Panic Attacks

Thurber

Introduction

Knowledge is power.

Francis Bacon

Without a doubt, the mass media – newspapers, magazines, books, radio, television, the internet – have great potential to effect positive change in society. In today’s information age, we depend on some aspect of the media every day of our lives: politics, economic news, foreign events, natural disasters, weather and traffic reports, stock quotations, sports scores, car accidents, obituaries. Yet, for all of the potential good, there is a dark side. We have reached a point where we are so reliant on the media and it is so taken for granted that we are more susceptible than ever before to mass deception. Never before have so many been so literate, so educated and had so much access to so much information. Yet, never before has so much information been controlled by so few and travelled so fast to so many. Never has the potential for mass manipulation been greater.

We truly live in a global village. This is especially so with the growing trend of newspaper, radio and television syndication whereby the same article or programme can be read, watched or heard by hundreds of millions of people. The problem is, media outlets do not simply report, they filter, interpret, editorialize. Sometimes the ‘spin’ is deliberate and political such as the conservative bias of the Fox TV News Channel which touts itself as ‘Fair and Balanced’. This is nothing more than a hollow advertising slogan. At other times the reporting bias is subtle, subconsciously reflecting core cultural values and beliefs such as predictable rah-rah war stories whereby everyone on ‘our side’ is a hero while those on the ‘other side’ are portrayed as ignorant, misguided, evil. To a certain extent the media must reflect society’s core beliefs on certain emotional issues or lose its audience and advertising sponsorship. Either way, truth is the casualty. There is no impartiality. Yet we are presented with the illusion of impartiality.

This book examines cases of media deception and manipulation – both famous and obscure. Each example highlights our vulnerability to believing myths and poppycock that are presented as gospel and accepted as reality. We can learn from past mistakes, not to grow overly complacent or trusting of what we read, watch and hear, and to ask questions and challenge claims. We can learn to step back from the rat maze and see the bigger picture. History is a valuable tool in examining these events, distancing us from their emotional impact, affording a better vantage point from which to glean insights.

Chapter one examines the birth of tabloid journalism. Today’s flashy headlines of celebrity scandal and shock can be traced back to the summer of 1835, with a series of reports appearing in a New York City newspaper. The stories in the Sun caused a worldwide sensation. Created by journalist Richard Adams Locke and Sun publisher Benjamin Day, the paper claimed that British astronomer Sir John Herschel had perfected the world’s strongest telescope in a South African observatory and could actually see living creatures on the moon. Why was the ‘Great Moon Hoax’ so successful, making the Sun the world’s best-selling newspaper? Why were even many scientists fooled? How could people believe such wild descriptions of beaver people and bat-men? How did Locke manage to embarrass rival papers who unscrupulously reported the story as their own? Why did Edgar Allen Poe stop writing his story of Hans Pfaall when he read the bogus accounts? Why did Herschel laugh upon learning of the hoax, only to grow resentful?

In chapter two, we discuss the Halley’s Comet Scare. In May 1910, many people became terror-stricken after the publication of a sensational report on the front page of the New York Times. The alarming article warned of the possible extinction of human life when the tail of Halley’s Comet was projected to pass through the Earth’s atmosphere on the night of 18 May. A series of chance events, combined with newspaper sensationalism, fostered the scare. The relatively recent discovery of deadly cyanogen gas in the tail, and news that its tail would take an unusual course, culminated in worldwide fear. Many newspapers and magazines across the United States and Europe speculated about possible doomsday scenarios. When the appointed hour arrived some people went so far as to stuff rags in doorways, while opportunists sold masks and ‘comet pills’ to counter the effects of the gas. Some sealed up their homes and stayed inside with oxygen cylinders to wait out the night. Many workers in the southern United States refused to work and left their jobs, choosing instead to attend all-night church vigils, believing that the end of the world was at hand. Others made light of the concern, whooping it up with rooftop comet parties. Similar scenes occurred around the world. In Bermuda, upon the report of the death of King Edward VII, some citizens said the comet turned red. Many dock workers ‘fell on their knees and began to pray. They thought that the end of the world was surely coming’ and refused to work. The workers were adamant that the observation was a portent that war would occur during the reign of the new king, George. They were also convinced that a great disaster would strike Earth. In San Juan, Puerto Rico, hundreds marched in a candlelight parade through the streets and sang religious songs.

In 1997, a similar media-driven scare surrounded the appearance of another comet: Hale-Bopp was blamed for over three dozen deaths when the California-based ‘Heaven’s Gate’ committed mass suicide. After examining the notes they left behind, it is clear the members were convinced that by killing themselves they would be beamed aboard a spaceship hiding behind the comet. The publication of books, magazines and documentaries promoting the reality of UFOs, and discussion of the comet–spaceship theory on a popular American radio talk show, combined to trigger the event.

Chapter three describes the infamous Martian invasion scare of Halloween Eve in 1938, when over a million people became frightened after listening to a realistic radio drama produced by Orson Welles’ CBS Mercury Theatre. Based on the book The War of the Worlds, the play spooked a nation and is a vivid reminder of the potential power of the media. Several issues are examined: why couldn’t the Federal Communications Commission take any action against Welles, CBS or the Mercury Theatre? Why did newspaper editors deliberately exaggerate the broadcast’s impact? Why was the drama so believable? How did the script get by CBS censors? How did Welles ingeniously ‘snare’ listeners to other programmes? How did people’s minds play tricks on them, experiencing things described on the radio – things that weren’t real? How did events in Europe render the play more believable? Why are we destined to have similar scares in the future? What was the reaction near ground zero – Grovers Mill, New Jersey – the reported crash site of the Martians? How did this hoax come back to haunt Welles during the 1941 attack on Pearl Harbor?

In chapter four, we analyse six other radio panics that were triggered by adaptations of the War of the Worlds script. What do these scripts have in common? Why were they so successful? Why do these episodes keep occurring? In 1944, terrified residents in parts of Chile ran into the streets; others hid in their homes after a localized version of the Welles drama. In one province, military units were mobilized to repel the Martian invaders. Five years later, a similar episode occurred in Ecuador, resulting in pandemonium. The realistic broadcast included impersonations of leaders, reporters, vivid eyewitness accounts and real names of local places. In Quito a riot broke out. An angry mob torched the building housing the radio station which broadcast the play, killing several occupants including its mastermind.

Regional adaptations of the Orson Welles play have triggered localized scares in the United States. In 1968 at Buffalo, New York, a play on radio station WKBW fostered widespread anxiety, even prompting the mobilization of the Canadian National Guard. Three years later, after a broadcast on WPRO in Providence, Rhode Island, residents flooded police with phone calls after listening to a report that a meteorite had fallen in nearby Jamestown, Rhode Island, followed by accounts of invading Martians. The incident was serious enough for the Federal Communications Commission (FCC) to reprimand the station and rewrite the law on broadcasting such potentially deceptive programmes. The most recent ‘war of the worlds’ panic occurred on 30 October 1998 in northern Portugal. Broadcast on Radio Antena 3, news bulletins claimed that Martians were heading towards the capital of Lisbon, panicking hundreds.

Chapter five scrutinizes four media-created social delusions involving real or imaginary creatures, and why they were successful. The ‘Central Park Zoo Hoax’ of 1874 was perpetrated by the New York Herald, resulting in many residents refusing to go to work or leave their dwellings for fear of being eaten by ferocious animals that were supposedly loose in the city. What made the story so plausible to New York City dwellers? What was the motivation of the writer? Why did some animal morality advocates applaud the scare?

During the summer of 1899, James McElhone of the Washington Post unwittingly created an epidemic of ‘kissing bug’ bites across the country. McElhone erroneously reported on what he thought was an impending plague of ‘kissing bugs’ that were said to be biting people’s lips while they slept, in the Washington, DC, area. The ‘wounds’ were said to be serious and cause great swelling. The report was quickly picked up by other papers and spread across the country as jittery citizens rushed to emergency rooms and doctors’ offices for treatment of what they feared were potentially fatal bites. Bug experts examining ‘kissing bugs’ collected by so-called bite victims identified a variety of mundane insects – beetles, houseflies, bees, mosquitoes, but not a solitary kissing bug! What are the parallels with medieval episodes of hysteria involving tarantism whereby peasants in southern Italy would begin to dance uncontrollably after supposedly being bitten by the tarantula spider?

On Halloween night 1992 the BBC aired a bogus ‘live’ documentary during which it created a malicious ghost named ‘Pipes’. The show frightened many viewers around Great Britain, and was blamed for cases of post-traumatic stress disorder in children, and at least one suicide. Why was the show’s host, Michael Parkinson, unrepentant, even defiant at critics?

The ‘Texas Earthworm Hoax’ occurred in 1993, when the Morning Times of Laredo published an account of a giant 300lb earthworm supposedly draped across Interstate 35. Many residents believed the story and flocked to the site despite claims that the worm was 79ft long! How could so many people believe such an absurd claim? Why was south Texas one of the few places in the United States where the story seemed plausible?

Chapter six explores two events during the 1990s that shook European confidence: the mass poisoning of nearly a thousand citizens by contaminated Coca-Cola products, and a belief that the dreaded mad cow disease was spreading to humans from contaminated beef. Both fears were unfounded. Yet, driven by media sensationalism and speculation, Europeans suffered with needless anxiety and worry as their fears were blown up beyond all proportion to the real threat.

In chapter seven the media’s role in creating two separate witch-hunts, hundreds of years apart, is examined. The barbarity of the medieval European witch-hunts and the Salem witch trials of 1692 seem like ancient history. The stark contrast with today’s modern, sophisticated, tolerant society could seemingly not be greater. Today’s superior education and legal and judicial systems would seem to render us immune from any semblance of such cruelty and injustice. Yet a witch-hunt on a similar scale began to take shape in the United States during the late 1970s and did not abate until the early 1990s. An ‘epidemic’ of child sexual abuse swept across America, triggered by a new fad in psychotherapy involving the search for ‘hidden memories’. Soon overzealous therapists were seeking to find the causes of various problems and disorders as stemming from childhood molestation. It didn’t matter that the patient had no initial recall of such crimes. Vague feelings and faint inklings were sufficient to justify the use of dubious techniques intended to reveal these truths: hypnotic regression, dream interpretation, journaling, imaging. On such subjective evidence thousands were imprisoned, their reputations forever tarnished, haunted for the rest of their lives by the spectre of such heinous accusations. They may as well have had the words ‘sex offender’ branded on their foreheads. This chapter compares the role of the book The Courage to Heal in fostering the ‘hidden memory’ movement, with the impact of the notorious Malleus Maleficarum which is responsible for sending more witches to their death than any other publication in history.

In chapter eight, several examples of chemical or biological terrorism scares are presented. In each case, the mass media was influential in either creating or spreading fear that was either entirely imaginary or greatly exaggerated. Such scares are not new. We begin with the 1630 ‘Bubonic Plague Scare’ in Milan, Italy, which was fostered by the printing and posting of public proclamations. This episode is followed by the case of the ‘mad gasser’ of Mattoon, Illinois, during the Second World War, involving reports of a crazed gasser spraying residents in their homes with a noxious chemical. Many ‘victims’ reported getting sick; some even caught fleeting glimpses of the imaginary gasser. The two-week episode and dozens of reported attacks and related illness were the creation of the local newspaper, the Mattoon Daily Journal-Gazette. Other Illinois papers quickly followed suit and within days the entire nation was reading of the gasser’s exploits until authorities determined the fictitious nature of the malady.

In 1983, a mysterious illness was reported among a relatively small number of Arab students at a school in the disputed Israeli-occupied territories. Unfounded press reports began to appear stating that the girls had been poisoned by Jews, triggering a wave of psychosomatic illness reports in nearly a thousand Arab students in schools throughout the Jordan West Bank. The attacks on America on 11 September 2001, and subsequent media anticipation and exaggeration of the threat from imminent attacks using chemical or biological weapons, triggered a flurry of mass hysterical illness reports ranging from ‘anthrax cough’ to the ‘Bin Laden Itch’. Studying these events can help us better deal with future terror scares which seem inevitable given the level of American social paranoia at the dawn of the twenty-first century.

Chapter nine examines media complicity in promoting myths and stereotypes about the capabilities and intelligence of ‘primitive’ peoples that are depicted on a simplistic continuum of two extremes: irrational natives or ‘noble savages’. The first part of the chapter discusses the President Johnson cult of the 1960s. In February of 1963, the world first learned of a small, bizarre group of natives on tiny New Hanover island in the South Pacific. We were led to believe that, upon hearing stories of American wealth and power, many of the inhabitants stopped paying taxes and began collecting money in order to ‘buy’ the then president, Lyndon Johnson – the leader of these great people – in hopes that he would use the money to fly to their island and guide them to prosperity. Media reports portrayed the natives as ‘Johnson cultists’ who were confused and irrational; ignorant yahoos, incapable of even the simplest use of logic and reasoning. Yet a closer scrutiny of these events, based on an interview with the anthropologist who lived with them, reveals the cult as a sophisticated tax protest movement that had no intention of ‘buying’ Johnson. The natives have a long history of using theatrics and bluffing as a way to negotiate. The real purpose of the cult was to embarrass their unpopular Australian rulers – embarrass them into a better deal as their island had been neglected for years. Australian authorities refused to allow independent reporters or anthropologists onto the island for fear of learning the truth, instead issuing media reports about a strange cult of irrational natives. The Western media simply parroted the story that the Australians wanted the world to believe. The Johnson cult continues to be the brunt of Western jokes to this day, yet any joke is on them.

The second part of chapter nine recounts another media-created myth. In 1971, it was reported that a Stone Age tribe was discovered in the Philippines. Despite limited access and ‘red flags’ galore, the media accepted the story at face value, reporting it to the world as fact. The media fell in love with the Tasaday people who were compared to living in a Biblical Eden – ‘noble savages’ who didn’t even have a translatable word for war, living in physical and moral isolation from the world. Their pictures graced the pages of Time, US News & World Report and the cover of National Geographic. There was only one problem – it was a hoax perpetrated by the Ferdinand Marcos government. How were so many people fooled for so long? Hints and clues were everywhere but journalists, intoxicated at being part of such a discovery, could not see the clear signposts.

Awareness and knowledge are critical lines of defence against future media-made deceptions. There is every indication that during the twenty-first century we will continue to grow more reliant on the mass media. With this dependency comes a responsibility to thoroughly understand this medium and its potential for good and bad. To fully reach our potential, we must heed the lessons of the past. This book is a starting point in that learning process.

ONE

The Great Moon Hoax of 1835: Tabloid Journalism is Born

What ardently we wish, we soon believe.1

Edward Young (Night Thoughts)

The modern era of tabloid journalism began with a whopper created in the New York city offices of Benjamin H. Day, owner of the Sun. It was the summer of 1835, when Day and his cohort pulled off what is arguably the most successful hoax in newspaper history. They claimed to have indisputable proof that the Moon was inhabited by an array of strange creatures including beings resembling bat-men and two-legged beavers. The hoax was the brainchild of the paper’s star reporter, Richard Adams Locke (1800–71), a Cambridge-educated amateur astronomer, who at the relatively tender age of thirty-five, had been recently lured to the two-year-old penny daily for the then substantial wage of $12 per week. Edgar Allan Poe describes Locke as a literary genius: ‘Everything he writes is a model in its peculiar way, serving just the purposes intended and nothing to spare.’2 Locke was gifted with a fantastic imagination and a knack for making his stories seem believable. A masterful blend of fact and fiction, the writing of the Moon hoax was spellbinding; science fiction at its vivid and plausible best. The public was also strung along brilliantly. Like a hungry school of fish patiently coaxed by a veteran fisherman to nibble, many New Yorkers and others across the country soon took the bait, gobbling it down hook, line and sinker. The Sun’s ‘fishy story’ began modestly, rendering it all the more believable. It quickly grew in proportion, turning into one of the greatest hoaxes of all time.

Our story begins in November 1833, when the eminent British astronomer Sir John Frederick William Herschel (1792–1871), son of the equally renowned astronomer Sir William Herschel, discoverer of the planet Uranus, made an historic voyage. He and his family boarded a ship in Portsmouth, England, bound for the Cape of Good Hope in South Africa, intent on observing the heavens in order to map out portions of the southern sky not visible north of the equator. Stored in the ship’s cargo hold were two of the most powerful telescopes of the period, though modest by modern standards. On 16 January, Herschel’s party went ashore at Claremont and soon took up residence there on the grounds of Feldhausen, just south of Cape Town. The location was ideal for setting up the telescopes, and the spacious nineteen-room mansion was equally suited for Herschel’s large family. This would be the location from which Herschel would make many important discoveries. But it was his planned observation of the Moon which was highly anticipated and caught the popular interest. Thanks to the promise offered by Herschel’s remarkable new equipment, there were high expectations that he would add substantially to our knowledge of the Moon, and perhaps learn whether or not it was inhabited.3

Herschel’s expedition would be the inspiration for one of the greatest hoaxes of all time, and the first known case of modern tabloid journalism. It was against this backdrop that, during the summer of 1835, a series of newspaper reports appeared in the Sun, causing a worldwide sensation. It was reported that Herschel could see living creatures on the Moon! While the claim was outrageous, it was also plausible in its time. Speculation as to whether the Moon might possess inhabitants had exercised the human imagination since the earliest times. Many writers had conceived voyages to the Moon, notably the seventeenth-century French writer, Cyrano de Bergerac, whose character was carried there propelled by flasks of water heated by the Sun. But when it came to fact, the existence of life of any kind on the Moon, let alone human life similar to ours, remained as doubtful as the existence of the peoples that Swift’s Lemuel Gulliver had encountered in the course of his travels.

The twisted saga of what would eventually become known as the ‘Great Moon Hoax’ first came to the public’s attention on Friday 21 August 1835. On that day, the New York Sun reprinted an announcement that was supposedly taken from the Edinburgh Courant: ‘We have just learnt from an eminent publisher in this city that Sir John Herschel, at the Cape of Good Hope, has made some astronomical discoveries of the most wonderful description, by means of an entirely new principle.’ Four days later on Tuesday 25 August came a front-page article headlined ‘Great Astronomical Discoveries’, which the Sun had supposedly extracted from the supplement to the respectable periodical, the Edinburgh Journal of Science. This was the first of six articles that were supposedly excerpted from the Journal, in which a detailed account of Herschel’s discoveries was given to the reading public.4

By the early 1800s most American newspapers were weeklies, often selling for several cents a copy – 6 cents was perhaps the most common price – and targeting one of two elite audiences: commercial or political. The so-called ‘party press’ was funded by political groups intent on getting their partisan message across; commercial papers were dominated by advertisements and shipping news, being ‘little more than bulletin boards for the business community’.5 At the time, the Sun’s publisher was determined to market his paper to the working class. When the Sun first hit the news-stands on 3 September 1833, it was a revolutionary concept in journalism. It was the beginning of a new breed of paper called ‘the penny press’. Until this time, newspapers tended to be dull and stuffy, catering to the upper class, featuring erudite viewpoints, and most were sold in advance through annual subscriptions. The Sun’s aim was achieved, in part, by undercutting the major New York papers. A