Cuban exiles

Cuban culture has long been available to English speakers via translation. This study examines the complex ways in which English renderings of Cuban texts from various domains—poetry, science fiction, political and military writing, music, film—have represented, reshaped, or amended original texts. Taking in a broad corpus, it becomes clear that the mental image an Anglophone audience has formed of Cuban culture since 1959 depends heavily on the decisions of translators. At times, a clear ideological agenda drives moves like strengthening the denunciatory tone of a song or excising passages from a political text. At other moments, translators’ indifference to the importance of certain facets of a work, such as a film’s onscreen text or the lyrics sung on a musical performance, impoverishes the English speaker’s experience of the rich weave of self-expression in the original Spanish. In addition to the dynamics at work in the choices translators make at the level of the text itself, this study attends to how paratexts like prefaces, footnotes, liner notes, and promotional copy shape the audience’s experience of the text.

The upheaval of the Cuban Ten Years' War (10 October 1868-10 Febrary 1878) prompted the largest number of refugees fleeing the island to settle ninety miles away in Key West, Florida, the southernmost point of the United States. Although the expatriates transformed the physical landscape of the coral and limestone reef and modified its social, economic, and political order, there has been no demographic study or precise statistics on the Cubans in Key West during that decade. Likewise, accurate statistical data is lacking for Cubans in the United States throughout the nineteenth century. In 1870, Key West had the second largest Cuban emigre community. A decade later, the city was the capital of the Cuban exiles and the conspiratorial center for their independence movement. This essay fills the gap in our knowledge on the status of Cubans in Key West during that era by examining statistical evidence enumerated in the United States federal census of 1870 and 1880, according to place of birth, race, age, gender, parentage, marital status, occupation, education, wealth, health, and residence.

In early January 1895, Cuban exile leaderJose Marti completed
preparations in the United States and the Caribbean to ignite
a revolt against Spanish colonial despotism in his homeland.
Three vessels were chartered in New York and Boston to retrieve hundreds of weapons from a warehouse in Fernandina Beach, Florida, and board contingents of Cuban revolutionaries in Key West, the Dominican Republic, and Costa Rica to disembark on the island in conjunction with nationwide internal uprisings. During the previous forty-five years, Cuban patriots had been launching dozens of similar military filibuster expeditions from the United States, which the federal government moved to suppress for violating the Neutrality Act. The Fernandina affair ran into trouble when New York's World revealed parts of the conspiracy and the local collector of customs reacted by taking legal steps to seize the weapons, have the sailing charters revoked, and detain Marti and his cohorts for questioning. 
  This article analyzes previously unknown details of the covert
expedition preparations and ascertains the causes of the fiasco. It describes the whistle-blowing role of informants and the yellow press, the blunders and indiscretions of Cuban rebels, the legal steps taken by federal authorities, Spain's diplomatic reaction, and the indefatigable efforts of two Americans-Fernandina entrepreneur Nathaniel Barnett Borden and New York attorney Horacio Rubens-to redeem the Fernandina Plan. This work is based on previously neglected materials in the National Archives (including documents from the United States Departments of State, Justice, and Treasury), the Bureau of Customs, contemporary newspapers from New York, Jacksonville, Savannah, and Charleston, and the Nathaniel Barnett Borden Papers in the Amelia Island Museum of History.

RESUMO: O objetivo deste artigo é discutir a formulação de um novo espaço de sociabilidade de intelectuais cubanos no exílio através da revista Encuentro de la Cultura Cubana, publicada em Madrid nas décadas de 1990 e 2000. Analisaremos como este periódico congregou intelectuais dissidentes do governo cubano que constituíram uma oposição política ao regime socialista e como buscou articular novos projetos para Cuba pautados na defesa da democracia, da diversidade e justiça social. ABSTRACTt: This article discusses the creation of a new space of intelectual sociability for Cubans on exile based on the magazine Encuentro de la Cultura Cubana during the decades of 1990 and 2000. We analyze how this periodical congregated Cuban intellectual dissidents that constituted a political opposition to the socialist regime and how the magazine tried to formulate new projects to the island established on the defense of democracy, diversity and social justice. Introdução A revista Encuentro de la Cultura Cubana (a partir de agora Encuentro) foi fundada em 1996 em Madri pelo escritor cubano exilado Jesús Díaz cujo propósito era publicar uma revista na qual fossem possíveis diferentes reflexões sobre a cultura cubana. Seu primeiro volume a apresenta como um espaço de voz para todos os cubanos, dentro ou fora da ilha, lamentando a atual divisão do povo de Cuba em pelo menos dois grupos representados, a princípio, como irreconciliáveis, a saber: os exilados e os que permanecem na ilha. A revista se propôs como um espaço de união e reflexão sobre a cultura da ilha em toda a sua diversidade, elemento que para os editores incorpora todos cubanos em um único e indivisível grupo. Encuentro de la Cultura Cubana se constituiu como um periódico de intelectuais cubanos exilados na Espanha aberto ao debate sobre o presente, o passado e o futuro de Cuba, abordando assuntos como política, economia, arte e cultura. Para tanto, a revista buscou congregar escritores e artistas de dentro e de fora da ilha com o intuito de vencer a barreira imposta pelo exílio, prática

Ya han pasado unos cuantos años que descubrí el canal de YouTube de los Pichy Boys. Un par de primos, Alejandro González y Maikel Rodríguez, integrantes de Los Pichy que se dedicaba a bromear con las películas del momento "cubanizado tanto a personajes como a situaciones históricas o fantásticas, de un modo, creativo, cómico y sin duda alguna crítica con respecto la realidad cubana dejada atrás con la emigración de los primos a la Florida. Luego, tengo entendido que, por motivos de derechos de autor, dejaron aquella práctica para seguir haciendo humor de otras maneras, incorporando a su actividad en las redes sociales otros escenarios, como pueden ser la televisión, la radio y el cine, además de incursionar en el terreno del podcast. En su nuevo quehacer "artístico", los Pichys comenzaron a burlarse de la realidad cotidiana que les envuelve en Miami incluida de la política local; al tiempo que hacían de vez en cuando un humor militante, de clara orientación anticastrista. A modo de ejemplo tenemos un video realizado durante la larga agonía de Fidel Castro quejándose de que éste no se moría y otro jugando con la noticia o cial de su fallecimiento. Uno de los sacrilegios más reciente de los Pichys, el que ni un agente in ltrado, con su inevitable cobertura de extremista se atrevería a cometer lo constituye la miniserie "Memorias de La Sierra". Se trata de una parodia de lo que fueron guerrillas montadas por el movimiento 26, bajo la comandancia de Fidel Castro en su lucha por el poder, bajo el pretexto de derrocar a Fulgencio Batista. En el proyecto participan otros actores, entre los que vale destacar a Vladimir Escudero en su interpretación del comandante Juan Almeida, quien en esta cción se mantiene bajo el acoso sexual permanente de Raúl Castro interpretado por Maikel, encargándose su primo de darle vida al difunto Fidel Castro.

Este artículo analiza el proceso de estigmatización de los exiliados cubanos pos-Mariel en Estados Unidos debido a su concepción como el otro, tanto para los exiliados pre-Mariel como para el resto de habitantes de la potencia norteamericana. Lo propio se realiza a través del análisis de los estereotipos construidos y difundidos en la película de Brian De Palma, Scarface (1983). Las fuentes primarias utilizadas son diálogos extraídos del guion y fotogramas que son analizados con especial atención al significado creado por su contenido formal. Lo propio se produce a través de diversas conceptualizaciones teóricas del pensamiento binario. El cuerpo del trabajo se divide en cuatro capítulos enfocados en cinco estereotipos: el enemigo interno, el vago, el soltero depredador, el ángel de la casa y el demonio de la calle.

While much of the work on imperialism has focused on distinguishing between different types of imperialism over time or between empire and imperialism, putting aside these considerations and focusing on various cases in Cuban history allows us to see certain slippages between the categories of imperialism, empire, and anti-imperialism. This history illustrates the complex workings of imperialism, which exercises direct control over a country’s economic, social and political spheres, but also over its ideologies, laws and domestic struggles, and often in the context of multiple imperialisms.

O objetivo deste artigo e discutir a formulacao de um novo espaco de sociabilidade de intelectuais cubanos no exilio atraves da revista Encuentro de la Cultura Cubana, publicada em Madrid nas decadas de 1990 e 2000. Analisaremos como este periodico congregou intelectuais dissidentes do governo cubano que constituiram uma oposicao politica ao regime socialista e como buscou articular novos projetos para Cuba pautados na defesa da democracia, da diversidade e justica social.

El presente artículo se sitúa durante las transformaciones que trajo consigo el triunfo de la Revolución Cubana y su incidencia en los desplazamientos migratorios registrados en la isla. La fotografía de la década de los sesenta, al convertirse en un aliado de la propaganda política, dejó escasos registros de tal problemática; por tanto, para acercarnos a dicho fenómeno desde la imagen nos remitimos al análisis de las fotos de José Alberto Figueroa, quien retrató en ese decenio la otra cara de Cuba a través de las despedidas de su propia familia antes de partir al exilio. El artículo pretende, además, remarcar la importancia de la fotografía como un documento esencial para el estudio de acontecimientos históricos.

In the 1970s, dozens of innocent civilians throughout the U.S. and Latin America fell victim to a wave of violence perpetrated by anti-communist and anti-Castro Cuban exile extremists who engaged in acts of terrorism in the name of Cuban liberation. This violence, though it claimed the lives of many, has largely been forgotten by the exile community, and textual evidence suggests that many Cuban-Americans supported the terrorists, lauding them as heroes and patriots. However, further analysis of exile newspapers and other sources reveals that violence and a homogenizing discourse precluded the reality of exile politics and public opinion, which was far more varied and complex. In many ways, the politics of the diaspora itself were controlled through violence, creating a volatile environment where dissenting opinions were met with threats and, sometimes, death.