Death In The Forest; The Story Of The Katyn Forest Massacre

This edition is published by PICKLE PARTNERS PUBLISHING—www.picklepartnerspublishing.com

To join our mailing list for new titles or for issues with our books – [email protected]

Or on Facebook

Text originally published in 1962 under the same title.

© Pickle Partners Publishing 2014, all rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted by any means, electrical, mechanical or otherwise without the written permission of the copyright holder.

Publisher’s Note

Although in most cases we have retained the Author’s original spelling and grammar to authentically reproduce the work of the Author and the original intent of such material, some additional notes and clarifications have been added for the modern reader’s benefit.

We have also made every effort to include all maps and illustrations of the original edition the limitations of formatting do not allow of including larger maps, we will upload as many of these maps as possible.

DEATH IN THE FOREST — The Story of the Katyn Forest Massacre

By

J. K. Zawodny

"I have been accused of woolly-mindedness for entertaining even hope for man. I can only respond that in the dim morning shadows of humanity, the inarticulate creature who first hesitantly formed the words for pity and for love must have received similar guffaws around a fire. Yet some men listened, for the words survive."

LOREN EISELEY

DEDICATION

To

PUNIA

Acknowledgements

I SHOULD LIKE to express my deep appreciation to the institutions and persons who were helpful in accomplishing this study.

The Princeton University Faculty Research Committee financed part of the research, traveling, translations, typing, and materials. Professor Ernest R. Hilgard, Stanford University, gave sympathetic support to the writing.

Professor Philip W. Buck of the Department of Political Science, Stanford University, expended much time and effort in editing the final draft. Professor Charles Fairman of the Harvard Law School provided comments concerning my treatment of the Katyn case at the Nuremberg trial.

Professor S. Świaniewicz, residing in London, read my manuscript. His comments were particularly valuable as he was the only survivor of the Katyn Forest Massacre, taken away from the vicinity of the slaughter literally minutes before the execution. The manuscript was read also by Kazimierz Skarżyński, Secretary General of the Polish Red Cross 1939-1945. Now living in Canada, he was present at the Katyn graves during the exhumations performed by the International, German, and Polish Red Cross medical teams. Mr. Józef Czapski, Polish Commissioner for the Affairs of Former Prisoners of War in the U.S.S.R. in 1941, presently in France, was kind and patient enough to answer all my queries. Again, he was in a position to offer valuable first-hand information as a former prisoner from Camp Starobelsk. The Honorable Stanislaw Mikołlajczyk, presently in the United States, former Prime Minister of the Polish Government-in-Exile in London, 1943-1945, spent considerable time giving me the benefit of his experience and rich memories related to the Polish-Soviet relations in the period of the Katyn affair. Mr. Józef Mackiewicz, Polish journalist, residing in Germany, who at one time visited the Katyn graves, and who has done a great deal of research on the subject, was willing to answer inquiries. Dr. Wiktor Sukiennicki (United States) read the manuscript and gave his valuable and expert suggestions. He was the author of the main Polish source collating the evidence available to the Polish Government-in-Exile. Dr. Zdzisław Stahl (London) undertook to answer my questions.

Professor Vernon Van Dyke, Chairman of the Department of Political Science at the State University of Iowa, encouraged my research on the Katyn affair when I was a graduate student. The reference desk staff of the Hoover Institution on War, Revolution, and Peace, Stanford University, and particularly Miss Irene Kozlov, was gracious in rendering co-operation and assistance in locating the materials.

Mrs. Helen Kmetovic of Palo Alto, California, and Mrs. Dorothy Hutchins, Half Moon Bay, California, typed the manuscript.

But above all–thanks to my wife, Lorraine. To the qualities of her heart this manuscript owes its completion.

J.K.Z.

Introduction

MORE THAN 15,000 Polish soldiers, among them 800 Doctors of Medicine, were murdered in one operation. Originally they had been taken into captivity by the Soviet Army in 1939. There was a possibility, however, that the prisoners, while still alive, had been taken from Soviet custody by German forces in 1941.

Some of the bodies were found in German-held territory. The ropes with which their hands were tied were Soviet-made, but the bullets with which the men were killed were of German origin.

The Soviet and German governments accused each other of the massacre. To obtain or remove the evidence, the intelligence services of several nations carried on a merciless secret contest in the Katyn Forest, Poland, Germany, Italy, England, and the United States. Men disappeared; so did files, including one from the United States Military Intelligence Office. In the process a key witness was found hanged, diplomatic and military careers were destroyed in the United States, personnel of the International Military Tribunal at Nuremberg lied by omission, and so did some of the greatest Allied leaders of the Second World War.

This book attempts to reconstruct, in detail, the fate of the prisoners and to provide the answers to these questions:

(1) Who killed these men?

(2) How were they killed?

(3) Why were they killed?

The research on this subject has been done by the author at the Library of Congress, The Hoover Library at Stanford University, and the Library of Princeton University. Available data in Russian, Polish, German, and English have been surveyed and, when they contributed to the clarification of the case, included.

J. K. ZAWODNY

Center for Advanced Study in the Behavioral Sciences

Stanford, California

1962

Illustrations

Pictures

One of the mass graves of the murdered Polish officers

Twelve layers of polish soldiers’ bodies

The body of polish General Smorawiński

Hands tightly lashed before execution

Map And Table

The death camps and extermination site (Map) schedule of transport arriving at Pavelishtchev Bor (Table)

The pictures were reproduced from Amtliches Material zum Massenmord von Katyn (Official material concerning the Katyn massacre). Im Auftrage des Auswärtigen Amtes auf Grund urkundlichen Beweismaterials zusam-mengestellt, bearbeitet und herausgegeben von der Deutschen Informations-stelle. Berlin: Zentralverlag der NSDAP, F, Eher Nachf., 1943, passim.

Abbreviations

German Report — Germany. Amtliches Material zum Massenmord von Katyn (Official material concerning the Katyn massacre). Im Auftrage des Auswärtigen Amtes auf Grund urkundlichen Beweismaterials zusammengestellt, bearbeitet und herausgegeben von der Deutschen Informationsstelle. Berlin: Zentralverlag der NSDAP, F. Eher Nachf., 1943. 331 pp.

Hearings — U.S. House of Representatives. Select Committee on the Katyn Forest Massacre. The Katyn Forest Massacre. Hearings before the Select Committee to Conduct an Investigation of the Facts, Evidence and Circumstances of the Katyn Forest Massacre. 82nd Cong., 1st and 2nd Sess., 1951-1952. Washington: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1952. 7 parts. 2362 pp.

I.M.T. — International Military Tribunal. Secretariat. Trial of the Major War Criminals before the International Military Tribunal, Nuremberg, 14 November 1945-10 October 1946. Nuremberg, Germany, 1947. Vols. I, II, III, IV, V, VII, IX, X, XIV, XV, XVII, XVIII, XXII, XXIII, XXIV.

M.S.Z. — Poland. Ministerstwo Spraw Zagrani-cznych. Stosunki Polsko-Sowieckie od Września 1939 do Kwietnia 1943. Zbiór Dokumentów (Polish-Soviet relations from September 1939 to April 1943. Collection of documents). London: 1943, 317 pp. (Najściślej tajne—Top secret).

P.S.Z — Poland. Komisja Historyczna Polskiego Sztabu Głównego w Londynie. Polskie Siły Zbrojne w Drugiej Wojnie Światowej. Tom 1: Kampania Wrześniowa 1939, cz. 1, 2; Tom 3: Armia Krajowa (Polish forces in the Second World War. Vol. I: The September campaign of 1939, parts 1, 2; Vol. Ill: The Home Army). London: Instytut Historyczny im. Generała Sikorskiego, 1950-1951.

Polish Report — Poland. Polish Government-in-Exile, Council of Ministers. (Author, Dr. Wiktor Sukiennicki). Facts and Documents Concerning Polish Prisoners of War Captured by the U.S.S.R. during the 1939 Campaign. (Strictly confidential).London, 1946. 454 pp.

Soviet Report — U.S.S.R. Spetsial’naya Komissiya po Ustanovleniyu i Rassledovaniyu Obstoyatel’stv Rasstrela Nemetsko-Fashist-skimi Zakhvatchikami v Katynskom Lesu Voennoplennykh Pol’skikh Ofitserov. (Special commission for ascertaining and investigating the circumstances of the shooting of Polish Officer prisoners by the German-Fascist invaders in the Katyn Forest).

Nota Sovetskogo Pravitel’stva Pravitel’stvu SShA; Soobshchenie Spetsial’noi Komissii. (Note of the Soviet Government of the U.S.; communication by the Special Commission). Moscow: Supplement to Novoe Vremya, no. 10, 1952. 20 pp.

Stalin’s Correspondence — U.S.S.R. Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Correspondence between the Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the U.S.S.R. and the Presidents of the U.S.A. and the Prime Ministers of Great Britain during the Great Patriotic War of 1941-1945. 2 vols. Moscow: Foreign Languages Publishing House, 1947.

DEATH IN THE FOREST

I — The Prisoners Who Vanished

THE GERMAN PUBLIC believed that the Second World War began with a number of Polish attacks on the German frontier. A typical episode was the attack on a radio station deep in German territory on August 31, 1939. Poles had commenced military activity by shooting their way in and out of a radio station, and, having seized it, broadcast an abusive speech in Polish and German. One dead Pole was found at the door of the station; his glassy eyes, blood-smeared face and the wreckage of the station were mute testimony to the raiding action which lasted three or four minutes. The German press marvelled at the remarkable knowledge of the terrain and of the building displayed by the Poles and announced that after a furious gun battle with the police, one of the raiders was killed and all others arrested.

Details of the raid on the German station became known after the war. The leader of the raiding party testified to the actual circumstances at the Nuremberg trial of war criminals. His name was A. H. Naujock. He was not a Pole, but a German, a long-standing member of the SS.

In the late summer of 1939 A. H. Naujock had been ordered personally by Heydrich, Chief of Sipo and S. D. (organs of the German security system), to attack the radio station at Gleiwitz and to allow a Polish-speaking German to make an inflammatory speech in Polish and German. Naujock and his band were to be dressed in Polish uniforms for the action; and, some Polish bodies were to be left at the station as indisputable evidence of Polish aggression.

At noon on August 31, 1939, the coded order from Heydrich to attack the station reached Naujock at Gleiwitz. At the same time a German criminal, according to Mr. Naujock, was delivered to him by the Gestapo of Gleiwitz. The man was alive but completely unconscious and dying from some kind of injections, introduced into his veins by Gestapo doctors; blood was smeared across his face. Six raiders attacked the station at 8 p.m. Shots were fired. As planned, a short speech announcing the seizure of the station and of the city by the Poles was made. Naujock and his assistants then escaped, leaving behind the already dying and bloody Pole, where they had him laid down at the entrance to the station.{1}

The particular significance of this episode lies in the fact that at dawn the next day, the steel of German bombs was ripping apart homes and bodies in all the major cities of Poland. In fact, both the German and Soviet armies attacked Poland. After thirty-five days of struggle, organized Polish resistance collapsed and the Polish Government fled to Romania.

It is now known that the German and Soviet Governments co-ordinated their action on the basis of prearranged plans for the territorial dismemberment of Poland.{2} Accordingly, the country was divided into two spheres of interest by the Ribbentrop-Molotov line, with a gain for Germany of 72,866 square miles and for the Soviet Union of 77,620 square miles of Polish land. Subsequently, the Supreme Council of the U.S.S.R. incorporated these lands into the Soviet Union.

Reichminister Hans Frank (ultimately hanged by verdict of the International Military Tribunal), the ruler of German-occupied Poland, considered himself the German King of Poland, "der Deutsche König von Polen."{3} He acted accordingly and was not a merciful sovereign.

In Soviet-occupied Poland an immediate mass deportation of Poles commenced. Whole families were put forcibly into trains and dispatched toward northern Soviet territories. A sober and cautious estimate of the total number of the deportees can be established as approximating 1,200,000.{4} This number does not include 230,670 Polish soldiers, from privates to generals, captured in the eastern part of Poland by the Soviet Army. Subsequently this latter group was augmented by reserve officers living in the occupied territory who were arrested in their homes, and by officers and men who had sought refuge in Lithuania and Estonia and who, after seizure of these countries by the Soviet Union, were handed over to Soviet authorities. The total number of Polish prisoners-of-war in Soviet hands was within a few hundreds of 250,000. Among these men were 10,000 officers.{5}

Some 15,000 of the prisoners, including approximately 8,300 to 8,400 officers, completely disappeared from the earth. Their fate became a matter of international controversy and an open wound for Poles. It is the purpose of this book to trace the fate of these men.

In June 1941 when German armies attacked the Soviet Union, the Russian Government allied itself with the nations already fighting the Nazis. Becoming one of the Allies, the Soviet Government had to behave like one. Among other diplomatic moves, the Soviet Union, with the skillful and subtle assistance of the British Foreign Office, re-established diplomatic relations with the Polish Government-in-Exile. This government had reconstructed itself after its flight to Romania, then moved to France where it led Polish soldiers in fighting against German armies on French soil, and, finally, after withdrawal of British forces from the Continent, it had evacuated to England.

The first formal diplomatic agreement signed (London, July 30, 1941) by General Władysław Sikorski, on behalf of the Polish Government, and the Soviet Ambassador to Great Britain, Maisky, stated solemnly that the Soviet-German Treaties of 1939 relative to territorial changes in Poland have lost their validity. . . . More pertinent here, this agreement included a special Protocol concerning Polish prisoners in the Soviet Union which granted amnesty to all Polish citizens who are at present deprived of their freedom on the territory of the U.S.S.R., either as prisoners-of-war or on other adequate grounds.{6} Immediately, plans were made by the respective governments to organize from these former prisoners a Polish Army in Russia.{7}

Through the newly re-established Polish Embassy in the Soviet Union attempts were made to inform and gather Polish prisoners. A point of concentration was established in Buzul’uk and to this place a steady stream of emaciated Poles flowed. They had been released from 138 major prison and labor camps, and, happy with their freedom, they were eager to remove themselves from Soviet supervision. To command this re-created army, Soviet authorities freed from imprisonment a Polish officer, General Władysław Anders.{8}

One of the first problems, among many the general had to face, was the organization of this multitude, the influx of which ran into thousands daily. Anders needed officers badly, but officers rarely appeared. Of fourteen Polish generals captured by the Soviet Army only two appeared, in a state of exhaustion; the remaining twelve were missing. From 300 high-ranking staff officers only six came to Buzul’uk, and there was no news of the other 294. After the influx of men finally stopped and counts had been completed, there were about 15,000 missing persons, among them 8,300 to 8,400 officers.{9}

The Poles became concerned, particularly when a relatively small party of prisoners from Camp Grazovec reported that they had been removed by Soviet authorities from three large camps located at Kozelsk, Ostashkov, and Starobelsk. Scrutiny and cross-checks of the reports by the men from Grazovec established that the missing 15,000 were the inmates of those three camps until the spring of 1940. None of these prisoners, however, reported to the Polish units which were forming. They could not be found anywhere; and Soviet authorities denied any knowledge of them.

General Anders, pressed by the necessity of staffing his new army and by inquiries from the families and friends of the missing men, instituted a search of his own, establishing a search office with the sole purpose of locating the absent prisoners. Captains Jan Kaczkowski and Józef Czapski were most active in gathering information, collating it, and following the slightest hint or bit of gossip which might lead to the prisoners. The search office received thousands of letters from the families of missing Poles, inquiring as to their whereabouts. One thing was clear from these letters–the men from the three camps stopped writing home in the middle of April 1940.{10}

Captain Czapski, a former prisoner in Camp Starobelsk, knew personally many of the missing officers, particularly from this camp. He also knew from personal experience that this camp had been totally evacuated in the spring of 1940. He was sent to Grazovec with a small party of men and afterward joined General Anders. Where the other several thousand men from Starobelsk were taken, he did not know. Nobody knew, including the Soviet authorities, who refused even to guess. Polish inquiries were met either with silence or evasive answers.

Captain Czapski, whose knowledge of Russian was very good, with General Anders’ assistance and support combed the Soviet Union for every possible clue. At one time he contacted Glavnoe Upravlenie Lagerei (Central Administration Office of Labor Camps) commanded by General Nasedkin. The general had never heard of the missing Poles. This particular mission was protested by N.K.V.D., Narodnyi Komissariat Vnutrennikh Del (Peoples’ Commissariat for Internal Affairs). The Commissariat insisted to General Anders that Czapski was not to be permitted to move so freely in the Soviet Union.{11}

Czapski then prepared a factual memorandum compiling information concerning the last known whereabouts of the unaccounted-for prisoners and pressed for an interview with the N.K.V.D. policy makers. His efforts were successful and on February 2, 1942, Czapski was granted an appointment with N.K.V.D. General Raikhman at Lubianka prison in Moscow. To him the Polish officer submitted the memorandum and requested information about the missing men.{12}

Raikhman read the memorandum and phlegmatically answered that he did not know anything about the fate of the missing people. However, in spite of the fact that it was not his department, he did promise to give definite information. Czapski waited in Moscow for a week, to be awakened by a telephone ringing at midnight. It was Raikhman, who informed him that he was leaving Moscow the next morning and [would] not be able to see him at all. He advised Czapski to contact Mr. Vyshinsky (Vice Chairman of the Council of People’s Commissars). Mr. Vyshinsky had already been approached by Professor Kot, the Polish Ambassador to the Soviet Union, on many occasions.{13} Czapski felt that he had run into a blind alley.{14} He could not obtain any information from Soviet authorities, although it appeared from the facts already gathered that only they could shed light on the fate of the vanished Poles.

By that time the information showed that the absent officers and men had been in Kozelsk, Ostashkov, and Starobelsk camps until April 1940. Men had left the camps in small groups under strong guards of N.K.V.D., were marched to the nearest railway stations, and loaded into trains. Some traces of transports from Kozelsk were found around Smolensk by painstakingly putting together data gathered from the surviving Poles from the three camps. Traces, however, ended several miles west of Smolensk. Polish officers made inquiries in this area, but nothing could be found.{15}

The officers who had disappeared constituted a loss of about 45 per cent of the total of the Polish Land Army Officers’ Corps at that time. The Poles intensified their search on the diplomatic level.

The Polish Ambassador to the Soviet Union, Tadeusz Romer (who superseded Professor