TV Formats Worldwide: Localizing Global Programs

TV Formats Worldwide

Localizing Global Programs

Edited by Albert Moran

First published in the UK in 2009 by

Intellect, The Mill, Parnall Road, Fishponds, Bristol, BS16 3JG, UK

First published in the USA in 2009 by

Intellect, The University of Chicago Press, 1427 E. 60th Street,

Chicago, IL 60637, USA

Copyright © 2009 Intellect Ltd

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without written permission.

A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library.

Cover designer: Holly Rose

Copy-editor: Sue Jarvis

Typesetting: Mac Style, Beverley, E. Yorkshire

ISBN 978-1-84150-306-6

EISBN 978-1-84150-355-4

Printed and bound by Gutenberg Press, Malta.

Contents

PART I: INTRODUCTION

Chapter 1:    Introduction: ‘Descent and Modification’

Albert Moran

PART II: MODELLING AND THEORY-BUILDING

Chapter 2:    Rethinking the Local–Global Nexus Through Multiple Modernities: The Case of Arab Reality Television

Marwan M. Kraidy

Chapter 3:    When TV Formats are Translated

Albert Moran

Chapter 4:    Imagining the National: Gatekeepers and the Adaptation of Global Franchises in Argentina

Silvio Waisbord and Sonia Jalfin

PART III: INSTITUTIONAL APPROACHES

Chapter 5:    Trading in TV Entertainment: An Analysis

Katja Lantzsch, Klaus-Dieter Altmeppen and Andreas Will

Chapter 6:    The Rise of the Business Entertainment Format on British Television

Raymond Boyle

Chapter 7:    Collaborative Reproduction of Attraction and Performance: The Case of the Reality Show Idol

Yngver Njus

Chapter 8:    Auditioning for Idol: The Audience Dimension of Format Franchising

Doris Baltruschat

PART IV: COMPARATIVE CROSS-BORDER STUDIES

Chapter 9:    Adapting Global Television to Regional Realities: Traversing the Middle East Experience

Amos Owen Thomas

Chapter 10:  How National Media Systems Shape the Localization of Formats: A Transnational Case Study of The Block and Nerds FC in Australia and Denmark

Pia Majbrit Jensen

Chapter 11:  Transcultural Localization Strategies of Global TV Formats: The Office and Stromberg

Edward Larkey

Chapter 12:  Tearing Up Television News Across Borders: Format Transfer of News Parody Shows between Italy and Bulgaria

Gabriele Cosentino, Waddick Doyle and Dimitrina Todorova

PART V: NATIONAL IMAGININGS

Chapter 13:  Defining the Local: A Comparative Study of News in Northern Ireland

Sujatha Sosale and Charles Munro

Chapter 14:  Independent Television Production, TV Formats and Media Diversity in China

Michael Keane and Bonnie Liu

Chapter 15:  A Place in the Sun: Global Seriality and the Revival of Domestic Television Drama in Italy

Milly Buonanno

Chapter 16:  Idol in a Small Country: New Zealand Idol as the Commoditization of Cosmopolitan Intimacy

Barry King

Chapter 17:  From Global to Glocal: Australianizing the Makeover Format

Tania Lewis

Afterword

Manuel Alvarado

Notes on Contributors

Index

Part I

Introduction

Chapter 1

Introduction: ‘Descent and Modification’

Albert Moran

In the sesquicentennial anniversary year of the publication of Charles Darwin’s The Origin of Species, I begin with Darwin’s felicitous phrase regarding the basic mechanism of adaptation in the natural world. This collection deals with cultural reproduction, not biological copying and change. Nevertheless, Darwin’s phrase is significant in helping to orient us towards the fact of television program seriality in general, and format adjustment and production in particular. Like other cultural institutions, television’s appetite for content is voracious. Helping to meet such an ever-increasing demand, the medium inter alia feeds off itself as well as finding other ways to generate new outputs. In turn, semiotics helps identify repetition as a recurring feature of popular fiction and entertainment, whether the form be printed stories, popular song or television program production. The serial principle has to do with the ongoing recourse to a framing mechanism that yet permits and invites the deliberate variation embodied in the instalment, the verse or the episode. The latter are all offspring of one kind or another, whether the features of the forebearer program are easy or difficult to recognize in a descendant program instalment.

The same ambiguity is presented by the recent formalization and recognition of the practice of television program format franchising. The format inaugurates program descent and modification as a formal principle of television production. As an industry practice, it seeks to bolster its significance by elaborating successive activities and material resources, not least to secure and enhance its legal safeguards and monetary rewards. But action also invites reflection, the development of critical consciousness concerning practice, both as a means of developing greater insight for purposes of industry, management and production clarification and as a means of extending greater cultural understanding.

The enigmatic format

Accordingly, this collection provides the opportunity for sustained engagement with the puzzle that is TV format program franchising. The collection’s motivation is twofold. On the one hand, authors seek to analyze the program format franchising phenomenon. This practice is sometimes bracketed with a complementary form of program provision labelled the ‘finished’ program. The latter is thought to be complete and ready for broadcast (even if subtitling or dubbing is necessary to help make the program more intelligible for particular viewers). On the other hand, presumably the format program must need to be ‘finished’ in some specific way or set of ways to be capable of being broadcast in a particular regional or national market. The authors in this volume are all concerned to investigate the pattern and meaning of this kind of process. As I have noted elsewhere, broadcasters in national television markets who are licensing in program material for broadcast frequently face the dilemma of whether to choose a finished program or a format (Moran 1998). The finished program is usually less expensive to license and involves far less bother than having to arrange for a format production based on a franchise. However, broadcasters and producers very often choose to license a program format on the assumption that the format can be finished or completed in such a way that its broadcast will achieve greater audience appeal than a finished counterpart is likely to gain. The demonstrated success of a forebearer program in another television market helps provide this confidence and insurance.

What, then, is involved in finishing a format program? How is it modified for its new circumstances and what does it retain from its previous manifestation? In this collection, this matter is explored through a variety of approaches or research strategies on the part of both emerging and established media scholars and critical researchers. Altogether, some eighteen chapters are brought together in the volume representing critical research being pursued in North and South America, the United Kingdom and Western Europe, the Middle East, East Asia and the South Pacific. Coincidentally, the volume also appears at the same time as another collection, Global Television Formats: Understanding Television Across Borders, where the emphasis primarily falls on a US perspective, although again various of its contributors hail from other places around the world (Oren and Shahaf 2009).

Taken together, these two volumes might be seen as inaugurating an important, newly emerging field of contemporary study. TV format studies is set to become a significant subfield of present-day research in media and communications, in cultural studies, in creative industry research, and in a set of allied fields including international studies, globalization studies, business and commerce, legal and policy studies, and management studies. TV format studies represents the conceptual end of practices of content franchising as they are pursued by TV production and broadcasting professionals. As a field of inquiry, it can help inform and illuminate the activities of format professionals just as the practice of professional scan test and modify the understandings and insights developed by critical investigators. TV format studies engages with a series of different phenomena, including the political economy of franchising, the textual consequences of remaking, the legal and governmental frameworks within which such practices occur, the prehistory of such activities and the routines and self-understandings of format professionals as they go about their business. Various universities and centres such as the Institute for Media and Communication Research at the University of Bournemouth in the United Kingdom and the Erich Pommer Institute at the University of Potsdam in Germany have now made formal commitments to ongoing involvement in the area of TV format studies in conjunction with different professional format organizations.

Familiarizing formats

Besides the troublesome notion of format adaptation, authors in this volume have had to grapple with the difficulty of applying a suitable term to the broad cultural result of such a process. Many different names can be given to the practice of changing a program to enhance its appeal in a particular territory elsewhere in the world. Synonyms include adapting, remaking, copying, imitating, mimicking, translating, customizing, indigenizing and domesticating. Few, if any, of these terms have a spatial dimension, although this aspect of variation and alteration is highlighted in the title of this collection. Descent and modification of TV programs are contextualized in terms of perceived levels of a multi-level television world. As outlined by O’Regan (1993), Straubhaar (1997) and Chalaby (2005), television is a diverse phenomenon which characteristically exists on several spatial tiers. Although the terms are relative, nevertheless at least five different levels have been identified. Moving up a (televisual) Great Chain of Being, one can perceive levels that can be labelled the local, the national-regional, the national, the world-regional and the global. Each of these tiers has its own distinct history and all have experienced degrees of significance over time. The names of the levels also carry a good deal of vagueness and imprecision. Frequently, over the past 80 years, television appears to have had very little existence or presence at different tiers at different times. Equally, developments at other levels often appear to have overwhelmed or even obliterated some of the other tiers of television’s existence. Hence the development of, first, landline systems and, second, satellite broadcasting capacity seemed to herald the permanent triumph of national television services at the expense of local and regional-national services. More recently, arguments concerning massive cross-border connection and penetration have flourished under the impact of a perceived globalization of communications and culture. One ancillary argument regarding this effect has had to do with political and cultural changes at the sub-national tier having to do with community and locality. However, the world of television does not exclusively consist of that which might be labelled the ‘global’ and the ‘local’. Not only are these problematic terms in themselves, but they are also nagged by the bracketing out of the other levels, most especially that of the national. One of the most persistent notes in the chapters that follow is the issue of whether national television remains important, and indeed whether a term such as ‘local’ is only another way to refer to the national level of television.

In fact, it might be argued that there is little that answers to the name of local or localized television, or a global or globalized television. The notion of the local conjures up ideas of that which is proximate, nearby, immediate, handy, concrete, tribal, homeland-based, communal, and so on. While the medium has, at times – largely for reasons having to do with technology policy and social outlook – been answerable to the name of local television, nevertheless it is debatable whether the kind of customized programming that results from TV format adaptation is usefully understood in this kind of way. This is also the case with the binary opposite form, global television. The term carries suggestions that have to do with the transnational, that which is worldwide, cross-border, international, planetary, universal or even transcultural. Again, there is very little that actually conforms to such a designation in the field of television. What Dayan and Katz (1992) label media events are often of considerable interest to many populations. One thinks of such exceptional events as the first moon walk, the funeral of Princess Diana or more regular international sporting events such as the televising of the Olympic Games or the Soccer World Cup. While the collective audience for such events falls into the billions, nevertheless there are viewers and even nations bypassed by such coverage. Global television seems as much a phantom as local television.

Format trade development

One way in which the interrogation of terms such as ‘local’, ‘national’ and ‘global’ might more usefully be pursued is by adumbrating a short history of the deliberate transfer of television program and radio program prototypes. The recontextualization of industry and cultural know-how involved in the adaptation of broadcast programs from one place to another is neither new nor novel. Consideration of the development of TV production knowledge transfer gives the lie to the claim – less frequent nowadays – that television is national whereas cinema is international (Ellis 1982). Such a formula is only half true. In the era of radio broadcasting between 1939 and 1942, for instance, Australian commercial networks saw the systematic importation and redevelopment for broadcast of such US wireless forerunners as Lux Theatre, Big Sister and When a Girl Marries. BBC Radio paid a licence fee to the US originators and producers for its adaptation of the panel show What’s My Line? In Chapter 12, by Gabriele Cosentino, Waddick Doyle and Dimitrina Todorova, the authors speculate that the format of television news was probably widely imitated and adapted from one place to another as television services began in the years after World War II, although little in the way of formal licensing or authorization was involved.

The developments in mainstream radio broadcasting were harbingers of what was to happen in television. The fact that British television began operation in 1936 while US network broadcasting commenced in 1940 meant that other national television systems would, variously, be influenced and shaped by these English-language forerunners. This was certainly the case with Australian television, which on its first night of official transmission in 1956 put to air a remake of a US game show, What’s My Line? Much more of the same kind of thing was to follow. Between 1962 and 1964, for example, Australian commercial television was involved in remaking such daytime ‘reality’ series as People in Conflict and Divorce Court by adapting their American scripts for local circumstances. One of the first deliberately formatted television programs to emerge from the United States in the 1950s, the children’s show Romper Room, was licensed to several regional broadcasters in Australia around the same time. Meanwhile, the public service television broadcaster the Australian Broadcasting Corporation (ABC) set about re-customizing British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) programs for its television service following its long-standing practice in radio broadcasting. Beginning in 1963, it has continued down to the present to remake the BBC current affairs series Panorama as Four Corners. This development was quite unexceptional so far as the BBC and the ABC were concerned. In the time before legal authorization and fee payment became part of the process whereby program knowledge was transferred from place to place, the ABC long believed that imitating the BBC’s program formats was a mark of cultural respect on the part of the institutional offspring towards its symbolic parent. None of these developments outlined in connection with Australian broadcasting is unique to that history. Broadcasting has always been an international as well as a national affair, so the sketch of program knowledge transfer outlined here is repeated again and again in many parts of the world. Broadcasting in radio and television, whether on the part of commercial organizations, public service bodies or state authorities, has never placed unique emphasis on program originality. The high number of broadcast hours needing to be filled has never allowed such a luxury. Hence, copying and customizing program production knowledge has been ongoing, widespread and persistent over the past 80 years.

Nevertheless, it is only in more recent times that a formal international system for the transfer and redeployment of TV formats has begun to emerge. For the most part, the different knowledges accumulated by the original producers remained scattered and undocumented. Format knowledges had to be inferred from the residual traces available in broadcast episodes of the program and, with fiction, from scripts. The situation continues in the present when formats are pirated from their owners. By contrast, it has only been relatively recently – some date the change to around 1990 – that producers have begun to systematize and document various production knowledges that come together under the name of the program format (Moran and Malbon 2006). Product branding and intellectual property recognition have played an important role in this development. Obviously, though, the seeds of the format trade’s evolution lie back in the 1950s and 1960s with programs such as Romper Room and the emergence of service franchising industries.

TV format studies

If tracing the historical development of TV program franchising is a useful way of throwing more light on the puzzling matter of how programs are reshaped to suit audiences in different places, then mapping the emergence of TV format studies as a sub-field of knowledge in media and cultural studies is also valuable. The documentation and analysis of TV format programming presuppose the accessibility of cross-border comparison. Studying format adaptation and production is, at the very least, an international activity if not a global one. Just as the worldwide television trade itself demands the ready availability of such services as lower-cost international travel and telephony, not to mention backup resources such as email, digitalization storage and transmission, and the Internet, so those who would engage in the critical study of the phenomenon and meaning of TV program formats require some of these same facilities. One is reminded that Raymond Williams’ famous analysis of television news on US networks compared with that available on a public service broadcaster such as the BBC was based in part on a trans-Atlantic crossing to the United States that he made by ocean liner some time in the early 1970s (Williams 1974).

Even when these resources of transport and communications are available, various cultural capital and aesthetic and social competences are still required for undertaking this kind of investigation. This truism is variously demonstrated by several of the authors found in this volume. Edward Larkey (Chapter 11), for instance, is a US citizen by birth but is a Professor of German Studies and speaks the language fluently. Thus, he has been in position to undertake the investigation of a TV comedy program format’s adaptation in the United States and in Germany. Pia Majbrit Jensen (Chapter 10) has studied television systems in both her native Denmark and in Australia, and is therefore well placed to discuss the situation of formats in these two national settings. Collaborative research also comes into its own when the subject is TV program franchising in different places. Hence, in Chapter 12, Cosentino, Doyle and Todorova investigate the advent of parody news programs in Italy and Bulgaria sharing linguistic, cultural and political competencies, as well as particular geographical proximities.

These competencies, resources and linkages that are at the heart of TV format studies are worth underscoring because they help emphasize the modern cosmopolitanism that contextualizes this kind of investigation. They also assist in beginning to date the advent of this type of inquiry. Although there may turn out to be forerunner studies in earlier times, the systematic inquiry into the redeployment and localization of TV programs from one place to another only seems to have got underway in the 1980s and 1990s. Perhaps a paradigmatic moment for such study was the collection edited by Alesandro Silj that appeared in English in 1988. Entitled East of Dallas, the collection was intended as a critical contribution to the ‘Dallasization’ (or ‘Americanization’) debate. This occurred among European media researchers following the startup of private television channels in Western Europe and the importation of US prime-time soap opera series such as Dallas as programmers sought to fill their expanded broadcast hours. While various national studies investigated viewer responses to the series in particular European countries such as the Netherlands and Sweden, the East of Dallas investigation focused on the generic program response to Dallas on the part of several European broadcasters. Various new soap operas in television systems such as those of France and Germany were examined as generic spinoffs of the US program. These clones or copycats were, in effect, format remakes or adaptations of Dallas, Dynasty, Knot’s Landing and other programs, although they were loosely based on these predecessors and therefore did not require any kind of format licensing for their development. Needless to say, the term ‘format’ was not used by broadcasters or scholars at this time.

By the 1990s, however, there was increasing recognition that television program adaptation and remaking were far from occasional or accidental. This was documented in relation to several television genres. With TV game shows, for example, Skovmand used the term ‘syndicated’ in his 1992 analysis of several licensed adaptations of the US Wheel of Fortune by various Nordic broadcasters, while Cooper-Chen (1994) tracked a large number of such formats from the United States and elsewhere across 50 different television markets across the world. My own study of international format trade in the areas of game shows and soap opera, Copycat TV, was published in 1998 (Moran 1998).

This last-mentioned investigation was mostly based on interview with figures in the TV format industry in various parts of the world. But it also drew on a developing trade literature on the phenomenon of TV formats. One writer deserves special mention because of his recognition of the emerging importance of the trade in TV formats. From the early 1990s, London-based television journalist Chris Fuller devoted ongoing attention to format trade news in the pages of industry publications such as Variety and TV World. This coverage in the trade press was to continue during the decade and explode in 1999 with the international success of both Survivor and Big Brother. Fuller’s untimely death in the first years of the new millennium curtailed his coverage of the phenomenon, but by then there were plenty of journalists in various parts of the world who were keenly interested in format programming, especially in the genre of reality television.

Structure of the book

The aim of this collection is to explore the paradox of the local–global duality as it has to do with television program formats. As an industry, this form of transaction appears to promote the global at the expense of the national. As a form of cultural practice, though, it asserts the continuing importance and centrality of the national in the everyday lives of viewing publics. Television format exchange and adaptation point simultaneously to a locally conditioned globalism and a globally constructed localism. While this kind of contingency may appear new and novel, it simply highlights the fact that the local and the national have always been complexly mediated by larger cultural, economic and political forces. The challenge in the present undertaking is to understand how these forces operate in relation to television program formats.

As befits a comparatively new field of media research, it pays not to be too prescriptive so far as the investigation of TV program formats is concerned. Not only are methodological flexibility and imagination necessary for such a task, but so too is the involvement of researchers from fields other than media and cultural studies. Hence, the present volume contains work not only from those involved in television and media studies but also from other fields including economic geography, journalism and communication studies, management studies, and creative industry studies. Various possibilities have also arisen, having to do with likely chapter groupings. There are, for example, three chapters in the collection that have to do with the talent show Idol that might have been bracketed together. Equally, chapters dealing with news, infotainment and news show parody might also have been assembled alongside each other. These arrangements have not been followed. Instead, the emphasis in the grouping of parts of the book falls on the critical approach taken to the overall subject of television program franchising. Four interpretative strategies provide the book’s scaffolding. These have to do with explicit attempts to develop general conceptual models regarding format adaptation, to understand format franchising from an institutional perspective, to connect adaptations occurring in different places, and to investigate program franchising in specific television territories where the intention is to ensure that home audiences find such programs familiar and accessible. Further detail on the individual chapters follows.

Generalizing

Part II has to do with modelling and theory-building. Authors here are concerned with developing conceptual maps of format adaptation. Elsewhere, I have discussed the contribution that various structural, semiotic and translation theories offer for the study of television program format adaptation. Based on their own field of study, authors such as Levi Strauss, Bakhtin, Lotman, Venuti, Trussig and Taylor have provided highly illuminating insights into the cultural processes involved in adaptation. This philosophical tradition certainly warrants extended engagement so far as achieving greater understanding of the phenomenon and meaning of TV format adaptation is concerned. The authors in this part postpone this general engagement in favour of an emphasis on more middle-range, concrete theory-building.

Chapter 2, by Marwan Kraidy, suggests a larger social context in which to understand the dramatic popular impact of format-driven reality programming on Middle Eastern television. Television has shifted to accord a significant place to the franchising of program formats from the West, and the reality programs so adapted make manifest competing forces that are remoulding Arab identities and societies. Format reality TV offers women, youth and other minorities some of the cultural and even political tools with which to engage in this debate. Kraidy has coined the term ‘hypermedia space’ to describe the arena in which this kind of viewer can link mobile phones, email and television in a fluid, interactive form that bypasses censorship and political control. Thus, the recontextualization of a format program is always intimately linked to domestic currents in culture, religion and politics.

Chapters 3 and 4 are concerned with the systematic understanding of adaptation whereby formats are remade to suit particular national television contexts. Focusing on the interactive process of exchange that occurs in the production setting where the wishes of both the licensor owner of a format and the licensee adapter of that format have to be satisfied, the two chapters have recourse to a long-standing conceptual tradition in media and communications studies associated with the ‘gatekeeper’ figure and function in production research. Chapter 3 suggests that the person of the visiting producer who offers a consultancy service to licensing companies in different places qualifies as just such a figure. She or he is, in effect, a translator so that various elements of translation theory having to do with different levels of textual coding becomes a very useful way of approaching the broader matter of TV format adaptation. Chapter 4, by Sonia Jalfin and Silvio Waisbord, complements this approach. These authors focus on the adaptation and production of program formats in Argentina. Their interest lies with the other parties in the format-production negotiation process, namely the local or national producer, writer, broadcaster and executive, who act as mediators of global industry and cultural knowledges. Finding parallels between this work and that of journalists involved in adapting news from elsewhere for local audiences, Jalfin and Waisbord adopt the metaphor of the ‘journalistic prism’. This refers to the fact that local media professionals scan potential materials (whether news events or format programs) as proxy for reality, as a means of monitoring potential audience interest and involvement.

From inside the business

Part III of the book groups together chapters that have to do with television formats as business and social practices on the part of the media institution. The latter term refers to television not only as an industry but also as a culture, conjuring up notions of organization, technology, professional worker, work practice, business outlook and content production, as well as social engagement, fans, media events, and so on. Television formats are multilevel entities themselves, so an institutional engagement can and does focus on diverse but equally significant components of the practice of program franchising. Four chapters target the matter of how television formats are handled at different levels of the institution. Chapter 5, by Katja Lantzsch, Klaus-Dieter Altmeppen and Andreas Will, is written from a management studies perspective. It focuses on the international level of media institutions and is concerned with the inter-organizational networks of television program format licensor and licensee. Television format franchising is a worldwide business. Highlighting network and structuration theory, these authors see such a connection as itself a complexly patterned structure of more discrete connections. These include the network of the licensing trade, the network of content production, the network of format adaptation, and the interlinking network of knowledge transfer.

At the national level of the media institution, Raymond Boyle in Chapter 6 sees the television program format as a useful means of understanding shifts in British society and the related media ecology. He is particularly concerned with the role played by business and finance, and especially the way public service television – particularly the BBC – has accommodated this development. In the increasingly competitive digital world of multiplatform delivery, the public broadcaster has tended to recontextualize business and finance from a factual domain to an entertainment milieu. Thus, international formats such as The Apprentice from the United States and Dragon’s Den from Japan are presented as infotainment, to help meet the BBC’s public broadcasting obligations.

With new media, new actors and new audience attractions, the public is now pressed into more active and interventionist roles in the institution. Yngver Njus, in Chapter 7, is concerned with the managerial and production process whereby a local version of a format program such as Pop Idol is made for a particular national audience (in this case, that of Norway). He identifies the format script or the ‘bible’ as a key element in stabilizing and varying the program format in its different national manifestations. The (format) ‘bible’ is neither fixed or rigid, but is itself in dialectic relationship with national productions of the franchised program. Hence, successful local variations in different territories across the world are progressively incorporated in the overall format script of a program such as Idol. Chapter 8 also has to do with the audience as an increasingly important component of the media institution so far as format localization is concerned. Doris Baltruschat adds to an understanding of the ‘conversation’ between the Idol format and its local inception with her chapter concerning participants in the Canadian Idol production. Here, the audience was not only ‘active’ but might be said to have become ‘productive’, turning into a vital component of the overall institutional context. Thanks to mobile phone technology and the Internet, as well as live staging, members of the public help redefine the value chain of content production through contributing their labour and thus enhancing the overall program structure.

Close and distant cousins

The matter of television localization can also be approached by means of cross-border comparisons and contrasts. Accordingly, the chapters in Part IV of the book have to do with analyses of adaptation industries and cultures that span two or more territories. Such an approach is concerned not only with the details of specific correspondences and contrasts but also with the larger set of social, political and cultural arrangements that they both project and represent. In Chapter 9, Amos Owen Thomas argues that television programming available on various national and regional channels points to a situation of considerable cultural heterogeneity across the Middle East. The reception of TV format remakes by audience markets of the affluent Gulf sub-region has been uneven, variously gaining new audience segments and/or alienating others. Echoing Kraidy’s findings in Chapter 2, Thomas reports that these adaptations form another proxy arena of contestation about Arab identity between cultural progressives and conservatives.

Pia Majbrit Jensen’s chapter (Chapter 10) may be regarded as transitional, moving as it does between an institutional approach and a comparative, cross-border orientation. Her object of attention is the television systems of Denmark and Australia, which have several features in common including their origination in the 1950s, the fact of being dual or mixed systems of public service and commercial broadcast networks, and their willingness to embrace format programming. However, the public service sector has been much stronger in Denmark than in Australia. On the other hand, format program adaptation has had a much longer history in Australia. Yet another difference lies in the fact that Danish television enjoys linguistic autonomy while Australia is part of a larger Anglophone region with intimate links to the television systems of the United States and the United Kingdom. These commonalities and variations have resulted in two quite different television ecologies so far as the importation and deployment of television formats are concerned. Jensen suggests that particular developments in the recent present relating to formats such as Danish public service broadcasting’s greater preparedness to deploy imported formats than its Australian counterpart suggest both a different sense of public service broadcasting and further diverging developments between the two systems.

The British sitcom The Office has given rise to several program offspring. These include a US remake of the same name and a German copycat entitled Stromberg. Recognizing that these adaptations will fall under the rubric of ‘cultural proximity’, which reinforces their common format origins, Edward Larkey in Chapter 11 offers a close analysis of the pilot episodes of the two series. Rather than argue for any overall cultural process that equates with an ‘Americanization’ or ‘Germanification’ of the original, his chapter locates these variations of The Office within a more general globalized movement in the institution and culture of office administration and management. In particular, he suggests that both adaptations can be seen to represent and affect what he calls ‘global network capitalism’. Over the past two decades, a new administrative elite, termed ‘global networkers’, has progressively been replacing an upper echelon of management which itself had earlier ousted an owner-manager hierarchy. Larkey presents a persuasive argument regarding the place that various figures in the US and German versions of the program occupy, most especially the pivotal figures of Michael Scott in the former adaptation and Stromberg in the latter. Many of the articles in this collection have to do with the various genres and forms of entertainment or infotainment television, whether this be drama, reality, makeover or game shows. With the exception of Chapter 6 by Boyle and Chapter 13 by Sosale and Munro, news and information genre programming are not featured prominently in this book. Nevertheless, Chapter 12 by Cosentino, Doyle and Todorov focuses on a modern variant of the television news genre, namely the parody news program. These authors see this emerging genre as an important sign of the times, asserting that, just as the national news program helped fix the idea of the nation state in the mind of a population, so this kind of comedy news constitutes a response to a new geo-political viewing situation. In Italy and Bulgaria, in particular, the international flow of people means that sub-national and supra-national identities are increasingly important within national political and cultural frontiers. Cosentino, Doyle and Todorov offer a particular example of program format transfer to flesh out this assertion. This involves the movement of one such format from Italy to Bulgaria where elements to do not only with genre, but also those to do with law and political economy, came into play. The authors point to a specific historical moment involving broader social developments, including those to do with political forces, economic developments and cultural formations wherein the commercial opportunity and political and cultural need for a particular format program happen.

Talking to ourselves

Part V has to do with processes whereby formats and genres are given homegrown accents and images. They are reconstituted in such a way as to develop a recognizability so far as the domestic viewing public is concerned. They are reconfigured to speak to an ‘us’, on behalf of an ‘us’ and about an ‘us’. Coining various national neologisms, one can say that this part of the format franchising operation sees the coming together of a version of the global and the local so that programs are variously ‘Italianized’, ‘Australianized’, ‘New Zealandized’, and so on. Four chapters trace such processes in concrete detail and distil them for the insight they yield into the dialectic of the television local and global.

In Chapter 13, Sujatha Sosala and Charles Munro take up the matter of television news not so much at the national level, but rather at a sub-level of the regional-national. Their concern is how the BBC in Northern Ireland, the only part of the Irish island that remains part of the political settlement that is the United Kingdom, shapes its television news coverage to appeal to its homegrown audience and, at the same time, differentiates itself from its commercial television competitor, formerly Ulster Television (UTV). Besides the cultural and political elements in play in this situation, there are also economic factors operating. National and even world news packages are more financially attractive than are the costs of gathering Northern Ireland news. Given these pressures, Sosala and Munro argue that studying the BBC news-gathering and operation