Asylum Law

This insightful book analyzes the evolution of the operational tasks and cooperation of the European Border and Coast Guard Agency (FRONTEX), the European Asylum Support Office (EASO) and the European Union Agency for Law Enforcement Cooperation (EUROPOL). Exploring the recent expansion of the legal mandates of these decentralized EU agencies and the activities they undertake in practice, David Fernández-Rojo offers a critical assessment of the EU migration agencies.

The book identifies two key trends in the administration of the European Area of Freedom, Security and Justice. Fernández-Rojo discusses how on one hand the new legal frameworks of FRONTEX, EASO and EUROPOL stress that their operational roles are limited to providing national authorities with technical assistance, while on the other hand these agencies are increasingly involved in guaranteeing the enforcement of EU migration, asylum and border management measures. The book expertly illustrates how FRONTEX, EASO and EUROPOL establish an effective and uniform national implementation of laws and policies, with a focus on their multilateral cooperation in the hotspots established in the aftermath of the refugee crisis.

Examining the de jure and de facto operational powers and cooperation of EU migration agencies, this book will be critical reading for academics and students of law, international relations and political science. Its assessment of the effectiveness of policy implementation will also be beneficial for legal practitioners, policy makers and NGOs.

Europe is currently experiencing a "refugee crisis", demonstrated by millions of displaced people unseen since World War II. This book examines the interface between the EU's response to irregular flows, in particular the main extraterritorial border and migration controls taken by the Member States, and the rights asylum seekers acquire from EU law.

"Remote control" techniques, such as the imposition of visas, fines on carriers transporting unsatisfactorily documented third-country nationals, and interception at sea are investigated in detail in a bid to assess the impact these measures have on access to asylum in the EU. The book also thoroughly analyses the rights recognised by the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights to persons in need of international protection, inclusive of the principle of non-refoulement, the right to leave any country including one's own, the right to asylum, and the right to remedies and effective judicial protection.

The fundamental focus of the book is the relationship between the aforementioned border and migration controls and the rights of asylum seekers and, most importantly, how these rights (should) limit the scope of such measures and the ways in which they are implemented. The ultimate goal is to conclude whether the current series of extraterritorial mechanisms of pre-entry vetting is compatible in EU law with the EU rights of forced migrants.

States have increasingly moved away from refugee protection, intensifying the vulnerability of refugees and asylum-seekers. Drawing on theories of norm dynamics within International Relations (IR), this article argues that departures from refugee protection can be partly explained by the weakness of the normative principles governing the treatment of individuals fleeing persecution. Ambiguities, diverging interpretations, and varying levels of codification complicate efforts to hold states accountable to a complex bundle of human rights standards surrounding refugee and asylum protection. These weaknesses in the international refugee regime bolster norm-evading behavior wherein governments deliberately minimize their obligations while claiming technical compliance. Drawing on an analysis of US refugee and asylum policies under the Trump administration, the article reveals how norm evasion and accountability challenges emerge in the context of ambiguous standards vis-à-vis non-refoulement, non-detention, non-penalization, non-discrimination, and refugee responsibility-sharing. In response to global forced displacement-including an estimated 25 million refugees-governments have increasingly closed borders, detained and repatriated asylum-seekers against their will, developed 'deterrence' and 'repulsion' techniques to prevent asylum-seekers from reaching their territories, and engaged in other practices undermining human rights principles regarding the treatment of individuals fleeing persecution and conflict. 1 The denial of entry by European ports to asylum-seekers-including sick children-stranded for weeks in the Mediterranean, the deaths of children detained along the US southern border, and drastic cuts to third-country refugee resettlement prompt challenging questions about the status of the international refugee and asylum regime. 2 Given the barrage of state practices contravening human rights principles governing the treatment of refugees and asylum-seekers, it is reasonable to question whether refugee protection norms are in crisis.

Home Office decisions on asylum and immigration claims have been described as a “lottery”  and the Law Society argues there are “serious flaws in the way visa and asylum applications are being dealt with.”  The fundamental question is how do we improve access to justice for asylum seekers who are fleeing unimaginable persecution? Should their lives depend on a legal system suffering from “long delays, poor decisions, and a total lack of information?”

Technology can be used to solve two problems arising from Home Office and judges’ decisions. A database of key religious and cultural terms pertaining to the asylum seeker’s country of origin can be created so that the Home Office has a clear understanding of the background of immigration cases. Delays and lack of information occur because the Home Office uses poor secondary sources which conflicts with primary source data. Additionally, a program can be created to accurately determine the risk of harm in the asylum seeker’s country of origin. Whilst a judge would have final authority, algorithms pertaining to primary source data (e.g. percentage of internal displaced people, threat of terrorist attacks, availability of food and shelter etc.) can be utilised to guide the legal process. Often there is inconsistent understanding of the threat of persecution in a particular country meaning asylum seekers are not guaranteed procedural and substantive justice in the UK immigration process. Legaltech can change this and give asylum seekers a fair hearing or, a ‘fairtech’ hearing.

This article addresses the concern that decision-making in sexual orientation or gender identity (SOGI) asylum claims in Europe is often unfair, and that one way to remedy this is by improving the guidance provided to decision-makers when interpreting the Refugee Convention in respect of these claims. We begin by interrogating a number of different decision-making guidelines and models to assess whether they contribute to a fairer asylum system. We show that, for claims based on SOGI, success invariably depends on the decision-maker's assessment as to whether a claimant is, or would be perceived in their home country to be, a member of a SOGI minority, and so belongs to a Particular Social Group. Such focus risks neglecting analysis of the actual risk of persecution. We set out our own recommendation for a fairer approach based on prioritising SOGI-specific Country of Origin Information (COI) and the risk of persecution, rather than focusing on whether applicants are 'genuinely' members of a SOGI minority. We argue that this will lead to fairer outcomes that are less likely to be overturned on appeal and more consistent with the Refugee Convention's spirit and letter.

Resumen: En este trabajo se analiza la existencia de un derecho a solicitar asilo tanto en el territorio del Estado como en frontera. Para ello se toman en consideración la normativa internacional sobre la materia, y la normativa de la Unión Europea, concretamente la Carta de Derechos Fundamentales de la Unión Europea y la Directiva de Procedimiento. El objetivo es determinar si Hungría mediante el rechazo en frontera de los refugiados, así como mediante la imposición de sanciones penales por el cruce ilegal, según la normativa húngara, de frontera, vendría a estar violando dicho de derecho a solicitar asilo. La confirmación de dicha violación, junto con la posible confirmación de las violaciones relativas a los procedimientos de asilo señaladas por la Comisión Europea en la carta de emplazamiento enviada a Hungría en 2015, planteamos podría permitir considerar a Hungría como país " no seguro " siendo de aplicación el artículo 3.2 del Reglamento de Dublín. Summary: This paper analyzes the existence of a right to seek asylum both, in the territory of the State and in the border of the State. For this purpose the international regulations on the matter, and the regulations of the European Union (namely the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union and the Directive of Procedure) are taken into consideration. The aim is to determine whether Hungary through the border rejection of refugees, as well as by imposing criminal penalties for the illegal crossing, according to the Hungarian legislation, would violate the right to seek asylum. The confirmation of such a violation, along with the possible confirmation of violations concerning asylum procedures outlined by the European Commission in the letter of formal notice sent to Hungary in 2015, could allow considering Hungary as a " non-safe " country and applying article 3.2 of the Dublin Regulation.

During the last years member states and EU agencies have turned to AI-powered applications to find solutions to some of the problems arising in the context of asylum procedures and this, in turn, is giving rise to a number of legal issues that need to be addressed.
This chapter (to be published in the book of the Pedagogical University
of Krakow- Institute of Law and Economics Conference "New technologies and artificial intelligence. Legal and practical aspects of the trust ecosystem") focuses on these legal issues: First, some of the current and potential AI tools used in international protection will be presented. Then, the categorization of AI-applications depending on their risk levels proposed by the EU Commission in its proposal for an “Artificial Intelligence Act” will be briefly explained. Finally, the main legal problems that arise from the current or potential use of specific AI tools in asylum procedures will be identified.

The interpretation and use of subsidiary protection in Europe has received much attention in recent years. An area that has received considerably less attention is that of the residual forms of complementary protection that exist in national legislation but that have not been harmonized at a European level. The key to understanding the contemporary use of complementary protection in the Nordic region lies in its origin and development to date. This article will therefore explain the conception of and contents of other complementary forms of protection and their use today compared to EU harmonized subsidiary protection. The article will
analyse the existing legislation and practical examples of its application at first instance, on appeal, or by other precedent setting bodies.

Practical cooperation has passed from the margins to the center of the migration and asylum policies. The operationalisation of the hotspot approach to migration management points to the emergence of an increasingly integrated European administration. We are witnessing patterns of joint implementation, with experts deployed by EU AFSJ agencies involved in search and rescue operations, the registration and referral stages, as well as in the processing of asylum claims. However, less attention has been dedicated to a parallel development, that of the expansion of the mandate of EU JHA agencies, and specifically the revamped FRONTEX and EASO agencies, to include monitoring-like functions, as well as functions which have the potential to steer policy implementation. This creates obvious tensions with the agencies’ internal governance structures which are largely intergovernmental. In this contribution, I first outline some of the novel (envisaged) functions, while critically assessing the challenge of independence. I then open the question whether social accountability arrangements could act as a counterbalance.

This volume comprises the relevant legal instruments and principal policy documents in the area of international and European asylum and migration, including the latest versions of pending legislative proposals. The range of issues covered is comprehensive: human rights; nationality and statelessness; equal treatment, non-discrimination, racism and xenophobia; citizenship, residence and free movement; borders, border management and entry; visa and passenger data; labour migration; family reunification; asylum, subsidiary and temporary protection; irregular migration; and trafficking in human beings.
The texts have been ordered according to the multilateral co-operation level within which they were drawn up: either the United Nations, the Council of Europe or the European Union (including Schengen-level instruments).
This edition provides practitioners, authorities, policy makers, scholars and students throughout Europe with an accurate, up-to-date and forward-looking compilation of essential texts on asylum and migration matters.

À travers le cas suisse, cet article analyse l’intégration d’une dimension de genre dans la définition juridique de la notion de réfugiée. L’auteur y montre comment différents niveaux de la chaîne du droit ont contribué à cette évolution, laquelle est donc appréhendée à la fois par le haut (instances internationales, débats parlementaires, jurisprudence), mais aussi par le bas, dans les pratiques internes de l’administration. En mettant en lien ces différents niveaux, l’auteur insiste sur le rôle important que jouent les fonctionnaires dans la production des normes juridiques (et non pas seulement dans leur seule application). Enfin, il montre que, si les ‘persécutions liées au genre’ sont davantage prises en compte, elles restent des motifs ‘de seconde zone’ dont le caractère politique demeure dénié.

‘Gender-Related Persecution’ in Switzerland: Questioning the Limits of the Right to Asylum
Using the case of Switzerland, this article analyses the inclusion of a gender dimension in the legal definition of the concept of a refugee. The author shows how various levels legal authority have contributed to this development, shaped by influences both from above (international authorities, parliamentary debates, jurisprudence) and from below, through the internal practices of administrations. By articulating these different levels together, the author shows the crucial role played by civil servants in the production of legal standards (and not just in their application alone). Finally, the article shows that, while ‘gender-related persecution’ is increasingly taken into account when assessing refugees’ claims, it remains a ‘secondary’ issue, considered as devoid of any political dimension.

The first part of this paper introduces the legal framework of the Convention on the Rights of the Child (‘CRC’) as the principle international treaty codifying the rights of the child and the obligations on States in relation to those rights. In the second part, a rights-based approach to the processing of asylum applications from unaccompanied minors and the provision of care to those minors is explored. The
specific challenges facing the unaccompanied child and the principle of the child’s best interests under Article 3 CRC are outlined. In each section, this paper addresses specific aspects of the asylum application process which impact the rights of the unaccompanied child; including the age determination procedures of States and perspectives from Ireland.

Die österreichische Bundesregierung hat Ende 2015 bzw. Anfang 2016 (wieder einmal) einen Gesetzesvorschlag zum Asylrecht vorgelegt, der im Kern zwei wesentliche Änderungen bringt: Einerseits das sogenannte „Asyl auf Zeit“ und andererseits die Beschränkung des Familiennachzugs. Kurz vor Abgabe des vorliegenden Beitrags wurde Mitte April 2016 ein Abänderungsantrag eingebracht, der noch weitere Verschärfungen, speziell ein Notstandsverordnungsrecht, mit sich bringt; auf diese wird aber in Folge der Kurzfristigkeit der Änderungen nicht eingegangen. Insgesamt steht die Signalwirkung der Regelungen des neuen Gesetzes (scheinbar) im Vordergrund. Vorliegender Beitrag zeigt zunächst, in welchem Kontext die Regierungsvorlage, die zum Asylgesetzänderungsgesetz 2016 geführt hat, eingebracht wurde (B.). Dem folgt eine kurze Darstellung des österreichischen Asyl- und Fremdenrechts (C.). Im Anschluss werden die zwei Kernpunkte des Asylgesetzänderungsgesetzes 2016 einer kritischen rechtlichen Analyse unterzogen und mit dem Status quo verglichen (D.). Den Abschluss wird eine Einschätzung bilden, ob das österreichische Vorhaben die selbstgesteckten Ziele überhaupt erreichen und einen rechtlichenBeitrag zur Lösung der „Migrationskrise“ beisteuern kann (E.).

Present time is characterised by numerous armed conflicts, violence, natural disasters, which have a profound effect on the high level of migration. Year 2015 set a record in the number of forcibly displaced persons to more than 65 million people. Such group of people includes refugees, asylum seekers and internally displaced persons. International law makes between these groups major distinctions, especially on the rights and protection that comes with each status. In the case of refugees, the most important document is the Convention and Protocol Relating to the Status of Refugees. On the regional level, crucial role plays the Organisation of African Unity Convention Governing the Specific Aspects of Refugee Problems in Africa and the Cartagena Declaration on Refugees. Above mentioned documents provide basic legal framework that defines a refugee, his position, as well as its rights and obligations. The last important document in the field of international refugee law and migration was adopted on 19 September 2016 at the UN, the New York Declaration on Refugees and Migrants. The addressing of the refugee crisis has shown that states are not able to solve problem alone. For this reason, the irreplaceable role has the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). Refugee crisis, which in 2015 hit the European continent revealed weak spots of the Common European Asylum System, but also the unwillingness of the EU Member States to fight the crisis together. Due to the crisis, the European Commission drafted numerous proposals to reform the present Common European Asylum System. EU Member States in addressing the current refugee crisis may be inspired by the migration law and policy of Australia, which as one of the few countries recorded a decline of asylum applications. However, it is necessary to avoid shortages, which are present in the Australian Migration Law, especially in area of fundamental human rights of asylum seekers.

“Não há maneira de me conformar com a ignorância”, disse certa vez o escritor angolano José Eduardo Agualusa ao comentar o espanto com que ouvira uma jovem portuguesa insurgir-se contra a possibilidade de seu país receber refugiados árabes – pessoas que, segundo ela, não possuíam quaisquer laços de sangue e de cultura com Portugal. Para além da inegável miscigenação presente ao redor do mundo desde que o homem iniciou sua jornada a partir da África – o que seria razão suficiente para abordar o tema do deslocamento forçado sob diferente perspectiva –, o espanto é também causado pela ausência de empatia com a situação de milhões de seres humanos. Este livro tem o objetivo de tratar do direito dessas pessoas em um diálogo que não interessa apenas à comunidade acadêmica voltada ao estudo da disciplina do direito internacional, mas a todos que se inquietam com o tema do direito dos refugiados. Produto das intenções do colonizador em manter o controle sobre as colônias, o direito internacional como projeto imperialista é revisitado neste estudo, que toma como referência as chamadas Abordagens de Terceiro Mundo do Direito Internacional como forma de resistência do Sul global à hegemonia do Norte global. Nessa perspectiva, o eurocentrismo, sem dúvida ainda dominante, passa a coexistir com a crescente influência dos países periféricos na arena internacional. Se “os refugiados estavam presentes no Terceiro Mundo quando a Convenção de 1951 foi adotada, mas não eram vistos como pessoas de interesse”, aos poucos essa realidade impõe-se ser revista. É assim que o direito internacional dos refugiados, concebido exclusivamente para atender aos desdobramentos da Segunda Guerra Mundial, passa a levar em conta também as diferentes realidades regionais. A importância social de estudos como este, ao exporem a criação do mito da diferença no direito internacional dos refugiados, mostra-se indiscutível para a reformulação da definição clássica de refúgio. É na busca dessa ampliação de horizontes e consequente incremento dos mecanismos de proteção e de promoção da pessoa humana que esta obra se edifica, abordando também, com profundidade, o caso da imigração haitiana para o Brasil e a aprovação da nova Lei de Migração brasileira de 2017.

The situation in Europe in 2015 and 2016 has raised many questions about state responses to what has been called “the refugee crisis”, and how these responses correspond with claims of upholding respect for the principle of asylum, and of refugee and migration policies being humanitarian and fair. Refugee policy  is  influenced  by  a  number  of  different  factors,  including  a  state’s  legal  obligations,  economic  situation,  political  ideology  and  public  opinion.  This  paper  gives  an  overview  of  relevant  legislation 
in the field, and of events and developments in migration and asylum policy in 2015 and early 2016.
I discuss whether a state’s self-image, and the image it wishes to present, has any impact on policy in extraordinary situations such as the one unfolding in Europe over the last eighteen months. It is argued
that  the  self-image  can  indeed  have  some  impact,  in  particular  on  the  way  increasingly  restrictive  measures  are  presented  and  explained,  however,  it  is  also  held  that  regardless  of  a  state’s  self-image 
or  good  intentions,  a  humanitarian  asylum  policy  which  upholds  respect  for  human  rights,  and  the  principle of asylum in particular, only seems possible when not actually put to the test.

Le Secrétariat d'Etat aux migrations (SEM) a récemment informé les cantons que s'ils n'exécutaient pas les décisions de transferts vers un autre Etat européen prises en vertu du règlement Dublin, la Confédération ferait usage de l'article 89b de la Loi sur l'asile. Cet article lui offre la possibilité d'appliquer des sanctions financières à l'encontre des cantons qui n'exécutent pas les décisions de renvoi rendues par le SEM. Si l'article en question se réfère de façon générale à l'exécution des décisions de renvoi, les injonctions de la Confédération portent sur les renvois Dublin en particulier. De quoi les cantons seraient-ils responsables et pourquoi la Confédération cible-t-elle ces renvois-là ?

In cerca di protezione: tra respingimenti alla frontiera e assenza di vie di accesso regolare.-2. L'esistenza di canali di ingresso regolare come possibile alternativa al pieno rispetto delle garanzie procedurali derivanti dal divieto di espulsioni collettive.-3. I visti umanitari come (im)possibile via di accesso regolare in Europa per i richiedenti asilo.-4. Conclusioni. L'asilo impossibile.

El rechazo a las solicitudes de asilo de mexicanos en Estados Unidos y Canadá cuestiona abiertamente las conclusiones del filósofo italiano Giorgio Agamben, cuya obra ha influido profundamente en los análisis de los sistemas de refugio alrededor del mundo, así como en el significado de la figura del refugiado en nuestro tiempo. En sus conclusiones, Agamben argumentaque por ser el principal receptáculo de las declaraciones de derechos humanos –que trascienden los derechos ciudadanos–, el refugiado es despojado de todo carácter político y reducido a una vida biológica parecida a la de los animales, sin posibilidad de resistencia. Aquí se argumentará que, contrariamente a lo señalado por Agamben, la figura del refugiado está altamente politizada. Para ello se retomará el caso de las solicitudes de asilo de mexicanos en Estados Unidos y Canadá en el contexto de la lucha contra el narcotráfico.

With emphasis on the ECJ's first Refugee Law case Salahadin Abdulla and Others (C-175/08), this article brings to light the failure to correctly interpret the Geneva Refugee Convention by different actors (UNHCR, the European Commission and the Court of Justice) responsible for its supervision and interpretation. The analysis focuses on: the relevance of the Refugee Convention for the EU's common policy on asylum; the role of the European Court of Justice in the interpretation of the Refugee Convention; the rules of interpretation to be used when interpreting the Convention; and the specific results to which the application of those rules would lead with respect to the so-called secession clause.

The online Summer School (23 June-20 July, 40 hours) aims to provide a comprehensive training on the right to private and family life of migrant children, with particular reference to international covenants and EU law. Specific attention will be devoted to the case law of the European Court of Human Rights and the Court of Justice of the European Union as well as to the current challenges for the protection migrant children’s rights, such as the impact of Covid-19, climate change, human trafficking and smuggling. Importantly, all topics will be analysed in the light of the New Pact on Migration and Asylum and the EU strategy on the rights of the child. Participants will acquire a broad knowledge of the rights to family life of migrant children both for scientific research purposes and for their professional skills. Deadline for application: 15 June 202. More information are available here: https://www.santannapisa.it/it/formazione/summer-school-family-life-and-rights-migrant-children-european-union-jean-monnet-module

The chapter aims at exploring the European Court of Justice (ECJ) case-law concerning the relationship between the Dublin system and the solidarity principle enshrined in Article 80 of the TFEU. Starting from a legal analysis of Article 80, attention is paid to some decisions (e.g. N.S., X. and X., A.S. and Jafari, the “relocation” case), in which the ECJ has followed a cautious approach. Notably, it held, on the one hand, that responsibility criteria of the Dublin system cannot be derogated for solidarity reasons (even by way of interpretation or in the case of massive inflows of asylum seekers); on the other hand, that solidarity has to be implemented in legislative acts in order to fully reach its goals, being understood that a breach of such acts by some “reluctant” Member States is, first of all, a violation of the principle of loyalty provided for in Article 4(3) TEU.

REFUGIADOS Y CRISIS MIGRATORIAS: FRONTERAS Y DESTERRITORIALIDAD EN LAS PUERTAS DE EUROPA

La denominada crisis de los refugiados de 2015 ha trastocado muchos aspectos de la integración europea. No se trata solo de la política migratoria o de la acogida a solicitantes de asilo, sino de numerosos aspectos vinculados a la esencia misma y naturaleza de la Unión y de la construcción europea, pues son los valores europeos los que están en juego a la hora de afrontar los desafíos que plantea la presión migratoria actual y futura hacia Europa .
En este trabajo analizaremos el impacto de la crisis de refugiados de 2015, en el sistema europeo de fronteras interiores y exteriores, y los nuevos aspectos de control migratorio en las fronteras exteriores, que van más allá de los espacios bajos soberanía o jurisdicción de los Estados.
Para ello analizamos (II) la conformación de, espacio europeo de libre circulación «federal» de personas y sus sistema de fronteras en vigor desde 1995; el análisis de la crisis, sus efectos y la reacción de la UE nos llevará a determinar cómo esta concreta crisis se incardina en un marco de flujos y presión migratoria cuyas rutas de acceso a Europa son bien conocidas, y que determinan las vías migratorias que denominamos las puertas de Europa con los Estados vecinos de Turquía, Marruecos y Libia.
La situación de las fronteras internas y externas tras la crisis y los retos migratorios presente y futura son igualmente examinados (III). En particular se analizan los obstáculos a la libre circulación, y la situación de las fronteras exteriores en su evolución del control migratorio. Aquí valoramos los problemas de la inmigración por vía marítima, y la preocupación actual por poner en marcha y desarrollar un Sistema Integrado de Gestión de Fronteras Exteriores.
El fenómeno conocido como la Externalización de políticas y controles migratorios nos ocupa en el Bloque IV. Abordaremos las diferentes situaciones y propondremos catalogar como «desterritorialización» el conjunto de experiencias, normas y prácticas que se desarrollan más allá de la jurisdicción de los Estados y de la actuación exterior de la UE. Expondremos nuestra opinión sobre la conveniencia de diferenciar entre externalizar las políticas migratorias con terceros Estados, y la actuación extraterritorial de control migratorio fronterizo. Unas conclusiones (V) nos permitirán recapitular las principales valoraciones de nuestro trabajo.

Capítulo en  Santiago  RIPOL CARULLA- (Coord.)-Derecho, Inmigración y Empresa
Ed Marcial Pons, Barcelona, 2019 , pp.  89-117
ISBN: 9788491236283
https://www.marcialpons.es/libros/jornadas-sobre-derecho-inmigracion-y-empresa/9788491236283/
INDICE-SUMARIO: https://www.marcialpons.es/media/pdf/9788491236283.pdf

In the mid 1990s US immigration courts were introduced to a group of Iranian women who claimed that they feared persecution because of their “pro-Western and feminist” political opinions and because of the way they performed gender on their bodies. The claims were, in total, unsuccessful bids to asylum. Analyzing these cases set against the geopolitical background of US-Iranian history and contemporary relations, I argue that their denials illustrate three important dynamics. First, building on rhetorical theorizing of voice and body, this essay demonstrates the uneasy reception in US law and politics of willful non-citizen women of color with explicit political voices bodies, and second, the consequential racialization of these subjects as willful, unorderable migrant subjects too akin in their sovereignty to their state of birth. Third, this analysis adds to the field’s attentiveness to geopolitics by consequently demonstrate US necropolitical desires toward Iran in the state’s engagement with these cases. I argue that for the US to recognize these claimants as having political voices contrary to their state would be to recognize the presence and legitimacy of that state—a sovereign that challenges US power and modernity on the global stage.

The Convention relating to the Status of Refugees (the 1951 Convention) does not address all the challenging questions posed by contemporary forced migration. The 1951 Convention does not deal with persons fleeing armed conflict, admission and large-scale movement of forced migrants in a clear and comprehensive manner. In addition to this, restrictive interpretation of the refugee definition provided in Art. 1 A (2) of the 1951 Convention by State authorities, popularity of non-entree policies and the absence of solidarity in response to large-scale forced migration movements create protection gaps. A number of initiatives have been adopted at the national, regional and international level to remedy these gaps and one of them is temporary protection. This article focuses on protection gaps and temporary protection. The first part of the article explores the extent to which the 1951 Convention deals with persons fleeing armed conflict, admission and mass-influx situations, and it seeks to clarify the reason why there are protection gaps concerning these issues. Building on this analysis, the second part of the article defines temporary protection by reviewing temporary protection policies in Turkey, the United States and the European Union and it explores to what extent temporary protection regimes can remedy protection gaps and provide effective protection to forced migrants.

This contribution interprets the east-central European post-liberal governments’
recent anti-immigrant, anti-refugee and anti-human-rights hysteria in the context of the increasing dependence of the region’s societies for livelihood on employment in the western EU, the widespread racialization of east European labor in the western EU, and the refusal of east European political elites and societies at large to consider possible “Left” critiques of the EU. Given those circumstances, and laboring under related anxieties, post-state-socialist political elites and societies have assumed a fundamentalist-racialist posture. They redirect their repressed anger toward incoming refugees, claim an ahistorical, essential kind of Whiteness and contribute to rigidifying European discussions of “race.”

To access the article, please follow the link to the publisher https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/slavic-review/article/unbearable-whiteness-of-the-polish-plumber-and-the-hungarian-peacock-dance-around-race/59244B15CB295020E51DF252BDA76604.

If the above link does not work, please look up Slavic Review in your own institution's library website and download the paper from there.

If that fails, please contact the authors at [email protected] or [email protected] or [email protected] and they will be happy to provide a copy. Sorry for the inconvenience.

Using court decisions, interviews with legal actors, and ethnographic observations , this paper analyzes the development of sexual identity classifications for sexual minorities seeking asylum in the United States and argues that the adjudication of such claims works to consolidate and regulate sexual identities but also creates possibilities for recognizing marginalized queer identities. Asylum seekers must prove their sexual identities, and immigration officials must classify claimants as belonging to a protected group. At the inception of queer asylum law in 1990, protected categories were highly circumscribed, but the indeterminacy of the law allowed advocates and asylum seekers to challenge existing categories and stake out new claims based on their sexualities. Against the backdrop of extant criticisms of the asylum process for queers, this paper suggests that the way asylum law has been elaborated, adapted, and interpreted , particularly in approximately the past decade, offers possibilities for making unique identity claims that are not recognized in existing scholarship.

prologue, intro and afterword of book
Publication date: October 20, 2016
Abstract:
Restrictive border protection policies directed toward managing the flow of refugees coming into neoliberal democracies (and out of failing nation-states) are a defining feature of contemporary politics. In this book, Verónica Tello analyses how contemporary artists--such as Tania Bruguera, Isaac Julien, Rosemary Laing, Dierk Schmidt, Hito Steyerl, Lyndell Brown and Charles Green--negotiate their diverse subject positions while addressing and taking part in the production of images associated with refugee experiences and histories. Tello argues that their practices, which manifest across a range of contexts including Cuba, the United States, Australia and Europe, represent an emergent, global paradigm of contemporary art, 'counter-memorial aesthetics'.

Counter-memorial aesthetics, Tello argues, is characterized by its conjunction of heterogeneous signifiers and voices of many times and places, generating an experimental, non-teleological approach to the construction of contemporary history, which also takes into account the complex, disorienting spatial affects of globalization. Spanning performance art, experimental 'history painting', aftermath photography and video installation, counter-memorial aesthetics bring to the fore, Tello argues, how contemporary refugee flows and related traumatic events critically challenge and conflict with many existing, tired if not also stubborn notions of national identity, borders, history and memory.

Building on the writings of such thinkers as Michel Foucault and Jacques Rancière, this book offers a useful concept of 'counter-memory' for the twenty-first century. It shows how counter-memorial aesthetics is not only central to the nexus of contemporary art and refugee histories but also how it can offer a way of being critically present with many other, often interrelated, global crises in the contemporary era.

http://bloomsbury.com/us/counter-memorial-aesthetics-9781474252737/

The OHB of Refugee and Forced Migration Studies - edited by Elena Fiddian-Qasmiyeh, Gil Loescher, Katy Long and Nando Sigona - has now been published in paperback and is available to purchase with a 30% discount with the code on this flyer. 53 excellent chapters by leading academics, policy makers and practitioners.

[EN] Translation from German to Spanish of Jürgen Habermas' Article "Die Asydebatte"

[ES] Este artículo de Habermas fue publicado originalmente, con el título de “Die Asyldebatte”, en su libro 'Vergangenheit als Zunkunft', Múnich: Piper, 1993, pp. 159-186. La traducción desde el alemán y la elaboración de las notas son obra de Juan Carlos Velasco. Una versión posterior, ligeramente revisada, es accesible en Jürgen Habermas: "Refugiados, migrantes e integración. Una breve antología", Madrid, Tecnos, 2022, págs. 41-75. https://www.academia.edu/69007045/Refugiados_migrantes_e_integración_Una_breve_antolog%C3%ADa

Whereas the Visegrad Group is frequently seen as one unified coalition on the question of migration in the European Union, the intensity with which each country has addressed the issue during the European Migrant crisis, is different and can be explained by many factors like the governing parties’ ideological stance, as well as domestic political dynamics, social perceptions also influenced by the countries’ geographical location. This article analyzes the convergence and divergence points of the V4’s migration policy. It aims to understand the reasons behind the striking difference between Poland and Hungary on the one hand, and Slovakia and the Czech Republic on the other hand when it comes to the migration policy. By doing that, it argues that the V4 migration policy cannot be understood apart from the political and ideological context. Moreover, it highlights that the difference on the ground doesn’t mean the dissolution of the
coalition.
Keywords: European migrant crisis, Migration policy, Visegrád group

ES: El aumento del número de personas solicitantes de protección internacional causado por el incremento y la gravedad de las situaciones de emergencia que se viven en el mundo ha provocado, a su vez, una mayor necesidad de traductores e intérpretes (TeI) en este ámbito. Las características particulares de la práctica de traducción e interpretación en estos contextos plantean a las personas que se dedican a ella retos de muy diversa naturaleza, que examinaremos en este trabajo. En particular, nos centramos en los dilemas éticos/deontológicos que surgen en este ámbito en torno al rol del TeI e intentamos analizarlos mediante el estudio de algunos códigos deontológicos nacionales e internacionales y de las opiniones de los profesionales que se dedican a ello, recabadas mediante una encuesta diseñada específicamente para este trabajo. De esta manera, reflexionamos sobre el papel que desempeña el TeI en contextos de protección internacional y planteamos propuestas para avanzar en el objetivo de garantizar la calidad de este servicio a fin de configurar un sistema más justo para todas las partes involucradas. Palabras clave: TISP, protección internacional, códigos deontológicos, neutralidad, mediación intercultural.


EN: The rise in the number of asylum applicants caused by the quantity and severity of the emergency situations experienced in many regions of the world has, in turn, triggered an increased need for translators and interpreters (T&I) in this context. The distinctive characteristics of such contexts result in specific challenges for these professionals, which will be examined in this MA dissertation. In particular, we will also focus on the ethical and deontological dilemmas regarding the T&I’s role in this field and will discuss the most prevalent themes through the analysis of several national and international deontological codes and the views of the practitioners, gathered through a survey specifically designed for this paper. By doing this, this paper will reflect upon the role of the T&I in asylum settings and will provide suggestions to make progress on assuring the quality of this service with the ultimate aim of contributing to a more equitable system for all the parties involved. Keywords: Public Service Interpreting and Translating, asylum, deontological codes, neutrality, intercultural mediation.

This article critically assesses the amended European Union asylum detention framework. It traces the tension reflected in the regime between protection provision and administrative imperatives, such as migration management. The research argues that the amended legislation closely frames asylum detention. A coherent regional understanding of " alternatives to asylum detention " also emerges from the legal framework. These elements have the potential to advance protection of forced migrants at global and regional levels. However, European Union asylum law also carries within it the risk of undermining protection. The research explores in this respect the broadly phrased detention grounds and advances an interpretation on the basis of Member States' international and regional (Council of Europe) legal obligations. K E Y W OR D S : asylum detention, EU law, alternatives to detention, detention grounds

The present chapter examines the interplay between the Turkish asylum laws and the European asylum acquis as well as the EU-Turkey Cooperation in the field of migration. By exploring these issues, the chapter aims to establish how the EU and the EU asylum law and policies have affected Turkish asylum laws and policies, and the protection of forced migrants in Turkey.The chapter consists of three parts. The first provides an overview of the Turkish asylum system by examining the entry of migrants and asylum seekers to Turkey, their access to international protection procedures and the main protection categories provided under the Turkish Law on Foreigners and International Protection. The second part explores the role of the EU and the EU asylum acquis in shaping Turkey’s asylum laws. The third examines the EU-Turkey cooperation in the field of migration by focusing on the EU-Turkey Statement of March 2016, its progress and the legal issues raised by the Statement. Building on these parts, the chapter concludes by addressing the question as to how the EU and the European asylum law and policies have affected protection of forced migrants in Turkey.

In this first of a two-part contribution, I describe the case of Maribel Trujillo-Diaz. Maribel is a long-time resident of Fairfield, Ohio, United States. She is a worker in a local candy factory, and the married mother of four dependent American citizens. After cooperating fully with a series of escalating immigration enforcement requirements, Maribel was arrested in February, incarcerated in a detention centre, and slated for deportation on 19 April.
In Part II, I will discuss how Maribel’s case reflects tensions and fissures in immigration and refugee politics and law in the United States. I will outline the political and legal contexts for her case. I will also argue that the fact of Maribel’s deportation speaks to the power of the criminalization and illegalization of migrants paradigm currently dominating the United States.
Note: This version is an updated paper based on CARFMS Blog entries dated 27 April and 25 May 2017.