Old Aramaic

The standard lexicon of early Christian Greek claims that the word Hebrais “the Hebrew language” in the New Testament actually refers to “the Aramaic spoken at that time in Palestine.” This opinion appears to be based a century-old hypothesis that (1) Hebrais could mean either Aramaic or Hebrew at that time, and since (2) the average person could not understand Hebrew, (3) it must mean Aramaic rather than Hebrew in passages such as Acts 21–22. The present paper challenges the view that Hebrais(ti) could mean Aramaic at that time by (1) using an exhaustive list of all instances of this word group to show that Aramaic was consistently distinguished from Hebrew, and (2) by explaining the evidence to the contrary: Aramaic-looking words in John, Josephus and Philo that are said to be Hebraisti. The paper concludes that if Hebrais never demonstrably refers to Aramaic, BDAG and the NIV need revision.

Analysis of the colors of the four horses in Revelation 6, as understood in the first century not the twenty-first, plus an astronomical study of the stellar evidence, all on the basis of the original Aramaic text of Revelation, enables us to determine what stellar configuration John the Presbyter was observing as the Four Horsemen.

Cet ouvrage présente ma thèse de doctorat, sous la direction de Jean Margain et d’André Lemaire, directeurs d’études et soutenue à l’E.PH.E., Section IV en décembre 1998.

First part:
L’ouvage s’ouvre par un chapitre introductif qui traite de l’évolution de la phonétique araméenne, du IXe siècle avant notre ère à 200 de notre ère, et qui comprend trois périodes : l’araméen ancien, l’araméen officiel (ou d’empire) et l’araméen moyen.
Second part:
Six chapitres sont alors consacrés au sujet proprement dit : l’araméen des mss de la mer Morte; l’ordre suivi étant celui de tout exposé grammatical.
Par rapport à la thèse de doctorat cet ouvrage ne comprend pas les textes araméens vocalisés et annotés en appendice.

The Judean community at Elephantine has long fascinated historians of the Persian period. This book, with its stellar assemblage of important scholarly voices, provides substantive new insights and approaches that will advance the study of this well-known but not entirely understood community from fifth-century BCE Egypt.

Due to orchestrated misinformation which has been overwhelmingly diffused worldwide over many successive decades, the global public opinion has been left in mysteries as regards the root causes of the interminable Middle Eastern conflicts.

For the perpetrators of the misinformation campaign to achieve their targets, the easiest way was to create an entirely fake scene of theater with the opponents plunged in ignorance about their true identity. The introduction of new identities was not a process to be completed in a few years. In fact, it took more than one century to complete the preliminary stage.

Effectively, accurate information can be quickly and easily obtained by anyone seeking to understand the Oriental problem. Above all, it’s a problem of fallacious terms, fake identities, ideas projected on enemies, and prevailing confusion. In fact, the entire problem hinges on the Anglo-French colonialism and expansionism at the prejudice of the Ottoman Empire that before just 212 years controlled the entire are between Morocco and Iran, every territory between Caucasus and the Horn of Africa, and all lands stretching between Oman and Austria.

To destroy the Ottoman Empire, the Freemasonic, Anti-Christian regimes of England and France introduced a wide range of tactics, establishing a link between the academic disciplines of Humanities (mainly specialized in the various provinces of the Ottoman Empire, Iran and Mogul India) and the political - military intelligence. From this successfully financed project emanated many fake terms that did not exist before and are indeed by themselves meaningless.

These terms would subsequently be “exported” (along with the entirely fake interpretation of the past and present, which was coined as “Orientalism” and accommodated in many disciplines) to selected youth, mostly belonging in minorities and /or targeted ethno-religious groups; this colonial policy was geared to make the targeted groups believe a version of History totally opposite to the reality and absolutely unfavorable to the interests of the world Islam and the Ottoman Empire.

Exemplary fake terms are precisely the nonsensical “Middle East”, “Near East” and “Far East” that define vast circumferences as per their position with respect to another area, namely “Western Europe” which is considered – idiotically and discriminatorily – as the “center”. In fact, there is no Middle East; “Middle” as per what? “Near East” is another fake term to describe parts of the Ottoman Empire in Western Asia, and with more frequent use for periods of the Antiquity.

If fake geographical and chronological terms set the stage for chaos and drama, it is sure that fabricated ethnic / national terms make it possible for thunderstorms to gather.
First published in:
http://www.afroarticles.com/article-dashboard/Article/Syria--A-Non-Arabic--Aramaean-Country-Ruled-by-the-Pan-Arabist-Puppets-of-Zionism-and-Freemasonry/208352
4 May 2010

"...we may assume that the apparently singular nouns were actually plurals, even if the relevant plural morpheme was imperfectly recorded by the script. This morpheme probably consisted of a merely vocalic ending *-ā. Such a vowel was recorded by the mater lectionis <-h> in Sefire and was not recorded at all in Tell Fekherye. This becomes clear if one considers that the same word in the same context was recorded in Sefire as shwrh and in Tell Fekherye as swr without any apparent ending..."

Feminine plurals in -an were subsequently created when the singular became homophonous after an intermediate stage with -h: *-at > *-ah > -ā.

Manual of the Aramaic texts of the 10th-7th centuries B.C.  from Mesopotamia, Syri,a and adjacent regions.
Historical framework. Outline of grammar (phonology, morphology, syntax).
Presentation of  all texts known at present  in transliteration, Italian translation, line-by-line commentary. Palaeographical appendix by E. Attardo. Reproduction in line drawings of the main inscriptions (tab. I-X); Map (tab. XI).

Before the destruction of Jerusalem in 586BC, Ezekiel is told to make known to her [Jerusalem] her abominations (Ezek. 1:1-3). Ezekiel launched into an allegory and told a foundling story in some ways similar to that of Sargon of Akkad . The life of Madam Jerusalem. Keil observes "The past, the present, and the future of Israel are all embraced, from its first commencement to its ultimate consummation- These copious contents are draped in an allegory which is carried out on a magnificent scale." In this allegory three words are used which have perplexed scholarship for many generation, מה אמלל לבתך , The meaning of these words are investigate by Baneth, and Cowley to Cohen. Their meaning have been sought for in Akkadian, Aramaic and Hebrew.
In this study we will apply the principle of the Held Method for Comparative Semitic Philology ("Held Method")  as interpreted by C. Cohen to the Hebrew root לבה as seen in the table above. The purpose of the exercise is to determine whether the term deriving from this root is polysemous or a homonymous. In the case of this term we have found no evidence to suggest it is polysemous and so the term is understood to be a homonym.

Whereas the crown was a central icon of kingship in ancient Mesopotamia, West Semitic conceptions of
kingship differed deeply from their Mesopotamian counterparts. In Iron Age Levantine cultures (including Aramean,
Phoenician, and Israelite), the throne was a far more potent symbol of the monarchy than was the crown, as is reflected
in the iconography, and especially in texts. Phoenician and Aramaic royal inscriptions, as well as biblical texts, show
that the preeminent regalia of royalty in the region were not crowns, but thrones and “shoots,” or scepters. This paper
draws on epigraphic, visual, and literary materials from the Levant, as well as comparative evidence not only from
Mesopotamia, but also from Egypt and the Hittite world to emphasize the significance of the image of the throne in
constructing the image of the monarch in the Levant.

The article asks whether the morphosyntax of embedded direct object clauses and purpose clauses in Western Neo-Aramaic reflects retention from older stages of Aramaic, or innovation under the influence of contact Arabic. To this end, direct object clauses and purpose clauses are analysed in Western Neo-Aramaic, in older stages of Aramaic, namely, Old, Official, Biblical and Qumran Aramaic, as well as Syriac, the three Western Late Aramaic dialects (cpa, jpa, sa), and in contemporaneous Syrian Arabic. The analysis considers the embedded verb form, the formal means of linking the embedded clause to the matrix clause, and the co-referentiality of the matrix and embedded subjects, and relates these features to tense-aspect-mood. The article compares the constructions in the various sources of Aramaic and Syrian Arabic and finds features that Western Neo-Aramaic has retained from Late Aramaic, which differ from Syrian Arabic, despite the well documented influence of the latter.

Scrittoin ebraico e aramaico presumibilmente tra 8 e 9 secolo, il midrash Qohelet è un testo composito, in parte formato dalla collazione di precedenti midrashim, che interpreta il testo da vicino, parola per parola se non addirittura lettera per lettera, facendo sovente riferimento a vari testi della tradizione rabbinica, come ad esempio il Talmudim di Palestina e Babilonia ed i Pirqé Avot.

This volume is divided into ten chapters and two parts:

I: Cushitic, Berber, Semitic, Omotic
and Proto-Afro-Asiatic

CHAPTER 2, ‘Negation in Highland East Cushitic’, takes a comparative look at the forms and functions of negative morphemes in languages belonging to the Highland East Cushitic (HEC) branch of Cushitic, all of which possess at least two, at the most five different negative morphemes. In all HEC languages except Sidaama, negation is indicated by negative suffixes on verbal or non-verbal predicates. In Sidaama, the negative morpheme is a proclitic, the host of which is not necessarily the predicate. After a short typological profile of the HEC languages sketched in section 2, section 3 shows which negative morphemes are used in which clause types. Section 3.1 elaborates on the standard negation strategy. Section 3.2 and 3.3 take a closer look at negative existential clauses and negative non-verbal clauses. The subsequent sections 3.4 and 3.5 are dedicated to non-declarative main clauses, i.e. imperative and jussive clauses. The negation of converb clauses is examined in section 3.6. Relative clause negation is dealt with in section 3.7. A short excursus on the means of negating verbal nouns is found in section 3.8. In section 4, the division of labour of the negative morphemes in the individual HEC languages is compared and diachronic issues are addressed. Section 5 discusses how the analysis of negation can contribute to our understanding of the internal relationships in HEC.

CHAPTER 3, ‘From Proto-Berber to Proto-Afroasiatic’, proposes that traces of fossilized linguistic structures in ancient toponymic Berber layers and their preserved relics in the modern varieties of the language enable us to access a set of characteristics of proto-Berber and identify the different stages of evolution of this language and the type of evolution it has undergone (see Allati, 2002, 2006, 2008, 2009). These Berber reconstructions are probably not without influence on our understanding of remaining elements of ancient stages still maintained in other Afroasiatic branches, and, in general, of structural features that are supposed to be proto-Afroasiatic, as well as of the evolution this family has undergone. Now, how do the proto-Afroasiatic and its evolution appear at the point where Berber reconstructions are available? For reasons of clarity and to lay out some steps to facilitate productive discussions, I would like to answer this question in the form of a set of concise points.

CHAPTER 4, ‘On Construct State Nominals: Evidence for a Predicate Approach’, argues that construct state nominals are predicates (of type <e,t>), because the only way adjectives can be interpreted in the context of constructs is if they compose with the construct as a whole. The leading semantic account on constructs, namely the one which treats constructs as individuals (of type e), here referred to as the Individual approach, succeeds in accounting for the ban on the definite determiner semantically. However, it encounters fundamental difficulties with constructs composing with adjectives. The chapter shows that these are difficulties which the predicate approach easily overcomes. However, establishing that constructs are predicates and abandoning the individual approach leave a supporter of the predicate approach with the task of explaining the ban on the definite determiner without resorting to type mismatch. To resolve this, and following a phrasal movement of a projection containing both Head and Non-Head to SpecD for definite phrases and Spec# for indefinite phrases, this chapter proposes an explanation on the ban on the occurrence of definite determiners on the head of a construct by the unavailability of a head noun in D that allows the determiner to be realised.

CHAPTER 5, ‘Ancient Aramaic and its Use in the Biblical Translation, Targum Onqelos’, explores Targum Onqelos, the translation of the Pentateuch into Aramaic. According to the Babylonian Talmud (Megila 3a), this translation is attributed to Onqelos the Convert. According to research, however, the identity, time, and place of the translation are not definite. In the matter of the translator’s identity – Onqelos (or Akylas) was the nephew of the Roman Emperor Hadrian (or Titus). He converted to Judaism in the early second century AD. Scholars are divided as to whether Onqelos’ translation of the Pentateuch into Aramaic and Akylas’ translation of the Bible into Greek were written by the same person or two different people. While the majority believe that each translation was made by a different individual, a minority claim that one individual made both translations. Targum Onqelos is a literal-semantic translation of the majority of Pentateuch verses, closely adhering to the Hebrew text without deviations, additions, or omissions. This Chapter discusses three types of Pentateuch verses for which the Targum Onqelos deviates from the typical literal mode of translation.

CHAPTER 6, Addressing Strangers in Riyadh, proposes that when addressing an adult Saudi male stranger, the terms that are used depend on the sex of the speaker, his age and the situation surrounding the interaction. In normal situations, where the address mode is formal, male speakers across all age groups usually use the terms ax (brother, and its derivatives) and ash-shaix (sheikh) for the function of addressing adult males. In addition to these terms adult male speakers (as opposed to teenagers) also use the terms ťaieb (good natured), al-ħabib (beloved one), al-ﻻali (most valuable) and abu-i (my father). This difference between adults and teenagers may indicate an increased level of politeness that comes as one ages and as one becomes more exposed to different types of addressee. However, this variation could also be the beginning of a shift in what is perceived as polite in the Riyadh society. In informal situations, adult male speakers usually use the term abu ash-shabab (father of youths) in addition to the terms above, while male teenagers also use abu (father of Ø). Working females and housewives usually use the terms axu-i (my brother) and walad (boy, especially with younger males) while younger females usually use axu-i (my brother) and law samaht (excuse me). In situations marked with anger or annoyance male speakers usually use the term abu ash-shabab (father of youths) but may prefer the terms axu-i (my brother) and abu-i (my father) if they want to maintain a polite demeanor. Terms like walad (boy) and hih or hoh (hey you), however, are considered extremely impolite if used to address adult male strangers by other males.

CHAPTER 7, Meeting the Prince of Darkness: A Semantic Analysis of English The Devil, Arabic Ashshayţān, and Hebrew Hasatan, explores the folk understanding of the English concept the devil and its Arabic and Israeli Hebrew near equivalents (ashshayţān and hasatan, respectively). Based on linguistic evidence, analysis is carried out to delineate the similarities and differences between the three concepts. The results demonstrate similarities in how ordinary native English speakers, Muslim Arabs, and native Israeli speakers categorize these beings, as well as what they think about their number, nature, and relation with people. Differences emerge when discussing where these beings live, whether or not there is a hierarchy among them, what they look like or how they are visualized, and how they are different from human beings. Using the Natural Semantic Metalanguage (NSM) method, an explication is constructed for each term. The three explications, whose building blocks are universal human concepts and are translatable into most languages, provides the cultural outsider with an insider’s perspective on each of the three terms. One of the implications of this chapter is the limit of translation.

CHAPTER 8, Omotic lexicon in its Afro-Asiatic setting II: Omotic *b- with nasals, *r, *l, and weak consonants, examines Omotic lexical roots with *b- and is hoped to become the part a set of papers identifying the Afro-Asiatic heritage in the Omotic lexicon according to initial consonants. The aim of the chapter is to present new etymologies in addition to those Omotic lexemes whose etymologies have already been demonstrated by other authors. In the first part of this series, Omotic roots with *b- plus dentals, sibilants, and velars are dealt with from an etymological standpoint. The numeration of the lexical entries is continuous beginning from the very first paper

II: Asiatic Etymology versus Etymythology

CHAPTER 9, ‘A Syllabic Melodic Structure in a Japanese Obon Song – A Probable Hebrew-Aramaic Narrative'.

CHAPTER 10, ‘Asia at Both Ends: An Introduction to Etymythology, with a Response to Chapter 9’."