The Political Activities of Detroit Clubwomen in the 1920s: A Challenge and a Promise

GREAT LAKES BOOKS

A complete listing of the books in this series can be found online at wsupress.wayne.edu.

Editor

Charles K. Hyde

Wayne State University

Advisory Editors

Jeffrey Abt

Wayne State University

Fredric C. Bohm

Michigan State University

Sandra Sageser Clark

Michigan Historical Center

Brian Leigh Dunnigan

Clements Library

De Witt Dykes

Oakland University

Joe Grimm

Michigan State University

Richard H. Harms

Calvin College

Laurie Harris

Pleasant Ridge, Michigan

Thomas Klug

Marygrove College

Susan Higman Larsen

Detroit Institute of Arts

Philip P. Mason

Prescott, Arizona and Eagle Harbor, Michigan

Dennis Moore

Consulate General of Canada

Erik C. Nordberg

Michigan Technological University

Deborah Smith Pollard

University of Michigan–Dearborn

Michael O. Smith

Wayne State University

Joseph M. Turrini

Wayne State University

Arthur M. Woodford

Harsens Island, Michigan

The Political Activities of Detroit Clubwomen in the 1920s

A Challenge and a Promise

JAYNE MORRIS-CROWTHER

Wayne State University Press

Detroit

© 2013 by Wayne State University Press, Detroit, Michigan 48201.

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced without formal permission. Manufactured in the United States of America.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Morris-Crowther, Jayne.

The political activities of Detroit clubwomen in the 1920s : a challenge and a promise / Jayne Morris-Crowther.

pages ; cm. — (Great Lakes books)

Includes bibliographical references and index.

ISBN 978-0-8143-3815-5 (cloth : alk. paper) —

1. Women political activists—Michigan—Detroit. 2. Women—Political activity—Michigan—Detroit. 3. Women—Societies and clubs—Michigan—Detroit. 4. Detroit (Mich.)—Politics and government. I. Title.

HQ1391.U5M67 2013

324’.30977434—dc23

2012035951

Some of the research in this book was published earlier under the title Municipal Housekeeping: The Political Activities of the Detroit Federation of Women’s Clubs in the 1920s, Michigan Historical Review 30

(Spring 2004): 31–57.

ISBN 978-0-8143-3816-2 (ebook)

For John, Jack, and Geoff in loving appreciation

Contents

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

Introduction

The Growing Power of Women’s Clubs in Detroit

1. Early Twentieth-Century Detroit and the Beginning of Women’s Activism

Vote, Women Vote

2. The Club Work of Enfranchised Women

We believe in the glory of woman, Her influence, her motherhood blest . . .

3. Policies That Affect Women and Children

If there is one thing that clubwomen the country over stand formore than another, it is the American home

4. Protecting the Home against Enemies

The water supply and our garbage pails remind us that somethingis managed for us, not by us

5. Home as Part of the Urban Environment

Plan is not practical . . . it is just like a woman

6. The Limits of Enfranchised Citizens

No effort is in vain; the reward is in the doing

Conclusion

APPENDIX: DIRECTORY OF THE DETROIT FEDERATION OF WOMEN’S CLUBS, 1926

NOTES

SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY

INDEX

Acknowledgments

In this research I am the grateful beneficiary of outstanding historians, archivists, family, and friends.

I wish to thank the staff of the Burton Historical Collection at the Detroit Public Library. David Poremba, Cheri Gay, John Gibson, Barbara Louie, Janet Nelson, Lillian Stefano, Winston Johnson, Romie Minor, Jackie Lawson, and Anna Savvides tirelessly assisted me in every way possible. The staff at the Bentley Historical Library of the University of Michigan always provided quick and efficient service for my research needs. I am especially grateful for the assistance of Karen L. Jania. Lastly, the research librarian of the Detroit News, Linda Culpepper, answered my many e-mails promptly and with invaluable information. All of the above people share a dedication to Detroit’s history and helped immeasurably.

I would like to extend my thanks to Dr. Leslie Page Moch, Dr. Richard Thomas, and Dr. Louise Jezierski, who spent endless hours reading drafts and conferring with me. Each has contributed his/her unique ability to this work. I am indebted to Dr. Maureen A. Flanagan, whose brilliant command of political, urban, and gender history pushed me to explore the nexus of those three fields. Her commitment to me was unfailing. She spent countless hours reading drafts and making suggestions. Our numerous hours in conference were both productive and enjoyable as she opened her home and hospitality to me many times. I consider myself most fortunate to have worked with such a fine historian.

The accomplished staff at Wayne State University Press has worked with me on this book over the last five years. They contracted expert reviewers whose insights and suggestions have made this a stronger and more interesting book. I am grateful to Kathryn Peterson Wildfong, editor in chief, who consistently supported this research from the beginning. I was extremely fortunate to have Jennifer Backer as my copyeditor.

Finally, I wish to thank my family and friends who supported this effort. My sister, Judith Morris Mullen, and my dear friend Susie Barr were always encouraging. I am grateful to my parents, the late Herbert and Helen Morris, who raised me in historic Quincy, Massachusetts, and shared their love for both books and history. I am most thankful for my family, John, Jack and Geoffrey Crowther, to whom this book is dedicated. They all patiently contributed in many ways. They were a constant reminder that what motivated Detroit clubwomen was a love of family. My husband, John, always respected my research and made many sacrifices, too numerous to mention. He facilitated my research trips to Detroit and, regardless of the hour, always assisted me with my many computer needs. His academic standards are the highest, and I still aspire to emulate his scholarship.

Introduction

A Challenge and a Promise

Michigan Woman 6 (August 1928), 5

In 1919, the Detroit Times reported that some city councilmen showed their temerity by opposing the wishes of Detroit’s clubwomen. About forty of these clubwomen, recently enfranchised by a November state referendum, were demanding that a section of a public park be attached to a nearby girls’ home. Instead the City Council voted to condemn the property for park purposes and thereby incurred the wrath of Detroit’s white clubwomen. The newspaper praised the five councilmen who opposed the women as bold, heroes of their convictions.

The article reveals something of both the nature of the activities of Detroit’s clubwomen and the political atmosphere in which they worked. The Detroit Times showed a respect for the political influence of these women when they reported the temerity of those who opposed them. At the same time, the article praised those heroes for not yielding to the clubwomen’s wishes. The women might have had political influence, but they were not in command. The implication was that the women were assertive and it took great courage to oppose them. Consequently, the men who voted against the clubwomen were, in fact, heroes.

In the coming decade, Detroit clubwomen continued to make political demands on city, county, and state officials. They wanted both to fit in and to alter the political landscape. As fully enfranchised citizens, both black and white clubwomen wanted their voices heard. They insisted that they stood for the public good but understood that to mean middle-class morality and traditional gender roles. Furthermore, they were convinced that as organized women, they spoke for all the women of the city. In spite of this conviction white clubwomen made little effort to understand or reach out to those of a different class or race. They were cautious but persistent, politically innovative but rarely radical. As with the Palmer Park vote, however, even with their high visibility, they often met with failure or, at best, limited success. The context of women’s activities in organized club work, their misplaced assumptions, and the urban context of the city of Detroit help explain these limits. Despite these limits, as the 1920s progressed, black and white clubwomen worked to optimize their political effectiveness.

Detroit clubwomen lived privileged lives compared to their respective sisters. White clubwomen were middle-class to wealthy women with leisure time for club activities. Club meeting times varied but were often twice per month, with additional meeting time for the various committees within each club. White clubs usually met during the day, and the women were not paid for their many time-consuming club activities. In addition, clubwomen often had to pay for their own transportation or use their own automobiles for club business.

White clubwomen were often well educated and well connected to powerful men. Many white women had teaching degrees and were related (often married to) to business and civic leaders. For example, Delphine Dodge (Mrs. R. H.) Ashbaugh was the sister of automobile manufacturers John and Horace Dodge. Dorothea Steffens was married to the city comptroller, Henry Steffens Jr.

Similarly, black women’s clubs drew their membership from middle-class women with significant social connections. Their husbands, too, came from the business and professional ranks. For instance, Mary McCoy was married to the inventor Elijah McCoy, and Beulah Young’s husband, James, was Detroit’s first black surgeon. Detroit’s African American women often met at members’ houses, which demanded appropriate decor and hostess responsibilities. Many prominent members of African American women’s clubs were teachers and journalists as well. Their education and privileged position in the community enabled them to wield great influence in their clubs.¹

As Detroit clubwomen inserted themselves in previously male-dominated public affairs, they contributed to an evolving concept of twentieth-century politics.² Through their voluntary associations, women opened up new possibilities for civic action. Because these associations occupied a unique position between the state and domestic life, they offered women the opportunity to participate in public life even without suffrage and can help us understand the connection between the public and private. Activist clubwomen seized upon and developed their own political culture within these spaces that, in turn, led them to develop political ideas and actions that differed from those of men in strictly male organizations.³

As the women developed their own unique beliefs, they displayed the political nature of their plans. They were interested in the reordering of power within the city and the role of citizens in that effort. Defining politics as efforts to affect the distribution of power and resources in a state community, the women of Detroit were making appeals to the municipal government and were therefore acting politically.⁴ They were taking their vision of their city and translating it into public policy. This urban, political, policy-oriented vision was at the heart of clubwomen’s activism.⁵ They found ways to wield power through a series of networks that brought reformers, political activists, and traditional women’s organizations together on issues of common concern. The women in these networks stressed issues and not personalities. In their clubs they were more collaborative and less concerned with competition and prestige than were their male counterparts in Detroit. They also focused heavily on issues of economic security and humanitarian reform. In Detroit, while individual clubwomen were strong supporters of their respective political parties, the clubs themselves supported candidates of both parties based on their voting records. Women were not always trying to elect other women but concentrated on bringing women into existing institutional structures outside electoral politics. Detroit women worked very hard to secure the appointment of women to institutional boards, especially when those boards concerned women and children.⁶

Detroit is a particularly suitable city to use as the focus of a study of clubwomen’s political activity in the 1920s. Its meteoric rise to industrial prominence coincided with women gaining the right to vote and the huge influx of black and foreign migrants into the city. Consequently there was a confluence of mass industrialization, mass immigration, and doubling the franchise. The economic, social, and political realities of the city were vastly different from what they had been only twenty years earlier.

From 1900 to 1920 Detroit grew from a small manufacturing city to an industrial giant, attracting laborers from the American South and around the world. By 1920 Detroit was more multiethnic and multiracial than ever before. As the social makeup and the economics of the city rapidly changed, the municipal politics had to change as well. The increase in sheer numbers of Detroiters demanded more city services. These changes were concurrent with the Progressive Era, which stressed a positive not passive government that was concerned about the welfare of its citizens. Black and white clubwomen supported a maternalist agenda and often Progressive ideas. They began to launch programs to protect women and children and their homes in this new urban industrial environment. Black women’s situation was more complex. They strove for respectability and could not always depend on the government to provide services so they provided their own or worked for general uplift.

These enfranchised clubwomen operated during a period that has been largely neglected by historians of Detroit. There are several works on the Progressive Era in Detroit, but none of them includes the political activities of women.⁷ Other historians have included Detroit women in their works but focus on post–World War II.⁸ With the noted exception of Victoria W. Wolcott’s excellent research on African American women, there has been scant attention paid to Detroit women during this period and almost none paid to women’s political activity in Detroit.⁹ This has led to the erroneous conclusion that in the early part of the twentieth century, only men were active in the area’s politics. For example, the Detroit News described the crusade to reform the Detroit school board as the work of the Municipal League.¹⁰ This explanation ignores the crucial role played by Detroit clubwomen, headed by Laura Osborn. Neglecting the role of women in these efforts and many others in Detroit politics not only lessens their achievements but also enhances the role of men in those activities.

Detroit women expanded their public activity and civic activism as the city became industrialized and urbanized. In doing so, they reflected similar activities throughout the country where women were influencing policies in their states and cities. Clubwomen were advocating comparable solutions to municipal problems that often put them in conflict with urban men, as witnessed in Detroit by the Palmer Park vote. White clubwomen throughout the nation persisted in participating in public life and thereby challenged the male dominance of power in American cities. Women were instrumental in improving the health of city residents by advocating modern sewage removal and consequently made towns and cities healthier and more attractive. The growth of industrialization and urbanization encouraged educated, middle-class women throughout the United States to become civic activists.¹¹ Even in the politically rigid American South, women made an impact at the local level, challenging its gendered and political order.¹²

Nationally female reformers were joined by organized women throughout Michigan, particularly in Detroit, who were attending legislative hearings and sessions, as well as city council and school board meetings. They made their views known to policymakers and launched publicity campaigns to cultivate public support. They were especially concerned about the welfare of the family and the home. As Paula Baker explains, many nineteenth century women found this vision of the home congenial: it encouraged a sense of community and responsibility toward all women and it furnished a basis for political action.¹³ Women often stressed that they had a unique perspective in their position between the public and private spheres. Detroit women originally founded their voluntary associations for cultural, literary, and charitable purposes but found through cooperation that they could promote civic betterment.¹⁴ During the expansion of the market economy, both women’s and men’s clubs provided an avenue for public action; many women’s clubs influenced public policy even before women had the franchise.¹⁵ These organized women were acting politically because they were involved in a struggle over power relations. Women strove for recognition of their public work and for expanding women’s opportunities before suffrage.¹⁶

It was a gendered vision in Detroit and cities throughout the United States that clubwomen consequently translated into political action. Urban politics often provided the battleground on which men and women struggled for power and resources early in the twentieth century. Detroit clubwomen practiced municipal housekeeping, a label that gave an air of respectability to otherwise unseemly public or political activity, but their programs often ran counter to those of men’s groups in Detroit, which were mainly concerned with the financial bottom line.¹⁷ Like women in Chicago, Detroit women answered the question What is the public good? differently than men did.¹⁸ When women in Detroit campaigned for public bathhouses, aldermen were concerned with their expense, not with the benefits they would bring.

In Detroit, white clubwomen changed what constituted the concerns of the state. They made a private-public connection in their voluntary clubs and the public work they undertook well before they could vote. They looked to the municipal government to provide services arising from private needs like recreation and personal hygiene. Between 1901 and 1903 the Detroit Branch of the Council of Women campaigned successfully for municipal playgrounds. Clara B. Arthur, who was the president of the Detroit Federation of Women’s Clubs (DFWC), as well as a member of the Detroit Equal Suffrage Association (DESA), led the fight for public bathhouses. She began this work in the early twentieth century and it came to fruition in 1906. Consequently, women championed women’s issues and established themselves as legitimate political actors. For example, in 1912, Detroit women added social welfare as a legitimate concern for public debate in their support for mothers’ pensions.

As Detroit women emphasized the public-private connection, they were demonstrating one of the fundamental elements of municipal housekeeping: the connection between the home and the city. The rapid urbanization of Detroit made sanitation issues, which directly connected the home with the city, of paramount concern to clubwomen. Public officials, recognizing this connection and clubwomen’s willingness to help, often appealed to them in efforts to create a cleaner environment in Detroit. For example, clubwomen both initiated and participated in clean food, anti-vermin, and smoke abatement campaigns. In this regard, they experienced varying degrees of success.

Detroit clubwomen pursued a womanly politics, meaning one that focused primarily on the needs of women. This work was independent from that of men but still necessary to represent the needs of everyone. One of the reasons women sought the vote was because industrial capitalism had changed the nature of women’s work, making it more public. Some women worked outside the home in the waged workforce but were poorly understood by white clubwomen who, in any case, still advocated state policy that affected working women. Women who remained in the home, outside the waged workforce, still depended on public policies to provide services and protections for that home.¹⁹

While African American clubwomen were also connecting the private with the public, they could not depend on the government for social welfare. Their complex position in terms of class, race, and gender gave them a unique perspective on reform. Black clubwomen’s strategy for reform began with a campaign to prove they were worthy of respect. They believed that if they proved they were morally equal to white women, they, too, would be able to press for social reform. Undergirding their policies was a firm belief that respectable bourgeois behavior would further themselves individually and their race as a whole. In this effort, several black clubwomen established homes, such as Detroit’s Second Baptist’s Christian Industrial Home in 1904. This facility provided clean, safe room and board for young single girls. African American clubwomen enlisted volunteers and sought money from the black community for these institutions.²⁰ Black women reformers were often members of such organizations as the National Association of Colored Women (NACW). Their campaign for welfare was inextricably tied to equal rights. They held their national convention in Detroit in July 1906, where they issued a resolution protesting Jim Crow laws in public transportation. It read: Resolved: That we unite in advising our people to refrain so far as possible from using these conveyances where discrimination exists.²¹ As a whole, African American clubwomen focused on respectability and general uplifting programs in health, education, and day care.²²

In Detroit as elsewhere in the United States, the perception of urban problems and the solutions women generated for them have gendered connotations. Reforming women believed mothers had a crucial role in raising good citizens, a role that became even more pivotal in the face of a rapidly changing urban and industrialized world. Clubwomen believed that because they were part of the educated elite, they were in the best position to determine the proper way to raise children.²³ They therefore championed new protective labor legislation for women and children, educational reform, food inspection, and crime prevention. Detroit clubwomen saw themselves as concerned citizens with the responsibility to act on behalf of those less fortunate and believed the city was the responsibility of both men and women. They offered a unique vision for Detroit based on gendered ideas that would benefit all residents.

Like other organized middle-class clubwomen across the country, Detroit women seldom advocated radical political change or understood the inequities of the wage system. Rather, they were concerned with how the wage system placed a disproportionate burden on women, which led white clubwomen to advocate social welfare in the early decades of the twentieth century.²⁴ Working through their voluntary clubs, women promoted social welfare legislation that emanated from their vision of maternalism. This vision emphasized a woman’s role as a mother; clubwomen believed that the common bond among all women was motherhood. Maternalism was translated into public policy through such federal programs as the Federal Children’s Bureau, which investigated issues like the birthrate, infant mortality, child labor, and children in the court systems. Clubwomen supported state programs like Mothers’ Pensions, which provided monthly stipends for mothers without financial support.²⁵

Regardless of their focus, both black and white clubwomen were doing political work while still disenfranchised. Thus research on enfranchised women in the 1920s must be connected to women’s earlier activities: women continued to work together in voluntary associations (many of which had been formed for political purposes) even after gaining the vote. Disenfranchised Detroit women had created a separate political culture from that of men. Furthermore, in the 1920s women’s voluntary associations multiplied. Detroit clubwomen continued to pursue interest-group politics in such organizations as the Twentieth Century Club, the League