Reagan, In His Own Hand: The Writings of Ronald Reagan that Reveal His Revolutionary Vision for America

Praise for Reagan, In His Own Hand

This book should once and for all demolish the myth that Ronald Reagan was a simple man who had only a couple of strongly held ideas.

—Steve Forbes, Forbes Magazine

These commentaries . . . blow apart the notion that Reagan was a flighty actor who floated through the presidency on the basis of charm and communication skills.

—David Brooks, The New York Times Book Review

Proves . . . that Reagan’s talent for communicating was as much the talent of a writer as of an actor . . . as political history, [Reagan’s scripts] are high drama.

—Michael J. Lewis, Commentary

This collection of writings shows that Reagan was a much more serious and thoughtful man than his critics gave him credit for. It is hard to think of another president who has left so much written commentary on the political issues of his time. . . . Penmanship proves authorship . . . what issued from his pen was pure, uncut Reaganism.

—Bruce Berkowitz, Orbis

Reagan stood for two simple but indisputably big things: the expansion of freedom at home and the extinction of tyranny abroad. He achieved both. . . . Some people believe he was a moron, incapable of intellectual engagement. A brief perusal through his dozens of addresses will put the lie to that.

—Andrew Sullivan, The Sunday Times (London)

"Reagan, In His Own Hand lays it out: This man had a mind. . . . These addresses are clear and, at times, eloquent."

—Edward Achorn, The Arizona Republic

"A revealing collection of Reagan’s writing. Reagan, In His Own Hand has done more to counter the image of Reagan as a manipulated dolt than probably any other publication."

—Martha Brant, Newsweek

Required reading for anyone interested in understanding contemporary American life and the promise of the free world. Reveals a remarkable breadth of interest and depth of understanding by the president we called ‘The Gipper.’ Reading the book, I am struck by just how much policy makers today stand on his shoulders and are influenced by the worldview developed in these writings.

—Jack Kemp, The San Diego Union-Tribune

These writings are Reagan in essence. They are gutsy and gentle, meek and bold, indignant and relaxed. . . . They are utterly natural, never contrived. . . . They show a basic sympathy for people—especially for those bent under tyranny—and they show a love of life. They show religious faith. And they show a strange, almost unbelievable patriotism. So gleaming is this volume, you could quote from almost any page. . . . The Hollywood diary, the correspondence, the slashing, expertly crafted political speeches—all are remarkable. . . . After reading and rubbing my eyes at this astounding book, I can only blurt out: ‘Hail to the Chief.’

—Jay Nordlinger, National Review

These radio speeches certainly show what the editors contend: ‘The wide reading and deep research self-evident here suggest a mind constantly at work.’ How come I—and my colleagues—never discovered these Reagan depths? To use another response that sounds like Reagan: ‘It beats me.’

—Godfrey Sperling, The Christian Science Monitor

The editors show that Reagan was a voracious reader, a persuasive logician, and a graceful writer. And they show, if there is still reason to doubt it, that he did his own original thinking.

—Michael Barone, U.S. News & World Report

Scrupulously edited and presented . . . the collection recovers the most powerful elements of Reagan and Reaganism, such as the depth and clarity of Reagan’s principles and his fundamental optimism.

—Philip Zelikow, Foreign Affairs

Provides great insight into the thinking behind Reagan’s policies as president . . . The publication of the scripts of his radio broadcasts before he took office show his clear understanding of complex issues and his prevailing wisdom.

—Thomas Sowell, The Charleston Post and Courier

"Reagan, In His Own Hand is a historic contribution that changes decisively our understanding of who Reagan was, and will, I think, affect every book written about Reagan in the future. It also helps anybody who wants to understand how to lead a country.... A brilliant book."

—Newt Gingrich, former Speaker of the House, July 18, 2001

These writings provide ready proof of President Reagan’s . . . deep intellect and keen mind. . . . They leave us with the most compelling evidence of all in making the case for Ronald Reagan as the quintessential thinking man. . . . This book is truly the definitive work on Ronald Reagan.

—Mark Burson, Los Angeles Daily News

THE WRITINGS OF RONALD REAGAN

THAT REVEAL HIS REVOLUTIONARY

VISION FOR AMERICA

Reagan,

In His

Own Hand

EDITED, WITH AN INTRODUCTION AND COMMENTARY BY

Kiron K. Skinner   

Annelise Anderson

Martin Anderson   

with a Foreword by George P. Shultz

A TOUCHSTONE BOOK

PUBLISHED BY SIMON & SCHUSTER

New York London Toronto Sydney Singapore

For Ronald Reagan

Who wrote the documents

TOUCHSTONE

Rockefeller Center

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www.SimonandSchuster.com

Ronald Reagan’s writings copyright © 2001 by The Ronald Reagan Presidential Foundation

Foreword copyright © 2001 by George P. Shultz

Introductions and commentary copyright © 2001 by Kiron K. Skinner, Annelise Anderson and

Martin Anderson

All rights reserved,

including the right of reproduction

in whole or in part in any form.

First Touchstone Edition 2002

TOUCHSTONE and colophon are registered trademarks

of Simon & Schuster, Inc.

For information about special discounts for bulk purchases,

please contact Simon & Schuster Special Sales:

1-800-456-6798 or [email protected]

Designed by Kim Llewellyn

Manufactured in the United States of America

10  9  8  7  6

The Library of Congress has cataloged the Free Press edition as follows:

Reagan, Ronald.

Reagan, in his own hand : the writings of Ronald Reagan that reveal his revolutionary vision for America / edited, with an introduction and commentary by Kiron K. Skinner, Annelise Anderson, Martin Anderson ; with a foreword by George P. Shultz.

   p. cm.

Includes index.

1. Reagan, Ronald—Political and social views. 2. United States—Politics and government—1981–1989. I. Skinner, Kiron K. II. Anderson, Annelise Graebner. III. Anderson, Martin, 1936– . IV. Title.

E838.5.R432 2001a

973.927—dc21

00-066304

ISBN 0-7432-0123-X

eISBN 978-0-7432-1495-7

    0-7432-1938-4 (Pbk)

Contents

Foreword by George P. Shultz

Introduction

A Note on Editorial Methods

Part One

REAGAN’S PHILOSOPHY

Part Two

FOREIGN POLICY

COMMUNISM, ASIA, EUROPE, AND THE SOVIET UNION

DEFENSE AND INTELLIGENCE POLICY

FOREIGN POLICY DOUBLE STANDARDS, HUMAN RIGHTS, INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS, AND RELIGION

THE THIRD WORLD

Part Three

DOMESTIC AND ECONOMIC POLICY

FREEDOM AND GOVERNMENT

THE ECONOMY

ENERGY, LAND, AND THE ENVIRONMENT

EDUCATION

SOCIAL SECURITY AND HEALTH CARE

SOCIAL ISSUES

PERSONAL STORIES

Part Four

OTHER WRITINGS NOV. 6, 1925–NOV. 5, 1994

Hallowe’en

Yale Comes Through

Life

Squall

Return to the Primitive

Killed in Action

The Making of a Movie Star

Letter to the Editor of The Catholic Reporter

Are Liberals Really Liberal?

Speech

Letter to the Editor of the Pegasus

Speech on phone to YAF Convention in Houston, Texas

Letter to Dr. McDowell

On Portugal

Stump Speech Insert

Speech on Agriculture

State of the Union Speech

PEACE

Economic Speech—Address to the Nation

I.N.F. Negotiations

Mr. Minister

Reagan’s Goodbye

Appendix: Ronald Reagan’s

Radio Addresses, 1975–79

Acknowledgments

Index

Foreword

I was surprised when I first saw some examples of Ronald Reagan’s handwritten essays and heard of the large number of them that had just been found. I had no idea that they existed. But when I thought it over, I was really not surprised at all.

I have logged many hours with Ronald Reagan, advising him during the 1980 presidential campaign, then serving as his secretary of state for nearly seven years. Sometimes I would listen to him in conversations with fellow heads of governments or with the officials of our government. Sometimes I would listen as he talked policy and politics with members of the Congress, but perhaps the most important comments I heard him make occurred during our biweekly private meetings in the White House.

I was always struck by his ability to work an issue in his mind and to find its essence, and by his depth of conviction. Thinking back on all the time we spent together, I remembered his intense interest and fondness for the spoken word, for caring very deeply about how to convey his thoughts and ideas to people—not only to the American people, but to people living all over the world.

I recall one incident vividly. I was to deliver the Reagan administration’s position on an important foreign policy issue. I brought the text of my proposed speech with me to our private meeting and I asked him to look it over to be sure that I had it the way he wanted it.

He nodded, took the speech draft, read it through carefully, then looked up at me and pronounced it to be perfectly satisfactory.

Then there was a slight pause and he said, Of course, if I were giving that speech, it would be different.

That got my attention. I asked, what did he mean?

Well, he said, "you’ve written this so it can be read. It can be reprinted in the New York Times or in your State Department Bulletin that goes around the world. That’s perfectly appropriate. But I talk to people—when they are in front of me, or at the other end of a television camera or a radio microphone—and that’s different.

I’ll show you what I mean.

He took the text of my speech, flipped it open at random, took out a pen and quickly began to edit the page. He made four or five edits and put a caret in the margin and wrote story. Then he handed it back to me.

As I read what he had done, I saw that he had changed the tone of my speech completely.

Reading through the essays in this book, I thought about all the times I had been with him when he spoke without notes or briefings, forcefully and clearly spelling out what would be the policy positions of the United States. Somehow he always seemed to know what to say.

To many people, President Reagan was a mystery. How did he know what to say? Who was handing him notes and whispering in his ear? Who was writing his speeches? Even some of his close aides were puzzled. I remember his national security adviser, Bud McFarlane, just a few months before Bud resigned, shaking his head and saying in bewilderment, He knows so little and accomplishes so much.

The answer to that mystery may lie in these essays, which were written well before he became president. Apparently, even then, he knew quite a bit.

I remember when I accompanied the president to the Geneva Summit meeting in 1985, where he and Mikhail Gorbachev, whom he would meet there for the first time, were scheduled to talk about the full range of issues confronting the United States and the Soviet Union. On the second morning, the subject was strategic nuclear arms. Donald Regan, Bud McFarlane, Paul Nitze, Roz Ridgway, and Arthur Hartman joined the president and me on our side of the table, facing our Soviet counterparts.

Mikhail Gorbachev suddenly began to harangue us about our Strategic Defense Initiative, our plans for missile defense.

President Reagan exploded. The two leaders went back and forth, interrupting each other and expressing their views with vehemence.

Then Ronald Reagan got the floor. He spoke passionately about how much better the world would be if we were able to defend ourselves against nuclear warheads on ballistic missiles. He was intense as he expressed his abhorrence at having to rely on the ability to wipe each other out as the only means of keeping the peace. We must do better, and we can, Reagan declared.

The depth of President Reagan’s belief in missile defense was vividly apparent. Ronald Reagan was talking from the inside out. Translation was simultaneous. Gorbachev could connect what Reagan was saying with his facial expressions and body language.

When the president finished, there was total silence.

After what seemed an interminable time, Gorbachev said, Mr. President, I don’t agree with you, but I can see that you really mean what you say.

Ronald Reagan had made an immense impression on Mikhail Gorbachev, who must have realized that he could not talk, con, bully, or in any other way manipulate Ronald Reagan into dropping his missile defense research program. Ronald Reagan had personally nailed into place an essential plank in our negotiating platform.

On another occasion, I accompanied Reagan to a meeting of NATO heads at a particularly tense time. As always at such meetings, each leader was allotted a limited amount of time to speak. Questions were raised about the importance of NATO and the U.S. commitment to its success.

Sitting beside Ronald Reagan, I could see him become increasingly restive and agitated. He had some prepared notes in his hand, but when his turn to speak came, he ignored the notes and virtually exploded into the meeting. He talked intensely and extemporaneously about the importance of NATO and its role, and his complete commitment to its mission.

Nobody had written that talk for him, and he had not written it himself beforehand. He just knew what he wanted to say, and it showed how crisply and clearly he had thought through this important matter in our foreign and defense policy.

I could tell dozens of stories about specific times when Ronald Reagan displayed detailed knowledge about policy issues, and when he took decisive action based on that knowledge—without the benefit of someone whispering in his ear or sliding a note into his hand. But so ingrained is the belief that he was an amiable man—not too bright, the willing captive of his aides—that it would probably not make much difference.

And that is the reason why this book is so important. It provides a key to unlocking the mystery of Reagan that has baffled so many for so long. How could a man of supposedly limited knowledge and limited intelligence accomplish so much? How did he get elected and reelected the governor of our largest state? How did he get elected and reelected president of the United States? How did he preside over a time of unprecedented prosperity, the winning of the cold war, and the demise of communism worldwide? How?

Well, maybe he was a lot smarter than most people thought.

This book is devoted to the hundreds of policy essays that Reagan wrote from 1975 to 1979. The essays cover an extraordinary range of foreign policy, defense and domestic policy issues, reflecting Reagan’s personal views. Once written, they were recorded and broadcast by radio to an audience of millions.

They were written to be listened to, to be broadcast once into the air, and then to disappear. But luckily, about 670 of the original handwritten drafts were saved, hidden away for over 20 years. Now they have been found and they force us to reflect on the light they shed on the mind and the capability of the man, Ronald Reagan.

I can’t say enough about the dedicated scholarship and care with which the editors listed on the front of this book, and others, have resurrected those essays from their dusty storage boxes and presented them to us.

But with all due respect, this is the book that Ronald Reagan wrote—and in his own hand.

Introduction

He wasn’t a complicated man. He was a private man, but he was not a complicated one. But he was a very sentimental one. And he was a very, very good writer. All of his ideas and thoughts were formulated well before he became governor or certainly president.

Nancy Reagan, in an interview with the editors

Ronald Reagan wrote, in his own hand, from his high school years right through his presidency and on into retirement—until Alzheimer’s disease wreaked its gradual destruction. He wrote not only letters, short fiction, poetry, and sports stories, but speeches, newspaper articles, instructions to his cabinet and staff, and radio commentary on public policy issues, both foreign and domestic.

Nevertheless, many of the writings under his name—including the two books, Where’s the Rest of Me? and An American Life—were partially written by ghostwriters. A few of his presidential speeches were drafted personally, but most were written in interaction with White House speechwriters. Most of his original writings—those we are absolutely sure are his—were pre-presidential. As Nancy Reagan recalls, He continued to write in the White House. He wrote speeches in the Oval Office, and he had his own desk in the living quarters of the White House. He was always sitting at his desk in the White House, writing. He was so used to writing his own speeches that it took him a while to realize that, as president, he just wasn’t going to have the time to write, though he could go over a speech draft and edit and correct. But to take the time to write a whole speech? He soon realized he wasn’t going to have that time.

From his high school and college years, seventeen handwritten manuscripts (and a French quiz) written between 1925 and 1931 have been preserved, mostly short stories. The high school yearbook (on which he worked) has a story and a poem he wrote. In college, he wrote for the weekly newspaper. Reagan wrote a weekly sports column for the Des Moines Dispatch while he worked as a radio announcer at WHO. When he went to Hollywood, he wrote, with the cooperation of Warner Bros. but not, according to Reagan himself, with their help, a series of seventeen articles about his experiences for the Des Moines Sunday Register.

Nothing has thus far been found in his own hand of the speeches he gave to employees at General Electric’s 135 plants between September 1954 and 1962 (although he often used a question-and-answer format on these occasions) or the many other speeches he gave during this time. It is quite possible that they were his own creations, but we cannot be sure. A number of these speeches appeared in print in various publications with titles such as A Time for Choosing, Encroaching Control, and Losing Freedom by Installments. We have excluded them from this book in order to focus on the substantive writings from the immediate pre-presidential years that exist in his own handwritten drafts.

We know that Reagan wrote extensively during 1975–79, between his years as governor of California and his inauguration as president. He spent these years giving speeches, writing a newspaper column, and giving over a thousand radio addresses. The idea of the radio broadcasts and newspaper columns was developed in 1974 during Reagan’s final months as governor of California. Peter Hannaford, assistant to the governor and director of public affairs during Reagan’s final year, conferred with Ed Meese, then Reagan’s chief of staff, and Michael Deaver, and suggested that the governor consider the offer of Harry O’Connor, the head of O’Connor Creative Services in Hollywood, to produce a five-day-a-week, five-minute RR [radio] commentary program, to be syndicated nationally.*

One weekend in October 1974, Hannaford and Deaver presented a comprehensive plan to Reagan—including newspaper columns, radio commentary, and several speeches a month. Reagan agreed to do it under the management of a new firm, Deaver & Hannaford, Inc.**

On December 30, 1974, Governor Reagan announced his plans at the Los Angeles Press Club. The radio broadcasts were produced by Harry O’Connor and titled Viewpoint. Though Reagan relied on Hannaford to draft most of the newspaper columns, he enjoyed writing the radio broadcasts himself, and eventually wrote most of those essays.

In a letter dated September 19, 1978, Reagan explained to a private citizen how his radio broadcasts were written: I write many of my commentaries while I’m traveling and this [the one requested by the citizen] was done on a cross country plane trip.* Reagan taped the broadcasts in batches of fifteen at a recording studio. O’Connor Services would distribute them with suggested airing dates, but radio stations would broadcast them according to their schedules. The dates used here are taping dates, except as noted.

In a memo to Reagan on May 23, 1975, five months after the commentaries and columns began, Peter Hannaford reported that the broadcasts were being heard on 286 radio stations, and the columns were being printed in 226 newspapers. Similar numbers were reported by Hannaford two years later. In correspondence on October 30, 1978, Reagan estimated that through his daily radio broadcasts and biweekly newspaper columns he was in touch with 20 million Americans each week.**

The radio broadcasts began in January 1975. Reagan suspended the broadcasts when he ran for the presidency in the late fall of 1975. The broadcasts were resumed by Reagan after he lost the Republican Party’s nomination to President Gerald Ford in the summer of 1976. He ended his broadcasts in October 1979 as he was preparing to announce his 1980 presidential aspirations.

Only a few people who worked with or were close to Reagan, like Nancy Reagan, knew that the governor wrote most of the radio broadcasts. He worked a lot at home, Nancy recalled in an interview. I can see him sitting at his desk writing, which he seemed to do all the time. Often he’d take a long shower because he said that was where he got a lot of his thoughts. He’d stand in the shower and think about what he wanted to write. And then, when he got out, he’d sit down and write. . . . Nobody thought that he ever read anything either—but he was a voracious reader. I don’t ever remember Ronnie sitting and watching television. I really don’t. I just don’t. When I picture those days, it’s him sitting behind that desk in the bedroom, working.

Martin Anderson recalls traveling with Reagan in 1976. On airplanes, Reagan always sat by the window, and whoever was traveling with him took the aisle seat next to him as a blocker. As soon as the airplane lifted off the runway, he would reach for his briefcase. The briefcase contained articles to read, stacks of 4- by 6-inch cards that contained speech drafts written in his shorthand, pens and pencils, and a supply of writing paper, which was almost always lined, yellow, legal-size paper.

When Reagan wrote, he didn’t scribble or scrawl, he wrote in a clear script. He rarely stopped to cross things out or edit. When he reached the bottom of the legal pad, he carefully flipped the page over, tucked it in on the back side of the pad, and proceeded on to the second page. The desired length of one of his radio essays was two full legal pages, and his words almost always just filled that second page—rarely shorter or longer.

Dennis LeBlanc, a young member of the California State Police, was assigned to the security detail of Governor Reagan in 1971. After Reagan left office, LeBlanc stayed on with Reagan to do all his scheduling and advance work, and became the only man to travel continually with Reagan for the next three years, often traveling alone with him.

He was constantly writing, declared LeBlanc; "a lot of the time it was on a legal pad, where he’d write things out longhand. Other times it would be taking speeches that he wrote out longhand, and then putting it on 4 by 6 cards in an abbreviated way, using the special shorthand he had developed.

But all the time he was writing. He would always fly first class. He’d sit by the window, and I’d sit in the aisle seat next to him. It didn’t matter whether or not there was a movie being shown and all the lights were out—he’d turn on his reading lamp and would constantly be writing.

Beginning in early 1975, Reagan, with the help of LeBlanc and Barney Barnett, a retired California highway patrolman who had been Reagan’s driver when he was governor, spent a lot of time rebuilding the ranch property he had recently bought.

We drove up to the ranch from Los Angeles and back down the same day many, many times for the next two years, recalls LeBlanc. "Either Barney or I would drive, and Reagan would sit in the backseat with his legal pad, writing.

"The car we used was a red 1969 Ford station wagon, because Mrs. Reagan’s favorite color was red. Barney and I and Reagan would leave Los Angeles at seven o’clock in the morning, and it would take us about two and a half hours to get to the ranch. All the way up Reagan would be writing.

"When we got to the ranch, we’d put in eight or nine hours of work. We ripped out walls and really gutted the place, so you couldn’t stay overnight there. Then we’d drive back. He would be writing in the backseat when we drove back. There was some idle chitchat and stuff, but he never fell asleep and he never read—he was just always writing.

What was amazing to me, said LeBlanc, was the fact that Ronald Reagan never slept on planes when he was traveling. It was the same way when I was with him in the station wagon. It was like—you’re wasting time if you are sleeping. You know, everyone’s got things to do. And his thing to do when I was with him was his writing.

David Fischer, Reagan’s executive assistant in 1978 and 1979, had similar memories. The minute the meal service was done, he’d whip out the legal pad and start writing. He wrote to fit the exact time he needed to record. I was always amazed at how hard he worked. I’d be exhausted from traveling with him; I could start reading something and quickly fall asleep, and when I woke up he’d still be working, just writing away.

Michael Deaver and Ed Meese, his two top advisers since the mid-1960s, both confirm the same story. In addition to the broadcasts, Ed Meese remembers that he wrote many of his own speeches, at home on weekends. He would come in on Monday morning with six, eight, or ten pages from his legal pad, all in his own handwriting. One day we found him in his office checking the typed copy of one of his speeches against his written copy to make sure it was accurate, and then he took the written pages, tore them up and put them in the wastebasket. I’m afraid a lot of his handwritten documents ended up that way.*

It may partly be luck that so many handwritten drafts of the policy essays Reagan wrote for his radio broadcasts survived. William P. Clark, who served as chief of staff to Governor Reagan in California and later followed him to Washington and became his national security adviser, recalled the difficulty his staff had in preserving documents while he was governor.

Yes, he was a writer, said Clark about Reagan, but "unfortunately, he maintained one habit we were unable to ever break other than by scouring his trash basket.

"He threw away his longhand notes. Insisting that the top of his desk must be clear at the end of each day, he would carefully place a paper or two in his top desk drawer to age for the morrow’s review and action. Then, a few informational items would go into a folder or small leather briefcase for completion at the residence. But then his longhand notes would go into the wastebasket unless intercepted. With our admonition that these could be important to historians some day, he would respond, ‘Well, OK, OK.’ Helene or Kathy (his secretaries) would take possession of our catch as he moved toward the door, giving his own cheery admonition, ‘All right, you good people, goodnight and get home to your families.’

Nodding, we always remained.

As Hannaford recalls, Reagan would write large numbers of radio addresses at a time. I can still see him coming into the office in Los Angeles after these trips, often with a sheaf of yellow pages in his hand and a big grin on his face. He would hand the handwritten pages triumphantly to Elaine Crispen [at the time our chief administrative assistant], saying: ‘There you are, Elaine, three weeks’ worth of radio scripts for typing.’

Elaine Crispen (now Elaine Sawyer) was the person who took the handwritten drafts that Reagan produced and typed them for his recording sessions. She worked for Reagan during the five years he had his radio program. As I remember it, recalled Elaine, he would go to the recording studio on a Saturday. He had written a lot of the radio scripts while he was out on the road. When he came back to the Los Angeles office, he would give them to us. We had to have a hard copy that you could read from, because sometimes his handwriting was not that easy to read. We typed every one of his handwritten yellow sheets so that he could go to the studio and read them in clear print.... We had devised a system so that his handwritten yellow sheets were never to be thrown out. We were supposed to save them and file them. Probably some of us knew that maybe someday they would be valuable historically.

We have included very few speeches in this book, because apparently few survive in his own hand. We do know that he wrote many of his pre-presidential speeches. His use of notecards for their delivery became famous, although the details of how he did it have not been widely shared.

Over the years Ronald Reagan wore either eyeglasses or contact lenses for reading, and felt that any serious policy speech—with its myriad facts and numbers—had to be written out in advance and read to avoid errors. But as he once explained, he didn’t like to wear eyeglasses; when he wore contact lenses, he could see the audience but could not read his speech because the writing blurred, and finally, he felt the audience did not like anyone to read a speech.*

Reagan’s solution to this problem was twofold. First, he figured out how to read a speech draft without wearing his glasses. En route to his speech, he wore his long-distance contact lenses. They were the older, fairly small, hard plastic lenses. Just before he arrived at the speech site, while sitting in a car or in an airplane, he would lean forward, bring both hands to his face, and then with his forefinger and thumb pluck out the lens that was in his right eye. After popping the lens in his mouth for a quick wash, he carefully placed the lens into a small case and dropped it into his coat pocket.

Now Reagan had one long-vision eye and one near-vision eye, and he had learned how to use them separately. With his naked right eye, he could read. But when he looked out at the audience, he focused on them with his lensclad left eye. Throughout his speech he would go back and forth, reading with one eye, watching the audience with the other.

One of Reagan’s speech cards. When Reagan had finished with this card, he folded it in two and threw it in the trash. Martin Anderson retrieved it.

As for the text, he disliked reading speeches typewritten on regular letter-sized paper. Carrying a speech when he walked up to the lectern was obvious, and on a windy day at an outside lectern it was difficult to hold and turn the pages—and more than one presidential candidate has lost pages of a speech in this situation. What he settled on were index cards, medium size, 4- by 6-inch cards that would fit into the side pocket of his suit coat.

He would take the speech draft he had written out longhand, and transfer it directly to the cards for reading. The problem was that the speeches were written on yellow legal pads, 14 by 8½ inches in size—five times bigger than those 4- by 6-inch cards that fitted so nicely in his suit coat pocket.

So Reagan invented his own shorthand.

He would spend hours changing the penned words into this shorthand. Some words in the original draft were left out. Other words he shortened by dropping vowels or using special abbreviations. Every now and then he would make coded letters to represent words. All the shorthand writing was block printed on the cards, in capital letters—usually in black ink. Once he had rewritten a sentence of his original writing into shorthand, he would draw a line above and below the new writing so it would stand out. To further pack even more text onto a card, he eliminated all indentations and paragraphs. One sentence followed another, separated only by the thick black lines.

Using this technique, Reagan could copy much of the writing that filled one page of a legal pad onto a 4-by-6 card. Each card was then numbered in the upper right-hand corner so he could keep track of them. Finally, the finished pack of cards was bound together with an elastic band. A major speech filled twenty-five to thirty cards.

Reagan’s speech system gave the appearance of being casual and spontaneous, while in reality his speeches had the cold precision of any carefully researched and typed speech manuscript.

He would walk across the stage to the lectern to address his audience, both arms swinging back and forth, often waving to the audience, giving no sign whatsoever of a prepared text. After he reached the lectern, only those seated behind him could notice, if they watched very closely, his left hand drop into his jacket pocket and pull out a packet of those cards. Laying the cards on top of the lectern, he would glance down, read the top card, and begin to speak.

It helped a lot that he had a gift for remembering all that was on that card. As he spoke, his hands were sorting the cards, slipping the top card to the bottom of the deck, while his naked eye glanced down every now and then to read the next card. When his speech was over, he quickly scooped the cards together, and as one hand dropped them back in his coat pocket his other hand was waving to the audience.

The system also made it easy to edit and prepare new speeches. To cut part of a speech, he just removed some cards. To add something, he prepared new cards and slipped them in the deck. To prepare a new speech, Reagan often combined sections of two or more speech card decks, producing a brand-new speech from old material.

Later, when he became president, he did not have time to prepare speeches this way, and he relied on speechwriters to prepare drafts, which he edited, and TelePrompTers to read them. But while he was writing his own material, the cards served him well.

The manuscripts from which this book is drawn were discovered by accident. Kiron Skinner was the first scholar since Edmund Morris to be granted access to the private papers of President Ronald Reagan. She found several boxes of handwritten drafts of radio broadcasts, speeches, and correspondence by Reagan, and with Annelise Anderson and Martin Anderson, undertook to prepare a selection of these documents for publication, with Skinner focusing on the foreign and defense policy essays and the Andersons on domestic and economic policy. Together, the editors realized that they had a treasure trove of documents that showed Reagan grappling with the major policy issues of the time.

Although the handwritten broadcasts and other pre-presidential papers are stored at the Reagan Library, the National Archives does not have authority over them because they are President Reagan’s private papers and not those of the U.S. government. The president’s personal papers have been kept in boxes for many decades. Some boxes contain archival folders that separate documents by subject or chronology; others contain hundreds of disorganized pieces of paper. The index to the collection is incomplete, but a database of the radio broadcasts developed by Annelise Anderson is produced here in the Appendix.

Reagan’s work is presented as he wrote it. The book offers Reagan’s own words in his own hand, including personal edits and even a few errors. Everything here, including the marginal comments, is Reagan’s own. The Note on Editorial Methods (page xxv) explains the conventions used to display his handwritten drafts in type.

In reading these first rough drafts it should be kept in mind that they are first rough drafts. They were never intended to be published. They were written to be edited and typed, and Reagan took shortcuts while writing.

When Reagan wrote he often used abbreviations and some of the shorthand he used on his speech cards. This was especially true when he was writing something that would be typed before he recorded it as a radio broadcast or gave it as a speech. His secretaries knew his abbreviations and shorthand and turned them into clean English as they typed.

For example, he would write nat. for nation, ec. & pol. for economics and politics, burocracy for bureaucracy. He was often casual about where he placed apostrophes, if he used them at all, and they can be found hovering over a word that needed one. After writing the teaser with which he began all his radio essays, he usually wrote I’ll be right back. But sometimes he wrote I’ll be rite back.

If you look back at his speech card on page xix, you can see the full use of this technique: Ending becomes Endng—and fight becomes fite.

Reagan’s essays and other writings constitute many hundreds of pages of original first drafts. We have tried to select documents so that they represent a fair sampling of Reagan’s views on a wide variety of specific issues over the five-year period he was broadcasting the radio commentaries.

In writing these daily essays on almost every national policy issue during the 1970s, Reagan was acting as a one-man think tank. He drew upon hundreds of sources, and his drafts contain thousands of facts and figures. Sometimes he lists his sources in accompanying documents. In one case, for an essay on oil, he appended them. At times he cites his sources in the text. And in many cases he simply does not mention the specific sources.

Because he was writing on topical subjects in the 1970s, it is sometimes difficult, many years later, to determine sources. We have checked dozens of references in his writings and, in virtually all cases, Reagan correctly cited or quoted his sources.

In Martin Anderson’s experience, while advising Reagan during his presidential campaigns and in the presidency, whenever aides challenged him on some fact he had used, Reagan produced a source for his statements. In rare cases the source itself might not have been entirely accurate.

As our memory of events in the 1970s recedes, some of the events that Reagan reports might seem questionable. For instance, in one of his radio commentaries he writes about the plan of the People’s Republic of China to liberate Taiwan, as presented in a private speech given by Foreign Minister Huang Hua on July 30, 1977. After considerable searching, we found a copy of Huang Hua’s speech, Report on the World Situation, in a Taiwanese journal, Issues and Studies: A Journal of China Studies and International Affairs.

We have not fact-checked everything that Reagan writes about in his radio commentaries, but we have checked numerous events he cites—and they are discussed in our footnotes.

The bulk of the original handwritten documents reproduced in this volume are stored at the Reagan Presidential Library in Simi Valley, California, in the Pre-Presidential Papers, 1921–1980 (PPP) collection of papers. The original handwritten drafts of radio broadcasts are mainly found in boxes 12, 14, 15, and 21. Typescripts of the radio broadcasts are found in these boxes and others throughout the PPP collection. Typescripts are also found at the Hoover Institution Archives in the Citizens for Reagan (CFR) Collection, the Peter Hannaford (PH) Collection, and the Ronald Reagan Subject Collection (RRSC). The main boxes for locating typescripts of the radio broadcasts at Hoover are CFR 35, 39, 104, and 105; PH 2 and 3; and RRSC 8.

In addition to the radio scripts, we have included examples of the other kinds of documents that exist in his handwriting. Most of these documents are found in the President’s private papers at the Ronald Reagan Library. A few of Reagan’s other writings included in this book come from private collections.

The last document he wrote, a letter Edmund Morris calls a masterly piece of writing with the simplicity of genius, is of course the 1994 letter to the nation about his Alzheimer’s. Nancy recalls that she had somebody ask me just the other day about the Alzheimer’s letter. ‘Did he just sit down and write it? Or did he do some drafts?’ I said, ‘No, he just sat down and wrote it.’

A Note on Editorial Methods

In producing a printed version of what Reagan wrote in his own hand, we have shown his own inserts in small italic capital letters when he used them, or italics when he added in script rather than capitals. His deletions are shown with a single strike-through except where we could not read what he struck out; unreadable strike-outs are shown with only a single symbol, a .

We have not corrected spelling or punctuation, nor have we expanded the abbreviations he often used. His placement of apostrophes in contractions, however, was as casual as the dotting of an i, and so we have often located them at their conventional place.

In the rare cases where editorial changes were made by someone other than Reagan, we present those edits in brackets.

Reagan’s marginal comments are indicated by daggers (†) and are printed at the end of the document on which they appear. Asterisks are used to indicate editors’ footnotes, and are at the bottom of the page.

The titles of the documents are the titles Harry O’Connor of O’Connor Creative Services used in distributing them, rather than the even briefer identifiers Reagan used when he wrote them. The dates given are taping dates, each of which is the closest known date to the time of writing. The taping date of course preceded the distribution date and can be estimated in those cases where it is unknown. Radio broadcasts were usually taped in batches of fifteen, although at first fewer were taped at a time. Sometimes more than fifteen would be taped, and the extras held for distribution during a time when Reagan was traveling abroad and couldn’t do a taping. The air dates can therefore be two to five weeks and sometimes more after the taping date.

Reagan wrote his radio commentaries in two parts. First, he used a brief introduction or teaser to entice the radio audience to stay tuned to the station. He would always finish this part by saying, I’ll be right back. Then, after the radio commercials, he would read his essay for the day. Each of his radio commentaries ended with: This is Ronald Reagan. Thanks for listening.

Three different versions of most of the radio commentaries can be found in the archives. One is Reagan’s handwritten draft. The typed version of Reagan’s draft prepared by his staff is also in the archives. The third version is the transcript of Reagan’s taping session prepared by O’Connor Creative Services. O’Connor’s transcripts were distributed to radio stations so that they would know what was on the tapes or records being sent to them. The O’Connor version does not include Reagan’s teaser or his sign-off.

Part One

REAGAN’S PHILOSOPHY

"The ideological struggle

dividing the world is

between communism and

our own belief in freedom

to the greatest extent

possible consistent with

an orderly society."

The eight radio addresses in this section express concepts and themes found in many of Reagan’s handwritten manuscripts for radio commentaries and speeches given in his pre-presidential years. Taken together, the essays state the political and philosophical views on which his policies as president, both foreign and domestic, were based.

As we look back on what he wrote in the late 1970s from the perspective of the post-Communist era, in a time of economic vitality and with the United States as the world’s only superpower, it is easy to forget how at odds his views were with the accepted wisdom of the day. The late 1970s was a period of high inflation, low economic growth, relatively high unemployment, and questions about the influence of the United States on the world scene. Many believed that the political systems of the United States and the Soviet Union were gradually converging. Some doubted that a political system based on individual freedom and free markets could compete effectively with a centrally controlled command economy that could override and repress political dissent.

Reagan had no such doubts. In spite of the economic and political problems, he found America’s strength in its political system—in liberty, in the system that freed, as he put it, the individual genius of man—a system that, he said, has given the country political stability, the creativity of private enterprise, advanced technology, and a generosity of spirit. He also considered virtue fundamental to representative government and argued against expediency rather than principle in foreign policy.

His condemnation of communism, in words written in 1975, is powerful. Communism, he wrote, is neither an economic nor a political system, but a form of insanity, an aberration. He wonders how much more misery it will cause before it disappears. In comparing the statements of past and present leaders of the two systems, he quotes, as he often did, John Winthrop’s 1630 statement on the deck of the Arbella: We shall be as a city upon a hill. But as the complete quotation Reagan uses makes clear, the significance of the city’s location on a hill is not only that it is blessed, but that it is open to observation and judgment by the entire world.

The great challenge of the world situation was, Reagan says in 1975, maintaining peace and avoiding the catastrophe of nuclear war, and doing so not through surrender but through military strength backed by economic vitality and credibility. In a radio address that is an elaboration of his extemporaneous speech at the Republican National Convention in 1976 after losing the nomination to Gerald Ford, he tells of writing a letter for a time capsule to be opened one hundred years later. He turns again to the question of nuclear Armageddon, of the potential of the two superpowers to fire missiles at one another. The challenge is not only preserving the beauty he sees as he travels the Pacific Coast Highway, but of preserving a world of peace, prosperity, and freedom of choice.

Reagan reiterated the same themes and concepts of these eight essays in his farewell speech from the Oval Office on January 11, 1989. Not even he had known how far-reaching his philosophy and policies would be, for, he says, We meant to change a nation, and instead, we changed a world.

Peace

April 1975

How much is it worth to not have WWIII

I’ll be right back.

While in London I had an opportunity to visit with various govt. officials including those concerned with foreign affairs. Inevitably the conversation turned to the world situation & how to maintain peace. in the world. And just as inevitably the Soviet U. was automatically accepted as the possible threat to peace just as 40 yrs. ago it was Nazi Germany that loomed as the storm cloud on the horizon. And of course that storm cloud did eventually fill the sky & raining rain fire & brimstone on all the world.

The leaders of that generation saw the growing menace & talked of it but reacted to the growing mil. might of Germany with anguished passiveness. Will it be said of todays world leaders th as it was of the pre W.W.II. leaders "they were better at surviving the catastrophe than they were at preventing it?

Several times in the discussions at Whitehall

W.W.II did not happen because the Nat’s. of the free world engaged in a massive mil. buildup. The opposite is true. In most countries including our own, too little too late described our the reaction to the Nazi mil. colossus.

What does it take for us to learn? On every hand here & abroad when the suggestion is made that we strengthen the mil. capability of Nato the reply is that it’s not politically expedient to incrs. spending for armaments because the people are against it. Our own Congress which is willing to run an $80 Bil. deficit for every kind of social experiment screams long & loud for reduction of the budget for defense. But have any of the pol. leaders laid the facts out for the people? Of course the overtaxed citizenry in Europe & America want govt. spending reduced. But if we are told the truth, namely that enough evidence of weakness or lack of willpower on our part could tempt the Soviet U. into as it once did tempted Hitler & the mil. rulers of Japan I believe our decision would be in favor of an ounce of prevention. Certainly we havent forgotten that after W.WII the Japanese told us they they were tempted decided on war when they saw our army staging war games with wooden guns. They also took note that One month before Pearl Harbor Congress came within one a single vote of abolishing the draft & sending the bulk of our army home.

It has recently been revealed that for 12 yrs. a behavioral scientist at the U. of Hawaii* has headed up a team of distinguished colleagues in a Federally-Funded, computerized study of International behavior. Summed up in one sentence they have learned that to abdicate power is to abdicate the right to maintain peace.

The study focused mainly upon Red China, Russia & the US. Every bit of data from trade to tourism—from threats to treaties—was fed into the computers. The findings prove conclusively that what Laurence Beilenson wrote in his book The Treaty Trap is true.** "Nations that place their faith in treaties & fail to keep their hardware up don’t hang around to stick around long enough to write many pages in history."

According to the report (quote) It is not equality in power, that reduces hostility & conflict. Rather it is power dominance or submission.—Peace is purchased by making yourself stronger than your adversary—or by dismantling power & submitting to ones enemies." (unquote).

Power is not only sufficient military strength but it’s also a sound economy, a reliable energy supply and credibility—the belief by any potential enemy that you will not choose surrender as the way to maintain peace. Thomas Jefferson said The American people won’t make a mistake if they are given all the facts.

It’s time we were given the facts about

Perhaps Cong. should be given some facts about us, namely that we’d rather prevent a war by being well armed than by surrendering.

This is Ronald Reagan. Thanks for listening.

Shaping the World for 100 Years to Come

September 1, 1976

In this election year many of us talk about the world of tomorrow but do we really think about it? I’ll be right back.

Sometimes it’s very easy to get very glib about how the decisions we are making will shape the world for a hundred years to come. Then A few weeks ago I found myself faced with having to really think about it. what we are doing today & what people (not history) PEOPLE LIKE OURSELVES will say about us.

I’d been asked to write a letter for a time capsule which would be opened in Los Angeles 100 yrs. from now. It will be The occasion will be the Los Angeles Bicentennial & of course our countrys tri-centennial. It was suggested that I mention some of the problems confronting us in this election year. Since I’ve been talking about those problems for about some 9 months that didn’t look like too much of a chore.

So riding down the coast highway from Santa Barbara—a yellow tablet on my lap (someone else was driving) I started to write my letter to the future.

It was a beautiful summer afternoon. The Pacific stretched out to the horizon on one side of the highway and on the other the Santa Ynez mt’s. were etched against a sky as blue as the Ocean.

I found myself wondering if it would look the same 100 yrs. from now. Will there still be a coast highway? Will people still be travelling in automobiles, or will they be looking down at the mountains from aircraft or moving so fast the beauty of all I saw this would be lost?

Suddenly the simple drafting of a letter became a rather complex chore. Think about it for a minute. What do you put in a letter that’s going to be read 100 yrs. from now—in the year 2076? What do you say about our problems when those who read the letter will alr know what we dont know—namely how well we did with those problems? In short they will be living in the world we helped to shape.

Will they read the letter with gratitude in their hearts for what we did or will they be bitter because miserable the heritage we left them was one of human misery?

Oh I wrote of the problems we face here in 1976—The choice we face between continuing the policies of the last 40 yrs. that have led to bigger & bigger govt, less & less liberty, redistribution of earnings through confiscatory taxation or trying to get back on the original course set for us by the Founding Fathers. Will we choose fiscal responsibility, limited govt, and freedom of choice for all our people? Or will we let an irresponsible Congress take the final set us on the road our English cousins have already taken? The road to ec. ruin and state control of our very lives?

On the international scene two great superpowers face each other with nuclear missiles at the ready—poised to bring Armageddon to the world.

Those who read my letter will know whether those missiles were fired or not. They Either they will be surrounded by the same beauty I knew as I wrote the letter we know or they will wonder sadly what it was like when the world was still beautiful. before that awful day when civilization broke down.

If we here in this election year of our Lord 1976 today meet the challenge confronting us,—those who open that time capsule in 2076 100 yrs. from now will do so in a place of beauty knowing peace, prosperity and the ultimate in personal freedom. consistent with an orderly, civilized society.

If we dont meet keep our rendezvous with destiny, the letter probably will never be read—because talk of individual freedom will not be permitted in that world 100 yrs. from now which we are shaping and they will live in the world which we had a hand in shaping and we left them, a world in which no one is allowed to read or hear such terms as of individual liberty or freedom of choice. & individual liberty.

Communism, the Disease

May 1975

Mankind has survived all maner manner of evil diseases & plagues—let’s hope he can [but, can it] survive Communism?

I’ll be rite back.

When a disease like communism hangs on as it has for a half century or more it’s good, now & then, to be reminded of just how vicious it really is. Of course those who have the disease use all kinds of misleading terms to describe it’s symptoms and it’s effects on the human system One We should remember one of the characteristics of the ailment is double talk beginning For example if you and I in America planted land mines on our borders, ringed the country with barb wire and machine gun toting guards to keep anyone from leaving the country we’d hardly describe that as liberating the people.

But we’ve grown so used to communist doubletalk I sometimes think we’ve lost some of our fear of the disease. We need a frequent vaccination to guard against being infected until one the day when this health threat will be eliminated as we eliminated the black plague.

How many of us are aware of some of the differences between those of us who have the sickness & we who are well [don’t?] Right now there are a number of Russian women who fell in love & married Americans & other foreigners who happened to be stationed in the Soviet U. for a time.

Now falling in love isn’t something you set out to do, and among well people it isn’t considered a criminal act. But these Russian women are separated from their husbands, some of them for several years. When their Am. husbands for example finished whatever [their] assignments they were on in Russia and came home their wives had to get [Soviet government] permission to leave go with them. from the Soviet govt. And The Soviet govt. plays a heartless game of burocratic paper shuffling—never coming right out & saying no, but just keeping them filling out papers, renewing applications etc.—sometimes for years.

There is the case of a young teacher who married an American. During the application process she was fired from her job.—Reason?—she fell in love with an American—that’s reason enough where the Soviet is concerned. Her students all loved her. They presented her with a farewell gift of flowers. A Soviet official visited dropped in on the class to tell them that for doing so they giving the teacher [that for giving the] flowers none of them would be permitted to go on to college. They were all would all be assigned to the a labor force upon graduation!

Now the Associated Press brings another story from Berlin illustrating how the communist sickness looks upon human life—even the life of an innocent a child.

Berlin is divided, as we [you] know, between into the East or sick-with-communism Berlin side and the well or Free Berlin Western side. Between the two flows the Spree river. Around noon on the 11th of May 11, a 5-year-old boy fell into the river. at the point where the entire stream is in East Berlin. Firemen from W. Berlin started to go to his rescue. An East German patrol boat barred them from entering the water because at that point the stream flows wholly on East Berlin territory. The 5 yr. old boy drowned.

The Mayor of W. Berlin described the refusal of the E. German guards to either permit the Westerners to come to his rescue as an incomprehensible and frightful act—placing pol. considerations before the saving of a human life. Which is exactly what they did. Remember they were in a patrol boat—they chose to prevent the W. Germans from setting foot [entering] in their Eastern water rather than go to the child’s rescue themselves. But they did tidy things up—3 hrs. later E. German frog