Tariqa Sufism

‘[A] valid concept of “Islam” must denote and connote all possible “Islams,” whether abstract or “real,” mental or social’ (104)... Ahmed seeks to avoid two major pitfalls: (1) making Islam into a static essence or a category within an essentialist framework – such as proscription/prescription, ‘religion’,‘civilization’, ‘culture’, ‘orthodoxy’, etc., and (2) rendering Islam into a totally incoherent concept by conceding that there are as many islams as there are communities or individuals. Ahmed’s thesis (presented in Chapter 5) is that Islam is best conceptualized as a process of meaning-making or hermeneutical engagement in which the human agent engages with the Divine Revelation granted to Muhammad in one or more of this Revelation’s hierarchical dimensions – Pre-Text, Text, and Con-Text – in order to constitute meaning for himself."

En reconsidérant l’expérience spirituelle de Cheikh Ibrahima Niass, un pilier de la Tijâniyya, notre étude se propose de souligner le sens fluctuant du concept « al-fayḍa » et sa relation avec l’appropriation de la Ma̔rifa chez ce maître. Une analyse thématique des correspondances et écrits de ce Cheikh de la Tijâniyya permettra d’ouvrir des voies de lectures possibles de son expérience soufie, à travers l’optique des fondamentaux du Taṣawwuf ramenés à son contexte historique d’Afrique noire coloniale, du XXe siècle. Cela nous permettra de souligner la relativité du sens de la « Fayḍa ».

« O Gens du Livre ! N'exagérez pas en votre religion ! Ne dites de Dieu que la Vérité ! L'Oint Jésus, fils de Marie, est seulement un prophète de Dieu, Son Verbe insufflé en Marie, et un Esprit venu de Lui. » (Coran 4 : 171)
La vie de Jésus fils de Marie (Que la Paix soit sur lui), était au-delà du monde d'en bas et de la nature humaine, le commun des hommes, ne pouvant pas cerner son degré ni le classer parmi ses semblable, l'observait jadis comme l'incarnation parfaite du Mystère. Par la qualité de sa constitution spirituelle ou Angélique, le Christ a eu à échapper aux désirs et passions animales de l'humanité-ordinaire. Par cette force de l'Esprit...
L’histoire de la crucifixion s’avère une autre étape qui démontre les mystères de la vie de Jésus. Le récit erroné...

Nämnden för statligt stöd till trossamfund (SST) är en statlig nämnd-myndighet. Syftet med det statliga stödet är att det ska bidra till att tros-samfunden (vid sidan av Svenska kyrkan, som får stöd av staten på annat sätt) kan bedriva aktiv och långsiktigt inriktad religiös verksamhet. SST:s uppdrag är att • Förmedla statsbidrag • Ge allmänt stöd till trossamfund • Samordna samfundens roll i krisberedskapssamordning • Vara ett dialogforum kring bland annat värderingar, respekt och tolerans • Vara ett expertorgan åt regeringen när det gäller allmänna trossamfunds-och religionsfrågor och projekt.

Tulisan ini mencoba untuk melacak pola pemahaman Front Pembela Islam (FPI) dalam menafsirkan nash al-Quran atau Sunnah yang cenderung bersifat tekstual yang selanjutnya diharapkan mampu memahami bagaimana dampak pemahaman tekstual tersebut terhadap gerakan dakwah FPI yang lebih mengutamakan "kekuatan tangan" daripada cara-cara yang lain, di samping itu sebagai upaya untuk mengetahui dimana posisi pemahaman FPI jika dibandingkan dengan pemahaman kelompok-kelompok Islam yang lain, bukan untuk menilai apakah FPI itu ormas yang baik atau buruk apalagi sampai memberikan rekomendasi perlu dibubarkan atau tidak.

Tasavvufî bilginin amele aksettirilmesiyle teşekkül eden tasavvufî hayâtın dinamik bir şekilde yaşandığı müesseseler olan tekkeler, târih boyunca pek mühim fonksiyonlar icrâ etmiştir. Tasavvufî husûsiyetlerine ilâveten tefsir, fıkıh, hadis gibi an'anevî dînî ilimlerin tedrîsi, hat ve mûsikî gibi güzel sanatların icrâ edilmesi, mîmârî yapıları, birtakım sosyal hâdiselerde merkezî rol üstlenmeleri ve bilhassa Osmanlı ilim ve ictimâî hayâtını bes-leyen medrese ve câmilerle birlikte üç ana damardan biri olmaları gibi husûsiyetlerinden dolayı tekkeler muhtelif açılardan birçok farklı disipli-nin araştırmalarına mevzû olmuştur. Köse'nin, İstanbul Halvetî Tekkeleri isimli çalışması da tasavvuf hârici disiplinlerin tekkelere olan alâkasının bir tezâhürüdür ve-isminden de anlaşılacağı üzere-çalışma sâhası olarak İstanbul'daki Halvetî tekkelerini mevzû edinmiştir. Eserin ismiyle alâkalı bir husûsu belirtmek gerekli görülmektedir. Baş-lıkta bir coğrâfî hudud olarak kullanılan İstanbul kaydı, ne târihte bu isim-den anlaşılan sınırları yâni sâdece sur içini ne de günümüz İstanbul hu-dutlarını kastetmek maksadıyla kullanılmıştır. Bu kayıttan kastedilenin İstanbul (sur içi) ve bilâd-ı selâse (Eyüp, Galata ve Üsküdar) olduğu eserin hemen önsözünde beyân edilerek bu mesele açıklığa kavuşturulmuştur (s. 13). Bu isimler bugün de İstanbul'daki bâzı semtlerin ve kazâların isimleri olmakla berâber bu isimlerden, bugünkü değil târihteki coğrâfî hudutların anlaşılması gerektiğini, meselâ Beykoz'daki (s. 238, s. 362) veyâ Rumeli Hisarı'ndaki (s. 112, s. 203) ya da Kartal-Yakacık'taki (s. 271) bir tekkenin de bu eserde kendine yer bulmasından anlıyoruz. Eser Halvetî Tarîkati'ni, İstanbul'da tekke açan şûbeleri kaydıyla ele al-mış ve bu şehirde, mezkûr tarîkat adına ilk tekkenin kurulduğu târihten tekkelerin kaldırılmasına kadar geçen süre zarfında te'sîs edilen bütün * Arş. Gör., Şırnak Üniversitesi İlahiyat Fakültesi ([email protected])

How do ‘new’ and ’old’ Islamic actors in contemporary Albania define religious legitimacy, the nation and religious otherness? This chapter uses Olivier Roy’s analytical distinction between accommodationism and neo-fundamentalism as a compass to navigate through Albania’s complex religious landscape by exploring different sets of beliefs promulgated by a selection of Islamic groups (2010).  These are the Muslim Community of Albania, which represents ‘official Islam’ , and ‘mainstream’ Sunni Muslims, who are typically accommodationist. I also analyse a Sufi subgroup thereof, which is equally accommodationist, but in a slightly different manner. As a neo-fundamentalist counterpoint, I explore the ideas of a competing organisation composed of Salafi imams.

Accommodationism means that the bond between religion and a specific territory and culture of origin is tight. In this context, ‘culture’ refers to Albanian historical tradition and the language-based, secular nation-building project engineered by modernising state elites since the early 20th century. Neo-fundamentalism, conversely, is a globalised form of religion that emphasises the gap between faith and culture. As such, it represents a reformatted, exportable form of religiosity, which stands in contrast to cultural ethno-national ways of being Muslim. Neo-fundamentalist religious identity is faith-based, and seeks to ground itself solely upon explicit religious norms, at least in principle. Accordingly, these believers make their religiosity visible through a global uniform of religious markers detached from the surrounding culture.

In the Albanian Islamic context, the theoretically informed labels, neo-fundamentalist and accommodationist, roughly correspond to the ‘Albanianist’ versus the ‘Salafi’ forms of Islam. To some extent, this resonates with mainstream distinctions adopted in Albania and in the Balkans. A popular Albanian term for Muslims associated with neo-fundamentalist forms of Islam is ‘fanatic’ (fanatik). Accommodationism is commonly related to ‘old’ forms of Islam, which many be deemed as local, rooted, and European as well as tolerant and moderate. Neo-fundamentalism, conversely, refers to certain ‘new’ forms of Islam, i.e. those perceived to be imported, transnational, alien, ‘fanatic’ and a threat to local religious customs. This cultural distinction between what are deemed acceptable and unacceptable forms of Islam is often politicised and securitised. As I will show, the association between neo-fundamentalism and violence is not necessarily correct, and the Salafi community under scrutiny here can be defined as pacifist and purist (Wiktorowicz 2006). These two formats, moreover, clash and merge together as different local actors seek to recast and legitimize their respective positions.

ABSTRACT


This dissertation is concerned with the sufistic hermeneutics of mahwi’s poem. It is an attempt to read his Kurdish poems, amid theoretical reading of Islamic interpretation and western. Thus some unclear textual meaning can be interpreted. Because of that, the study is divided in to an introduction and three chapters.
The introduction deals with the relation between the term hermeneutics and Islamic interpretation, rhetoric, and aesthetic interpretations.
Chapter one is entitled to” The Text between pleasure and hermeneutics” This chapter is classified into two sections. The first section is about Ghazal as a Sufistic inheritance for the interpretations means. It sheds a light on the query of heavenly and earthly love and the relation to hermeneutic text as well as feminization of text and conceiving pregnancy by beauty query from gracefulness, perfection, lordliness of God to human being.
Whereas the second section studies wine as a source of sufistic hermeneutics. It also deals about hermeneutic reading of wine, its problems of interpretation reasons behind using wine in sufistic texts, its relation with glow, presence or absence of love partner, flute, house of perfection, and features of moral wine.
Chapter two focuses on hermenutic phenomenology, where  phenomenology has become source or means for hermeneutics to find unclear textual meanings. The first section of chapter two describes the intentions of poet text, and the experience of poet’s life. It studies the ways to understand mahwi’s intentions, It also explains that through phenomenology there is hermeneutic reading for the indications of existence, freedom, nothingness, passing away, murdering, and cessation of being.
Chapter three is devoted to hermeneutic semiology, where semiology as a science that studies signs and symbols has become a source and means so as to make hermeneutic reading for some signifiers and where by obtain different meanings. For this purpose, the first section is about the query of selfness, selfishness, and poets attention for the use of first person pronoun(I) as a signifier that an device different meanings. Later, this signifier were read hermeneutically, furthermore, they were textually, and terminologically used as hermeneutic source. In the second section logic is studied as a source for semiology and its changing meanings to hermeneutic and later there are hermeneutic reading for some signifiers.
Finally the thesis studies sufistic essaying, and  hermeneutic problems. In these chapter, it is attempted to have different reading for Mahwi’s Kurdish texts while considering sufistic essaying. Finally, the paper ends with a conclusion and results. 

ملخص الأطروحة

هذه الأطروحة الموسومة بـ (هرمنيوطيقا شعر محوى الصوفي) تعدّ محاولة لقراءة الأشعار الصوفية للشاعر الكوردي الشهير بـ(محوى)، إذ إنّها تركّز على الجوانب التأويلية لهذه الاشعار، في ظلّ النظريات التأويليّة الإسلامية، والهرمنيوطيقا الغربية، والغرض من ذلك: كشفُ أبعاد خفية كثيرة للنصوص، وإدراك المعاني والدلالات التي يتضمنها، ولا يمكن التوصل إليها إلا بالتأويل.
وتكوّنت الأطروحة من: مقدمة، وتمهيد، وثلاثة فصول، مع نتائج مهمة توصل إليها البحث.
ففي المقدمة تناول البحثُ تعريف الموضوع-والعنوان محددا- مختصراً، وتطرقَ إلى أسباب اختياره وأهميته، وحدوده، وذكر الصعوبات والعوائق التي واجهت طريقه، ومن ثَمَّ بيان خطة العمل فيه.
وفي التمهيد: تناول البحثُ تعريفَ مصطلح (الهرمنيوطيقا) قديماً وحديثاً، وبيانَ صلتها بالتأويل الإسلامي، وعلم البلاغة، وفن الجمال، ثم توضيح علاقة الهرمنيوطيقا بمناهج ما بعد البُنيوية.
وقد خصّص الفصل الأول لـ(النص بين اللذة والهرمنيوطيقا)، وذلك ضمن مبحثين، فجعل المبحث الأول للغزل كميراث للتصوف وألية للتأويل الشعري، واشتمل ذلك على: الحديث عن مسألة الحُبّ والعشق السماوي والأرضي، وعلاقتهما بتأويلية النصّ، ومن ثمّ أنوثية النصّ وما تحمله من مسائل الجمال في (الجمال والكمال والجلال الإلهية)، إلى جمالية الإنسان. أما المبحث الثاني فجعل لمسألة الشراب كمصدر للهرمنيوطيقا الصوفية، وفيه قراءة تأويلية لمفهوم الشراب، وتباين وجهات نظر المؤولين فيه، وذكرُ أسباب استعماله في نصوص الصوفية، وعلاقة هذا المصطلح بالنور والنار، وحضور المعشوق وغيابه، وأهل الكمال، وكذلك صلته بالني، والتطرق أيضاً إلى بعض سمات الشراب المعنوى في أشعار محوى الصوفية. 
و خصّصت الفصل الثاني للكلام عن الهرمنيوطيقا الظاهراتية، إذ إنّ الظاهراتية النقدية تعدّ أداة مهمة للتأويل، فإنها تكشف فجوات معانية في النصوص ومسافات دلالية في الخطاب، ومن هنا تضمن هذا الفصل مبحثين: فجعل في المبحث الأول لمفهوم قصدية الشعر والنص، وتجربة الحياة، وذكر الوسائل والقرائن التي لها دور كبير لفهم قصدية شعر محوى الصوفي. وفي المبحث الثانى حاول البحث أن يدرس ظاهراتياً عن مسألة الوجود والعدم، والذهاب إلى الموت، وإلى القتل والشهادة بأيدى المعشوق عند الشاعر، ومن ثمَّ قراءة تأويلية عن تلك الظواهر النادرة الخاصة بخطاب التصوف عند محوي.
أما الفصل الثالث فقد خصّص للتأويلية السيميائية، مبيّناً أثر السميائية-الدال والمدلول- في تأويل بعض أشعار محوي الكردية، واشتمل هذا الفصل على ثلاثة مباحث، فخصص المبحث الأول للكلام على علم المنطق كأداة للتأويلية، إذ موضحا أنّ الشاعر استعمل مصطلحات منطقية، ويمكن النظر إليها من حيثيتين: من حيث المعنى السيميائي، ومن حيث المعنى التأويلي. وجعل المبحث الثاني لـ(أنا) وذاتية الشاعر كبعدٍ للتأويل، متطرقاً إلى صلة (الأنا) بمضمون النصوص لدى محوى، وكذلك التركيز على علاقة (الأنا) بالدال الذي له دور في احتجاب المعاني الشعرية، ونضوج التأويل فيها. وجعل المبحث الثالث للكلام على خطاب التصوف وإشكالية الـتأويل والمعنى، مركّزاً على إشكالية قراءة نصوص محوى الشعرية، وباطنية النص واحتجاب المعنى، مبيناً أيضاً أهمية التأويل عند محوى.    وجاءت الخاتمة لذكر أهم النتائج التي توصل إليها الأطروحة.

Melamije su bile prisutne diljem Osmanskog carstva, a njihov posljednji uzlet desio se krajem 19. stoljeća, kada su melamije bile naročito primjetne. U tom periodu njihova središta bila su u Anadoliji i na Balkanu (Rumeli). Svojevrsnoj renesani najviše je doprinio lik šejha trećeg perioda melamija-Sejjid Muhammed Nur al-Arebi. Mnogo je putovao između Istanbula te drugih gradova i provincija, a bio je posjećivan od strane učenika, simaptizera i sljedbenika. Na taj način se melamet širio brzo, broj pristalica je rastao, posebno među učenima, ulemi i uglednima, ešrafu. Baš se ova činjenica navodi kao značajna u istraživanju ovog perioda melamija.

""Abstract:

Inherited from 19th century Orientalism and enhanced by the advent of Wahhabism and Salafism,Ibn Taymiyya’s anti-sufi reputation has continued to obscure the mystical aspect of his work. The Hanbali scholar, described as the sworn enemy of Sufism, however, would have belonged to the Qāddiriyya Sufi order. Prejudice concerning Ibn Taymiyya and his Hanbali school, as well as specific difficulties in the approach towards Islamic mysticism, have been major obstacles to a comprehensive study on the relationship of Ibn Taymiyya in Sufism. The epistle al-Ṣufiyya wa-l-fuqarā, which is the
subject of this work, reveals not only his explicit approval of Sufism, but also a vigorous defense of this discipline aimed at those who would have it condemned as such. In addition, a careful reading of this epistle, combined with historical facts and other writings of the Hanbali scholar, reveal a mystical doctrine in the tradition of great Sufi masters such as, Ğunayd, Abū Bakr al-Kalābāḏī, Abū Ṭālib al-Makkī, ʿAbd al-Raḥmān al-Sulamī, etc.

Résumé

Héritée de l’orientalisme du XIXe siècle, et accentuée par l’avènement du wahhabisme et du salafisme, la réputation anti-soufie d’Ibn Taymiyya n’a cessé de voiler la réalité de son oeuvre à portée mystique. Celui que l’on présente comme l’ennemi juré du soufisme aurait pourtant appartenu à la
confrérie soufie Qādiriyya. Les préjugés sur Ibn Taymiyya et son école hanbalite, d’une part, et les difficultés spécifiques à l’approche de la mystique musulmane, d’autre part, ont été des obstacles majeurs à une étude approfondie sur les relations du savant hanbalite au taṣawwuf. L’épître al-Ṣūfiyya wa-al-fuqarāʾ, qui fait l’objet du présent travail, révèle, non seulement son approbation explicite du soufisme, mais encore une défense énergique de cette discipline contre ceux qui la condamneraient
en tant que telle. En outre, une lecture attentive de cette épître, associée aux faits historiques et à d’autres écrits du šayḫ al-islām, laisse transparaître une doctrine mystique dans la lignée des grands maîtres soufis, tels Ğunayd, Abū Bakr al-Kalābāḏī, Abū Ṭālib al-Makkī, ʿAbd al-Raḥmān al-Sulamī, etc.""

Le Jeûne est l'œuvre préférée des serviteurs d'Allah, bouclier des pieux et bien aimé des gnostiques accomplis. Sa prééminence devant les autres actes de dévotions a été prouvée par ce hadith rapporté par Abou Houraira. Le Prophète (Paix et bénédiction sur lui) a dit....
Le serviteur qui actualise cette fonction intègre, selon Ibn Arabi, à l'image de Dieu, la qualité de "Sans pareil".

İÇİNDEKİLER / CONTENTS

•  Dinde Sahâbenin Yeri - Mehmet Yaşar KANDEMİR
•  Ben Ne Yaptım? - İ. Necmettin NURSAÇAN
•  Asr-ı Saâdet ve Sahâbe Neslini Anlamak: Tasavvufun Rehberi Olarak Sahâbe Nesli - Ekrem DEMİRLİ
•  Hazreti Peygamber'in Ashâbı - Ahmet Yüksel ÖZEMRE
•  Sahâbe, Hakîkate Sahip Çıkandır - Necmettin ŞAHİNLER
•  Hz. Mevlânâ'nın Sahâbe Anlayışı - Cemâlnur SARGUT
•  Şehrimizin Sultanı: Eyüp Sultan Hazretleri - Dursun GÜRLEK
•  Ashâbım Gökteki Yıldızlar Gibidir - Ahmet TURGUT
•  Genç Sahâbîler - H. Nur ARTIRAN
•  Sahâbeler ve Topkapı Sarayı'ndaki Kutsal Emânetler - Sevgi AĞCA
•  Siyer-i Nebîde Resimlenen Sahâbîler - Zeynep ATBAŞ
•  İstanbul'daki Sahâbe Türbelerinin ve Kabirlerinin Özellikleri - M. Baha TANMAN

Die kurdische Rebellion, die Anfang 1925 von dem Nakşibendi-Scheich Said angeführt wurde, markiert einen wichtigen Wendepunkt in der Geschichte der republikanischen Türkei. Sie bot Mustafa Kemal und Ismet Pascha die Gelegenheit, sich nahezu diktatorische Machtbefugnisse anzueignen. Von diesem Zeitpunkt an wurde das kemalistische Reformprogramm in noch grösserer Eile und ohne Rücksicht auf die Opposition verwirklicht.

This article examines how a text attributed to the renowned Central Asian Sufi figure Aḥmad Yasavī came to be found within a manuscript produced within the Ismāʿīlī Shīʿī community of the Shughnān district of the Badakhshān region of Central Asia. The adoption of this text into an Ismāʿīlī codex suggests an exchange between two disparate Islamic religious traditions in Central Asia between which there has hitherto been little evidence of contact. Previous scholarship on Ismāʿīlī-Sufi relations has focused predominately on the literary and intellectual engagement between these traditions, while the history of persecution experienced by the Ismāʿīlīs at the hands of Sunnī Muslims has largely overshadowed discussions of the social relationship between the Ismāʿīlīs and other Muslim communities in Central Asia. I demonstrate that this textual exchange provides evidence for a previously unstudied social engagement between Ismāʿīlī and Sunnī communities in Central Asia that was facilitated by the rise of the Khanate of Khoqand in the 18th century. The mountainous territory of Shughnān, where the manuscript under consideration originated, has been typically represented in scholarship as isolated prior to the onset of colonial interest in the region in the late 19th century. Building upon recent research on the impact of early modern globalization on Central Asia, I demonstrate that even this remote region was significantly affected by the intensification of globalizing processes in the century preceding the Russian conquest. Accordingly, I take this textual exchange as a starting point for a broader re-evaluation of the Ismāʿīlī-Sufi relationship in Central Asia and of the social 'connectivity' of the Ismāʿīlīs and the Badakhshān region within early modern Eurasia.

Muhy al-Dīn Ibn Arabī's theoretical mysticism has been the subject of lively discussion among Iranian Sufis since they first encountered it in the seventh century. 'Abdul Razzāq Kāshānī was the pioneer and forerunner of the debate, followed by reading and interpreting al-Shaykh al-Akbar's key texts, particularly Fusūs al-Hikam (Bezels of Wisdom) by future generations of Shī'ī scholars. Along with commentaries and glosses on his works, every element of ibn 'Arabī's mysticism, from his theory of the oneness of existence (wahdat al-wujūd) to his doctrines of nubuwwa, wilāya, and khatm al-wilāya, was accepted by his Shī'ī peers, incorporated into their context and adjusted to Shī'a doctrinal platform. This process of internalization and amalgamation was so complete that after seven centuries, it is difficult, if not impossible, to distinguish between Ibn 'Arabī's theory of wahdat al-wujūd, or his doctrines of wilāya and khatm al-wilāya and those of his Shī'ī readers. To have a clearer picture of the philosophical and mystical activities and interests of Shī'ī scholars in Iran under Ilkhanids (1256-1353), I examined the intellectual and historical contexts of seventh century Iran. The findings of my research are indicative of the contribution of mystics such as "Abdul Razzāq Kāshānī to both the school of Ibn 'Arabī in general and of Sadr al-Dīn al-Qūnawī in particular on the one hand, and to the correlation between Sufism and Shī'īsm on the other. What I call the Shī'ītization of Akbarīan Mysticism' started with Kāshānī and can be regarded as a new chapter in the history of Iranian Sufism.

Florian A.G. Lützen untersucht in dieser Studie den Religionsbegriff ( dīn ) bei Aḥmad Ibn ʿAǧība (gest. 1224/1809), seine Synthese von Sufitum und Theologie. Den Religionsbegriff beschreibt er insbesondere anhand der im »Gabriel-Hadith« dargestellten Ebenen: islām , īmān und iḥsān – Hingabe, Glaube und Vervollkommnung. Dieses Stufengebilde, von vielen Gelehrten in der späten Phase der Islamischen Theologie (etwa 1400–1800) für fundamental erachtet, eignet sich zum einen dazu, die Religion aus der Perspektive der Theologie darzustellen, und zum anderen, um den Weg des Menschen zu Gott zu beschreiben. In seiner Analyse macht der Autor deutlich, wie Ibn ʿAǧība, aufbauend auf seiner Tradition, eine Theologie konzipiert, die das Sufitum ins Zentrum stellt, ohne die anderen Disziplinen der Theologie auszuklammern.

This is the blessed biography of a prominent personality of Islam and a leading light in the sphere of Sufism and knowledge of Allah. Sayyid Shaikh Muḥammad al-Muḥammad al-Kasnazān al-Ḥusaynī is the Master of Ṭarīqa ʿAliyya Qādiriyya Kasnazāniyya, one of the largest Sufi Ṭarīqas with followers throughout the world. Ṭarīqa Kasnazāniyya, as the name is usually abbreviated, traces its roots to the source of all Sufi ways, the Prophet Muḥammad (PBUH). Our Shaikh is a descendant of the Prophet (PBUH) from both parental sides.

This biography of Shaikh Muḥammad al-Muḥammad al-Kasnazān is written in a unique way. It is presented in the context of explaining the Sufi approach to drawing near to Allah. At the same time, the book expounds Sufism, which represents the spiritual side of Islam, through the history of our honourable Shaikh. Being an excellent example of a Sufi life, our Shaikh’s biography explains Sufism and the Sufi way explains his life.

Through the study of the life of a practising man of divine knowledge, this book combines a general theoretical description of the spiritual side of Islam and an introduction to a specific practical Sufi system. It shows that Islam is knowledge and practice, thought and application, reason and heart, and a companion and an accompanied one. In essence, Islam is an experience of spiritual companionship: “May I follow you so that you teach me of that which you have been taught of guiding knowledge”? (al-Kahf 66).

Qu’est-ce qu’un cheikh ?

Cette question, des centaines de maîtres du Soufisme y ont répondu à leur manière, chacun selon son approche et son contexte propres.

Aujourd’hui, alors que la plupart des organisations initiatiques traditionnelles du Soufisme se retrouvent projetées dans un contexte globalisé, et qu’elles tentent chacune à sa façon de maintenir le contact avec une communauté toujours plus étendue, plus diffuse, et plus variée, la question de la pédagogie spirituelle et de ses moyens semble plus que jamais cruciale.

Dans ces conditions, il n’est certainement pas superflu de proposer une définition de la qualité de cheikh qui fasse droit à la réalité actuelle des voies initiatiques, confrontées à une quantité et à une variété de profils et de situations toujours plus grandes.

It is likely that the Discourses of Rumi will only appeal to those who are willing to make some effort to study his words. But if the reader is willing to read carefully, he or she should be able to find a greater glimpse of Rumi’s relationship with life and his spiritually intoxicating intimacy with the Path of Love.

Le sens de la 'Jihâd', tout en étant indissociable, selon le Tasawwuf, de la Voie de la Sincérité, puisqu'elle en serait le souffle et la vitalité, est loin de cette connotation simpliste et parfois usurpatrice qui le réduit à une sanctification de la violence. Les maîtres de cette Voie parmi lesquels figure Cheikh Ahmadou Bamba (m.1927) l'ont compris et vécu à travers leur attitude et pensée. Ils l'ont si bien compris qu'ils ont su souvent concilier le semblant de paradoxe qui se glisse subtilement entre la Lettre figée et l'Esprit en mouvement. Ils l'ont parfois vécu dans un contexte trouble où la plus pénible de toutes les batailles est celle qui doit être menée dans la modération. Né vers 1853 à Mbacké Baol, au Sénégal, surnommé Khadimou Rassoul (Le Serviteur du Prophète), ce maître soufi fonda en 1883 une voie d'éducation spirituelle dans un contexte de confrontation avec l'Autorité coloniale française de l'époque. Armé de sagesse et de courage, il affronta exils et privations. Il est certes surprenant de le voir accorder, dans sa pensée et pratique, un point central à la première bataille de l'Islam (Badr) tout en excluant toute forme de violence contre son oppresseur. Mais une compréhension profonde du mot Jihâd pourrait être la clé du sens d'une pareille conciliation entre foi, courage et sagesse. Notre communication cherchera à redécouvrir le message de paix et de modération qui émane de l'expérience spirituelle de Cheikh Ahmadou Bamba et, ainsi, contribuer à expliquer sa triomphe par une résistance pacifique face à l'oppression coloniale.

تعددت وجهات الاتهام لمفتعلي المحاولة الإنقلابية في تركيا عام 2016. طالت سهام اللوم الولايات المتحدة الأميركية حيناً، والجماعات الصهيونية أحياناً أخرى. لكن أصابع الاتهام سرعان ما رست على الداعية الإسلامي فتح الله غولن. صب الحكم التركي جام غضبه على جماعة "الخدمة" المرتبطة به، فطرد أنصاره والمرتبطين به من كل مكان. أغلق مدارسه وجامعاته، صادر وسائل إعلامه ومستشفياته ودور نشره، وطرد عشرات آلاف الموالين له من الإدارات الرسمية. فيما بقي على الحكومة التركية تحقيق مهمة واحدة، وهي ملء المراكز الخالية بموظفين جدد أكثر ولاءً ووطنية.

شرَعت الحكومة سريعاً في البحث عن آلاف الموظفين، فوجدت بعضاً من ضالتها بالطرق الصوفية والمتحلقين حولها. أعطت الكثير من الوظائف البسطية إلى أتراك عاديين بعد إجراء مباريات وامتحانات روتينية، إلا أن الوظائف الأساسية أسندت إلى أنصار طرق صوفية مختارة بعناية. الركون لهذا الخيار ليس جديداً في البلاد، إذ إنّ جماعة "الخدمة"، التي شهدت ذروة قوتها البيروقراطية بين 2011-2016، هي فرع من الطريقة النورسية. كما أنّ الطرق الصوفية التركية تحمل إرثاً عريقاً من العمل الإداري، وتمتاز باجتذاب النخبة المثقفة والكفوءة والانتلجنسيا التعليمية والإعلامية، فكان لا مفر من توكيلها بالوظائف الرفيعة.

U ovom radu biće reči o centralnom sufijskom ritualu – zikru (ar. ḏikr) i načinima na koji se on izvodi u okvirima religijske, mističke prakse dva dominantna derviška reda u Bosni i Hercegovini, kod nakšibendija i kadirija. Zikr je prisećanje na Boga koje se postiže zazivanjem njegovih imena i atributa, svedočanstva vere, kao i drugih molitvenih formula što se temelje na tekstu Qur’ana i predanju poslanika islama Muhameda (sunna). Na taj način duhovni putnik (sālik), praktikujući zikr tokom svoga života, postepeno prolazi kroz različita duhovna stanja (ḥāl) i stupnjeve, „stanice“ (maqāmāt), nadajući se Božjem odzivu na tu svojevrsnu „molitvu srca“ (ḏikr al-qalb). Posmatran kao religijski obred, zikr je, zapravo, sinergija daha, zvuka i pokreta, pa i derviške zajednice u njenom ritmičnom oglašavanju i kretanju, pri čemu svi ti pojedinačni elementi čine jedinstven simbolički sklop ili sistem. Poput drugih rituala, zikr potvrđuje i vremenski, prostorni i društveni poredak, provodi učesnike kroz seriju simboličkih radnji, raspoloženja i graničnih situacija, s ciljem da se potvrdi njihov kolektivni i/ili transformiše njihov individualni identitet. 
Ova ritualna praksa ustanovljena je u Bosni još u najranijem razdoblju islamizacije (sredina 15.v.), i održavala se, gotovo neprekidno, do 1952. g. Nakon četvrt veka zabrane u SFRJ, zikr se tu opet počeo redovnije izvoditi od 1977. g. Danas sufizam u BiH doživljava obnovu među mlađim generacijama sledbenika, islamskim vernicima odraslim nakon raspada Jugoslavije. U tom kontekstu razmatra se u kojoj meri oživljavanje sufizma predstavlja revitalizaciju klasične religioznosti, a koliko ono, eventualno, može da se karakteriše i kao alternativna, pa i heterodoksna dimenzija islama. Ovaj rad se uglavnom naslanja na terensko istraživanje autora na različitim lokalitetima u BiH (Sarajevo, Kaćuni, Blagaj, Živčići-Vukeljići, Travnik) u periodu od 2004-2010. Deo tog ispitivanja predstavlja, najzad, i dokumentovanje i tumačenje zikra kao mističnog rituala zazivanja Boga u više različitih tekija nakšibendijskog i kadirijskog reda.