Shapeholders: Business Success in the Age of Activism

Shapeholders

Columbia University Press

Publishers Since 1893

New York Chichester, West Sussex

cup.columbia.edu

Copyright © 2017 Mark R. Kennedy

All rights reserved

E-ISBN 978-0-231-54278-4

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Names: Kennedy, Mark, 1957– author.

Title: Shapeholders: business success in the age of activism / Mark Kennedy.

Description: New York: Columbia University Press, [2017] | Series: Columbia Business School publishing | Includes bibliographical references and index.

Identifiers: LCCN 2016046846 (print) | LCCN 2017003119 (ebook) | ISBN 9780231180566 (cloth: alk. paper) | ISBN 9780231542784 (e-book)

Subjects: LCSH: Social responsibility of business. | Corporations—Public relations. | Corporations—Moral and ethical aspects. | Corporate governance. | Strategic planning.

Classification: LCC HD60 .K48195 2017 (print) | LCC HD60 (ebook) | DDC 658.4/08—dc23

LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2016046846

A Columbia University Press E-book.

CUP would be pleased to hear about your reading experience with this e-book at [email protected].

Cover design: Jordan Wannemacher

Cover art: Neil Webb

This book is dedicated to Debbie, my true life partner, and our children—Charles, Emily, Sarah, and Peter, of whom we could not be more proud.

Contents

Preface

Acknowledgments

Introduction: From the Heart of a Businessman

Who Are the Shapeholders?

1

Shapeholders

2

Social Activists

3

The Media

4

Politicians

5

Regulators

Seven Steps to Shapeholder Success

6

Align with a Purpose

7

Anticipate

8

Assess

9

Avert

10

Acquiesce

11

Advance Common Interests

12

Assemble to Win

13

Pope Francis, a CEO Worth Emulating

Notes

Index

Preface

SOMETIMES THE SIMPLEST OF habits have the most profound impact.

In my family, every school year began with my six siblings and me lining up in front of the front door of our home and taking a first day of school photo. Perhaps this is a tradition in your family. After the photo my mother shared one piece of advice with us, the same advice every year. Her counsel was to be on the lookout for new students, those who were different from the others, and help them fit in.

This habit not only helped new kids in town, but it has been immensely beneficial to me. It led me to meet lifelong friends like Joe San and Ken Sun from Hong Kong. I have also found that cultivating a habit of perceiving differences and integrating those who are different into your circle is a good foundation for success in any walk of life.

When I was twenty-one, both my mother and I were delegates to the 1978 Minnesota Republican Party Convention. My mother was a single-issue voter. When deciding who we should vote to endorse, I was surprised that my mother decided against the candidate most zealous on her key issue and instead favored another candidate who, while affirming support for my mother’s issue, also had a broader platform and therefore would have wider appeal and a greater chance of winning the election.

My mother’s motivation was narrowly focused, but she took a very broad view in her approach. She instinctively understood that a candidate’s fixation only on her single issue would not lead to success, that advancing her one issue was more likely to be achieved by someone who perceived and embraced other concerns while pursuing that goal.

My father reinforced this idea of constantly seeking to bring others into your circle by teaching every child, grandchild, and mentee to look someone straight in the eye, give him or her a firm handshake, and say, I’m _______, glad to meet you.

While I suspect many parents modeled the simple and easy to understand idea that good things happen from finding ways to unite with others for mutual benefit, my experience has been that this lesson is often left behind when people suit up for business or pursue politics.

Believing to my core that business can be a positive force for good, after two decades working in business I ran for Congress under the banner Kennedy Means Business as a businessman who was skilled at perceiving differences and finding a path to unity, of taking in the concerns of others as I advanced my own.

My mother’s focus on attracting broad enough support to achieve results, not simply heated rhetoric to excite narrow interests, stuck with me. I understood that achieving desired outcomes in an electoral campaign required crossing the fifty-yard or midpoint line. Dancing in your own end zone or goal may be fun, but it achieves nothing. I focused on understanding the differences among voter segments and crafting an appeal that united them in support of my campaign.

During my campaigns I prohibited my staff from using the words Democrat and Republican in press releases. I counseled that if we can’t explain the advantages of my position without resorting to partisan labels, we clearly are not explaining it in a way that will capture the swing voters who are essential to electoral success.

In the end, I beat the one in a hundred odds of defeating a four-term incumbent. I won by 155 votes out of a total of more than 290,000 votes. I would have lost if I had left the lessons of my youth behind.

As a congressman, I explored all sides and sought actionable consensus. A whole series of Hill rags automatically showed up in bulk at my office’s front door each morning—Politico, Roll Call, The Hill, CQ Weekly, and the National Journal. To understand competing views, I supplemented these by ordering not only the New York Times and the Wall Street Journal to get the view from the left and the right, but also the Washington Post to get the broader Washington view, USA Today to get the mainstream America view, the Minneapolis Star Tribune to get the home-state view, and the Economist and the Financial Times to get the non-U.S. view.

My day began then as it does now with reading each publication, paying special attention to the contrast in how each topic was covered. What was the top story in one was buried in the middle of the B section in another. Competing newspapers’ headlines for the same event would give one the impression the papers were covering different topics. This habit helped me identify how I could frame my messaging and form my coalitions in ways that would push beyond agitation to achieve action.

To my dismay, I discovered that both parties were driven by talking points that consisted of little more than the best poll-tested phrases as to why they were right and the other side was wrong. Republican talking points emphasized how the tax cuts proposed by President George W. Bush benefited all taxpayers. Democratic talking points blasted the cuts as benefiting only the rich. Neither talked about the impact of the cuts on future debt levels. I discovered that congressional life gave little heed to the lessons of our youth.

Every Tuesday morning, members of each party caucus meet separately. Members are implored to support the team. In this case the team is the party, not the nation. Yet the idea that the opposing sides would line up to shake hands with the other side at the end of each political contest, as I had experienced playing sports, was frequently absent.

Those who delude themselves into thinking that only the other party acts this way, not their own party, betray their own myopia. There is no monopoly on partisanship in politics. Unfortunately, citizens of all ideologies have narrow political vision.¹ It is citizens with one-sided views of the world who have molded the Congress we have today.

Congress is even more narrowly focused than it was during my service a decade ago. Congress’s approval rating during my service peaked at 84 percent and was regularly above 50 percent.² It often struggles to maintain double-digit approval ratings today. This is not good for those who serve or those who are not being served.

As a congressman I found businesspeople little better when it came to integrating the views of those not directly involved in the marketplace.

Jonathan Swift said, Vision is the art of seeing what is invisible to others. In Congress I saw a whole other world that had been clearly within my line of sight but was previously invisible to me. I had never thought much about who made sure that when you flushed the toilet the right thing happened, that everyone had access to clean water, or that the transportation infrastructure was optimally designed. These concerns escape the view of many in business. Few see these and other social concerns as market needs they could profitably address.

I saw how elements of society with no stake in a company’s success can foment hysteria, turning their attention to one particular corporation, making it the personification of some hot-button issue, and giving it little chance to alter the proclaimed judgment imposed by agitated elements of society. I saw my former employer Arthur Andersen become essentially extinct even before final judgment of its guilt was reached. I saw Stanley Tool nationally demonized and hounded to abandon plans to reincorporate in Bermuda, Dubai Ports forced to forgo expansion in America, and China’s CNOOC oil company blunted in its proposed purchase of Unocal.

I saw how the fault lay primarily with the businesses involved. These businesses would blame the reaction on politics. Yet doing so is an admission that they do not understand politics. I hope to help you understand that blaming something on aggressive activists, sensationalistic media, or meddling politicians is an admission that you have forgotten the lessons of your youth. This is not their problem. This is your deficiency as a businessperson.

These business leaders didn’t think of social concerns and did little to prepare for the debate their proposed actions would spark. Nor did they engage in advance with those whose findings would be decisive in achieving their aims. They were surprised by the reaction of Congress, even though anyone who understood the mood of the moment could have predicted the ensuing political response.

On the House Agriculture Committee, I saw industry participants challenged by environmentalist criticism of farming practices, health activists agitating to alter the dietary guidelines, and protectionists pushing to impose national labeling laws in violation of global trade agreements.

On the Transportation Committee, I saw those pursuing funding for road maintenance and expansion confronted by those seeking funding for mass transit and beautification projects instead.

During deliberations on the Financial Services Committee, I saw companies scrambling to contain activists’ efforts to constrain their ability to charge market rates of interest and to ensure that a slew of proposals under the banner of consumer rights actually benefited consumers, not just trial lawyers.

When businesses were trying to defend their interests from attack or move their own priorities forward, they often failed to acknowledge or address legitimate outside views. I was regularly shocked by the naïveté of their requests to me as their representative. I am not promoting the sophistication of a crony capitalist, but of discernment that displays an understanding of competing points of view, an accommodation of their valid concerns, and the ability to clearly articulate how positions are good for society, not just for business.

As a packaged food association was making the case for their position on the government’s dietary guidelines in 2001, I could not help but think that their pitch assumed I was unaware of or unsympathetic to the concerns of organic food enthusiasts (though today all food companies are now sprinting to address those preferences). It was clear that most businesses viewed such challenges as a sideshow, an appendage of the market, not matters that they tightly integrated into their overall strategy. They often compartmentalized public affairs as a staff function and failed to integrate market and nonmarket dynamics into a unified strategy.

In both business and politics I found far too many of my fellow travelers with a narrow focus on short-term profits or winning reelection and not on delivering long-term value or governing. Too few really embraced the belief that long-term success requires ensuring others share in your victory.

Too few in politics and business try to understand the motivations of others, to embrace a full-spectrum view. They are less likely to achieve the kind of lasting accomplishments that would make their labor personally fulfilling. Society suffers because of their ineffectiveness. Businesses stumble from one explosive confrontation to another. Politicians are trapped in partisan gridlock.

Businesspeople must think about and care about the kind of footprint our commercial operations leave. This requires perceiving both unmet needs that our businesses could profitably address and the prickly parts of our operations that we can reform to avoid missteps that will torpedo our reputations. We must actively engage with society to enhance the accuracy of our self-perceptions and prospects for mutually beneficial collaborative actions. We will find those irrevocably opposed to our organizations, necessitating the ability to form broad coalitions to win political or public opinion contests. Most of us learned these skills in our youth. Reteaching them from a commercial perspective is the focus of this book.

Acknowledgments

THIS BOOK CLEARLY WAS a team effort for which many are to thank.

My first thoughts go to my family, who are always my source of inspiration. Each family member played a role—my parents and siblings, together with whom I first learned the importance of incorporating the aspirations and concerns of others; my wife, Debbie, for her patience and review of countless drafts; my son Charles for coming up with the word shapeholders; his fiancée, Alison, for her cover critique; my daughter Emily and son-in-law, Josh Kempf, for their thoughtful critiques at many stages in the book’s development; my daughter Sarah for her constant encouragement; and my son Peter and daughter-in-law, Tara, for injecting helpful insights.

My friend and fellow author Joe Pine has been a constant source of encouragement and advice. The basic framework came together with multicolored sticky notes on the Newton, Massachusetts, porch of Barry Horwitz with the help of Matt Shaffer. Matt and Galen Danskin both helped in writing cases that contributed useful input.

The concepts and frameworks that formed the basis for this book advanced greatly as I developed an article for the Strategy and Leadership journal. The guidance of Robert Randall of Emerald Publishing was very helpful, as were those who reviewed my article. Thanks to John Brandt and Kerry Moore for their helpful edits in developing this piece.

Another advance in formulating my seven steps came with the introduction of my massive online open course through the George Washington University. Thanks to Tom Kelly, Camille Funk, John Brandt, and Paul Berman for supporting this effort.

Without the confidence and counsel of Leah Spiro with Riverside Creative Management, my agent, this book would never have happened. She was always uplifting and insightful. I am indebted to John Taft for introducing us. Herb Schaffner’s edits directed my book proposal and framework in a constructive direction. His comments were always helpful. His interest in the content was contagious.

The input of Myles Thompson from Columbia Business School Press made this book immeasurably better. Myles has a passion for communicating ideas that can shape the world in a manner that delivers the maximum impact. Stephen Wesley’s sharp eye was instrumental in honing my writing. This thoughtful attention to each word, paragraph, and chapter has made this book easier to read and richer in content.

Thanks to the many people who reviewed drafts of part or this entire book, including Ken Cohen, Matt Dallek, Hüseyin Gelis, Mark Green, Barry Horwitz, Steven Kennedy, Helen Kennett, David Rehr, Matt Rhoades, Brent Robbins, and Jeff Weber.

In many ways the ideas in this book spring from experiences in four spheres of my life—business, politics, academia, and community. Many in each field deserve credit for shaping the insights shared in this book.

So many during my extended business career have taught me useful life lessons. Special thanks to those bosses who set me on a path to success—Jerry Levin, Ralph Thrane, George Mileusnic, Jim Leahy, Russ Davis, Ron Tysoe, Jim Zimmerman, Dale Kramer, and Susan Engel; to close colleagues who taught me so much—Ray Lee, Susan Storer, Susan Robinson, Bob Graves, Tim Schugel, David Weiser, and Brett Heffes; and to those who kept me organized and productive, especially Thelma Noonan.

Thanks to Jeff Smith, who brought me to Accenture after my service in Congress. Not only did I meet so many wonderful people during my time there, but I felt as though I received a second MBA by gaining the many insights the firm has to share with its clients. The strong support and prescient insights of Andy Parker and Dan Rosen contributed to the completion of this book.

I am indebted to the voters of Minnesota for entrusting me as their servant in Congress and to the many volunteers, supporters, staff, and advisors who contributed to my victories. Without the experiences I gained in public service this book would not be possible. My congressional staff, especially Pat Shortridge and Lonny Leitner, provided both insight and encouragement for this book. My good friend and former congressional colleague Mark Green has long been my touchstone and was very helpful with his input.

My ideas have been battle-tested in many classrooms, initially the ones I sat in as a student, later in ones where I had the opportunity to engage with students. I am grateful to the many teachers who inspired me, from Mrs. Loken, who drove me to excel, and Mr. Monical, who taught me math at Pequot Lakes High School, to Professor Thomas Murray, who set me up for my first step up the career ladder at Saint John’s University. Three professors at the University of Michigan are worthy of note here: Professor Ray Reilly, whose final class counsel was to be multinational and multifunctional and to choose increasing revenue over cutting expenses. Professor Aneel Karnani was very helpful in guiding my early entry in academia. Perhaps there is no one whom I more sought to emulate in my academic career than C. K. Prahalad.

Special thanks for the guidance and confidence of Paulo Prochno at the University of Maryland’s Robert H. Smith School of Business; Oksana Carlson at Johns Hopkins Carey Business School; Mauro Guillen, director of the Lauder Institute at the University of Pennsylvania; Zeynep Gürhan Canlı at Koc University’s Graduate School of Business; Pierre Dussauge and Corey Phelps at HEC Paris; Bruce Buchanan at the NYU Stern School of Business; Fr. Ollie Williams at Notre Dame’s Mendoza College of Business; and Julia Marsh at the London Business School.

Special thanks to the many people at George Washington University who nurtured me—President Steve Knapp, Provost Steve Lerman, and Dean Ali Eskandarian for hiring me; professors Chris Arterton, Steve Billet, Lara Brown, Michael Cornfield, Matt Dallek, Roberto Izurieta, Dennis Johnson, Luis Raúl Matos, Gary Nordlinger, Larry Parnell, and David Rehr; my staff led by Sarah Gunel; my board of advisors; and the many public affairs professionals who shared their insights with me and my students.

My journey in founding and leading three speaking programs bonded me to wonderful lifelong friends and exposed me to a wide range of thought leaders. Perhaps nobody modeled the idea that life is a game of addition for me better than Craig Shaver, who, together with my brother Steven, Gregg Peterson, and Bill Guidera, helped me found the Minnesota Rough Riders and kept it thriving after my election to Congress. Matt Lindstrom has been a dedicated partner with St. John’s University Frontiers of Freedom Lecture Series. Thanks to the exceptional leadership of Kristin Robbins, Tim Penny, and Steve Sanger, together with the early support of Dave Frauenshuh and Sid Verdoorn, I benefited greatly from the many insights I gained as Founder and Chairman of the Economic Club of Minnesota.

A final and special thank you for the extra efforts and wise counsel of Angelique Foster, without whom I could never have juggled the competing demands on my time to finish this book.

Introduction

From the Heart of a Businessman

THERE IS A NEW BREED of constituents that businesses are ignoring and treating haphazardly. They do so at their own peril. Twenty years ago a business could get by just appealing to stakeholders with a true stake in its success (customers, suppliers, employees, local communities), but today’s more political age of social media, twenty-four-hour news cycles, activism, and hyperregulation has bred organizations that have no stake in a company’s success but intense passion for pressing businesses to mend their ways, to change the de facto rules of commerce.

Some consider political, regulatory, media, and social activist actors as stakeholders in an organization’s operating environment. Yet these actors’ lack of a stake in a company gives them greater ability to constrain or expand a firm’s opportunities and risk. They demand a different engagement approach than those benefiting from a company’s success. They demand their own name.

This book defines the social activists, media outlets, politicians, and regulators who have no stake in a company but a powerful ability to shape its future as shapeholders. It identifies effective strategies for engaging them.

Greenpeace had little concern with the impact on Peabody Coal of its efforts to leverage media attention to persuade President Barack Obama to issue an executive order leading to regulations of power plants that reduced the demand for Peabody’s product. Peabody’s resulting bankruptcy confirmed the ability of these actors to shape its future.¹

John Mackey showed how having common cause with these same categories of actors can have a powerfully positive impact on both the planet and profit. His company, Whole Foods, working in tandem with healthy food activists, has significantly altered food-consumption patterns as a growing share of the population seeks organic foods. Doing so greatly benefited the bottom line of Whole Foods.

The advent of social media and smartphones a mere decade ago has greatly amplified the ability of shapeholders to alter the tune to which commerce must dance. Tweets by President-elect Donald Trump influenced the actions of United Technologies, Boeing, Lockheed Martin, and Ford even before he assumed the Presidency.² Citizens now expect companies to address not just market needs but social concerns like clean air, clean water, skills training, affordable health care, and opportunities for those left behind.

The challenge facing business today became clear to me when, on the way to a George Washington University Board of Trustees retreat as the head of their Graduate School of Political Management, I chatted with a fellow professor from our policy school. Trying to explain the essence of what makes this book unique, I suggested that it was written from the heart of a businessperson, someone who had not just studied business but was in the commercial trenches for decades. Trying hard not to snicker, she said, Hmm, ‘heart of a businessperson’—I never thought of that before.

After the 2008 financial crisis and a presidential campaign whose centerpiece was reining in commercial misdeeds, the public view of business went toxic, and people like my colleague are unsure whether businesspeople actually have hearts. In his final State of the Union address in 2016, President Obama spoke to the public’s distrust of business when he posited that the country had not done enough to make sure that the system is not rigged in favor of the wealthiest and biggest corporations and was still "letting