Kurdistan

Oil corruption in Iraqi Kurdistan arose from US/UK and Turkish patronage systems and clientalism. This investigative paper examines how IOCs and other businesses began preparing the ground in northern Iraq to benefit themselves long before Saddam Hussein was overthrown in 2003. The people of the region have not benefited from the wealth generated by their own natural resources. The swindling has created 5000 new millionaires in Erbil and bolstered the pockets of US and UK politicians, ex-military and SAS personnel and corporate criminals.

IPBD (Iraq Projects Business Development) was set up in the UK in September 2002 by Hareth Zahawi and his son, Nadhim along with  Mahmoud Yousuf in preparation for the invasion of Iraq. They had two other companies called Cupola. IPBD was initially set up to launder American and British military personnel uniforms.

IPBD had $30 million paid into it in January 2003, and $300 million in 2005. It was a major US Contractor under George W.Bush, Dick Cheney, Paul Wolfowitz, and Zalmay Khalilzad. IPBD was the first UK company to get into Iraq in April 2003, and they had access to DFI funds and stolen Iraqi gold and oil - just like Erik Prince's Blackwater mercenaries for hire... favoured by Washington and the Bush administration for protecting US interests over those of Iraqis.

Tamamlanamamış bu taslak metin esasen Halklar Hapishanesi Anadolu, Kürtlerde Anadolumerkezci Yabancılaşma'nın çeşitli bölümlerine ait bazı pasajların, ek okumalar ve notlar ışığında 2005 yılında tek bir bölüm halinde yeniden düzenlenmesi olup, bunun yanı sıra son olarak tekrar gözden geçirilişi sırasında yapılan bazı redaksiyon ve eklerden oluşmaktadır. Metin farklı bir klavyeyle yazılmış olduğundan, sözcükler Türkçe harflere uyumlu olmayıp, metnin bir kısmında bu sorun giderilmemiştir. Burada kitabın orijinalinde geçen kaynaklara yer verilmemiş olup, sadece eklerdeki yeni referanslar yer almaktadır. Ayrıca, bu taslak Halklar Hapishanesi Anadolu'nun muhtemel yeni bir baskısı için düzenlenmiş olduğundan, bir sonuç bölümü de yazılmamıştır).

The few works on the Yezidi Genocide that have appeared thus far have mainly focused on the violence perpetrated against the Yezidis and no work has attempted the construction of a general historical narrative covering the essential political dimensions of the Genocide and its aftermath. This chapter begins to address this need by providing a basic chronology and description of pivotal episodes in the political history of the Yazidi Genocide.

Iraq has distanced itself from its traditional radicalism and adopted a more pragmatic and moderate posture. Still, close ties between Iran and Iraqi Shi'a groups in particular threaten the chances for normalization between Jerusalem and Baghdad, while the U.S. ability or willingness to challenge Iran on this matter is limited. Also discussed is the positive Kurdish-Israeli relationship and areas of potential cooperation. At the same time, however, there exist Kurdish fears of negative reactions from non-Kurdish Iraqis and the Arab world and Israeli fears of antagonizing Turkey and jeopardizing its strategic partnership with it.

Diviso tra Turchia, Siria, Iraq e Iran, il Kurdistan rappresenta probabilmente uno degli scenari geopolitici più caldi del Medio Oriente. È il territorio di un popolo, i curdi, che vanta più di trenta milioni di persone la più grande "nazione" senza Stato - e che si sta rivelando un attore cruciale della regione. Nelle recenti crisi mediorientali, infatti, il "fattore curdo" si è rivelato una costante fondamentale: dalle guerre in Iraq sotto Saddam Hussein alla lotta contro il cosiddetto Stato Islamico, dal ruolo nei delicati equilibri politici turchi al conflitto siriano. Senza dimenticare che il Kurdistan è una delle regioni più ricche di petrolio. Conoscere i curdi, distinguere le loro istanze autonomiste o indipendentiste, le priorità che ne guidano l'operato nei diversi contesti statali in cui si trovano a vivere, è quindi fondamentale per comprendere cosa stia avvenendo oggi. In questo volume si offre un primo approccio globale alla "questione curda" grazie all'apporto di studiosi internazionali e alla curatela dell'lSPl, uno dei più importanti istituti di ricerca europei.

While  nation-states  often  claim  that  refugees  threaten  their  political  and  territorial integrity, this chapter shows how the opposite can be true: sometimes states need refugees. In late 2014 and early 2015, when parts of Iraq and Syria were overtaken by the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS), people seeking refuge in semiautonomous Iraqi Kurdistan became central to the public story told about Kurdish sovereignty. Their ethnic or regional group affiliation determined their integration or rejection by the Kurdish authorities. For example, on the one hand, Anbari people were suspected of being ISIS supporters because of their regional origin. They found themselves the target of suspicion, even as they were provided with refugee status and aid. On the other hand, minorities such as Yazidi and Kurds were brought into camps that looked more like planned cities.Ultimately, refugee presence in Kurdistan reinforced a garrisoned security state. In the name of protecting refugees, Kurdistan received international humanitarian support, but also a major thrust of military expertise and supplies by which to enforce its borders. By 2017, the Pentagon signed an agreement to give the Kurdish army, known as the Peshmerga, US$415 million (Al Jazeera 2016), along with part of the US$13 billion it was spending in the fight against ISIS. Defining and placing refugees became a core alibi to the construction of a security state that held the potential of becoming a U.S.-backed independent Kurdistan.  This  was  ultimately  not  the  case,  and  the  United  States  quickly  withdrew its support for Kurdistan after ISIS was officially defeated. Nevertheless, the centrality of refugees in the story of a weak nation-state reveals insights about the political role of refugees more broadly, even for states whose status is less tenuous or less obviously linked to refugee protection.

The United States wants to end “forever wars” in the Middle East, among them the war against ISIS in Syria and Iraq. Much to Turkey’s dismay, Kurdish forces were crucial on-the-ground allies in that pursuit. While the military battle is subsiding, the question has arisen of how the new US administration will politically approach its Kurdish allies and deal with Turkey’s expansionism in the future.

Turkish expansionism worries the European Union and United States, despite it having been facilitated by them in the past: Both entities allowed Turkish president Erdoğan to expand militarily into Kurdish areas in Syria and Iraq without any pol­itical repercussions from his Western allies. Therefore, a currently untamed and unilaterally acting Turkey will be one of Biden’s greatest challenges in the region.

Biden will campaign for an end to endless wars, as Trump did, but he also knows that an abrupt withdrawal of US forces is not a solution. Rather, a comprehensive post-war structure for Syria must be drafted, in which the Syrian Democratic Forces should play a crucial role. The main obstacle to such an encompassing agreement will be Turkey.

The Kurdistan Region of Iraq represents a historical precedent that should not be copied. Since 2016, Turkey has increasingly and repeatedly targeted civilians there, even though the region’s Kurdish administration formally cooperates with Turkey. The short-sighted approach that the United States took vis-à-vis the Iraqi Kurds – only granting them autonomy if they agree to act as a proxy force for Turkey – has enabled this.

Joe Biden as well as his secretaries of state and of defense, respectively Antony Blinken and Lloyd Austin, have much experience on the Kurdish question and, to some extent, strong pro-Kurdish records. They will likely push for a compromise between Kurdish actors and Turkey in the time to come.

Policy Implications
To achieve long-lasting stability concerning the Kurdish question, Biden’s administration should design policies that aim to prevent Turkish unilateralism and facilitate peace talks between Ankara and especially the PKK leadership, in cooper­ation with partners in the European Union. Furthermore, the political recognition of the Kurds in Syria is central to defending the gains made against ISIS.

ქურთების საკითხი ერთ-ერთ რთულ და გადაუჭრელ პრობლემად ითვლება ახლო აღმოსავლეთის რეგიონში. მიუხედავად იმისა, რომ ქურთები რეგიონში მრავალი საუკუნეა ცხოვრობენ, მათ დღემდე არ გააჩნიათ საკუთარი სახელმწიფო. სხვადასხვა სტატისტიკური მონაცემების მიხედვით მსოფლიოში 35-45 მილიონამდე ქურთია. რეგიონში ისინი წარმოდგენილნი არიან ოთხ სახელმწიფოში, ესენია: თურქეთი, ერაყი, სირია და ირანი. ირანში მცხოვრები ქურთები, რომლებიც სხვა დანარჩენი ქურთების მსგავსად ავტონომიის მოთხოვნით გამოდიან, ხშირად აწყდებიან წინააღმდეგობებს ირანის ხელისუფლების მხრიდან, რის გამოც მთავრობამ ეთნიკურ ნიადაგზე აღმოცენებული პარტიები და დაჯგუფებები საერთოდ აკრძალა ქვეყანაში. ავტონომიისა და დამოუკიდებლობის მოპოვების მიზნით, გასულ საუკუნეში, ირანში რამდენიმე ქურთული პოლიტიკური პარტია ჩამოყალიბდა. ისინი ავტონომიის მოპოვების გარდა ირანის დემოკრატიულ, სეკულარულ და ფედერაციულ სახელმწიფოდ გარდაქმნას უჭერენ მხარს. ქურთულ პოლიტიკურ პარტიებსა და დაჯგუფებებს მნიშვნელოვანი როლი აკისრიათ, რადგანაც ქურთული იდენტობის შენარჩუნება მათი აქტიური პოლიტიკური და სამხედრო საქმი- ანობის შედეგია. ირანელი ქურთების მიერ შექმნილი პარტიები თურქეთის, სირიისა და ერაყის ქურთულ დაჯგუფებებთან ერთად აქტიურად იბრძვიან ისლამური სახელმწიფოს წინააღმდეგ.

საკვანძო სიტყვები: ახლო აღმოსავლეთი, ქურთები, ირანელი ქურთები, ქურთისტანი, ქურთული პარტიები.

The Kurdish question is considered one of the most difficult and unresolved issues in the Middle East region. Although the Kurds have lived in this region for many centuries, they still do not have their own state. According to various statistics, there are 35-45 million Kurds scattered in the world. In the region, they are represented in four countries: Turkey, Iraq, Syria and Iran. Kurds living in Iran, who, like other Kurds, demand autonomy, often face resentment from the Iranian government, which is why the government has banned ethnic parties and groups in the country. To gain autonomy and independence, several Kurdish political parties were formed in Iran during the last century. Other than gaining autonomy, they also support the transformation of Iran into a democratic, secular and federal state. Kurdish political parties and groups play an important role as the preservation of Kurdish identity is the result of their strong engagement in political and military activities. The parties formed by Iranian Kurds, along with Kurdish groups in Turkey, Syria and Iraq, are actively fighting the Islamic State.

Keywords: The Middle East, Kurds, Iranian Kurds, Kurdistan, Kurdish Parties

This article is the Arabic translation (with minor modifications approved by the author) of an English original ("The KRG's Relationship with the Yazidi Minority and the Future of the Yazidis in Shingal") that was published by NRT, a Kurdish media outlet in Iraqi Kurdistan, on January 31, 2017. This Arabic translation was published by NRT on March 19, 2017. Both versions are available on Academia.edu and also appear on the NRT website.

Far less is understood of the nature of Late Neolithic settlement in the interior Zagros region in the 6th millennium BC compared with contemporary halafian settlement on the Tigris-Euphrates plains. This paper presents preliminary results of new excavations being conducted at the site of Banahilk (Soran, Iraqi Kurdistan) where 1950s Braidwood team excavations found evidence of Halaf material. The new work has revealed traces of domestic structures related to farmer and herder activities. New 14C dates indicate occupation in the middle and second half of the 6th millennium BC.
The possibility of re-studying this site, as well as initiating a new fieldwork program in 2018, allows us to provide new stratigraphic and analytical data. This research enables inferences in both subsistence strategies and the network of products and objects in “marginal” regions.

This paper argues that the fact that the Kurds have no nation-state of their own cannot be explained by sheer failure on the part of the Kurdish nobility, but the element of deliberate choice to avoid and evade the state is also involved. Although this is not a mainstream understanding of freedom and independence in the era of nationalism, it is clearly a no less valuable line of thought in Kurdistan. The rationale is that once one bows to a higher authority it does not matter if this authority is foreign or familiar; it is still domination and subordination.
The paper highlights a number of historical moments in order to demonstrate that the Kurds did not only resist incorporation in state-structures when they were pressured to do so, but they also prevented “states from springing up among them (Scott 2099; X).” for most parts of their history from the sixteenth to the twentieth century. The paper emphasizes that although the Kurds built alliances with stronger political powers, they refrained from alienating their political will to them; they remained loyal to local/regional authorities and small-scale political communities in Kurdistan; they took refuge in the mountains to keep the State away, and they crossed borders of (nation-)states with little regard for their legitimacy, all of which indicate that statelessness for the Kurds involves choice as well

Abstract:
Scholarship on Kurdish history discusses the boundaries of Kurdistan in terms of its geographical limits and the political frontier. Be it geographical or political, most of these works present the limits of Kurdish lands more or less the same. While almost every modern study on the region elaborates on the boundaries of Kurdistan, the scholarship is silent about different versions of the name as well as the changing geographical boundaries and the center of Kurdistan throughout of centuries. In this article I shall not discuss where Kurdistan is and what the borders of the region are since numerous sources and maps already give enough information about this question. The question I am interested in here is what and where the Ottoman)not only the Turks but also the other ethnic groups lived inside of the Empire's borders (and European sources meant when they were referring to " Kurdistan " during the early modern period.

Kurte:
Xebatên li ser tarîxa kurdî sînorên Kurdistanê di çarçoveya sînorên erdnîgarî û siyasî de nîqaş dikin. Çi erdnîgarî çi siyasî, piraniya van lêkolînan sînorên erdê kurdan kêm zêde wekî hev pêşkêş dikin. Her çend teqrîben hemû lêkolînên nûjen ku derheqê vê herêmê de hatine kirin li ser sînorên Kurdistanê bisekinin jî, xebaten akademîk hem derbarê terzên cuda yên navê wê de hem derbarê tixûbên erdnîgarî yên guherbar û herwiha li ser merkeza Kurdistanê ya sedsalên cuda de bêdeng in. Di vê xebatê de bala min ji sînoran zêdetir li ser ferasetê ye. Ez ê hewl bidim bersivekê bo vê pirsê peyda bikim ka gelo beriya dewra nûjen, gava ku osmanî û ewrupayî digot “Kurdistan”, mebesta wan çi û kû der bû?

Öz:
Osmanlı dönemi Kürt tarihi üzerine yapılan çalışmalar Kürdistan’dan bahsederken daha ziyade coğrafi ve siyasi sınırlarına odaklanmaktadır. Coğrafi ya da siyasi olsun, bu çalışmalar Kürt bölgelerini ele alırken benzer sınırlar sunmaktadırlar. Modern çalışmaların hemen hepsi sınırlara önem atfederken, bunlar yüzyıllar içinde “Kürdistan” isminin farklı versiyonları ve de coğrafi sınırlarla merkezin değişkenliği meselesi üzerinde fazla durmamaktadırlar. Bu çalışmada Kürdistan’ın nerede olduğundan ve sınırlarının nereden geçtiği sorusuna odaklanmayacağız. Bu hususa değinen yeteri kadar kaynak ve harita mevcuttur. Burada, Batılı ve Osmanlı (Türkçe olanlarının yanı sıra aynı zamanda imparatorluk sınırları içinde diğer dillerde yazılan) kaynaklarının “Kürdistan”dan bahsederken neye ve nereye işaret ettiklerini sorunsallaştırmaya çalışacağız.

This report was issued Jan. 28, 2016 and contains the first published mapping of mass graves of Yazidis killed in Sinjar, Iraq during the Yazidi Genocide of 2014. The report was written by Matthew Barber (then Executive Director of Yazda Iraq) with research data procured by Yazda's genocide documentation team (led by Andrew Slater and Ali Khalaf). The report was released in conjunction with a statement from Human Rights Watch:
https://www.hrw.org/news/2016/01/30/iraq-protect-mass-graves

Texts derived from excavations at Sātu Qaḽā, the Assyrian Idu, in Iraqi Kurdistan, attest to a local kingdom preceding the rise of the Neo-Assyrian Empire. Though the fragmentary and formulaic inscriptions so far provide some of the best evidence for the transition from the Late Bronze to the Early Iron Age in the Eastern Tigris, their precise dating and thus their relevance to the transition is partly based on internal criteria. The following article will review the palaeography and language of the inscriptions as both criteria for dating and as a reflection of the role of institutional predecessors in shaping the transition at the site. (All publication and film rights signed away to the Austrian Academy of Sciences, but .pdf gladly upon request)

"This book features chapters that examine the various ways of belonging in the Middle East. Belonging can mean fitting in, feeling at home, feeling a part; this kind of belonging is profoundly social. Belongings can be possessions, objects closely associated with one’s deepest notions of identity. Both kinds of belongings pertain to people and the kindreds, ethnic groups, and nations (and/or states) they call their own. Belongings of both kinds are, more often than not, emplaced and territorialized.

All of the chapters treat Middle Eastern collectivities as sites of anguished cultural projects. All use metaphor: national territory as woman, national resolve as cactus, and so on. None is reductionistic; belonging is rendered in its complexity, with its agonies as well as its joys. All could be identified with a growing genre of work on belonging. At the heart of each are the bonds that comprise belonging. Each one conveys both belonging’s messiness and its joys, and touches as much as it argues and elaborates."

Yezidi communities throughout the world are struggling with their collective identity; each at a varying and somewhat differing stage of self-discovery. While the present paper does seek to elaborate upon this journey for the Yezidis in Transcaucasia, Germany, Can-ada, and the USA, its main focus remains the analysis of the political developments in the Yezidi heartland of Northern Iraq. This is so that the reader may have a fuller picture of the catalysts spurring this Yezidi reimagining. On the one hand, you have the traditional Ye-zidi leadership caught within a complex series of client-patron relationships with Kurdish leaders: ethnic identification is leveraged for promises of influence and power. While, on the other hand, newly minted Yezidi military commanders, as well as grassroot figures and Yezidi NGOs, are trying to establish themselves as heads of a Yezidi community that is undeniably distinct from their Kurdish neighbours. This paper will further show that the withdrawal of the Kurdish Peshmerga in the face of the ISIS attack in 2014, the half-hearted responses of the regional Kurdish and Federal Iraqi governments, all coupled with the stalled return of Yezidi refugees contributed to a growing Yezidi movement to cement their identity, as well as satiate a growing urgency to define themselves as a distinct ethno-religious entity.

At the end of the Second Gulf War in early 1991, the Kurdish people in Iraq rose against Saddam Hussein’s regime by liberating most of the areas inhabited by them. However, within a few weeks, the uprising was crushed. The Iraqi army’s attack on Kurdish cities and villages and its retaliation against the Kurdish forces and civilians led to a mass exodus of the Kurds to Iran and Turkey. The international community’s intervention resulted in the creation of the northern no-fly-zone by the UN Security Council. This facilitated the return of most of Kurdish refugees back to their habitat. But the continued pressure by the Kurds on the regime forced the government to withdraw its forces, as well as the administrative units from parts of Kurdistan in October 1991. The Kurds then filled the vacuum created by holding elections in 1992, and thus began self-governance in the region.The areas under the control of Kurdish authorities since then came to be known as the Kurdistan Region (RG) which was a self-declared federal region in Iraq until 2005 when the Iraqi constitution officially recognized the region of Kurdistan, along with its existing authorities, as a federal region in Iraq.
The KR is located in north and north eastern parts of Iraq, Syria is to the west, Iran to the east, and Turkey to the north. Its area is 40,643 square kilometers with population of 5,351,276 (estimated). The city of Erbil is the capital of the Region. Kurdish and Arabic are the official languages in the Region. However, Turkmeni, Assyrian and Armenian are also used by the respective communities in some areas. In addition to Kurds a diverse collection of ethnic and religious groups live side-by-side in the Region — including Arabs, Turkmen, Chaldeans, Syriacs, Assyrians, Yazidis, Kakayi and Shabaks. The region is geographically diverse, from hot plains to cooler mountainous areas where snow falls in the winter.

ABSTRACT


This dissertation is concerned with the sufistic hermeneutics of mahwi’s poem. It is an attempt to read his Kurdish poems, amid theoretical reading of Islamic interpretation and western. Thus some unclear textual meaning can be interpreted. Because of that, the study is divided in to an introduction and three chapters.
The introduction deals with the relation between the term hermeneutics and Islamic interpretation, rhetoric, and aesthetic interpretations.
Chapter one is entitled to” The Text between pleasure and hermeneutics” This chapter is classified into two sections. The first section is about Ghazal as a Sufistic inheritance for the interpretations means. It sheds a light on the query of heavenly and earthly love and the relation to hermeneutic text as well as feminization of text and conceiving pregnancy by beauty query from gracefulness, perfection, lordliness of God to human being.
Whereas the second section studies wine as a source of sufistic hermeneutics. It also deals about hermeneutic reading of wine, its problems of interpretation reasons behind using wine in sufistic texts, its relation with glow, presence or absence of love partner, flute, house of perfection, and features of moral wine.
Chapter two focuses on hermenutic phenomenology, where  phenomenology has become source or means for hermeneutics to find unclear textual meanings. The first section of chapter two describes the intentions of poet text, and the experience of poet’s life. It studies the ways to understand mahwi’s intentions, It also explains that through phenomenology there is hermeneutic reading for the indications of existence, freedom, nothingness, passing away, murdering, and cessation of being.
Chapter three is devoted to hermeneutic semiology, where semiology as a science that studies signs and symbols has become a source and means so as to make hermeneutic reading for some signifiers and where by obtain different meanings. For this purpose, the first section is about the query of selfness, selfishness, and poets attention for the use of first person pronoun(I) as a signifier that an device different meanings. Later, this signifier were read hermeneutically, furthermore, they were textually, and terminologically used as hermeneutic source. In the second section logic is studied as a source for semiology and its changing meanings to hermeneutic and later there are hermeneutic reading for some signifiers.
Finally the thesis studies sufistic essaying, and  hermeneutic problems. In these chapter, it is attempted to have different reading for Mahwi’s Kurdish texts while considering sufistic essaying. Finally, the paper ends with a conclusion and results. 

ملخص الأطروحة

هذه الأطروحة الموسومة بـ (هرمنيوطيقا شعر محوى الصوفي) تعدّ محاولة لقراءة الأشعار الصوفية للشاعر الكوردي الشهير بـ(محوى)، إذ إنّها تركّز على الجوانب التأويلية لهذه الاشعار، في ظلّ النظريات التأويليّة الإسلامية، والهرمنيوطيقا الغربية، والغرض من ذلك: كشفُ أبعاد خفية كثيرة للنصوص، وإدراك المعاني والدلالات التي يتضمنها، ولا يمكن التوصل إليها إلا بالتأويل.
وتكوّنت الأطروحة من: مقدمة، وتمهيد، وثلاثة فصول، مع نتائج مهمة توصل إليها البحث.
ففي المقدمة تناول البحثُ تعريف الموضوع-والعنوان محددا- مختصراً، وتطرقَ إلى أسباب اختياره وأهميته، وحدوده، وذكر الصعوبات والعوائق التي واجهت طريقه، ومن ثَمَّ بيان خطة العمل فيه.
وفي التمهيد: تناول البحثُ تعريفَ مصطلح (الهرمنيوطيقا) قديماً وحديثاً، وبيانَ صلتها بالتأويل الإسلامي، وعلم البلاغة، وفن الجمال، ثم توضيح علاقة الهرمنيوطيقا بمناهج ما بعد البُنيوية.
وقد خصّص الفصل الأول لـ(النص بين اللذة والهرمنيوطيقا)، وذلك ضمن مبحثين، فجعل المبحث الأول للغزل كميراث للتصوف وألية للتأويل الشعري، واشتمل ذلك على: الحديث عن مسألة الحُبّ والعشق السماوي والأرضي، وعلاقتهما بتأويلية النصّ، ومن ثمّ أنوثية النصّ وما تحمله من مسائل الجمال في (الجمال والكمال والجلال الإلهية)، إلى جمالية الإنسان. أما المبحث الثاني فجعل لمسألة الشراب كمصدر للهرمنيوطيقا الصوفية، وفيه قراءة تأويلية لمفهوم الشراب، وتباين وجهات نظر المؤولين فيه، وذكرُ أسباب استعماله في نصوص الصوفية، وعلاقة هذا المصطلح بالنور والنار، وحضور المعشوق وغيابه، وأهل الكمال، وكذلك صلته بالني، والتطرق أيضاً إلى بعض سمات الشراب المعنوى في أشعار محوى الصوفية. 
و خصّصت الفصل الثاني للكلام عن الهرمنيوطيقا الظاهراتية، إذ إنّ الظاهراتية النقدية تعدّ أداة مهمة للتأويل، فإنها تكشف فجوات معانية في النصوص ومسافات دلالية في الخطاب، ومن هنا تضمن هذا الفصل مبحثين: فجعل في المبحث الأول لمفهوم قصدية الشعر والنص، وتجربة الحياة، وذكر الوسائل والقرائن التي لها دور كبير لفهم قصدية شعر محوى الصوفي. وفي المبحث الثانى حاول البحث أن يدرس ظاهراتياً عن مسألة الوجود والعدم، والذهاب إلى الموت، وإلى القتل والشهادة بأيدى المعشوق عند الشاعر، ومن ثمَّ قراءة تأويلية عن تلك الظواهر النادرة الخاصة بخطاب التصوف عند محوي.
أما الفصل الثالث فقد خصّص للتأويلية السيميائية، مبيّناً أثر السميائية-الدال والمدلول- في تأويل بعض أشعار محوي الكردية، واشتمل هذا الفصل على ثلاثة مباحث، فخصص المبحث الأول للكلام على علم المنطق كأداة للتأويلية، إذ موضحا أنّ الشاعر استعمل مصطلحات منطقية، ويمكن النظر إليها من حيثيتين: من حيث المعنى السيميائي، ومن حيث المعنى التأويلي. وجعل المبحث الثاني لـ(أنا) وذاتية الشاعر كبعدٍ للتأويل، متطرقاً إلى صلة (الأنا) بمضمون النصوص لدى محوى، وكذلك التركيز على علاقة (الأنا) بالدال الذي له دور في احتجاب المعاني الشعرية، ونضوج التأويل فيها. وجعل المبحث الثالث للكلام على خطاب التصوف وإشكالية الـتأويل والمعنى، مركّزاً على إشكالية قراءة نصوص محوى الشعرية، وباطنية النص واحتجاب المعنى، مبيناً أيضاً أهمية التأويل عند محوى.    وجاءت الخاتمة لذكر أهم النتائج التي توصل إليها الأطروحة.

A significant movement of apostasy from Islam is underway in the Middle East, one that is simultaneously birthing a new religious minority. Kurdistan is experiencing a gradually intensifying revival of Zoroastrianism as increasing numbers of Kurds are converting to the tradition or affiliating with it at varying levels.

بوونی هاوڕەگەزخوازی و تڕەنسێتی شاراوه له ناو کلتووری کوردی
خوێندنەوەی تایبەتانەی هاوڕەگەزخوازانی ئافرەت و پیاو له کوردستان و دەرەوەی وڵات

کامیل ئەحمەدی

ئەم وتاره به بابەتێک له چوارچێوەی ئێتنۆگڕافی هەوڵ دەدا ڕوانگەیەکی مرۆڤناسانەی بەرامبەر به حاڵەتە شاراوەکانی هاوڕەگەزخوازی و تڕەنسێتی له ناو کلتووری کوردیدا هەبێت. ئەم بابەته له کلتووری کورد و ئێرانییەکانیشدا هاوشێوەی هەموو کۆمەڵگاکانی دیکەیه بەڵام له هەمان کاتدا به پێی نۆڕمه کلتوورییەکان وەک نهێنییەکی ئاشکرابوو ئەم پرسه لای خۆیان دەهێڵنەوه، واته هەمووان له بوونی به ئاگان بەڵام هیچ کەس لەم بارەوه قسه ناکات. به هۆی نەبوونی هۆگرییەک که له بواری ئەم بابەتەدا بەدی دەکرێ، کەسانی هاوڕەگەزخواز و یان تڕەنس له کۆمەڵگای کوردستان دەورێکی به فەرمی ناسراویان نییه. یەکێک له هۆکاره گرنگەکانی ئەم پرسه دەوره ڕەگەزێتییه باوەکانه. هەڵبەت هاوڕەگەزخوازی پیاوان سەرەڕای ئەوەی کەس له بارەیانەوه نادوێ، بەڵام بابەتێکی ناسراوه، بەڵام تڕەنس بوون و هاوڕەگەزخوازی له ناو ئافرەتاندا کەمتر قبووڵ کراوه و تەنانەت له حاڵەتی نافەرمیشدا پەسند ناکرێت. بەڵام لەگەڵ هەڵکشانی فیمینیزم له ناو ژنانی خۆرهەڵاتی ناڤین، ئەوان ئێستا له ڕێگەی ئەم پاڕادایمەوە زیاتر له بارەی ڕەگەزێتی خۆیان ئەزموون وەدەست دێنن. سەبارەت به پرسی هاوڕەگەزخوازی له ناو کوردەکان پێشینەی نووسراو له ئارادا نییه، بەڵام نووسەرانی کورد و ئێرانی هەوڵیان داوه لە بواری ئەم تابۆ کلتوورییه له ناو هاوڕەگەزخوازاندا دەست بدەنه توێژینەوه.

هەر بۆیه سەرچاوەی نووسراوی زۆر کەم له بەر دەسته. سەرەڕای ئەوەی که کۆمەڵگای کوردی کوردستان و تەنانەت بەشگەلێک له دەرەوەی سنووری فیزیایی کوردستان به شێوەی هەمیشەیی و تەنانەت تونداژۆیانه دژی مۆدێڕنیته و گۆڕینی دەوره ڕەگەزێتییەکان (کە لێکەوتەی ئەوە) دەوەستنەوە و له دژی دەجەنگن، له بواری ئازادی ڕەگەزێتی ڕێژەی قبووڵ کردن زۆر کەمه. له درێژەدا دەمهەوێ چەندین حاڵەتی توێژینەوەی تایبەتی له بواری ئەو کەسانه بخەمه ڕوو که له سەر بابەتی ئەم توێژینەوه قسەم لەگەڵ کردن و ئەنگێزه و داپەڕەکانی ئەوانم له پەیوەندیی لەگەڵ هاوڕەگەزخوازی خستۆته بەر تیشکی لێکدانەوه و له بارەی ڕوانگەیەک که له کۆمەڵگای کوردیدا لە مەڕ خۆیان هەیانه پرسیارم لێ کردن.

Introduction to the recently restructered Mesopotamian Ecology Movement which acts in North Kurdistan on ecological subjects. In the movement are people active with different backgrounds. In 2015 it has become stronger than never before. The movement starts to fill the paradigm of an ecological society declared years before by the Kurdish Freedom Movement.

Middle Eastern students are often categorised as passive learners lacking autonomy and the ability to reflect and think critically. This paper reveals how critical thinking skills can be
developed through various classroom tasks which encourage reflection and critical evaluation of sources both in pre-sessional EAP courses as well as throughout the students‟ academic career. Furthermore, it will discuss tasks and classroom materials tailor-made for EAP students at the University of Kurdistan – Hewler, in order to improve their higher order thinking skills.

Local histories are one of the most basic forms of Iranian-Islamic historiography that, along with various types of history, help understand the past developments. Among such works is the honorary letter written by Amir Sharaf-Khan Badlisi, dealing with the issue of Kurdistan as the first work of his kind. While Sharaf-Khan deals with Kurds and Kurdistan's problem, most of the region has fallen out of the control of the Iranian governments and has been handed over to the Ottomans. Therefore, the analysis of Sharafkhan's main problem in his Kurdish studies is especially important for the great chapter. In this article, in order to explain his insight and method of historiography in considering the issue of the Kurds and Kurdistan, first a brief about the Ottoman and Safavid policies as a balancing element of the region, then the characteristics of Sharf-Khan's historiography, and finally his method in writing history. This research examines the dimensions and components of Sharaf-khan's historiographical and historiographical thought using historical analysis and the descriptive-analytical method. The results show that Sharafkhan's intellectual system has characteristics such as elitism, sharia-oriented, critical, and at the same time, a praiseworthy approach to the Kurds. Highlighting the Kurds and Kurdistan's role and position, particularly the ruling Kurdish families, in Iran-Ottoman relations, emphasizing the territorial position of Kurdistan, and expressing the characteristics of the Kurdish community are other components of Sharafkhan's historiography.

Recently, Turkey and the U.S. signed an agreement for Turkey to join the coalition’s fight against the Islamic State (IS, a.k.a. ISIS/ISIL). As part of this agreement an IS-free zone will be created in Syria, but it is not clear yet whether this will encroach on the territory of the People’s Protection Units (YPG), the main Kurdish armed group operating in Syria. The YPG has been one of the most successful forces on the ground in the fight against IS and despite the changing dynamics it still remains important. However, Turkey’s entry into the battle will lead to every aspect of the YPG being reassessed, as Turkey deems it to be a terrorist organisation. Nonetheless, the YPG still has a significant role to play and abandoning it now could lead to the situation in Syria becoming even more complex.

Мировое сообщество в течение десятков лет подвергалось и подвергается непрерывной промывке мозгов,  когда утверждается, что отсутствие приемлемого  решения арабо-израильского конфликта является основным, чуть ли не единственным препятствием для урегулирования проблем Ближнего Востока и достижения мира и благоденствия во всем мире.
Такая пропаганда скрывает, в лучшем случае, упрощенный, а в худшем циничный подход, основанный на смеси заинтересованности в арабской нефти, в политической и экономической поддержке арабских стран и самого обыкновенного и элементарно примитивного антисемитизма... Однако был целый ряд независимых специалистов по Ближнему Востоку, которые не только отвергали это мнение, но и указывали на настоящие проблемы, характерные для Ближнего Востока, на их истинные причины, и на возможные пути решения этих проблем... Старый Ближний Восток был создан англичанами и французами,  учитывая, помимо собственных, в основном интересы лишь одной из многих этнических и религиозных групп местного населения – арабов суннитов. Эта группа населения действительно наиболее многочисленная, однако, как мы увидим далее, она составляет лишь четвертую часть жителей всего Ближнего Востока... Происходящие сейчас на наших глазах внутренние межэтнические и межрелигиозные столкновения в странах Ближнего Востока, связанны с объективными причинами... Принимая во внимание соотношение как внутренних, так и внешних сил, действующих в наше время на Ближнем Востоке, можно предположить, что процессы распада существующих государств и создания нового баланса сил будут продолжаться. В какой-то степени на Ближнем Востоке, только в ускоренном темпе, повторяется исторический процесс, происходивший в Европе после наполеоновских войн.
События на Ближнем Востоке, возможно, являются предвестниками подобных процессов, которые могут повториться во всех тех местах, где границы вновь созданных стран были установлены не естественным путем, а по прихоти тех или иных внешних сил... Поэтому, разговоры о том, что урегулирование арабо-израильского конфликта путем территориальных уступок Еврейского государства,  является ключевым для решения проблем Ближнего Востока, совершенно оторваны от действительности. Такие уступки ставят под угрозу не только оборонные возможности Израиля, но и само его существование.
Израиль, внимательно наблюдая за изменениями соотношения разных сил на Ближнем Востоке, должен поддержать те из них, с которыми сможет создать условия, обеспечивающие его безопасность и процветание на многие поколения вперед.

Tarihsel Süreç içerisinde Kürdistan coğrafyasında Pek çok Emirlik kurulmuş bu emirlikler Kürt Tarihini, coğrafi yapısını ve siyasi hayatını oluşturmuştur, bu Emirliklerden Botan Emirliği, Etki alanı bugünkü Kuzey Kürdistan'da yer alan Cizre bölgesi olmuştur, Varlığı 13.yüzyıldan Osmanlının son dönemine kadar sürdüren emirlik Bedirhan bey döneminde en güçlü dönemini yaşamıştır, Osmanlı devletinin teşvikiyle Kadim topraklarında yaşayan Asuriler katliamlara maruz kalmış ve bu süreç Emirliğin sonunu hazırlamıştır, Bu çalışmamızda Diğer Kürt emirliklerine nazaran Coğrafyası nedeniyle pek çok tarihi olayla anılan Botan emirliğinin Tarihini ve Bedirhan dönemini kısaca irdelemeye çalıştık.

Mücadelemiz açısından 1970'ler Türkiye'sini hatırlarsak, ulusal bilincin tamamen olmadığı veya çok cılız olduğu, sosyalizmin bir öğreti olarak benimsenmesinin ve bunun bir ülke pratiğine aktarılmasının düşünülmediği bir dönemde biz yola çıktık. O dö-nemdeki koşullar, bizim güçlü bir toplantıyla ülkemizin kurtuluş meselelerine eğilmemizi olanaksız kılıyordu. Yine o dönemlerde biz ülkemiz üzerinde ne tür bir baskı olduğunu kavrayamıyorduk, bu baskının oluşturduğu ilişkileri bilmiyorduk. Son derece cılız bir tarzda bir ülke meselemiz, bir ulus meselemiz olduğunu tahlil ediyorduk. Bu konuda soyut tarzda bazı düşünceler kafamıza takılmıştı, ama yeteri kadar tahlil yoktu. Ayrıca bu tahlillerin ışığında yeteri kadar kadrolaşma hiç yoktu. Biz bu şartlarda çok ilkel tarzda mücadelenin şekillendirilmesini, hakim ulus koşullarında, oranın gençliğine yoğun olarak hakim olan burjuva ideolojisi ortamında bir mücadele grubu olarak ortaya çıkmayı düşünebilir veya bazı ilkeleri aklımıza getirebilirdik. Bundan başka bir şey yapamazdık.

–Vernacular architecture in Kurdistan is a widely understudied subject. Whilst rapid development is taking place across the Kurdistan region of Iraq, the lack of a clear knowledge of local building traditions has led to the loss of locality and engineering adaptability of newly developed buildings. Advances in mass development in the Kurdistan region need to have clear signs of Kurdish cultural heritage alongside lasting and sustainable solutions. The study of mountain villages of rural Kurdistan will provide valuable information about sustainable building practices as well as cultural values in regional settlements. This, in turn, will be useful in finding more adoptable green choices in the region and identifying the characteristics of the evolved building engineering of these indigenous settlements. This paper will first describe the characteristics of the evolved engineering and sustainable adoptions of Kurdish historical building traditions through selected site visits to Kurdish vernacular settlements and then analyses the building customs of rural communities of Kurdistan for possible adoption in contemporary developments.