Coloniality

The OECD is currently engaging in a world-wide feasibility study entitled International Assessment of Higher Education Learning Outcomes (AHELO). This feasibility study seeks to develop measures that would assess student learning outcomes that would be valid across different languages, cultures and higher education institutions. Drawing on anticolonial perspectives, this article provides a critical policy analysis of the AHELO project. Based on a review of the AHELO texts, it presents two themes: 1) crisis and imperial logic in policy production, 2) Anglo-Eurocentrism as global designs and colonial relationships. It argues that, through AHELO, OECD is striving to construct a global space of equivalence for teaching and learning in higher education, and in so doing, perpetuates coloniality in global higher education. It concludes by noting some comparative observations between AHELO and PISA in terms of the increasing role of global knowledge for policy tools in educational policy.

Há algum tempo pretendo escrever sobre meu tema de pesquisa tendo espaço e liberdade suficientes para sistematizar, de forma mais ou menos descompromissada, várias das angústias que surgiram desde que comecei a trabalhar com a temática " homossexualidade indígena ". Escrevo este texto me dando, como desafio, elaborar essas reflexões sem entulhar este texto de citações e referências, mas como uma conversa. É um texto, espero, que possa ser lido em um ônibus, ou em um desses momentos de insônia, sem maiores obrigações para com o autor. Busco, assim, fazer um texto acadêmico completamente não-acadêmico, no espírito de várias provocações que se seguem. A pergunta norteadora deste trabalho vai ao encontro daquela, repetida tantas vezes por colegas, sempre que apresento meu tema de pesquisa: afinal, existe isso de índio gay? Vejamos. O que se sabe é que na literatura sobre o Brasil, desde seu descobrimento, há inúmeras referências por parte de cronistas e missionários de práticas " sodomíticas " entre os indígenas brasileiros. É importante mencionar, neste caso, uma particularidade das fontes quinhentistas e seiscentistas sobre o Brasil: ao contrário dos inúmeros textos escritos sobre a América espanhola, a América portuguesa não teve tanto destaque entre os autores lusitanos. ..

En este artículo se propone valorar las limitaciones de la historiografía decolonial que derivan de la herencia recibida del programa de investigación desarrollado por Immanuel Wallerstein. Se trata de un ejercicio al interior de giro decolonial, un intento por ir más allá del momento de criticidad, porque los límites de los marcos categoriales justo aparecen en el momento constructivo. Aportes para unas historias globales de/desde el sur, se propone retomar las cuestiones abiertas por el primer giro decolonial, presentando el programa de las historias globales del sur como un segundo momento necesario para ir en pro de historias decoloniales de la humanidad. Abstract: This article intends to assess the shortcomings in decolonial historiography stemming 1 Este artículo recoge algunos de los resultados del proyecto de investigación Historias Globales desde el sur, Sistema-mundo y divergencia colonial.

Contemporary social movements challenge dominant discourses about democracy, freedom, independence, and autonomy; the daily experiences of the marginalized show these ideals have not led to decolonization. When one examines academic knowledge production and academic institutions, common assumptions about “autonomy” and “freedom” clash with the expectation to submit to institutionalized cannons. At issue here are the ways in which the academic establishment reproduces the coloniality of power. For radical sociologist Aníbal Quijano, coloniality of power is a pattern of domination that articulates the multiple forms of exploitation that took hold at a global scale with the conquest of Abia Yala (The Americas). As Lao-Montes (2010) explains, the exploitation of work by capital, as a pattern of coloniality, is expressed in all forms of labor organization that are subordinated to the process of accumulation of global capital. For those of us committed to knowledge production from a decolonizing standpoint, the challenge is to elaborate strategies of resistance in our daily practice. This auto-ethnographic paper explores (de)coloniality from the author’s experiences in survival and resistance as she faces the precarization and privatization of academic work and the possibilities for deeply emancipatory knowledge production.

Decoloniality is, in the first place, a concept whose point of origination was the Third World. Better yet, it emerged at the very moment in which the three world division was collapsing and the celebration of the end of history and a new world order was emerging. The nature of its impact was similar to the impact produced by the introduction of the concept of “biopolitics”, whose point of origination was Europe. Like its European counterpart, “coloniality” moved to the center of international debates in the non-European world as well as in “former Eastern Europe.” While “biopolitics” moved to center stage in “former Western Europe” (cf., the European Union) and the United States, as well as among some intellectual minorities of the non-European followers of ideas that originated in Europe, but who adapt them to local circumstances, “coloniality” offers a needed sense of comfort to mainly people of color in developing countries, migrants and, in general, to a vast quantitative major...

Tras los acontecimientos de Black Lives Matter distintas estatuas han sido retiradas o derribadas por manifestantes en las prin- cipales ciudades del mundo. Sin embargo, en España los debates sobre la memoria histórica del colonialismo han permanecido marginales. Este artículo aborda la visi- bilidad/presencia de las huellas coloniales en el espacio urbano de Barcelona, y la invisibilidad/ausencia de un compromiso crítico con el pasado colonial en los dis- cursos públicos, y más en particular en el ámbito municipal. Así mismo, este estudio pone en contraste los principales debates sobre la historia colonial, focalizándose en especial en cómo las comunidades racia- lizadas impugnan estas formas de con- strucción de la memoria y de conme- moración del pasado a través de un desafío de la colonialidad de Barcelona, desde los márgenes de la metrópoli.

The aftermath of Black Lives Matter events have led to statues being taken down or toppled by protesters in major cities around the world. In Spain, debates over the historical memory of colonialism have remained marginal. This article addresses the visibility/ presence of colonial traces in the urban space of Barcelona and the invisibility/ absence of critical engagement with the past in public discourse. It contrasts mainstream debates about colonial history to how communities of color in particular, contest these forms of memory making and commemoration in a way that challenges the coloniality of the Barcelona city from the margins of the metropole.

This chapter seeks to decolonize critical theory by exploring the limits of the concepts of crisis and critique, and showing the theoretical relevance of the concept of catastrophe. Catastrophe (literally a “down-turn”) calls, not for critique, but for a counter-turn, which, in our modern/colonial world, cannot be but a decolonial turn. Hurricane María and its devastating effects in Puerto Rico was only the tip of the proverbial iceberg, helping to unveil catastrophe and its role in the making of Puerto Rico and the Caribbean.

Decolonial studies from Latin America is a vast and multifaceted field of research, thought, and sociopolitical praxis (Aquino Moreschi, 2013; Curiel, 2016; Moraga & Anzaldúa, 2015; Díaz Gómez, 2004; Espinosa-Miñoso, 2014; Leyva et al., 2015; Mariátegui, 1928/2007; Marcos, 2001; Mignolo & Walsh, 2018; Pacari, 2009). However, it has too often been critiqued and interpreted monolithically or, conversely, omitted entirely by North American academics relying predominantly on anglophone scholarship. This special issue builds upon the 2014 Educational Studies special issue, guest-edited by Stephanie L. Daza and Eve Tuck, which drew from several concepts advanced by Latin American decolonial scholars with the intent to “unsettle the boundaries of post-, de-, and anticolonial theory and practice” (Daza & Tuck, 2014, p. 310). Most of the articles, however, centered anticolonial and postcolonial North American scholarship informed by US-based and anglophone settler colonial frameworks (e.g., Calderón, 2014; Patel, 2014). Our special issue seeks to advance the contributions of this work and complicate the decolonial conversation by thinking from and with Indigenous, Black, and Mestizx discourses and praxes emerging from the Global South.

'On the Nature of Botanical Gardens' at Framer Framed in Amsterdam features nine contemporary Indonesian artists who look critically at botanical gardens, colonial power, knowledge building and the economics of nature, its legacies and current consequences of approaching nature and plants. The exhibition seeks to decolonise the concept of botanical gardens and their role in building a Dutch colonial empire in Indonesia.

[Índice e Introducción]
"Esta edición de Mabel Moraña quiere ayudar a definir la trayectoria de la mujer latinoamericana, desde su representación en los albores de la Conquista hasta su progresiva incursión en el discurso durante el Barroco y su emergencia en el escenario público en las primeras horas de la Independencia mexicana. Reúne veintiún eminentes críticos de la literatura y la historia colonial cuyos ensayos están distribuidos en cinco apartados que forman una perfecta cohesión".
​
– Nathalie Odoir
University of Pennsylvania

My thesis is a call for the need of an intersectional awareness in the field of the commons, or the common or commoning. For that reason, I focus on a rather undertheorized subfield, the feminist commons because I deem that it promotes a more intersectional perspective than the male-dominated commons. My main effort concentrates to argue for the potentialities of an intersection between the commons and (feminist) decolonial project. Notions such as coloniality of power, the principle of intersectionality and the ethos of decoloniality help me to build my argument step by step. The thesis does not provide answers rather it poses questions and tries to open space for a fruitful experimentation.
Keywords :
feminist commons, the commons, common, commoning, decoloniality, intersectionality, decolonial ethos, decolonial feminist commons

This e-book is a collection of papers focussing on the discursive dimension of the 'eastern enlargement' of the European Union, relying on lessons from post-colonial scholarship, world-systems analysis and critical race studies. The empirical material comes from discourse of 'eastern enlargement' process in the late 1990s-early 2000s .

The intricate histories of Maroon ecology contain complex, layered histories of agency that shaped and redefined Maroon experiences. Rather than relying on one-sided colonial narratives of Maroon spatiality and ecological praxis that confine these experiences to the institution of slavery and defence against enslavement, this research goes deeper to explore agency through the ecological relations in the Maroon sites of Jamaica and Brazil from 1630 to 1780. By examining existing literature on Maroon experiences, this work seeks to re-imagine these relations by recognising Maroon ecology both in context and as a legitimate part of history. It also seeks to develop a framework that offers deeper insight into Maroon ecology, mainly through understanding the inextricable link between the environment and Maroon experiences.

This essay uses a fusion of queer and Puerto Rican studies, and a small sample of literature by Puerto Rican women writers, to initiate a conversation about representations of colonized subject positions through articulations of sexuality and non-conforming expressions of gender in contemporary Puerto Rican literature. The two writers whose works I discuss, Ana Lydia Vega and Mayra Santos-Febres, are unarguably part of the Puerto Rican literary canon, which is characterized by the highly political content of its narratives. Using authors that are generally understood to be straight to talk about queerness and anti-coloniality provides a unique perspective, for it shows women from a colony utilizing non-dominant sexualities and gender identities strategically to both articulate and subvert power. That is to say, they are using queer sexualities and gender identities within their narrative serves as powerful analogies to myriad themes, in this particular case to the theme of colonialism. [

This Article investigates how contemporary laws of war rationalize civilian deaths. I concentrate on two specific legal constructions in warfare: the definition of civilian/combatant and the principle of distinction. (The categories of civilian and combatant should be understood as dialogically constitutive and not entirely distinct. In addition, the category of "civilian" is a modern one and premodern legal sources often do not use one term to refer to noncombatants.) I focus on two significant parties in contemporary warfare: al-Qāʿidah (aka Al-Qaeda) and the U.S. military. Al-Qāʿidah diverges from orthodox Islamic law on these two legal issues, while remaining within the Islamic legal tradition. To scrutinize the nature of this divergence, I compare al-Qāʿidah's legal reasoning to the legal reasoning of the U.S. military. I demonstrate that the U.S. military diverges from orthodox international law in ways that parallel how al-Qāʿidah diverges from orthodox Islamic law. Specifically, both the U.S. military and al-Qāʿidah elide orthodox categories of civilians and expand the category of combatant, primarily by rendering civilians as probable combatants. Based on this comparative analysis, I argue that the legal reasoning of al-Qāʿidah (and other militant Islamist groups) is as secular as it is Islamic; I call this fusion secularislamized law.

This introductory essay considers the critical purchase of “relationality” in current scholarly debates in Comparative Ethnic Studies and Comparative Literature. It foregrounds Blackness and/as incommensurability as they are treated in these fields' distinct and overlapping institutional locations, historical developments, and epistemic investments.

Este texto argumenta que a “colonialidade” é o lado mais escuro da modernidade ocidental, uma matriz de poder que surgiu entre o Renascimento e o Iluminismo durante a colonização das Américas, e que está culminando com o neoliberalismo capitalista dos tempos atuais. Primeiro, estabelece a tese de que a colonialidade, um conceito que foi introduzido pelo sociólogo Anibal Quijano, é a “pauta oculta” da modernidade. Em seguida, explica a origem desse “monstro de quatro cabeças e duas pernas” e analisa a formação e as transformações históricas dessa “matriz colonial do poder”. Para concluir, oferece uma prévia do livro The dark side of western modernity: global futures, decolonial options, que vislumbra certos “futuros globais” enquanto explora possíveis “opções descoloniais”.

Palavras-chave : Colonialidade; Modernidade; Pensamento descolonial.

This article departs from the discussion by Stephen Castles on the migration-asylum nexus by focusing on the political and cultural effects of the summer of immigration in 2015. It argues for a conceptualization of the asylum-migration nexus within the framework of Anibal Quijano’s “coloniality of power” by developing the analytical framework of the “coloniality of migration.” Through the analytical framework of the “coloniality of migration” the connection between racial capitalism and the asylum-migration nexus is explored. It does so by first focusing on the economic and political links between asylum and migration, and how both constitute each other. On these grounds, it discusses how asylum and migration policies produce hierarchical categories of migrants and refugees, producing a nomenclature drawing on an imaginary reminiscent of the orientalist and racialized practices of European colonialism and imperialism. In a second step, it focuses on migration and asylum policies as inherent to a logic of racialization of the workforce. It does so by first exploring the racial coding of immigration policies within the context of settler colonial-ism and transatlantic White European migration to the Américas and Oceania in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, and second, by discussing migration policies in post-1945 Western Europe.

Cet article se démarque de la discussion de Stephen Castles sur le lien entre l’asile et la migration en ciblant les effets politiques et culturels de l’été migratoire vécu en 2015. Il plaide pour une conceptualisation du lien entre l’asile et la migration dans le cadre de la « colonialité du pouvoir » d’Anibal Quijano, et ce en élaborant le cadre d’analyse de la « colonialité de la migration ». C’est dans ce dernier qu’il explore la connexion entre le capitalisme racial et le lien asile-migration. Pour cela, l’article cible d’abord les liens politiques et économiques entre asile et migration, et la manière dont l’un et l’autre se constituent l’un par l’autre. Sur ces bases, en établissant une nomenclature qui s’appuie sur une réminiscence fictive des pratiques orientalistes et racialisées du colonialisme et de l’impérialisme européens, il discute la manière dont les politiques d’asile et de migration produisent des catégories hiérarchiques de migrants et de réfugiés. Dans la deuxième partie, l’article cible les politiques d’asile et de migration en tant que politiques indissociables d’une logique de racialisation de la main d’œuvre. Pour cela, il explore tout d’abord le codage des données raciales des politiques d’immigration dans le contexte du colonialisme de peuplement et de la migration transatlantique des blancs d’origine européenne vers les Amériques et l’Océanie aux XIXe et XXe siècles ; il discute ensuite des politiques de migration dans l’Europe de l’Ouest de l’après-1945.

Keywords

asylum-migration nexus, coloniality of migration, racial capitalism

In this article we will review the anthropological work of the Prussian philosopher Immanuel Kant, in its relationship with the scientific instrumentalization by imperial policies of the time, and from the point of view of the Latin American postcolonial (decolonial) perspective. Our goal is to explore Kant’s idea of ‘race’ in his courses on anthropology and physical geography, which allows us to broaden our understanding of the scope that this kind of philosophical racism had in the European view of the ‘savage’ (in America, Asia and Africa) and of the hermeneutical implications that the concept of ‘race’had in the philosophy of history.

In Morocco, gender and sexual norms have strict guardians, potentially in the person of every citizen. There are diverse situations which entail multiple reactions depending on the class and race relations that permeate Moroccan society. However, the violation of gender norms usually brings about cruel physical, social, legal and media repression.
Yet can we talk about trauma here? Is it legitimate to say, at any time and in any place, that gender or sexuality are traumatic assignments?
How can this notion be used in its psychoanalytical specificity (and not in a psychiatric or media sense) and what implications does this use have in revealing the ethnocentric limits that a universalist psychoanalysis may experience, but also in defining what the author calls "minor psychoanalysis"?
The author proposes to quickly review the archaeology and genealogy of this notion, to see how, when used in a particular way, it may perpetuate subalternizations.

This article is an exploration of the dynamics of contemporary colonialism in the Canadian settler nation-state in the context of programs of teacher education. From my perspective as a settler-scholar-teacher working in teacher education, I explore the imposition of Western forms of knowledge production in higher education in settler dominated academic spaces. Through a coloniality lens, I consider the ways that educational spaces in higher education continue to support and perpetuate structures of colonialism through an epistemic monoculture based in Western scientific materialism. I particularly explore the ways the imposition of a Western secular cosmology silences and resists Indigenous knowledges, pedagogies and perspectives in institutional spaces. Through story and scholarship, I draw out the complexity of epistemic dominance and problematic discourses that manifest in pedagogical encounters in programs of teacher education. Reflecting on the epistemic collisions that emerge in these encounters, I consider decolonial pedagogical practices with adult students that trouble problematic narratives and discourses that are pervasively shared in Canadian society, and engage expectantly, meaningfully and generatively with forms of resistance that arise in this complex context.

This paper attempts to avoid both overly optimistic and pessimistic accounts of the ‘on-demand’ global economy and of ‘platform labor’ in the Global South. It instead considers both how the socio-cultural and economic complexities of the worker environment might drive the attractiveness of this form of labor and how histories of colonialism might make local employment and upward mobility less of a viable option for workers from the Global South. Drawing from in-depth interviews and analysis of multiple texts circulating in online freelance forums, Facebook groups, and ‘freelancer’ events, we look at how freelance workers and platform managers enacted and articulated classed and colonial digital labor imaginaries. We identify three such interconnected imaginaries and label them as follows: that of ‘distinction,’ ‘transcendence,’ and ‘flexibility’. In fleshing out these digital labor imaginaries, we discuss the role of virtual spaces, online communities, and the influencers who help p...

Résumé : Cette thèse s’intéresse au contrôle migratoire en actes à la frontière maroco-espagnole et ses effets sur les personnes ciblées. Mettant en lumière les processus de minorisation des ressortissant-e-s d’Afrique centrale et de l’Ouest candidat-e-s à l’Europe, cette étude, basée sur une ethnographie multisituée à des échelles locales et micro-locales, amène à penser les rapports sociaux de sexe et de race en jeu dans les régimes migratoires. Elle tente de dénaturaliser les figures du « migrant subsaharien » et de la « migrante subsaharienne » pour dévoiler les processus qui se jouent derrière ces catégories racialisées et genrées, ancrées dans un contexte d’externalisation des frontières européennes, et de négociations permanentes entre l’UE, ses États membres (ici l’Espagne) et leurs alliés africains (ici le Maroc) pour la lutte contre l’immigration dite clandestine. Elle essaie également de décrypter et de mettre en perspective théorique les violences systémiques qui régissent cette situation de frontières militarisée, ainsi que les actions humanitaires et les résistances qui y ont lieu. Elle amène alors à examiner la question suivante : comment comprendre l’institutionnalisation tacite du recours à la violence mortifère contre les labellisé-e-s « Subsahariens » à la frontière maroco-espagnole ? Pour répondre, il faut regarder de chaque côté de la frontière, mais aussi la considérer comme un ensemble ; saisir la division sexuelle du travail de contrôle des mobilités ; confronter les points de vue des contrôleur-se-s et des contrôlé-e-s et appréhender le passé cristallisé dans le présent : penser la colonialité des politiques migratoires espagnoles et européennes.

Mots clés : frontières ; rapports sociaux de race ; genre ; colonialité ; politiques migratoires ; Maroc ; Ceuta ; Melilla ; violence
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Title: Behind the fence of Ceuta & Melilla. Social relations of gender, race and coloniality of migration control on the Moroccan-Spanish border

Abstract:This thesis focuses on the migration control implemented at the Moroccan-Spanish border and its effects on the targeted persons. Highlighting the processes of “minoritisation” of Central and West African nationals who are candidates for Europe, this study, based on a multi-site ethnography conducted at local and micro-local levels, leads us to think about the social relations of gender and race at stake in existing migration regimes. It attempts to denaturalize the figure of the female and male “sub-Saharan migrant” to reveal the processes behind these racialized and gendered categories, anchored in a context of externalisation of European borders, and permanent negotiations between the EU, its Member States (here Spain) and their African allies (here Morocco) for the fight against so-called illegal immigration. It also tries to decipher and put into theoretical perspective the systemic violence that governs this militarized border situation, as well as the humanitarian actions and resistance that take place there. It then leads to the following question: how can we understand the tacit institutionalization of the use of deadly violence against those labelled as “Sub-Saharans” on the Moroccan-Spanish border? To answer, we must look at each side of the border, but also consider it as a whole; grasp the sexual division of labour in controlling mobility; compare the points of view of controllers and controlled persons and understand the past crystallized in the present: think about the coloniality of Spanish and European migration policies.

Keywords: borders; boundaries; gender; race relations; coloniality; migration policies; Morocco; Ceuta; Melilla; violence

While education is an inherently political field and practice, and while the political struggles that radical philosophy takes up necessarily involve education, there remains much to be done at the intersection of education and radical philosophy. That so many intense political struggles today actually center educational processes and institutions makes this gap all the more pressing. Yet in order for this work to be done, we need to begin to establish common frameworks and languages in and with which to move.

Keywords in Radical Philosophy and Education takes up this crucial and urgent task. Dozens of emerging and leading activists, organizers, and scholars assemble a collective body of concepts to interrogate, provoke, and mobilize contemporary political, economic, and social struggles. This wide-ranging edited collection covers key and innovative philosophical and educational themes—from animals, sex, wind, and praxis, to studying, podcasting, debt, and students.

This field-defining work is a necessary resource for all activists and academics interested in exploring the latest conceptual contributions growing out of the intersection of social struggles and the university.

This chapter’s main concern is to draw out the implications for critique of bridging relationships between thinking about coloniality, about the questions the posthuman and more-than-human bring, and so also about ontology. It argues that if we commit to decolonising modes of enlightenment thought, and to querying the more-than-human conditions – the ecologies – of thinking and acting in the world, then so too must what we mean by ‘critique’ also be questioned. Critique must operate under the sign of the question. The chapter traces how a new ecology for critique must emerge from provincializing the human. It begins by comparing the conceptual domains of the postcolonial and the posthuman through the question of critique adequate to the Anthropocene. In doing so, it moves from the recent work of Dipesh Chakrabarty, through Edward Said’s posthumously published, last reflections on humanism, to Sylvia Wynter’s critique of European humanism’s over-representation of ‘Man’. The chapter argues that, in each of these thinkers, a genealogy approaching a decolonised critique is intimated but withheld, perhaps out of fear of the consequences of decolonising critique. The chapter concludes by arguing that we need not withhold from decolonising critique. It goes on to explore some of the implications when we do not withhold the decolonising option for our most cherished conceptual responsibility, being critical, including the need to re-think grounds for semiosis, language, and politics.

A transoceanic comparative study of Caribbean modernista and Filipino propagandista essays and poetry written between 1880-1910, contextualized by Spain’s loss of its final colonies in 1898. The works studied show the development of a new, regional and national consciousness and reveal the authors’ responses to modernization, highlighting the political, cultural, social, and economic tensions of that time period aesthetically and socio-culturally. In the struggle for active participation in the production of knowledge and power, justice, and national identity, both Latin American and Filipino cultural and ideological production came from autonomous agents that confronted, negotiated, and initiated their own responses to the colonizing and modernizing projects.

Ce rapport d'HDR a été conçu comme un « super-rapport d'activité » d'un chercheur aux deux tiers de sa carrière. Il reprend donc, et met en perspective, les grands thèmes de la recherche menée sur l'Afrique de colonisation portugaise au XXe siècle, en montrant en quoi il ne s'agit pas seulement d'une recherche « enracinée » (nécessaire et revendiquée) mais aussi d'une contribution généraliste au développement de la discipline historique, notamment autour des concepts de créolité, d'« État colonial » et d';« État sans nation », de « corps sociaux », d'ethnicité et de « nationisme », etc. La partie projet énonce non seulement les actions pour finir avec les nombreux projets... en retard, mais propose aussi un programme international de recherche sur la colonialité, concept perçu comme bien meilleur que les approches postcoloniales afin d'exprimer l'hétérogénéité spatiale et sociale du monde, historiquement construite autour de formes non capitalistes de domination capitaliste.
Le volume II de l'HDR est un recueil d'articles qui n'est pas joint ici.

Publié dans Benoît Awazi Mbambi Kungua (dir.), Philosophies africaines, Études postcoloniales et Mondialisation néolibérale. Variations africaines et diasporiques, Afroscopie VIII/2018, Le Cerclecad-Harmattan, Ottawa-Paris, mars 2018, 716 p.

La mondialisation est le plus souvent qualifiée de néolibérale. Ses impacts, notamment de genre, et les stratégies de contournement qui les accompagnent, sont globalement mesurés en termes économiques. Pourtant, la mondialisation ne s’arrête pas aux frontières du néolibéralisme. Elle produit et reproduit de la violence, en mode accéléré, excessif et en surenchère. Cette reproduction s’accompagne du renforcement des rapports de domination entre États du centre et États de la périphérie, entre États et populations, entre populations, à travers les hiérarchisations de classe, de race, de sexe des relations sociales. La mondialisation consolide les rhétoriques réactionnaires au plus haut niveau, renouant, dans la périphérie, avec la tradition ou le masculinisme d’État et, au centre, avec un discours de victimisation de l’objet colonisé. Elle renforce la colonialité en la renouvelant et produit un déracinement épistémique, lié à l’occidentalisation. Elle contredit l’idée de « décolonialité ». En s’appuyant sur le développement du virtuel universalisant, elle dépolitise le réel quotidien, dont les femmes de la « base » ont la charge.

En los orígenes de la nación chilena se ocultan una serie de elementos raciales que pueden remontarse a muchos años antes de su establecimiento formal como institución política. Las ideas de “raza” y “racismo” son el eje central sobre el cual el autor intenta analizar dichas retóricas de inferiorización, provenientes tanto de la ciencia, de la política, como de las prácticas culturales de los siglos XVII, XVIII y principalmente del XIX.

Se trata de un trabajo transdisciplinario, que se fundamenta en una revisión crítica de fuentes primarias de la época y de una extensa literatura secundaria proveniente de la historia de la cultura, de la ciencia, la antropología social y cultural, así como de la filosofía.

No se trata de una obra de historia, ni menos de antropología, solo es un intento por pensar o cartografiar nuestro pasado colonial (y poscolonial) como un ejercicio de conceptualización que nos permita cuestionar aquello que se denomina “identidad chilena”.






El contrato colonial de Chile
Ciencia, Racismo y Nación

Por

Patricio Lepe-Carrión





Tabla de contenidos

Tabla de contenidos 2
Tabla de ilustraciones 5
Siglas 6
Introducción 7


Primera Parte: Colonialidad del poder en el reino de Chile
1. Civilización y barbarie: la ‘diferencia colonial’ 13
1.1. Cartografía conceptual de la dicotomía 13
1.1.1. Genealogía de la ‘barbarie’, como ausencia de la razón deliberativa 13
1.1.2. Aristóteles: ‘deliberación’ y esclavitud natural 14
1.1.3. La barbarie, ‘diferencia’ y construcción del Otro 16
1.2. La Junta de Valladolid: la naturalización de las diferencias en el siglo XVI 19
1.2.1. La polémica de los naturales 19
1.2.2. La construcción de la ‘barbarie’ americana 20
1.2.3. Bartolomé de Las Casas y el encubrimiento de la ‘diferencia cultural’ 25
1.2.4. El re-descubrimiento del logos deliberativo: los nativos también pueden ser educados 28
2. La construcción del sujeto colonial en el Chile del siglo XVII 31
2.1. La sedimentación de la ‘diferencia colonial’ en la ‘guerra defensiva’ 32
2.2. Una frontera geográfica, subjetiva y epistémica: la ‘zona de contacto’ 35
2.3. Colonialidad: idea de totalidad, y miradas micropolíticas 40
2.4. La raza como eje articulador de la matriz colonial de poder 43
2.5. Los diagramas de soberanía y disciplina 44
2.6. Una frontera de seducción 47
2.7. El ‘Sermón en lengua de Chile’: orígenes del racismo epistémico 49
2.8. Pedagogía jesuita: individuación y emulación. Disciplina en la Ratio Studiorum 52

Segunda Parte: Taxonomías proto-raciales de la Ilustración

3. Época clásica, y el ‘no lugar’ en la instrumentalización política de los saberes científicos 58
3.1. El Ego Conquiro condición del Ego Cogito 59
3.1.1. Del escepticismo sobre la existencia del bárbaro, al escepticismo metódico cartesiano 60
3.1.2. La objetivación del ‘cuerpo’ como ‘naturaleza’ 61
3.2. Episteme y gubernamentalidad 63
3.2.1. Las tres epistemes 63
3.2.2. La episteme clásica, y su discontinuidad con el Renacimiento 64
3.2.3. La episteme clásica y La Hybris del punto cero 65
3.2.4. La razón de Estado (ratio status) 68
3.3. Biopolítica borbónica: la aparición de la ‘razón de Estado’ en España y Chile durante el siglo XVIII 69
3.3.1. Gobierno de las poblaciones 69
3.3.2. El Censo como ciencia del Estado 72
3.3.3. De la razón al racismo de Estado 74
4. La ‘historia natural’ en el orden y casificación etnoracial de la humanidad 76
4.1. Dios creó, Linneo puso en orden (Deus creavit; Linnaeus disposuit) 78
4.1.1. La escritura universal 78
4.1.2. El género Homo, y la especie Homo Sapiens 80
4.1.3. Cuerpo bello, alma buena. Un primer acercamiento a la kalokagathía 82
4.2. El conde de Buffon, y el dinamismo en la Escala de los Seres 83
4.2.1. La cuestión de la especie: temporalización de la Gran Cadena del Ser 83
4.2.2. Los efectos del clima y el ambiente en la formación de las razas 87
4.3. América es un continente débil y degenerado 89
4.4. Juan Ignacio Molina: el científico que persuadió a Immanuel Kant 93
4.4.1. Molina, el primer científico chileno 93
4.4.2. La incomodidad del criollo, y su arremetida contra los ‘antiamericanistas’ 94
4.4.3. Boroa, un pueblo de chilenos europeizados 96
4.4.4. Chilenos de sangre pura, criollos, y los mestizos bastardos 99
5. Clasificación racial en la filosofía ilustrada. El caso de Immanuel Kant 103
5.1. Luces y sombras de la ‘ciudad criolla’ 103
5.2. Los intermediarios del universalismo 108
5.3. Del racismo al racialismo 110
5.4. El concepto de ‘raza’ en Kant 112
5.5. Mapa racial: el lugar de los ‘americanos’ 117
Excurso: Kant, colonialismo, y el nuevo encubrimiento 122

Tercera Parte: "Nobleza y plebe: residuos simbólicos durante la pos-colonia"

6. Biopolítica borbónica en chile: el discurso antropológico sobre la ociosidad, el vagabundaje, y su objetivación en el mestizaje 128
6.1. Representación moderna de la pobreza 128
6.2. Pública prosperidad, movilidad social y las incomodidades de la ‘nobleza’ 130
6.3. El mestizaje como fuente de vagabundaje 135
6.4. Higienismo y racismo de Estado 137
7. El color de las clases sociales chilenas 139
7.1. Otros contextos, otras categorías 139
7.2. La ‘raza’ en la formación de las clases sociales chilenas 140
7.3. Aristocracia chilena y selección racial 143
8. Imaginando la ‘nación’ 147
8.1. Lugares de enunciación y traducción 147
8.2. ‘El peso de la noche’; el lado oscuro de la Patria 149
8.2.1. El nativo de papel 150
8.2.2. Independencia/Civilización, o Modernidad/Colonialidad 152
8.3. Iustración y ‘libertad’. Legitimación de las diferencias innatas 156
8.4. La infancia de Chile, y el tutelaje de los ‘padres’ criollos 159
8.5. Los ‘negros’ desean la esclavitud, no la libertad 162
9. Dimensión simbólica de las clases sociales: ‘escenificación’ y ‘apariencia’ 166
9.1. La obsesión por el ‘origen’ 166
9.2. El simbolismo de la prosapia criolla 169
9.3. El delirio de ‘ser percibido’ como noble 172
Conclusión: El contrato colonial de Chile 175
Bibliografía 177