Roman Period

Bu çalışma, "Ardahan Kale ve Kuleleri" adlı kitabın bölümlerinden biridir. Bu kitap içi bölümde, Ardahan'ın Eskiçağ'dan Türk fetihlerine kadar tarihçesi üzerinde durulmuş ve şehrin isminin kökenine ilişkin bir başlığa yer verilmiştir.
  Son yıllarda yapılan bilimsel araştırmalarla birlikte Eskiçağ ve Ortaçağ arkeolojik vaziyetinin Transkafkasya (Güney Kafkasya) arkeolojisiyle
oldukça örtüştüğü anlaşılan Ardahan, Doğu Karadeniz ve Kuzeydoğu Anadolu Bölgeleri ile Transkafkasya’yı birleştiren stratejik bir coğrafi konuma sahiptir. Batıda Karadeniz sahil şeridinin son ili Artvin ile
komşu olan Ardahan’ın güneyinde Erzurum ve Kars illeri, kuzeydoğusunda Gürcistan ve doğusunda Ermenistan yer alır. Transkafkasya ülkelerinde, özellikle Tunç ve Demir Çağları kültürlerine ilişkin hatırı sayılır araştırma ve arkeolojik kazı yapılmışsa da bu bölgenin komşusu olan Kuzeydoğu Anadolu için aynı değerlendirmeyi ne yazık ki yapamamaktayız. Özellikle Ardahan ili, Anadolu coğrafyasında arkeolojik araştırmaların en az yürütüldüğü yerlerden biri olmuştur. Bu nedenle şehrin tarihi ve arkeolojik geçmişi üzerine toplanan veriler, akademik anlamda tatmin edici bir düzeye erişememiştir. Yine de inanıyoruz ki, 2008 yılında kurulan Ardahan Üniversitesinin bünyesinde gerçekleştirilmekte olan ve yakın gelecekte daha da kapsamlı bir şekilde sürdürülecek bilimsel çalışmalar, şehrin tarihi, sanat tarihi ve arkeolojik
dokusunu çok daha detaylı bir şekilde yansıtacaktır.

MA Thesis.
In the presented thesis is documented and analyzed a finding fund that was obtained from ARCHAIA Olomouc, o. p. s from Opava-Dolní dvůr and Opava-Kylešovice. Also were monitored finding circumstances of the individual contexts. In the area of interest was assessed settlement structure with regard to natural conditions. The material was compared with findings in the adjacent areas Przeworsk culture. All categories of artifacts have been carefully compiled with using the appropriate analyzes and technological procedures. The thesis is complemented by micropetrography analysis of ceramic thin sections.

Jak wyglądało życie twórców społeczności, której relikty nazywamy kulturą przeworską? Dzięki szerokopłaszczyznowym badaniom wykopaliskowym realizowanym przy okazji dużych inwestycji, np. budowach autostrad, można obecnie stwierdzić, że na przykład osady lokowano w sąsiedztwie rzek, szczególnie w miejscu ujścia mniejszych cieków do większych rzek, na terasach nadzalewowych. Wybór takiej lokalizacji był podyktowany dostępem do świeżej wody: podstawowym źródłem wody były nadal cieki wodne, mimo, że studnie różnych konstrukcji (z cembrowiną, z kłody, plecionki wiklinowej etc.) były już dobrze znane. Z drugiej strony cieki wodne stanowiły naturalne szlaki komunikacyjne. Poza tym występowało tu drewno (budulec i opał) oraz rudy darniowe - surowiec do wytopu żelaza, a można było także prowadzić uprawę ogrodową czy zbożową. Wybór terenów nadzalewowych wynikał z zagrożenia powodziami: okres subatlantycki, w którym istniała kultura przeworska, charakteryzował się zmiennością wilgotności i temperatur, co z pewnością prowadziło do okresowych wylewów rzek. Dopiero w III-IV w. dominować zaczęły osiedla zlokalizowane w wyższych partiach krajobrazu, a nawet zdołano wkroczyć na tereny podgórskie i górskie (dorzecze Popradu). Wykorzystywano tam zjawisko inwersji termicznej, dzięki któremu lepsze warunki dla rolnictwa panowały w partiach położonych powyżej dolin górskich. OSADY Osady miały bez wyjątku charakter otwarty, przeważnie z podziałem na część mieszkalną i gospodarczą. Tylko niekiedy - w przypadku dużych osad produkcyjnych - granica między strefami zacierała się. Układ budynków nie był jednolity: udokumentowana jest zabudowa luźna, ale także skupiska-zagrody. W zachodniej części kultury przeworskiej (Śląsk, Wielkopolska, centralna Polska) przeważało rozmieszczenie domostw wokół pustego placu. Na Mazowszu, w Małopolsce i na Podkarpaciu popularna była zabudowa rzędowa, zorientowana wzdłuż brzegów rzek; w takich przypadkach stosunkowo często stwierdza się brak podziału na strefę gospodarczą i mieszkalną. Być może zwiększona mobilność grup ludzkich w III i IV w. sprzyjała budowaniu osiedli mniej-szych niż w poprzednim okresie (nawet zagród jednodworczych). Obraz społeczności kultury przeworskiej przez lata budowany był w oparciu o wyniki badań cmentarzysk. Przyczyniło się to do nieuchronnych przeinaczeń. Powszechna była wizja społeczeństwa kultury przeworskiej jako ludzi strojnie odzianych, noszących kosztowne ozdoby, posługujących się cenną bronią i znających zaawansowane techniki kowalskie czy złotnicze, którzy zamieszkiwali w kontrastowo prymitywnych ziemiankach. Ostatnie lata przyniosły istotną zmianę tego obrazu.

THE ABSOLUTE CHRONOLOGY OF THE ROMAN PERIOD PHASE C1 IN THE LIGHT OF SAMIAN WARE FINDS ON THE TERRITORY OF THE PRZEWORSK CULTURE.
SUMMARY
Samian ware belong to the group of important sources enabling to attempt reconstruction of contacts between the Roman Empire and European Barbaricum. It results from the signifi cant number of fi nds of that kind of ceramics coming from various territories outside the Roman limes, as well as from the possibility of determining places and the sequence of the production of these products, as well as from the diversified group of their recipients. Studies based on dispersion of
these finds are playing an important role, enabling to conclude about the model of the distribution of Roman products on these areas. Finds of the Samian ware also have an essential importance for the study of the absolute chronology of development phases of „barbaric” cultures of Europe.
We can establish as the base of the synchronization of recalled stylistic changes with the absolute chronology of Samian ware, that terminus post quem determines the period of the start-up of the production of an individual Samian ware.
Presented in older literature attempts of the interpretation of the Samian ware infl ux to the territory of Central-European Barbaricum pointed, that it took place not necessarily at the same time as beginnings of the activity of workshops producing them. It is possible we can accept with the higher probability, that Samian ware fi nds are not evidences of the
most late phase of the activity of these workshops as well.
Presumably the period of distribution and later using of one Samian vessel in the environment of the Przeworsk culture every time could be a bit different. With exception of finds dated by historical events, we have no data enabling us to determine more precisely the period, after which the deposition of the vessel could take place. Precise determining of the Samian ware usage is hampered by the specifi c of the sepulchral rite in the environment of the Przeworsk culture. Very often it is impossible to recommend expressively, which items present in the inventory of the cremation burial could be used by the deceased intravital, which were gifts given by participants to the commitment service, and which got to the assemblage by chance. Basing on the less numerous fi nds from the settlement contexts, we can only suppose, if these imports – Samian ware - could be used for instance in a household, and if so, how long this usage took place. Proper interpretation of the sepulchral fi nds could be sometimes hampered by cases when we notice pieces of the same Samian vessel in different graves or fragments of more than one vessel in one assemblage. Presumably such situations are caused by the repeated use of the same cremation place. However sometimes we can reconstruct possible sequence of these cremations, what was proved by the study of the assemblages containing Samian from the cemetery of the Przeworsk culture in Opatów, Kłobuck poviat.
One may record a distinct progress in the research of the places of production of Samian ware and the dating of the activity of workshops producing this pottery, and even more so, as a result of a signifi cant increase in the number of source evidence. It applies most of all to Przeworsk Culture, now with a record of 92 closed assemblages containing Samian pottery, originating from 33 sites (Fig. 1). This is more than twice the number available at the time of the start of earlier studies addressing the absolute chronology of the phases of the Roman Period basing on Samian ware present in grave inventories from the entire territory of the Barbaricum.
However these new fi nds of Samian ware from the Przeworsk Culture territory have not signifi cantly changed the overall view of the infl ux of these imports, nevertheless some individual finds have come to light, originating from workshops not represented earlier in the record of Samian ware in our study area. First of all, there has been a visible increase in the number of finds from the youngest wave of the influx of Samian, produced during the 3rd century AD – mainly at Westerndorf
and at Pfaffenhofen.
Presented analysis is focused mainly on the phase C1of the younger Roman period. Many assemblages of the Przeworsk culture coming from this stage contain Samian ware belonging to the main wave of its infl ux on the territory of the Polish land. Basing on such assemblages we have more data useful for determining the absolute chronology of phase C1a as well (Fig. 2). Only a handful of grave assemblages from
this phase contain Samian ware manufactured after AD 160, at Rheinzabern or at Lubié. The majority of these workshops, except for the workshop of CASURIUS at Lubié, continued to produce their wares over several decades, presumably, until AD 210s/220s. A similarly modest number of grave assemblages from phase C1a contain Samian manufactured starting from AD 175 until 210–220 (from Rheinzabern and Westerndorf). A number of further grave inventories from
phase C1a contain even younger wares, originating from the workshop of HELENIUS in Westerndorf, active in AD 200–230, and possibly a little longer. In the group of grave assemblages likely to date from phase C1a there are also two finds with Samian ware produced by the potter HELENIUS who was active at Pfaffenhofen in the period AD 210–250.
The largest group (more than 30 graves) is formed by assemblages assigned to phase C1 but their dating cannot be refi ned further – either to phase C1a or to phase C1b (Fig. 3). Despite this they have some relevance for the dating of the origins and the time of the spread of the Younger Roman Period style. Only in a single case a grave dated broadly
to phase C1, presumably its earlier stage, contained a Samian ware vessel produced in AD 150–170 at Rheinzabern. Of the remainder nearly a half are inventories containing Samian ware produced only between AD 175 and 210–220, some of them, even until 230. These are the wares from Rheinzabernand from Westerndorf. The same number of inventories dated to an unspecifi ed stage of phase C1, contain somewhat later wares, with a dating of between AD 190/200 and 230s, and some, as late as AD 245/250 (from Rheinzabern, group IIc; Rheinzabern, group IIIa and from Westerndorf).
The extended period of activity of individual workshops producing Samian ware makes it rather diffi cult to specify more closely of the relationship between fi nds attributed to successive chronological phases. This observation applies also to the correlation of phases C1a and C1b. The latter phase is represented in the investigated material by a small number of inventories (Fig. 3). They contain Samian produced in AD 175–210/220 (from Rheinzabern and Westerndorf) or AD 200–230 (from Westerndorf). From phase C1b comes also a number of grave fi nds with Samian ware produced at Pfaffenhofen in DICANUS style, AD 230–260. Thus, Samian ware finds confirm that artefacts recognized as
typical for phase C1b were in use presumably already during the late 2nd century, or the fi rst and the second decade of the 3rd century, contemporaneously with forms typical for phase C1a. Because, if we assume that the Samian ware from AD 170–210/220 does not come from the fi nal years of activity of the workshops which produced them, we have to accept that the fi nd from Chorula (grave 151) confi rms a surmise drawn on the basis of Roman iconography on the early appearance of shield-bosses with a hemispherical body without a collar,
prior to the period of the spread of the style of phase C1b. This is shown by the sarcophagus from Via Tiburtina-Portonaccio, dating from AD 180s, with a depiction of a shield boss of a form corresponding to the find from Chorula.
We may conclude that inventories with the youngest imports of Samian ware, the wares of HELENIUS of Westerndorf and somewhat younger wares from Pfaffenhofen (HELENIUS, DICANUS), originate still from the final years of phase C1. These grave inventories, like the relatively abundant other wares from Pfaffenhofen discovered without a specified context, would be evidence of a much more intensive Przeworsk Culture settlement during phase C1b, than might be concluded basing on the known finds of artefacts of a form recognized as markers of this phase.
The number of currently known assemblages dated by Samian vessels shows that, in determining the chronology of the onset of the younger Roman period, our basis are mainly sepulchral Przeworsk culture assemblages containing this pottery. To some extent observations presented here relative to the dating of the onset and the duration of phase C1b find confi rmation also in fi nds of assemblages with Samian ware from the territory of the Wielbark Culture. The correctness of our observations is indicated also by the relatively modest number of closed assemblages containing Samian ware from other regions of the Central European Barbaricum.
The cultural change during the younger Roman period did not unfold by leaps and bounds, and the periodization scheme used universally for this period refl ects only a general sequence of successive stylistic changes and, as such, does not allow a closer absolute dating also of the fi nds which are recognized as characteristic for a particular phase.
Prof. dr hab. Piotr Kaczanowski (†)
Instytut Archeologii Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego
ul. Gołębia 11, PL 31-007 Kraków
Dr Andrzej Przychodni
Wojewódzki Urząd Ochrony Zabytków w Kielcach
ul. Zamkowa 5, PL 25-009 Kielce
[email protected]

In 2006 and 2007 the expedition of the Department of Archaeology, University of Wrocław, has excavated
the multi-cultural site at Wrocław–Zakrzów. Among numerous features from different periods, four cremation graves of the
Przeworsk culture were found.
From the explored pit-graves we know very few pottery fragments. Most of the artifacts are typical for the beginning of stage
C of the Roman period. Probably we deal with the initial stage of cemetery, but the population moved away for unknown
reasons. The small necropolis found at the excavated site no 29 has practically no direct relations with the famous princegraves
from Wrocław–Zakrzów (it is 120 years younger). The new-found cemetery is connected to the northern part of the
Bystrzyca–Oława settlement region of the Przeworsk culture.

At the outskirts of the Roman town of Tongeren (Belgium), a potters’ work-shop dating to the Flavian period has been excavated. The site not only yielded waste material associated with the pottery production but also a find assemblage (cultural artefacts and organic consumption remains) that can be linked to the daily life of the potters themselves. This combination of finds enables to analyse the material culture of this specific group and to discuss their status and background. It was observed that the material culture of the potters did not differ from the material culture excavated elsewhere in town, a conclusion that seems logical as artisanal activity can almost be found throughout the entire town. In general, for the Flavian period, the material culture, as well as the consumption remains resulting from it, reflect different living standards in the administrative centre Tongeren compared to rural settlements. This brings into question the theory that Tongeren was exclusively ...

Résumé
Du Rhin au Plateau lorrain, au tournant de notre ère, les auteurs latins présentent des situations et des évolutions
territoriales et ethniques complexes et souvent mal comprises et se basent sur des sources indirectes. D’après les
textes, les territoires rauraque et médiomatrique connaissent avant notre ère des bouleversements engendrés par
l’arrivée de nouvelles populations germanique et italique. Face à ces témoignages, que nous montrent les traces
archéologiques ? Confirment-elles les écrits, sont-elles muettes ou montrent-elles un scénario différent ? L’objectif
de cet article est de mettre en lumière de nouvelles découvertes et l’apport des nouvelles approches archéologiques
dans la problématique des migrations qui ont lieu au tournant de notre ère dans la grande région. Ainsi, nous proposons une présentation des données archéologiques récentes permettant d’observer l’évolution des « groupes
culturels » et/ou des territoires des Rauraques, des Triboques, des Médiomatriques et les bouleversements apportés
par l’arrivée des Romains le long du Rhin.

Rauriker, Mediomatriker, Triboker und Römer: Völkerwanderungen, Eroberungen, territoriale
Veränderungen und kulturelle Einflüsse zwischen der elsässischen Tiefebene und der lothringischen
Hochebene zwischen dem 2. Jahrhundert vor und dem 2. Jahrhundert nach Chr.

An der Wende zu unserem Zeitalter umreißen römische Autoren vom Rhein bis zum lothringischen Plateau komplexe und oft schlecht verstandene territoriale und ethnische Konstellationen und Entwicklungen und stützen sich
dabei auf indirekte Quellen. Ihre Texte besagen, dass die Territorien der Rauriker und Mediomatriker vor unserer
Zeitrechnung von Umbrüchen gekennzeichnet waren, die durch den Zuzug neuer germanischer und italischer Bevölkerungsgruppen hervorgerufen wurden. Was zeigen uns archäologische Spuren im Hinblick auf diese Aussagen?
Bestätigen sie die Schriftquellen, bleiben sie stumm, oder zeigen sie ein anderes Szenario? Das Ziel dieses Vortrags
besteht darin, neue Funde und den Beitrag neuer archäologischer Ansätze hinsichtlich der Migrationsproblematik zu
beleuchten, die am Übergang zu unserer Zeitrechnung in der Großregion stattfand. So präsentieren wir neue archäologische Daten, die es ermöglichen, die Entwicklung von "Kulturgruppen" sowie Veränderungen der Territorien der
Rauriker, Triboker und Mediomatriker zu beobachten ebenso wie die Umwälzungen, die die Ankunft der Römer
entlang des Rheins mit sich brachte.

Court sites are collections of houses oriented around an open middle field. These are found in the Norwegian regions bordering to the North Sea. The discussed sites in south-western Norway were mainly used in the Roman and Migration periods. During the last decade, a scholarly consensus has identified court sites as thing sites. Although sources like Tacitus’ Germania mentions leaders at thing sites, there have been only few attempts to trace the presence of leaders at the court sites. At the contemporary Eketorp ring-fort at Öland (Sweden), the house of a primus inter pares has previously been identified. Based on the hypothesis that similar houses existed at the court sites, special »leader houses« were identified at three court sites in Norway. These houses indicate the presence of leaders at the court sites, hereby challenging a dominant view of the sites as »egalitarian« and opening up for new interpretations.

Until recently the aggregate number of Celtic coins found within Poland’s borders, including items constituting parts of hoards, was ca. 100 coins from 26 sites. At present it exceeds 440 coins from at least 60 sites. Most of the new finds (at least 245), including Greek coins and gold bars, come from a settlement in Nowa Cerekwia. In Silesia we register at least 289 Celtic coins from 13 sites, or a little bit over 65% of all the relevant finds from Poland’s territory. As many as 286 items, or some 99% of all the Silesian finds, are Boii coins. Other Celtic issues are represented by a mere 1 or 2 coins. The history of the local minting production and money circulation can be divided into two stages: the first one, from the end of the 4th c. B.C. until ca. 130–120 B.C. At that time finds of Celtic coins took place predominantly in the south of Poland, in territories with dense Celtic settlement. Such concentrations are registered also in Upper and Lower Silesia. In the 2nd half of the 2nd c. B.C. Central European Celtic settlements underwent major changes, most probably related to the wandering of the Cimbri and the Teutons. They coincided with the onset of the second stage of the history of Celtic money, also in Silesia. In relative chronology of Boii coinage it covers the period from B through D and the newly indicated E period (since ca. 130–120 B.C. until the first decades A.D.). The geography of finds of Celtic coins in Polish territories changes completely at that time. They no longer take place in Upper Silesia and their number in Lower Silesia is greatly reduced in comparison to the preceding period. Probably only 2 finds from this territory may be products by a local workshop or workshops run by small groups of Celts.

Board games are rarely the subject of scientifi c studies. Despite this fact, many documents concerning these games are known throughout the world, especially in Europe. They appear mainly in antiquity in the territory of the Roman Empire and Germanic territories. The aim of this paper is to present objects related to board games stored mainly in the collections of the Slovak National Museum-Museums in Martin and the Považské Museum in Žilina. These are objects that have never been published or somehow popularized. The subject of the article are gaming stones-calculi.

Ephesus can certainly offer potentially rich source material, due to its historical development. In this chapter, the author is limited here to that material which has been discovered in the course of excavations in the area of private domestic architecture, and the statements. It concerns with the development of the settlement up until the Hellenistic era, in order to reconstruct, at least rudimentarily, the structure, organization, and composition of the social fabric. The earliest indications of human activity can be traced back to the seventh millennium BCE. To the southeast of the later Hellenistic-Roman city a settlement In addition to a variety of finds which can be interpreted in connection with settlement activity, two late Classical courtyard houses with single rooms have been excavated. Therefore, the interconnection between the domestic and working world well enough known from antiquity is manifested in the civic environment as well as the rural one.

The subject of this study are gold coins, formerly attributed to the coinage of the Menapii, which in the seventies of the 20th century Karel Castelin referred to as staters of the Cracovian type, struck by Celts near Kraków. When the latest publications connected with them appeared, the number of known specimens of the type amounted to seven, and currently it has increased to seventeen. The aim of this study is to use the new possibilities of modification of the former findings concerning staters of the Cracovian type. The present study has discussed the problems concerning the definition of this type, its origin and changes it has undergone with the passage of time — both in respect of iconography and metrology. This is connected with a suggestion as to a new typological division of the discussed coins. Also the issues concerning their circulation and data were not omitted, as the finds from recent years throw a new light on them. The summary includes reflection of historical nature, including an attempt to connect the Cracovian type with Lugii.

This volume is the first in a series describing the results of the salvage excavations conducted in the northwestern part of the Western Wall Plaza, between the years 2005 and 2010, 2017 on behalf of the Israel Antiquities Authority (IAA). The remains of the Second Temple period - the northernmost section of te Low Level Aqueduct, and other installations are described in Chapter 2.  The architecture and
stratigraphy of the Eastern Cardo - the main thoroughfare of Aelia Capitolina, in the Roman and Byzantine periods (second–early seventh centuries CE), are described in Chapter 3. The architectural decoration of the Cardo is addressed in Chapter 4 (Orit Peleg-Barkat), and the board games that were incised on its flagstones are discussed in Chapter 5 (Michael Sebbane). The coins of the Hellenistic, Roman and Byzantine periods are published in Chapter 6 (Gabriela Bijovsky). The archaeological finds within their urban context are briefly discussed in Chapter 7 (Shlomit Weksler-Bdolah). A geological overview of stone utilization in Jerusalem and the site appears in Appendix 1
(Dan Gill). The list of loci and walls was compiled in Appendix 2 (Shua Kisilevitz).

Abstract. The paper publishes results of the 2015 excavations of the Il’ichevka 1
settlement in the Kaliningrad region. The excavated settlement sites dating to the period
of Roman influences and the early medieval period are of special interest. These sites
include remains of an above-ground structure, a number of middens and a standalone kiln.
The finds discovered at the sites are attributed to the Sambian-Natangian culture and the
Prussian culture characterizing the material culture of this region which bordered on the
Wielbark area in the first centuries of our era, and the Elbląg and the Olsztyn groups in
the 5th–7th centuries.

The 3rd century crisis of the Roman Empire is generally considered to be a consequence of developments within various segments of the Roman Empire (social unrests and uprising, economic instability, inflation etc.) and external influences (devastating barbarian raids and military conflicts). Many scholars mentioned amongst others the effects of an epidemic event, which could have led to significant interferences within demographic, institutional and economic structures in various parts of the Roman Empire. Our present state of knowledge concerning quantitative and qualitative impact of the so-called Antonine Plague (or Galenic Plague) includes considerable differences in estimated death toll figures, resulting in the range of many millions. Besides its role due to the further development during the 3rd century AD, a non-negligible part of the epidemics has to be considered during the 2nd half of the 2nd century AD in the region where the most intensive part of military conflict of the Marcomannic wars has taken place – the Middle Danube region, within the provinces as well as beyond the Roman borders. The latest state of research of the Roman military presence at the Germanic territories point out both extensive and intensive form of occupation.

Stone circles registered in early 1920s in Czarcie Kościoły (English: Devil's Churches) at Osieck, situated at the high right-bank terrace of the Vistula near Garwolin, in south-eastern Mazovia are discussed. The constructions themselves do not survived until now but thanks to archival drawings it was possible to connect them with unknown Przeworsk Culture grave-field from the Early Roman Period.