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978-1-107-14648-8 — The Historical Phonology of Tibetan, Burmese, and Chinese
Nathan Hill
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The historical Phonology of Tibetan, Burmese,
and Chinese
The discovery of sound laws by comparing attested languages is the method
which has unlocked the history of European languages stretching back thousands of years before the appearance of written records, e.g. Latin p- corresponds to English f- (pes, foot; primus, first; plenus, full). Although Burmese,
Chinese, and Tibetan have long been regarded as related, the systematic
exploration of their shared history has never before been attempted. Tracing
the history of these three languages using just such sound laws, this book
sheds light on the prehistoric language from which they descend. Written for
readers with little linguistic knowledge of these languages, but fully explicit
and copiously indexed for the specialist, this work will serve as the bedrock
for future progress in the study of these languages.
N a t h a N W. h i l l is Reader in Tibetan and historical Linguistics and
chair of the Department of East Asian Languages and Cultures at the School
of Oriental and African Studies, University of London. his books include A
Lexicon of Tibetan Verb Stems as Reported by the Grammatical Tradition
(2010) and Old Tibetan Inscriptions (2009), co-authored with Kazushi Iwao.
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978-1-107-14648-8 — The Historical Phonology of Tibetan, Burmese, and Chinese
Nathan Hill
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The historical Phonology of
Tibetan, Burmese, and Chinese
Nathan W. hill
School of Oriental and African Studies,
University of London
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Nathan Hill
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University Printing house, Cambridge CB2 8BS, United Kingdom
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Information on this title: www.cambridge.org/9781107146488
DOI: 10.1017/9781316550939
© Nathan hill 2019
This publication is in copyright. Subject to statutory exception
and to the provisions of relevant collective licensing agreements,
no reproduction of any part may take place without the written
permission of Cambridge University Press.
First published 2019
Printed and bound in Great Britain by Clays Ltd, Elcograf S.p.A.
A catalogue record for this publication is available from the British Library.
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Names: hill, Nathan Wayne, author.
Title: The historical phonology of Tibetan, Burman, and Chinese / Nathan W.
hill, School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London.
Description: New York : Cambridge University Press, 2018. | Includes
bibliographical references and index.
Identifiers: LCCN 2018009349 | ISBN 9781107146488 (alk. paper)
Subjects: LCSh: Tibetan language – Phonology – history. | Burmese
language – Phonology – history. | Chinese language – Phonology – history. |
Tibeto-Burman languages – Phonology, Comparative – Chinese. | Chinese
language – Phonology, Comparative – Tibeto-Burman.
Classification: LCC PL3615 .H55 2018 | DDC 495/.415–dc23
LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2018009349
ISBN 978-1-107-14648-8 hardback
Cambridge University Press has no responsibility for the persistence or accuracy of
URLs for external or third-party internet websites referred to in this publication
and does not guarantee that any content on such websites is, or will remain,
accurate or appropriate.
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To John Okell
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Nathan Hill
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Noch ist nicht ein einziges Gesetz, vorab kein Lautentsprechungsgesetz gefunden worden. Und gerade Lautentsprechungsgesetze
sind doch die Grundlage jeder Weiterforschung und darum das Ziel,
dem vor allen Dingen zuzustreben ist.
(Conrady 1896: viii)
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Nathan Hill
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Contents
List of Figures
Note on Abbreviations and Conventions
Introduction
page xi
xiii
1
1
Tibetan
1.1 Old Tibetan
1.2 Classical Tibetan
1.3 The Bodish Languages
1.4 Tibetan Diachronic Phonology
1.4.1 From Old Tibetan to Proto-Bodish
1.4.2 Reprise: From Proto-Bodish to Old Tibetan
1.4.3 From Proto-Bodish to Trans-Himalayan
1.4.4 Reprise: From Trans-Himalayan to Proto-Bodish
1.4.5 Diachronic Mysteries
3
5
7
7
8
9
21
22
44
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2
Burmese
2.1 Old Burmese
2.2 Written Burmese
2.3 The Burmish Languages
2.4 The Loloish Languages
2.5 Burmese Diachronic Phonology
2.5.1 From Burmese to Proto-Burmish
2.5.2 Reprise: Proto-Burmish to Old Burmese
2.5.3 From Proto-Burmish to Trans-Himalayan
2.5.4 Reprise: Trans-Himalayan to Proto-Burmish
2.5.5 Diachronic Mysteries
46
46
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51
54
54
54
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3
Chinese
3.1 Old Chinese
3.1.1 Middle Chinese
3.1.2 Rhymes of the Shījīng
84
85
86
102
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viii
Contents
3.2
3.3
3.4
3.5
3.6
3.1.3 Structure of Chinese Characters
3.1.4 Less Traditional Sources of Data for Reconstructing
Old Chinese
Simplex Initials of Old Chinese
3.2.1 Internal Reconstruction of Middle Chinese Initials
3.2.2 Expanding the Old Chinese Initials Using Xiéshēng
Evidence
Old Chinese Pre-initials
3.3.1 Reconstructing Tight Pre-initials Using Xiéshēng
Evidence
3.3.2 Reconstructing Tight Pre-initials on the Basis of
Morphological Speculation
3.3.3 Reconstructing Tight Pre-initials Using Proto-Mĭn
3.3.4 Reconstructing Tight Pre-initials Using Loans into Vietic
3.3.5 Reconstructing Tight Pre-initials Using Loans into
hmong-Mien
3.3.6 Reconstructing Tight Pre-initials Using Loans into
Tai-Kadai
3.3.7 Reconstructing Loose Pre-initials
3.3.8 Reconstructing Loose Pre-initials Using Proto-Mĭn
3.3.9 Reconstructing Loose Pre-initials Using Xiéshēng
Evidence
3.3.10 Reconstructing Loose Pre-initials Using Loans into
Non-Sinitic Languages
3.3.11 Reconstructing Loose Pre-initials on the Basis
of Morphological Speculation
Old Chinese Medial *-rOld Chinese Vowels
3.5.1 Asymmetries in Type A Rimes with Velar Codas
3.5.2 Origin of Some -w- (合口 Hékŏu) Rimes in
Labio-velar Initials
3.5.3 The ‘R-Hypothesis’: Origin of the Vowels -ae- and -ea3.5.4 Asymmetries in Type A Rimes with Dental Codas
3.5.5 The ‘Rounded-Vowel’ Hypothesis: Origin of the
Remaining -w- (合口 Hékŏu) Rimes
3.5.6 W-Neutralization
3.5.7 ‘A-Raising’, ‘Acute Fronting’, and ‘Ɨ-Raising’
3.5.8 Hi > Mid
3.5.9 Asymmetries in Type B Rimes with Dental Codas
Origins of the Tones and Final Clusters
3.6.1 Distribution of Middle Chinese Tones in Xiéshēng
Series and the Shījīng
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Nathan Hill
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4
ix
3.6.2 Origin of the Departing Tone
3.6.3 Origin of the Rising Tone
3.7 Finals of Old Chinese
3.7.1 -*aj Monophthongization
3.7.2 Final *-r
3.8 How to Reconstruct a Word in Old Chinese
3.9 From Old Chinese to Trans-Himalayan
3.9.1 Merger of Velars and Dentals after -i3.9.2 Labial Neutralization
3.9.3 Inability to Distinguish *-u- and -ə- before Acutes
3.9.4 Inability to Recognize -r- in Certain Circumstances
3.9.5 Coblin’s Conjecture: *Tr- < *rT3.9.6 Pulleyblank’s Conjecture: *Cr- < *RC3.9.7 Old Chinese *-k < *-k, *-kə
3.9.8 Old Chinese *-ʔ < *ʔ, *-q
3.9.9 *-j < *-j, *-l
3.9.10 *-r < *-r, *-rl
3.9.11 The Correspondence of Chinese *-o- to Tibetan -u3.10 Reprise: Trans-Himalayan to Old Chinese
3.11 Diachronic Mysteries
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195
196
197
200
201
202
204
206
208
210
210
Trans-himalayan
4.1 Overview of Trans-Himalayan Phonology
4.2 Initials of Trans-Himalayan
4.2.1 Simplex Resonants
4.2.2 Simplex Obstruents
4.3 Vowels of Trans-Himalayan
4.3.1 The Vowel *-a
4.3.2 The Vowel *-e
4.3.3 The Vowel *-i
4.3.4 The Vowel *-o
4.3.5 The Vowel *-u
4.3.6 The Vowel *-ə
4.3.7 Unexpected Vowel Correspondences
4.4 Finals of Trans-Himalayan
4.4.1 Final *-ʔ
4.4.2 Final *-q
4.4.3 Final *-k
4.4.4 Final *-ŋ
4.4.5 Final *-p
4.4.6 Final *-m
4.4.7 Final *-t
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x
Contents
4.4.8 Final *-n
4.4.9 Final *-r
4.4.10 Final *-j
4.4.11 Final *-l
4.4.12 Final *-rl
4.4.13 Irregular Finals
4.5 Reprise of Diachronic Mysteries
4.6 Concluding Remarks
Appendix: Complete Lists of Examples
References
Index Verborum
Index Rerum et Nomum
Index Legum
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Figures
1.1
1.2
1.3
1.4
2.1
2.2
2.3
2.4
2.5
2.6
2.7
3.1a
3.1b
3.2
3.3
3.4
3.5
3.6
3.7
3.8
3.9
3.10
3.11
3.12
The Tibetan alphabet
Bodish Stammbaum (after Shafer 1966: 113)
Bodish Stammbaum (after hill 2010b: 111)
Stammbaum of the Bodish family proposed here
The Burmese alphabet
Burmese simplex onsets
Old Burmese consonant clusters
The rimes of Old Burmese
Written Burmese consonant clusters
Rimes of Written Burmese
The Burmish language family
Opening of the Qièyùn from a Dūnhuáng fragment
Transcription and translation of Figure 3.1a
Two homophone groups from the 刊謬補缺切韻 Kānmiù
Bǔquē Qièyùn of 706 ce
The fǎnqiè onset speller chains č1- and č2-, distinguishable
in the Qièyùn but not in the rime tables
The fǎnqiè onset speller chains l1- and l2-, distinguishable
in the Qièyùn but not in the rime tables
The forty-two initials of the Qièyùn
Chart 23 from the Yùnjìng
Chart 23 of the Qīyīnlüè
Co-occurrence of rimes of the four divisions with various
types of Middle Chinese initials
Co-occurrence of the rimes of type A and B with various
types of Middle Chinese initials
Proto-Mǐn correspondences to Middle Chinese 並 bCombining the evidence of Kra-Dai, Vietic, and Mǐn
Old Chinese initials on the basis of Middle Chinese internal
reconstruction
page 6
8
8
8
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47
48
49
50
50
52
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93
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96
97
98
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xii
List of Figures
3.13 The Middle Chinese complementary distribution of 群 g- and
匣 h3.14 The development of Old Chinese voiceless resonants
in Middle Chinese
3.15 The development of Old Chinese simplex uvulars in
Middle Chinese
3.16 Old Chinese simplex initials
3.17 Middle Chinese reflexes of *s3.18 Middle Chinese division-i/iv syllable types in final -ng
3.19 Middle Chinese division-i/iv syllable types in final -ng
with the supposition of labio-velar initials
3.20 Revised type A syllables with final *-ŋ
3.21 Middle Chinese division-i/iv syllable types in final -n
3.22 Labio-velar initials (division-i/iv in final -n)
3.23 Breaking of rounded vowels (division-i/iv in final -n)
3.24 The non-rhyming of 奔 pwon (33–28a) and 門 mwon (33–35a)
3.25 W-neutralization (division-i/iv in final -n)
3.26 The distribution of Middle Chinese type B rimes before -n
3.27 Hi > mid (division-i/iv in final -n)
3.28 Six vowels in type B rimes before -n
3.29 Six vowels in type A rimes before -n
3.30 The Mon–Khmer origins of Vietnamese tones
3.31 The 去聲 qùshēng tone transcribing foreign -s
3.32 The 去聲 qùshēng tone as Korean -s
3.33 Old Chinese origins of Middle Chinese initials
4.1 Trans-Himalayan segmental inventory
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Note on Abbreviations and Conventions
Tibetan is transliterated in the pre-2015 Library of Congress transliteration
system with the following changes: ‘ḫ’ rather than apostrophe, ‘č’ rather than
‘c’, and ‘ǰ’ rather than ‘j’. Burmese also follows the Library of Congress system, with the exception that ‘ḥ’ and ‘ʔ’ are used rather than ʺ and ʹ. For Chinese
I provide the character followed by Baxter’s Middle Chinese (1992), an Old
Chinese reconstruction taken from or compatible with the current version of
Baxter and Sagart’s system (2014), and the character number in Schuessler
(2009). As in Baxter’s own recent work, for Middle Chinese I use ‘ae’ and ‘ea’
in place of his original ‘æ’ and ‘ɛ’. I do not, however, follow him in changing
‘ɨ’ to ‘+’. When citing sources originally written in the International Phonetic
Alphabet I use ‘ś’ instead of ‘ʃ ’ and ‘č’ instead of ‘tʃ ’. Otherwise, the following
symbols and abbreviations are used:
*
√
Bur.
Chi.
fut.
Kur.
MChi.
Mon.
OBur.
OChi.
pres.
Rgy.
Tib.
OTib.
WTib.
SBur.
WBur.
VN
unattested
root
Burmese
Chinese
future
Kurtöp (apud hyslop 2011)
Middle Chinese
Mtsho-sna Monpa, Wenlang dialect (apud Lu 1986)
Old Burmese
Old Chinese
present
Rgyalrong
Tibetan
Old Tibetan
Written Tibetan
Spoken Burmese
Written Burmese
Vietnamese (apud Baxter and Sagart 2014)
xiii
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xiv
Atsi
Lashi
Achang
Xiandao
1
Note on Abbreviations and Conventions
(apud Lustig 2010)
(apud Nishi 1999) I make the following orthographic substitutions
when citing tones 33 > Ø, 31 > V, 55 > H, 53 > X
(apud Nishi 1999) I make the following orthographic substitutions
when citing tones 55 > Ø, 31 > H, 35 > X
(apud Nishi 1999) I make the following orthographic substitutions
when citing tones 55 > Ø, 31 > H, 33 > X1
Xiandao also has a 35 tone, which I leave in numeric notation.
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