vision of Eastern empire that, in years to come, he would not entirely forget.

The next notable manifestations, literary and political, of British interest in a Jewish revival in Palestine occurred while Disraeli was prime minister. This hardly seems accidental; Disraeli was now setting the tone for an era in which the old romance of the Orient that he had exemplified was reviving in a more pointed fashion. After holding office for most of 1868, he had returned to power in 1874 and soon begun to demonstrate an undying, and now rather practical, preoccupation with the great Asian mystery. It was in November 1875, six years to the month after the opening of the Suez Canal—that alarming display of French genius and ambition on the route to India—that Disraeli suddenly purchased for Great Britain the 44 percent of the shares in the Canal Company hitherto owned by Mehemet Ali’s grandson, the insolvent Khedive Ismail of Egypt. This imperial coup de thèâtre was made possible by a loan of £4 million from Lionel de Rothschild, who, in 1858, had become the first professing Jew to sit in Parliament, and whose right to be so had been championed above all by Disraeli during a struggle of more than ten years to seat him. The spirit that had created Tancred became even more evident the following April, when Disraeli succeeded in ushering through Parliament the Royal Titles Bill declaring the Queen to be Empress of India.

The reviving British interest in the Orient was further stimulated by the fact that, during the spring of 1876, the Ottoman Empire became once again the main theater of world events—this time with Bulgaria at the center of the stage. Insurrection against Ottoman rule, which had begun the previous year in Bosnia and Herzegovina, was spreading through the Balkans; but its manifestation in Bulgaria that May was put down with particular cruelty by troops of irregulars, and reports of atrocities and of deaths in the tens of thousands reached the British press. A public outcry arose, particularly among Liberals, who had, since the days of Palmerston and of the Crimean War (when Britain and France had gone to war against Russia to defend the Ottoman Empire), come to dislike the Turks and to look with strong sympathy upon the cause of small nationalities in Europe. The Tory Disraeli, on the other hand, whose oriental passion had always embraced the Turks as well, sought at first to minimize the reports. Although they did prove to be a bit exaggerated, no quibbling about exact mortality figures was going to matter after September 6, however, when the prime minister’s defeated rival, William Ewart Gladstone, emerged from retirement with a pamphlet called The Bulgarian Horrors and the Question of the East. In it, he characterized the Turks as the one great anti-human species of humanity and called upon them to clear out of Bulgaria, bag and baggage. Later that year, Gladstone, suspecting that what one of his friends called Disraeli’s Judaic feeling was a factor in British foreign policy, found new focus for his fury when he read Tancred for the first time. Certainly Disraeli’s prejudices were oriental enough that, when war broke out between Russia and Turkey the following year, it was widely assumed he would once again bring in England to fight on the Turkish side. But though he came close to doing so, he prudently avoided it in the end.

In the meantime, another symptom of the eastward-leaning interests of the day was the considerable scientific literature that was coming into being on Palestine and its possibilities for revival. In this era of Austen Henry Layard of Nineveh and Sir Richard Burton of Arabia, the British were showing a special gift for Near Eastern archaeology and exploration and the Palestine Exploration Fund had been established in 1865 to apply that gift to scientific research into the background of the Bible. In 1867, it had sent Charles Warren, a lieutenant in the Royal Engineers, to make archaeological soundings at Jerusalem in an effort to determine the exact locations of the Temple and of the Holy Sepulcher. By the mid-1870s, the fund was conducting a definitive topographical, geological, archaeological, and anthropological survey of the Holy Land under the direction of a gifted young orientalist, Lieutenant Claude Reignier Conder. The results were being published in articles and were soon to appear in many volumes.

Some of the fund’s explorers were producing a less formal literature as well. Charles Warren’s treatise, The Land of Promise: or, Turkey’s Guarantee, appeared in 1875. In it, he proposed the colonization of Palestine under the auspices of a British chartered company that would, in compensation, take over a portion of the Turkish national debt. Let this be done, he added, with the avowed intention of gradually introducing the Jew, pure and simple, who is eventually to occupy and govern this country. On the basis of his experience, Warren was able to provide abundant technical arguments for his position, dealing mainly with the soil of Palestine and its prospects for rehabilitation. But he was also ready to argue in a less scientific vein. It is written over and over again in the word of God, he said, that Israel are to return to their own land. And then he concluded in the tones of a political prophet: That which is yet to be looked for is the public recognition of the fact, together with the restoration, in whole or in part, of Jewish national life, under the protection of some one or more of the Great Powers.

It was in this atmosphere that George Eliot wrote and published her novel Daniel Deronda, the second of the notable literary manifestations of the century concerning a Jewish revival in Palestine. Her own fascination with the history of Israel went back to her young womanhood, when she had been fully in the grip of the evangelical passion epitomized in that era by the young Lord Ashley. In 1839, when she was nineteen, she had begun compiling a Chart of Ecclesiastical History, which was meant to show in parallel columns the principal dates in the histories of Rome, Christianity, and the Jews, from the birth of Christ to the Reformation. In 1846, as a professional translator of German, she had produced the first English version of that pioneering exercise in historical criticism of the Bible, David Strauss’s The Life of Jesus. By 1854 her personal library had come to include a Hebrew grammar; and signs of a Hebrew vocabulary show up in her writings from her very first published works of fiction some three years later. By the end of 1867, she had embarked upon a serious study of that language, under the tutelage of Emanuel Deutsch, a Berlin-educated Jewish scholar who had just published a widely read article on the Talmud in the Quarterly Review.

Deutsch made a journey to Palestine in 1869 that greatly moved him, and he was traveling in the Near East again four years later when he died at the age of forty-three. By then, George Eliot was already planning the novel that would commemorate him. She read widely in Jewish history, made herself familiar with the work of the Palestine Exploration Fund, and found out what she could about Jewish agricultural settlement in Palestine. She learned of the Mikveh Israel (Hope of Israel) school, founded near Jaffa in 1870 by the Alliance Israélite Universelle of Paris to train young Palestinian Jews as farmers. No doubt she also learned about the ongoing British involvement in such enterprises: modern Jewish agricultural settlement in Palestine had begun in 1852 when James Finn, W.T. Young’s successor at the Jerusalem consulate, raised money and purchased some eight to twelve acres outside the city walls to be set aside as the Industrial Plantation for employment of Jews of Jerusalem. Three years later, during his fourth journey to Palestine, Sir Moses Montefiore had acquired pieces of land near Jerusalem, Jaffa, and Safed, for agriculture and other useful purposes. By the time George Eliot finished her novel on Jewish themes, Montefiore had made, in 1875, his seventh journey to Palestine—at the age of ninety.

Daniel Deronda, which first appeared in installments during the spring and summer of 1876, is touched with the spirit of Tancred, even though George Eliot had not liked that novel when she read it thirty years before. Young Deronda seems in the end like a Tancred who, even before sailing to Palestine, has discovered himself to be Jewish after all. Growing up in the home of Sir Hugo Mallinger, whom he calls uncle, he knows nothing of his parentage at first, but a destiny then unfolds for him that seems as inexorable as the gradual revelation of his identity that accompanies it. In love with Mirah and deeply moved by the Jewish learning and idealism of her brother Mordecai—the character who is based on Emanuel Deutsch—Deronda has already become absorbed in the study of Jewish life and literature by the time he learns the truth of his origins. It is as if he had, from the beginning, fallen under the control of a hidden but powerful magnetism of race—to apply Sidonia’s term to a situation he would have understood completely.

The mystery of this force is embodied in the novel by its own Sidonia—by Mordecai, who has the qualities of a prophet. Imbued with an ideal of Jewish national regeneration, the sickly Mordecai sees himself from the outset as an intermediary between that ideal and some person better equipped physically than he to carry it out. This person

must be a Jew, intellectually cultured, morally fervid—in all this a nature ready to be plenished from Mordecai’s; but his face and frame must be beautiful and strong, he must have been used to all the refinements of social life, his voice must flow with a full and easy current, his circumstances be free from sordid need: he must glorify the possibilities of the Jew, not sit and wander [sic] as Mordecai did, bearing the stamp of his people amid the signs of poverty and waning breath.

From their first meeting Mordecai sees in Deronda the man he has sought, and he alone in the novel is fully convinced that the latter is a Jew long before the fact is revealed.

As for the mission Mordecai has in mind, its focal point is the eventual return of his people to the Land of Israel. Revive the organic centre, he says:

let the unity of Israel which has made the growth and form of its religion be an outward reality. Looking towards a land and a polity, our dispersed people in all the ends of the earth may share the dignity of a national life which has a voice among the peoples of the East and the West—which will plant the wisdom and skill of our race so that it may be, as of old, a medium of transmission and understanding.

Mordecai also understands practical politics and envisions the ways in which

the world will gain as Israel gains. For there will be a community in the van of the East which carries the culture and the sympathies of every great nation in its bosom; there will be a land set for a halting-place of enmities, a neutral ground for the East as Belgium is for the West.

Deronda perceives that this secular mission is the most suitable of modes whereby he can take up the traditions of his ancestors. He knows he cannot be like his orthodox grandfather. That is impossible. The effect of my education can never be done away with. The Christian sympathies in which my mind was reared can never die out of me. Rather, he can only be some kind of nonreligious Jew, who will identify myself, as far as possible, with my hereditary people, and if I can see any work to be done for them that I can give my soul and hand to, I shall choose to do it. What he has discovered is a fulfillment of that ideal of the religion of humanity—a reworking for the liberal, scientific age of the pious values of one’s forefathers—that was always among the central concerns of George Eliot’s life and work. The fact of being a Jew has enabled him to make his life a sequence which would take the form of duty. In the end he marries Mirah and resolves to go to the East, to become better acquainted with the condition of my race in various countries there and then seek to restore a political existence to my people, making them a nation again, giving them a national centre, such as the English have, though they too are scattered over the face of the globe. At the novel’s end, Mordecai dies as Deronda and Mirah prepare to make their journey.

Doubtless, George Eliot had told her publisher while still writing the book, the wider public of novel-readers must feel more interest in Sidonia than in Moredecai. But then, I was not born to paint Sidonia. As for the man who was, it would have been interesting to know what he thought of Daniel Deronda. But Lord Beaconsfield—as Disraeli now had become—is said to have replied when asked if he had read it, When I want to read a novel, I write one.

This time, however, Beaconsfield nearly had a chance to pursue the aims of Tancred and Daniel Deronda as a political act rather than a novel. The occasion arose shortly after the Congress of Berlin in the summer of 1878, which decided upon the new map of the Near East at the end of the Russo-Turkish War. That November, Beaconsfield’s foreign secretary, Lord Salisbury, received a letter from one Laurence Oliphant submitting a project which I have already communicated to the Prime Minister; and which he has directed me to formulate in writing and address to the Foreign Office. What Oliphant proposed was the formation of a Palestine development company, which would seek to obtain a land concession from the Turkish government for a period of twenty-five years or more. Most of the immigrants into this territory, he wrote, will probably consist of oppressed Jews from Rumania and the South of Russia. As for the financing of the project, he wrote elsewhere that any amount of money can be raised upon it, owing to the belief which people have that they would be fulfilling prophecy and bringing on the end of the world. I don’t know why they are so anxious for this latter event, he hastened to add,

but it makes the commercial speculation easy, as it is a combination of the financial and sentimental elements which will, I think, ensure success. And it will be a good political move for the Government, as it will enable them to carry out reforms in Asiatic Turkey, provide money for the Porte,* and by uniting the French in it, and possibly the Italians, be a powerful religious move against the Russians, who are trying to obtain a hold of the country by their pilgrims.

The author of this proposal was a forty-nine-year-old journalist, writer of novels and travel books (he had seen Russia and its Jews with his own eyes), sometime diplomat and member of Parliament, disillusioned Christian, and, in recent years, adherent of an American-based mystical order called the Brotherhood of the New Life. From 1867 to 1870, Oliphant and his mother had lived and worked in the brotherhood’s two agricultural settlements in New York state, at Amenia and at Brocton. By the time of his letter, his ties with it had loosened; but he showed some continuing attachment to its ideals, not only in his occasional mystical writings but in the character of his marriage, which had been contracted in 1872 and had remained deliberately chaste. It would seem likely that his sudden desire to return the Jews to Palestine had sprung from this mystical background; but Oliphant himself—perhaps protesting too much—always disparaged religious motives and claimed that his own were purely practical. Doubtless he had been struck by Daniel Deronda, which first appeared in Blackwood’s magazine, a regular outlet for his own writings. But what had immediately inspired him, he made it clear, was the literature of the Palestine Exploration Fund, which had just completed the western part of its survey under another young officer of the Royal Engineers, Lieutenant Horatio Herbert Kitchener.

The investigations and reports of the engineer officers who have surveyed the land under the auspices of the exploration fund, Oliphant said in his letter to Salisbury,

testify to the vast undeveloped natural resources of Palestine, which it is estimated by Captain Warren, Lieutenant Conder, Lieutenant Kitchener and other competent judges could maintain at least ten times its present population, and I should be prepared to satisfy your Lordship, without entering upon the details here, that it would be well worth the attention of the capitalist.

* The Sublime Porte, as the government at Constantinople was known.

By this time Oliphant was in touch with Conder, who had just begun publishing his own ideas about a Jewish return to Palestine.

Oliphant received from both Beaconsfield and Salisbury, he later wrote, the kindest encouragements and assurances of support, so far as it was possible to afford it without officially committing the government. He claimed also to have won the warm interest and cordial sympathy of the Prince of Wales. The next thing was to choose a site, and, early in 1879, armed with letters of recommendation from the Foreign Office and the French Foreign Ministry, Oliphant departed for the East. Sailing to Beirut, he made his way overland from there with a small party and searched northern Palestine until he at last came to a place that suited his specifications. Just east of the Jordan and north of the Dead Sea, it was—in striking contrast with the arid regions that immediately surrounded it—abundantly fertile, even tropical in character: Oliphant called it the Land of Gilead. He was also struck by the realization that, if this region were settled, the western section of the colony would be within an easy day’s journey from Jerusalem, from which city in the early stages of its development supplies and necessaries could be drawn. A railway line running through Jericho, he envisioned, would put the colony in close and direct communication with Jerusalem, which now had a Jewish population of about 15,000. He also dreamed of a railway connection between this region and the port of Haifa, the true outlet for its produce.

Oliphant began a series of articles for Blackwood’s after moving on to Constantinople, where he tried to persuade members of the sultan’s government of the value of his scheme. No doubt he told them, just as he wrote in his articles, that a colony founded by Jewish enterprise under the auspices of the Sultan, would enjoy a protection of a very special character, and that the influence of the race upon the several governments under which they possess civil rights would be exercised in its favor. These are the tones of Palmerston, now also resonant with the era of Disraeli; and like those two statesmen, Oliphant assumed that, whatever advantages the plan might offer the Turks, its chief beneficiaries would be the English. The nation, he wrote,

that espoused the cause of the Jews and their restoration to Palestine, would be able to rely upon their support in financial operations on the largest scale, upon the powerful influence which they wield in the press of many countries, and on their political cooperation in those countries—which would of necessity tend to paralyze the diplomatic and even hostile action of Powers antagonistic to the one with which they were allied. Owing to the financial, political, and commercial importance to which the Jews have now attained, there is probably no one Power in Europe that would prove so valuable an ally to a nation likely to be engaged in a European war, as this wealthy, powerful, and cosmopolitan race.

It is clear what nation is meant,

for as we have special interests, so we have come under special obligations in regard to this quarter of the globe. The population of Palestine in particular, of which 25,000 belong to the Hebrew race, is looking to England for protection and the redress of grievances; and those who see in the relations which our own country now occupies towards the Holy Land, the hand of Providence, may fairly consider whether they do not involve responsibilities which cannot lightly be ignored.

These words must have been gratifying to Lord Beaconsfield. But there was no longer anything he could do about them, since his government had fallen almost as soon as they were published. After six years in Opposition, Gladstone and the Liberals were back in power, leaving Oliphant only to hope, as did the London Jewish Chronicle in its issue of April 9, 1880, that the Liberal leaders may see fit to give, if it be only unofficially, some kind of countenance, as did the Conservative authorities, to Mr. Laurence Oliphant’s scheme for the peaceful and non-political colonization of a portion of Palestine by our people.

This was not to be. Schemes that smacked of imperial aggrandizement were not for Mr. Gladstone and his colleagues—albeit, before long, they were to make a major stroke for empire in the Near East in spite of themselves. In the summer of 1882, Gladstone resolved a state of revolution and political crisis in Egypt by sending in the British army, which, in the sequel, was not to leave the country for seventy-four years. But by then Oliphant’s main political hope was gone: on April 19, 1881—four months after the death of George Eliot—Lord Beaconsfield had died, obscuring forever that particular vision of the great Asian mystery.

•2•

HERZL IN ENGLAND

I am Daniel Deronda, Colonel Goldsmid told his Viennese guest one November evening in Cardiff in 1895. I was born a Christian. My father and mother were baptized Jews. When I found out about this, as a young man in India, I decided to return to the ancestral fold. While I was serving as a lieutenant, I went over to Judaism.

Like Deronda, Albert Goldsmid had signaled his return by looking to Eastern Europe and Palestine, seeking the betterment of his people and their revival as a nation. In the spring and summer of 1881, following the assassination of Tsar Alexander II, a wave of pogroms had spread devastation through the Jewish communities of southern Russia, causing an upheaval throughout Eastern Europe that was to manifest itself in years to come as the largest Jewish exodus of all time. From the beginning, this vast population movement was aimed primarily at the shores of the United States and Canada; but other countries in the west, including Great Britain, felt its impact as well. And Palestine also felt it: for another result of this upheaval was the first concerted effort by significant numbers of Jews to found agricultural colonies there.

Among the sources of inspiration for this effort had been the writings and activities of Laurence Oliphant, with whom Goldsmid, then a thirty-five-year-old major, became closely associated early in 1882. Together they participated, at London’s Mansion House, in the organization of a relief fund for the persecuted Jews. Oliphant promptly left for Eastern Europe to help administer the fund; Goldsmid was to have joined him, but could not, and instead became a recipient of his enthusiastic letters. There is an immense movement going on in Roumania, Oliphant wrote, and subscriptions amongst Jews alone there for Palestine colonization purposes, it is hoped, will amount to fifty thousand francs a month. This was what really interested both men, and Oliphant quit his fund assignment. At Jassy he attended a meeting of delegates from twenty-eight Palestine colonization committees. ... It was very interesting and encouraging. My correspondence from all parts of Russia tells me that the movement is universal; but for the moment everything is at a standstill, until I have been to Constantinople to find out the dispositions of the Turkish Government. In Constantinople, he found the government of Sultan Abdul Hamid firmly opposed to Jewish colonization.

A few determined settlers got through anyway, and by the end of 1882, four Jewish agricultural colonies were functioning in Palestine. Oliphant, still seeking his own place in the scheme of things, retired with his wife and a small entourage to Haifa, from which he observed the life of the new settlements and wrote articles about them. It was partly owing to his influence that Baron Edmond de Rothschild, head of the Paris branch of the family, decided at this time to start providing financial support to the colonies and help in the founding of new ones. Meanwhile, the new movement’s popular roots were growing stronger: in 1884, representatives of the various colonization societies that called themselves Hovevei Zion (Lovers of Zion in Hebrew) gathered in Kattowitz, in Upper Silesia, to lay the groundwork for an international organization—and also, incidentally, to celebrate the one hundredth birthday of Sir Moses Mon—tefiore. By 1890, when Major Goldsmid and his kinsman Elim d’Avigdor cofounded an English Hovevei Zion society, both Mon—tefiore and Oliphant were dead, but a new generation was carrying on their work. Goldsmid became chief of the society in 1893 and organized it in quasi-military fashion, with branches called tents.

Now commanding colonel of the Welsh regimental district at Cardiff, Goldsmid had reason to see some resemblance between himself and Daniel Deronda. But his claim, whatever he may have believed, could hardly have been an exclusive one: George Eliot had drawn a portrait for an entire generation, and indeed, Colonel Goldsmid’s guest that evening could have laid as strong a claim to it as anybody. Not that Dr. Theodor Herzl had not known he was a Jew all the thirty-five years of his life; on the contrary, he had attended a Hebrew school during his childhood in Budapest. Even in Vienna, where he had studied at the university and then gone on to achieve some eminence as a journalist and a playwright, his personal milieu had been largely Jewish: the woman he married, his closest friends, the publishers of the Neue Freie Presse—the highly esteemed Liberal newspaper for which he worked—all were of that lineage. But in those first decades following the Jewish emancipation in Austria and Germany, the predominant attitude of Theodor Herzl and his circle had been the one typical among European intellectuals of the day: indifference to religion in any form.

A new sense of Jewish peoplehood had begun to dawn upon Herzl at the end of 1891, when his paper assigned him as its correspondent in Paris. In the ensuing years, the public agitation over the Panama scandal and the trial of Captain Dreyfus demonstrated to a young man already troubled by the persistence of anti-Semitism in Austria and Germany that there were no limits upon this disease if it could so virulently infect even the land of the great revolution. His imagination began seeking dramatic cures—first in the form of a play, then in thoughts of a novel, and finally in a succession of plans for some grand coup de théâtre on the stage of life itself. Soon he had vaguely formulated a scheme for the mass regeneration of European Jews and their emigration to some distant land where they could form a political entity.

Palestine naturally came to his mind, but he also thought of—and was inclined to favor—unsettled places in the New World. One of his dearest friends had died in Brazil a few years before on an expedition investigating the possibility of resettling Russian Jews there. And recently Baron Maurice de Hirsch of Vienna and Paris, one of the most eminent Jewish philanthropists of the day, had founded the Jewish Colonization Association and begun establishing agrarian communities in Argentina. Herzl’s activity on behalf of his own germinating idea had actually begun in the spring of 1895 with a visit to Baron de Hirsch. The arrogance of brilliant youth clashed with that of great wealth, and the two men did not hit it off; but Herzl, hotly pursuing a momentary vision of Jewish philanthropic support, sat right down and composed an Address to the Rothschilds. He did not send it, but he did show it to friends and associates in Paris and Vienna, talking obsessively about his idea and discovering that he had the power to stir people. This tall man with dark eyes and hair, a princely Assyrian beard, and a magnetic personality, was a living version of that emissary—beautiful and strong . . . used to all the refinements of social life—of whom George Eliot’s Mordecai had dreamed.

Among the people Herzl had stirred was his fellow Paris correspondent Max Nordau, a man even more detached from his Jewish origins than Herzl, and, as the author of such works of social criticism as Degeneration and The Conventional Lies of Civilization, one of the literary eminences of the day. Nordau knew writers in England, and it was at his suggestion that Herzl had gone there. On Thursday, November 21, freshly arrived in London, Herzl had paid a visit to Israel Zangwill, whose book of sketches of Jewish life in the East End, Children of the Ghetto, had been very well received when it was published three years before. Zangwill, who bore some physical resemblance to Disraeli despite his own East European parentage, proved to have the latter’s penchant for viewing the Jews as a biological race—to the chagrin of his visitor, who had seen too much of the racial anti-Semitism of the Continent. Speaking French, Herzl argued that we are an historical unit, a nation with anthropological diversities. This also suffices for the Jewish state. Despite this difference in their outlooks, Zangwill was deeply impressed with Herzl and made arrangements for him to see other prominent English Jews.

Herzl soon found himself with a succession of invitations. One was from the chief Ashkenazi rabbi of the British Empire, Dr. Hermann Adler, with whom conversation was easy since he was a native of Germany. On Saturday evening, after the close of the Sabbath, Herzl was among a handful of guests invited to dinner at Rabbi Adler’s home. Over glasses of red wine from Rishon le-Zion, one of the Palestine colonies, he expounded his ideas. When Herzl had finished, Rabbi Adler remarked that "this was the idea of Daniel Deronda"—a. book the young Viennese author had not yet read.

On Sunday, Herzl had lunch with Sir Samuel Montagu, banker and Liberal member of Parliament for Whitechapel. Montagu—who had been born Montagu Samuel, but switched the names around to distinguish himself within a prolific clan that had come to England from Germany in the eighteenth century—was a cofounder of the Mansion House Relief Fund and a member of the English Hovevei Zion. It was in the name of the latter organization that he had, in 1892, made an offer to the Turkish government to purchase land for Jewish settlement in the Hauran district, east of the Jordan. It had been refused.

At lunch in Montagu’s home, Herzl had a glimpse of the synthesis of traditions that had been uniquely achieved by the aristocrats of English Jewry. A house of English elegance, in grand style, he later wrote in his diary. Kosher food, served by three liveried footmen. In the smoking room afterward, Herzl unfolded his scheme. Sir Samuel, a splendid old chap, was roused to enthusiasm and envisioned settling in Palestine with his whole family; he would not even consider Argentina, which Herzl still regarded as a possibility. He was ready, he said, to join in as soon as one of the Great Powers takes the matter seriously.

That evening, Herzl spoke before the Maccabaeans, an organization of intellectuals dedicated to the spread of Jewish culture. Zangwill was prominently involved in it, and Colonel Goldsmid was a former president. Herzl was unanimously elected an honorary member.

The next day, Herzl left for Colonel Goldsmid’s home in Cardiff. Zangwill had made the arrangements by telegram for this visit, and Herzl looked forward to it as the most important one of his stay. Goldsmid knew only a little German and—though Herzl’s rudimentary English was rapidly improving—communication was difficult between them; nevertheless, their relations soon were more than cordial. On the afternoon of his arrival, Herzl explicated his plan to the colonel; it was painful going, but when he was through, his host declared in English, That is the idea of my life.

From that point on, the forms and technicalities of communication were unimportant. We understood, we understand, each other, Herzl wrote. He is a wonderful person. It was after dinner that night, Herzl and Goldsmid having retired alone to the smoking room, that the latter made the comparison between himself and Daniel Deronda. My family was indignant at this, he went on after having described his conversion. My present wife was also a Christian of Jewish descent. I eloped with her, and we had a civil marriage in Scotland, to begin with. Then she had to become a Jewess, and we were married in a synagogue. Goldsmid pointed out that he now was an orthodox Jew, which has not done me any harm in England, and that his daughters, Rahel and Carmel, were being taught Hebrew and given a religious upbringing.

Herzl thought it all was indeed like a novel—that, and his tales of South America, for Goldsmid had recently spent a year in Argentina, administering Baron de Hirsch’s colonies. This was a most important point: like Sir Samuel Montagu, but this time on the basis of real experience, Goldsmid rejected Argentina out of hand and insisted that only Palestine can be considered. He argued that the pious Christians of England would help us if we went to Palestine. For they expect the coming of the Messiah after the Jews have returned home. These were echoes of Oliphant, and they clearly were having their effect upon Herzl, who wrote: With Goldsmid, I suddenly find myself in another world. And the next day he wrote: Goodbye to Colonel Goldsmid. I have already taken him to my heart, like a brother.

Herzl concluded his English stay with a visit to the London home of Rabbi Simeon Singer, spiritual leader of the New West End Synagogue in the Bayswater section. Singer, who had helped Sir Samuel Montagu draft his petition to the sultan in 1892, was enthusiastic about Herzl and invited several distinguished Jewish guests to meet him. Among these was Asher Myers, editor of the Jewish Chronicle of London, the august weekly that had been the journalistic spokesman for English Jewry since 1841. Myers had his doubts about Herzl and disliked his lack of religious commitment; nevertheless, he asked Herzl to send him a summary of the pamphlet he then was preparing, a revised and expanded version of the Address to the Rothschilds. Herzl did so after he got back to Paris, with the result that, in January 1896, Herzl’s plan made its first appearance in print in the pages of the Jewish Chronicle. His full-length bid to change history, Der Judenstaat (The Jewish State), was published in Vienna the following month.

By the time he made his next trip to London, in July 1896, Herzl had taken considerable strides. Although the public response to his pamphlet had been mixed—indeed, Hovevei Zion throughout Europe were incensed at the clamorings of this outsider who knew nothing of their work—he had won significant adherents all the same. The Jewish nationalist student circles of his own Vienna—within which the term Zionism had recently been coined by Nathan Birnbaum, one of their leaders—took warmly to his ideas and personality and through their network of contacts began promoting their goal of a general Zionist congress. Ordinary Jewish folk wrote him letters of thanks, even as assimilationist rabbis and community leaders denounced his stress on Jewish nationality over religion.

Important political contacts also had come about. The Reverend William Hechler, chaplain to the British embassy in Vienna and author of a pamplet called The Restoration of the Jews to Palestine According to the Prophets, had presented himself to Herzl in March: having once tutored the son of the grand duke of Baden, he knew both the grand duke and the latter’s nephew, who had since become Kaiser Wilhelm II. And within six weeks he had not only discussed Herzl with those two eminences, but brought about a meeting between him and the grand duke, who was favorably impressed. In June, Herzl had been brought to Constantinople by Philip Michael de Newlinski, a Viennese journalist of Polish aristocratic extraction and former political attaché to the Austrian embassy in Turkey. As attaché, he had formed a friendship with Sultan Abdul Hamid II. Through Newlinski, Herzl was able to discuss his scheme with various Turkish statesmen. Though he did not get to talk with the sultan himself, Newlinski did; the upshot was a strong impression that the Ottoman government might entertain some proposal that had strong political and financial backing. The Argentine alternative, which had survived into the pages of Der Judenstaat, was now scarcely more than a memory.

The previous month, Sir Samuel Montagu (whose name Herzl was to find helpful in Constantinople) had presented a copy of Sylvie d’Avigdor’s translation of The Jewish State to William E. Gladstone. The eighty-six-year-old statesman had found its subject highly interesting. Yet, when Herzl arrived in London on July 5, Sir Samuel was among the people he found strangely cooled toward him. Though Herzl had written Sir Samuel that he was bringing "from Constantinople the presque-certitude that we would regain Palestine, he found it hard to gain a suitable appointment with him right away. Goldsmid also was unavailable at first, claiming to be kept in Cardiff by a battalion inspection. Rabbi Simeon Singer was the only one of the old enthusiasts available that first day, and even he had to be stirred ... up a bit, as Herzl put it in his diary: In fact, I shall first have to light a fire under everybody here."

What had happened? In the ensuing days, Herzl was to get together with both Goldsmid and Montagu more than once and have other vital encounters as well: an interview for the Daily Graphic with Lucien Wolf, its foreign editor, himself a well-known author of works on Jewish history; a conversation with Claude Montefiore—grandnephew of Sir Moses, distinguished Liberal-Jewish theologian, and recently elected president of the Anglo-Jewish Association—in which Montefiore demonstrated opposition to all ideas of Jewish nationality or statehood; and another pleasant appearance before the Maccabaeans, this time with a speech written by Herzl in German, translated by Sylvie d’Avigdor, and carefully rehearsed by Herzl in English an hour earlier. But despite all this activity—and the appearance, during his stay, of a Sunday Times interview with Zangwill that focused mainly on Herzl—England was clearly not as receptive to him as it had been on his first visit, and Goldsmid and Montagu had indeed grown cooler.

The fact was that the young man from Vienna had become a major presence on the Palestine colonization scene, and the full implications of his position now had to be soberly considered. What he stood for above all was a grand political stroke: a purchase, a concession, a charter-some decisive arrangement with the Turks for an autonomous entity in which masses of Jews could be immediately resettled. What he did not stand for was the kind of slow, gradual colonization under existing political conditions—he scornfully referred to this as infiltration—that had been Hovevei Zion policy from the beginning. Herzl seemed, then, to be on a collision course, not only with that organization, but also with the great benefactor in Paris who had been making it all possible. Edmond Rothschild’s sport must cease at all costs, he told his glum listeners in the headquarters tent at the Bevis Marks synagogue on the evening of July 14, his last in London for this trip; whereupon one member piously expressed the hope that Jewish history would not have to record any strife between Edmond Rothschild and Herzl. But Colonel Goldsmid, who had promised to write Herzl a letter of recommendation to the baron, sat there and no doubt wondered.

The fact is, Herzl—who had begun his Zionist work with a visit to Baron de Hirsch that ended in a quarrel and an Address to the Rothschilds that never was sent, and who now pondered the complete elimination of Sir Samuel Montagu from his plan-had a vehement dislike of the rich and of the tradition of Jewish philanthropy, even while he continued believing they were indispensable. He was no Socialist, but he might very well have become one had he not discovered the Jews to suffice as his proletariat. And this, too, had begun to happen in London, on the evening before, when he addressed a mass meeting of Jewish workingmen-immigrants from Russia and Rumania—in the East End. Significantly, this appearance had been advised against by Sir Samuel Montagu, MP for the district.

The Workingmen’s Club had been filled to capacity for the occasion. People crowded into every corner, Herzl wrote. A stage served as the platform from which I spoke extemporaneously. I had merely jotted down a few catchwords on a piece of paper. I talked for an hour in the frightful heat. Great success. Among the succession of speakers who then stood up to eulogize him were individuals from the Hovevei Zion, including Dr. Moses Gaster, one of the founders of that organization’s branches in his native Rumania, and now the haham (chief rabbi) of England’s Sephardic congregations. As I sat on the platform, Herzl meditated, ... I experienced strange sensations. I saw and heard my legend being born. He was being recognized as the man of the little people, and the issues had thus become clear: Now it really depends only on myself whether I shall become the leader of the masses; but I don’t want to be, if in some way I can buy the Rothschilds at the price of my resignation from the movement. Less than a week later, in Paris, Herzl swallowed his resentment and went to see Baron Edmond de Rothschild; but the baron had just received a letter from Colonel