Abolition of Slavery

En este capítulo de libro abordo el papel de los milicianos de origen ne- groafricano en la defensa de ciudades, pueblos y puertos hispanoame- ricanos, para después relacionarlo con una comedia poco conocida del Siglo de Oro, titulada "El valiente negro en Flandes", de Andrés de Claramonte y Corroy, cuyo protagonista es un esclavo que lucha en los Tercios de Flandes. Se trata de un argumento dramático de gran actualidad, pues desafía los tópicos racistas, planteando la igualdad entre las personas.

Focusing my study on one manumission case from early 1931 documented within the records of the British India Office, I argue that the conflict described within where the Sheikh of Sharjah sought to challenge British authority to manumit slaves in his town demonstrates issues of sovereignty and authority between the sheikh of Sharjah and the British Political Agent in Bushire stemming from the legal imperialism of Britain embedded within the treaties signed between the two political actors. In the anti-slavery clauses of these treaties, Britain held the right to manumit slaves hailing from the Trucial States. However, in the case under review, the enactment of this right led to push back from the sheikh and a slave owner in the form of armed protest outside the British Resident Agent’s home in Sharjah. This, in turn, led to British demandfor restitution in the form of fines, threatening to destroy a nearby tower if left unpaid. This case also demonstrates the role of the Resident Agent as an inter-state intermediary whose position can be described as trans-jurisdictional as he often worked in favor of the local slave owners within the Trucial states as much as he worked for and was considered an advisor by British officialdom in the Persian Gulf. I further argue that British intervention in the Arabian Sea constituted legal imperialism despite the lack of outright colonization of the Trucial sheikhdoms because the basis of Britain’s claims rested upon the enactment of several treaties and the implicit recognition of the claims by the growingly influential international community.Focusing my study on one manumission case from early 1931 documented within therecords of the British India Office, I argue that the conflict described within where the Sheikh ofSharjah sought to challenge British authority to manumit slaves in his town demonstrates issuesof sovereignty and authority between the sheikh of Sharjah and the British Political Agent inBushire stemming from the legal imperialism of Britain embedded within the treaties signedbetween the two political actors. In the anti-slavery clauses of these treaties, Britain held theright to manumit slaves hailing from the Trucial states. However, in the case under review, theenactment of this right led to push back from the sheikh and a slave owner in the form of armedprotest outside the British Resident Agent’s home in Sharjah. This, in turn, led to British demandfor restitution in the form of fines, threatening to destroy a nearby tower if left unpaid. In myopinion, this case also demonstrates the role of the Resident Agent as an inter-state intermediarywhose position can be described as trans-jurisdictional as he often worked in favor of the localslave owners within the Trucial states as much as he worked for and was considered an advisorby British officialdom in the Persian Gulf. I further argue that British intervention in the ArabianSea constituted legal imperialism despite the lack of outright colonization of the Trucial sheikhdoms because the basis of Britain’s claims rested upon the enactment of several treatiesand the implicit recognition of the claims by the growingly influential international community.

Though distant in subject, structure and narrative voice, these two novels, Herman Melville‘s Moby-Dick and Toni Morrison‘s Beloved, share unexpected common ground. Both are remarkable for their breathtaking poetic treatment of suffering, brutal exploitation and killing. Both weave their narrative fabric in the rich territory where the struggle for survival overlaps with a desperate will to break barriers. And both, somehow, amidst the carnage, create an opening through which reaches the presence of the divine.

This article contributes to the reassessment of Scottish history and identity in light of the recovery of its connections with black Atlantic issues such as slavery and empire. The ‘paradox’ of the national bard seeking employment as a book-keeper on Jamaica remains an uncomfortable area for modern Scotland. This article considers Burns's biographical and textual (dis-)entanglement with the Caribbean in relation to the subsequent competition over his memory. It reads Robert Burns as a lieu de mémoire (Pierre Nora) that opens up a conflicted account of the nature of free labour ideology, slavery and abolition in the late eighteenth century.

Paper presented June 4, 2015, to the General Philemon Thomas Chapter, Sons of the American Revolution. The paper challenges existing scholarship on events popularly described as the "1811 German Coast Slave Uprising."

A white blood thirst certainly occurred during the events which occurred on the cusp of Congress' vote to allow the Territory of Orleans to petition for statehood. Many in Congress opposed the expansion of the nation's slavery over so vast an area which would be carved into numerous states, and they also voted, on the losing side, to provide full citizenship and voting rights to the considerable population of free people of color. French elite in the territory were apoplectic enough to hear of efforts to end slavery, much less to imagine that they might have to share voting rights with a subordinate class of individuals, the gens de couleur libre.

These events occurred in the midst of two fully documented 'rebellions', i.e., that of the 1810  West Florida Rebellion and that of East Florida, also known as The Patriots' War, the following year, 1812. The paper argues that the three events are inextricably linked and must be viewed in that context.

This article highlights narratives of enslavement held in the
Church Missionary Society and Methodist Missionary Society
archives for the Sierra Leone, Yoruba, and Gambia missions
in the nineteenth century. Its particular focus is on
testimonies of Africans who experienced enslavement in
Africa and were subsequently sold to Europeans on the
coast and embarked on trans-Atlantic slave vessels. These
documents form part of the Social Sciences and Humanities
Research Council (SSHRC)-funded SHADD: Studies in the
History of the African Diaspora – Documents project, a
digital publication of the Harriet Tubman Institute for
Research on Africa and its Diasporas at York University
(http://tubman.info.yorku.ca/publications/shadd/). This article
catalogues both the narratives uncovered to date – among
the longest unpublished accounts of enslavement in Africa –
and research strategies for uncovering more. It concludes
with an appendix indexing digitized and transcribed
documents available on the SHADD database as research
and teaching resources.

I tried to put US and associated world history into 150 pages.  I try to focus on the US history that I assume may be unknown or not taught in a big way in our schools or broadcast on TV or is being censored.  I have been adding to this book over the years that I have been researching for  my other seven or eight US history books by this title.  Those other books are divided based on who was President of the United States starting with FDR and so far I am now working on the President Ford years, but have not finished it yet.

Sur  Martin Ruef, Between Slavery and Capitalism. The Legacy of Emancipation in the American South, Princeton et Oxford, Princeton University Press, 2014 ; Alex Gourevitch, From Slavery to the Cooperative Commonwealth. Labor and republican Liberty in the Nineteenth Century, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2014 ; Céline Flory, De l’esclavage à la liberté forcée. Histoire des travailleurs engagés dans la Caraïbe française au XIXe siècle, Paris, Karthala / Société des Africanistes, 2015.

After an introduction, are presented in English and Portuguese six letters
written by John Wesley, an Anglican priest and spiritus rector of the Methodist
movement, addressed to Samuel Hoare (18 August 1787), Thomas Clarkson
(London, in August 1787), Granville Sharp (London, 11 October 1787), Thomas
Funnell (24 November 1787), Henry Moore (Bristol, 14 March 1790) and John
Wilberforce (Balam, February 24, 1791). The five people belonged to the circles
of the Society for the abolition of slave trade, founded on May 22, 1787. Hoare, a
Quaker, Sharp and Clarkson, both Anglicans, were founding members, Funnell,
associate member soon after and Wilberforce and the leader of the parliamentary
committee that dealt with the subject.
Keywords: John Wesley; Samuel Hoare; Thomas Clarkson; Thomas Funnell;
Granville Sharp; Henry Moore; John Wilberforce

Ben Winters’ latest mystery/thriller, Underground Airlines, is set in an America that never fought its Civil War. In the novel, a long series of political compromises between North and South allow slavery to continue to the present day. This is counterintuitive, to say the least. The novel requires that readers imagine a Confederacy that responds to the 1861 assassination of President-elect Abraham Lincoln by abandoning its rebellion and seeking a compromise that would place hard limits on the legality of slavery. Winters’ characters inhabit a world in which assassinations have the effect of cowing those politicians who would oppose slavery into softening their positions. This violence emboldens slaveowners, but never to the point that they consider negotiations to be a zero sum game. They accept that slavery will be profitable enough with mild regulatory oversight.

Ghana-for all its notable strides toward more egalitarian political and social systems in the past 60 years-remains a nation plagued with inequalities stemming from its long history of slavery and slave trading. The work assembled in this collection explores the history of slavery in Ghana and its legacy for both Ghana and the descendants of people sold as slaves from the “Gold Coast” in the era of the transatlantic slave trade.

The volume is structured to reflect four overlapping areas of investigation: the changing nature of slavery in Ghana, including the ways in which enslaved people have been integrated into or excluded from kinship systems, social institutions, politics, and the workforce over time; the long-standing connections forged between Ghana and the Americas and Europe through the transatlantic trading system and the forced migration of enslaved people; the development of indigenous and transnational anti-slavery ideologies; and the legacy of slavery and its ongoing reverberations in Ghanaian and diasporic society.

Bringing together key scholars from Ghana, Europe and the USA who introduce new sources, frames and methodologies including heritage, gender, critical race, and culture studies, and drawing on archival documents and oral histories, Slavery and Its Legacy in Ghana and the Diaspora will be of great interest to scholars and students of comparative slavery, abolition and West African history.

e book ¡Nunca más esclavos! Una historia comparada de los esclavos que se liberaron de las Américas, by Aline Hegl, is a longterm review of all the strategies used by American slaves to achieve their freedom. e work aims to discuss with various authors
who addressed the issue, making a comparative history “from below” on the different emancipatory methods used by those who
suffered from the slave trade, relativizing the effectiveness of some and rescuing the advantages of others.

https://www.amazon.com/United-States-Transatlantic-Americas-1776-1867/dp/0300212410/

While much of modern scholarship has focused on the American slave trade’s impact within the United States, considerably less has addressed its effects in other parts of the Americas. A rich analysis of a complex subject, this study draws on Portuguese, Brazilian, and Spanish primary documents—as well as English-language material—to shed new light on the changing behavior of slave traders and their networks, particularly in Brazil and Cuba. Slavery in these nations, as Marques shows, contributed to the mounting tensions that would ultimately lead to the U.S. Civil War. Taking a truly Atlantic perspective, Marques outlines the multiple forms of U.S. involvement in this traffic amid various legislation and shifting international relations, exploring the global processes that shaped the history of this participation.

In 1805, naval officer Captain Philip Beaver (1766-1813) published his African Memoranda: Relative to an Attempt to Establish a British Settlement on the Island of Bulama, on the Western Coast of Africa, in the Year 1792. Beaver's text provides an absorbing testimony of his efforts to assist British colonisers in establishing their African settlement. Despite the colonial ambitions of this project, the 'Bulama Association' members were reformists at heart. Their high-minded intentions in purchasing the island and settling it, were to demonstrate the anti-slavery principle that propagation by 'free natives' would bring 'cultivation and commerce' to the region and ultimately introduce 'civilization' among them. The colonists' ambitions to benefit the African economy and set a precedent of humanitarian labour for the slave-owning lobby in Britain, led to the extraordinary emigration of 275 men, women, and children in order to put their humanitarian ideals into practice. Within two years, all the colonists had died or returned to Britain, but Beaver asserted that their socioeconomic model was successful and that future settlements would benefit from their efforts. This article examines the motives of the Bolama scheme within the context of other colonial projects (for instance in Sierra Leone) to demonstrate how British anti-slavery ideals combined with commercial ambitions to settle land in Africa at the end of the eighteenth century. It contributes to academic investigations into Atlantic history, popular abolitionist movements of the 1790s, and Romantic-period colonial policy, to demonstrate how such collective enterprises sought to expand British influence abroad.

The early 19 th-century poet Samuel Taylor Coleridge called his friend Thomas Clarkson the "moral steam-engine" of British abolitionism. Clarkson had played a key role in the campaign to abolish the slave trade, which had started in 1787 and ended with the Abolition Act of 1807, and continued to be actively involved in the ongoing antislavery movement of the 1820s and 30s. He was also the author of the first ever history of British abolition. To Coleridge and his contemporaries, living in the heyday of the Industrial Revolution, Clarkson did indeed take the traits of a metaphorical steam-engine. But such individualized interpretations of British abolitionism and of social movements in general, popular though they still remained, hide a much more important history of association, mobilization, and cooperation.

https://www.amazon.com/Ten-Lives-Declaring-Human-Rights/dp/B08GLP3ZJ2

They walked in the darkest parts of human history: in the blood of genocide, the chains of slavery, in the oppression of women, in the death camps of the Holocaust and in the hatred and exclusion of racism. Yet, where others could see only our worst, they saw another path. And what they discovered, they taught to the rest of us. These ten, and others like them, "declared" human rights by their very lives. Often long before the ideas appeared in documents like the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, they were there. When human rights were being born, they were there. Some of their names will be familiar, others will not. Bartolome de Las Casas, Thomas Clarkson, Lucretia Mott, Tahirih, Frederick Douglass, Alain Locke, Primo Levi, Eleanor Roosevelt, Martin Luther King Jr. and Albie Sachs. Yet, you won’t find the “official” story of human rights in this book. Indeed, most of the lives you find here, barely appear in that official story. What are human rights? What does it mean to work for them? As we follow their stories we will see through their eyes.

“In telling these stories … this book brings human rights ‘close to
home’, where universal human rights begin, as Eleanor
Roosevelt put it. Michael Curtotti has … done us all a great
service in this.”

Chris Sidoti

Between 1826 and 1843 the medical practitioners of Jamaica engaged in a long and fraught campaign to create a College of Physicians and Surgeons.  This campaign linked the island with the global processes of medical and political reform, especially in Britain, and numerous studies have revealed the political barriers that faced efforts to reshape medical practices in this period.  Yet the metropole was also in a continuous dialogue with its colonial periphery.  Existing work has looked at what this dialogue meant for the circulation of medical theories and practices, but equally important was the transmission of medical institutions, which provided structures for their development and application.  The campaign in Jamaica offers an important case study of the complex process by which medical institutions spread in this period and reveals both the imperial aspects of medical and social reform in Jamaica and the colonial aspects of medical reform in Britain.

A few years ago, the issue of slavery was openly raised in China when the Constitution and Human Rights Commission of the All China Lawyers Association (ACLA) submitted a law proposal aiming at the specific criminalization of slave labor. In the aftermath of the unprecedentedly publicized 2007 Shanxi brick kiln slave scandal, the ACLA asserted that despite the fact that the Constitution of the People’s Republic of China guarantees individual freedom and had declared the exploitation of man by man eliminated, the penal law was not appropriate to fight effectively against the new forms of bondage and trafficking in human beings that recently developed all over the country. Wu Ge, Director of the Human Rights Commission, considered the adoption of such a law as utmostly necessary not only for the preservation of human dignity, but also as a way to bring China – as a civilized nation – into line with international standards, to help improving international cooperation in the fight against modern slavery, and to remain faithful to the long Chinese history which saw the end of the slave system in 467 BCE, he said.
However, if the issue of slavery remains a hot and delicate topic in contemporary China, who does remember that one century ago, although in a radically different context, the last imperial dynasty vigorously addressed it in slightly similar terms? Who still remembers that, threatened on all sides, the imperial government abolished “bondservant” status, prohibited the trade of human beings, and nearly succeeded in carving its place in the world of the civilized nations that have abolished slavery? As a contribution to the understudied history of human bondage in China, this chapter aims at reviving the memory of the late Qing abolition process. It first explores the well-known Shanghai Mixed Court Incident of late 1905 as a critical moment in the Sino-Western confrontation about “civilization” issues such as human dignity and slavery, which led Viceroy Zhou Fu to submit, on March 6, 1906, a memorial proposing nothing less than “the abolition of the buying and selling of human beings.” It then proposes an overview of the content and scope of the various memorials drafted by the Commission for the Codification of Laws under the supervision of Shen Jiaben until the abolition was officially promulgated in 1910. It finally attempts to evaluate the knowledge of Western slavery and its abolitions, its influence on late Qing society, and the degree of penetration of antislavery ideas in early twentieth century China. It notably explores the omnipresent rhetoric of slavery that made such a rapid reform possible in spite of the apparent absence of any prior debate over slavery within the Chinese public sphere.

La difficile quête de justice des "comfort women"  (esclaves sexuelles des armées du Japon en campagne avant 1945) devant les juridictions des Etats concernés (Japon, Corée du Sud, Philippines) et les juridictions étrangères au titre de la compétence universelle

The neo-republican conception of freedom as non-domination has emerged as a powerful framework for conceptualizing the dynamic relationship between power, democracy, and constitutionalism in modernity. Despite this, I argue that adaptations of republican freedom to the problem of slavery displace attention to race and foreclose more productive ways of addressing how racial slavery constitutes a distinct form of oppression. To illuminate the limitations of neo-republicanism, I turn to the political thought of abolitionists David Walker and Ottobah Cugoano. Both utilize comparative histories of race and slavery to reveal the specificity of modern slavery as a form of oppression, which cannot be captured as an issue of domination in the technical sense of the term. They thus pose challenges to neo-republican theory for its failure to fully appreciate the historical differences between ancient and modern slavery. To do so would illuminate how neo-republican theory faces severe limitations in providing an adequate conceptualization of oppression in the case of racial slavery.