Identities
and
‘new
ethnicities’
among
British
Bangladeshi
and
mixed-‐heritage
youth
in
London
David
Garbin
CRONEM/University
of
Surrey
About
the
project
This
research
project
was
funded
by
Leverhulme
Trust
and
coordinated
from
the
University
of
Surrey.
The
research
team
comprised:
Prof
Martyn
Barrett
(Surrey),
Dr
Marco
Cinnirella,
(Royal
Holloway),
Prof
John
Eade
(Roehampton)
and
Dr
David
Garbin
(Surrey).
The
research
took
place
in
two
phases.
The
first
phase
consisted
of
qualitative
interviews
to
allow
in-‐
depth
exploration
and
analysis
of
the
social
construction
of
identity,
‘new
ethnicities’
and
the
role
of
(youth)
popular
cultures.
The
second
phase
used
a
quantitative
questionnaire,
developed
on
the
basis
of
the
findings
of
the
qualitative
interviews.
This
report
presents
the
findings
of
the
qualitative
stage
of
the
research
project.
About
CRONEM
CRONEM
(Centre
for
Research
on
Nationalism,
Ethnicity
and
Multiculturalism)
is
a
multidisciplinary
research
centre
in
the
field
of
nationalism,
ethnicity
and
multiculturalism.
It
brings
together
those
at
Surrey
and
Roehampton
who
are
engaged
in
issues
which
lie
at
the
nexus
between
nation,
ethnicity,
multiculturalism,
citizenship
and
migration.
Reflection
on
these
issues
through
arts
and
humanities
disciplines
provides
a
distinctive
focus
for
this
Centre.
Website:
http://www.surrey.ac.uk/Arts/CRONEM/
About
the
author
Dr
David
Garbin
is
a
research
fellow
at
CRONEM.
He
has
been
involved
in
a
wide
range
of
projects
focussing
on
migration,
ethnicity,
youth
cultures,
South
Asian
and
African
diasporas
and
religion,
with
ethnographic
fieldwork
in
the
UK,
USA,
France,
Bangladesh
and
the
Democratic
Republic
of
the
Congo.
Contact:
[email protected]
or
[email protected]
©
Centre
for
Research
on
Nationalism,
Ethnicity
and
Multiculturalism
CRONEM
University
of
Surrey,
UK
(2009
edition)
2
Contents
1. OVERALL
AIMS
AND
OBJECTIVES
OF
THE
PROJECT
4
4
3. RESEARCH
FINDINGS
FROM
THE
QUALITATIVE
ANALYSIS
6
3.1
Locality,
community
and
urban
environment
3.2
Private
sphere,
family
and
social
control
3.3
Popular
culture
and
tastes
3.4
‘Traditions’,
rituals
and
religiosity
3.5.
Narratives
of
identity
and
the
social
contexts
of
‘new
ethnicities’
and
hybrid
belongings
3.6.
Multiculturalism,
racism
and
discrimination
6
8
11
35
54
88
98
2. METHODOLOGY
4. SUMMARY
OF
MAIN
FINDINGS
3
1. OVERALL
AIMS
AND
OBJECTIVES
OF
THE
PROJECT
The
general
aim
of
this
research
was
to
examine
identity
construction
processes
among
British
Bangladeshi
and
mixed-‐heritage
adolescents
living
in
London.
The
principal
goals
of
the
research
were
twofold:
first,
to
understand
how
these
individuals
negotiate
the
demands
of
living
with
multiple
cultures,
and
second,
to
contribute
to
the
re-‐
conceptualisation
of
the
concept
of
‘acculturation’
within
the
discipline
of
Psychology,
by
drawing
upon
insights
from
Sociology
and
Anthropology.
The
initial
research
questions
were:
• How
do
the
participants
understand
themselves
in
terms
of
‘race’,
ethnicity,
nationality
and
religion,
and
how
do
they
understand
the
broader
society
in
which
they
live?
• How
do
the
participants
relate
to
the
construction
of
cultural
and
religious
differences
in
their
everyday
lives?
• To
what
extent
has
the
rise
in
‘Islamophobia’
in
British
society
after
the
events
of
September
11,
2001
(and
July
7,
2005)
affected
the
attitudes,
aspirations
and
identities
of
our
Muslim
participants?
• What
types
of
identification
strategies
do
these
individuals
adopt,
and
are
different
cultural
practices
and
identities
adopted
in
different
social
contexts?
• What
are
the
goals
and
aspirations
of
these
individuals?
How
do
they
perceive
the
constraints
and
obstacles
which
might
prevent
them
from
realising
those
goals?
• What
are
the
relationships
between
tastes/consumption
patterns,
popular
culture,
and
perception
of
self
and
identity?
2. THE
QUALITATIVE
METHODOLOGY
The
research
took
place
in
two
phases.
The
first
phase
consisted
of
qualitative
interviews
to
allow
in-‐depth
exploration
and
analysis
of
identity
issues.
The
second
phase
used
a
quantitative
questionnaire,
developed
on
the
basis
of
the
findings
of
the
qualitative
interviews.
Here,
we
report
the
findings
from
the
first
qualitative
phase
of
the
research.
During
this
initial
phase,
24
interviews
were
carried
out,
12
with
British
Bangladeshi
individuals
and
12
with
mixed-‐heritage
individuals,
with
an
equal
number
of
males
and
females
within
each
sub-‐sample.
This
report
presents
the
findings
of
the
qualitative
stage
of
the
research
project.
4
Participants1
Mixed-‐heritage
sample
Name
Gender
Age
Charlotte
Female
16
Rachel
Female
15
Rose
Female
11
Helen
Female
12
Nathalie
Female
17
Jade
Female
16
Leo
Male
11
Mark
Male
11
Nick
Male
15
Alex
Male
15
John
Male
17
Chris
Male
17
Background
(F=Father;
M=Mother)
(F)
White
English/
(M)
Jamaican
(F)
Jamaican/
(M)
White
English
(F)
Jamaican/
(M)
White
English
(F)
Eurasian/
(M)
Ghanaian
(F)
Ghanaian-‐Finnish/
(M)
White
Scottish
(F)
St
Vincent/
(M)
White
English
(F)
Jamaican/
(M)
English-‐Jamaican
(F)
Jamaican/
(M)
Scottish
(F)
Jamaican/
(M)
White
English
(F)
Jamaican/
(M)
White
English
(F)
Barbados/
(M)
White
English
(F)
Jamaican/
(M)
White
English
British
Bangladeshi
sample
Name
Gender
Age
Rupna
Female
13
Basima
Female
16
Muna
Female
14
Munira
Female
11
Pari
Female
15
Fatima
Female
14
Shiraj
Male
14
Ahmed
Male
13
Noor
Male
16
Abdul
Male
16
Karim
Male
14
Ayub
Male
12
Place
of
residence
South
Camden
South
Camden
South
Camden
South
Camden
South
Camden
South
Camden
South
Camden
South
Camden
South
Camden
South
Camden
South
Camden
South
Camden
Place
of
residence
South
Norwood
Catford
Catford
South
Norwood
Tooting
Mitcham
Brixton
Thornton
Heath
Kennington
South
Norwood
Norbury
Croydon
1
All
the
names
have
been
changed
to
preserve
the
anonymity
of
the
participants.
5
3. RESEARCH
FINDINGS
3.1
LOCALITY,
COMMUNITY
AND
URBAN
ENVIRONMENT
Many
studies
of
youth
(sub)cultures
in
multicultural
environments
emphasise
the
relationship
between
space,
territoriality
and
identity
(Alexander,
2000;
Back,
1996
;
Desai,
1999).
This
relationship
was
not
central
in
our
research
framework
but
during
the
qualitative
phase
we
included
several
questions
related
to
local
identities.
We
were
interested
in
the
ways
in
which
young
people
made
sense
of
their
everyday
experience
of
the
city
and
their
local
area,
in
particular.
During
this
qualitative
phase
of
the
research
the
interviewees
were
keen
to
talk
about
their
perception
and
experience
of
the
local
urban
environment
-‐
or
about
multicultural
London
as
a
whole.
Many
participants
mentioned
the
proximity
of
shopping
and
leisure
complexes
-‐
as
well
as
a
good
transport
system
linking
their
locality
with
central
London
(especially
for
interviewees
living
in
South
London)
-‐
as
attractive
features
of
their
local
area.
Participants,
who
had
a
positive
opinion
about
their
area,
also
frequently
mentioned
the
important
role
played
by
their
networks
of
social
relations
with
friends
and
families
and
their
knowledge
and
familiarity
with
their
neighbourhood.
Thus
several
young
people
said
they
felt
that
they
belonged
to
a
‘local
community’
or
talked
about
a
sense
of
‘home’
among
their
own
religious
or
ethnic
group.
Noor
(16),
a
British
Bangladeshi
from
Camden,
for
example,
explained:
(Noor)
It’s
alright
cos
there’s
quite
a
lot
of
friends
around
here…
I
feel
at
home…It’s
mainly
Bengali
people,
it’s
easy
to
get
along
with
people…
(Question)
What
makes
you
feel
at
home?
(Noor)
It’s
highly
populated
with
Bengali
people
and
Muslim
culture…religion
as
well.
(Question)
Would
you
always
stay
in
this
area?
(Noor)
Yeah,
I
would…
(Question)
Why?
(Noor)
I
find
it
safe,
at
home
and
relaxed.
Some
participants,
such
as
Nick,
a
16-‐year-‐old
mixed-‐heritage
boy
from
Kennington,
contrasted
the
‘boredom’
of
the
countryside
with
life
in
London,
where
he
said
that
he
felt
‘part
of
a
community’:
Yeah,
I
like
being
in
London,
a
lot…There’s
so
much
things,
like
shopping
centres,
different
shops…There’s
lot
of
people
around…big
areas…Basically,
nice
areas
to
live
in,
compared
to
the
countryside,
cos
the
countryside,
everything
is
far
away,
is
too
quiet…It’s
boring,
there’s
no
one
about
for
miles…Yeah,
I
feel
part
of
a
community…Everybody
is
connected
in
some
way,
someone
knows
someone,
someone
knows
someone
else…everybody
together…when
you
live
in
London…
As
the
following
quotes
illustrate,
this
sharp
rural/urban
dichotomy
frequently
recurred
in
the
narratives
of
the
young
people
interviewed:
6
(Abdul,
British
Bangladeshi
boy,
16,
from
Camden)
I
really
like
living
in
London
because
there’s
everything
I
need,
the
local
shops
as
well
as
the
high
streets…If
I
lived
in
the
countryside
it’d
be
more
quiet.
In
a
way
it’s
a
good
thing.
In
a
way
it
could
be…bad…boring.
[…]
In
a
way
you
can
have
your
own
area…There’s
less
people
around,
so
they
can't
come
and
do
bad
things
around.
(Question)
Would
you
stay
in
this
area?
(Munira,
British
Bangladeshi
girl,
13,
from
Camden)
Yes
and
no…Yes,
because
it
would
be
good
for
my
mum
‘cos
all
the
local
shops
and
banks
are
around
here…And
no,
because
it’s
too
loud
and
noisy,
I’d
rather
prefer
somewhere
in
the
countryside…
(Rupna,
British
Bangladeshi
girl,
13,
from
Camden)
Yeah,
I
like
London
[…]
In
London
you
see
different
kind
of
people.
And
if
you
go
to
the
countryside,
you
just
see
one
sort
of
people…
[The
countryside]
I
like
it,
it’s
just
too
quiet.
Do
you
know
what
I
mean?
You
go
outside
and
there
are
not
a
lot
people
outside…Everything
is
really
far,
the
shops.
Moreover,
some
respondents
mentioned
high
levels
of
crime
and
violence
associated
with
their
local
areas,
often
using
terms
such
as
‘rough’
or
‘dodgy’
to
describe
their
reputation.
This
was
particularly
salient
in
the
case
of
Charlotte
(16),
a
mixed-‐heritage
girl
from
South
Norwood:
[In
my
area]
there’s
always
something
happening,
there’s
always
stabbings
and
shootings.
Not
really
a
nice
place
to
live…You
can’t
really
go
anywhere
without
having
to
be
careful…You
can’t
just
walk
down
the
road…if
you
see
a
big
gang
of
people,
you’re
most
likely
to
be
approached…If
you’re
a
young
girl
like
me,
you’re
always
likely
to
be
approached
by
guys
and
stuff…Sometimes
they
can
be
quite
vulgar
or
rude
to
you
if
you
don’t
speak
to
them…
In
Camden
and
in
South
London,
several
participants
made
reference
to
the
existence
of
tensions
or
even
violent
conflicts
occurring
in
their
localities
between
groups
of
young
people
(always
male)
from
different
areas
and/or
ethnic
groups.
These
rivalries
or
conflicts
may
play
an
important
function
in
youth
subcultural
affiliation,
sense
of
masculinity
or,
more
simply,
processes
of
urban
territorialisation
(see
Alexander,
1996;
Desai,
1999).
In
Camden,
several
young
British
Bangladeshis
also
mentioned
different
levels
of
racism
associated
with
certain
areas
of
the
borough,
a
process
explored
in
detail
by
Desai
(1999)
in
his
ethnography
of
young
Bangladeshis
in
Camden.
Finally,
many
of
the
respondents
who
held
negative
views
of
their
local
areas
-‐
mentioning
crime,
violence
or
more
simply
noise
-‐
often
expressed
a
desire
to
live
elsewhere,
in
the
country
or
even
abroad,
as
illustrated
by
the
quotes
below:
(Jade)
I
would
move
to
Florida,
one
of
them
countries.
Every
year
we
go
to
Florida
and
it’s
so
much
nicer,
cleaner
and
everything…I
just
wanna
move
down
there…The
people
are
nice
over
there
as
well…You
can
just
walk
around
and
people
just
talk
to
you…more
polite…not
so
much
crime
there…It’s
just
a
nicer
place…They’ve
got
their
own
villa
now,
so
I
could
move
there…
7
(Chris)
Yeah…If
I
was
to
move
I
would
like
to
live
in
somewhere
like
Japan…I
love
Japan…People
are
friendlier,
a
lot
cleaner…the
environment
is
different
compared
to
down
here….I
want
to
visit,
but
it’s
very
expensive…
3.2
PRIVATE
SPHERE,
FAMILY
AND
SOCIAL
CONTROL
In
sociology
and
anthropology
the
difference
between
private
and
public
sphere
traditionally
lies
in
the
opposition
between
‘home’,
the
domestic
space,
and
outside
home.
In
many
studies,
this
division
is
also
conceptualised
in
terms
of
gender
roles
and
social
control.
Bourdieu
(1986)
for
instance
has
shown
in
his
famous
ethnography
of
Kabylian
domestic
organisation
how
the
boundary
between
masculine
and
feminine
domain
was
maintained
by
a
set
of
norms
and
values
regulating
a
broader
socio-‐symbolic
universe.
A
similar
approach
can
be
found
in
Pitt-‐Rivers’
(1977)
analysis
of
the
relationship
between
social
status,
gender
roles
and
the
ambivalent
honour/shame
dichotomy
in
Andalusia,
which
has
been
applied
to
several
studies
of
rural
Bangladesh.
Thus
Kotalova
(1996)
and
Rozario
(2001)
suggest
that,
in
rural
Bangladesh,
the
regulation
of
women’s
public
behaviour
(or
sexual
purity)
appears
to
be
essential
in
protecting
the
group
from
shorom
(‘shame’).
Yet
they
show
that
shorom
also
refers
to
a
highly
positive
gendered
disposition
(discretion,
modesty
of
women)
within
the
local
shomaj,
the
public/community
sphere
dominated
by
men.
In
the
diasporic
context,
among
Bangladeshis
and
other
South
Asian
groups,
the
observance
of
‘traditional’
gender
roles
may
often
imply
a
very
strong
boundary
between
the
public
and
private
sphere,
especially
when
young
women
are
concerned
(Ghuman,
2003;
Shaw,
1988).
While
respect
for
this
boundary
appears
to
be
a
crucial
marker
of
izzat
(prestige/honour)
for
kinship
groups,
it
is
also
important
to
note
that
notions
of
tradition,
status
and
prestige
linked
to
gender
roles
can
be
reinterpreted
or
contested,
in
particular
by
these
young
girls
(Jacobson,
1998;
Samad
and
Eade,
2002).
Moreover,
research
has
also
shown
how
educated
girls,
who
prioritise
a
Muslim
identity,
criticise
or
challenge
what
they
described
as
‘cultural’
practices.
They
refer,
for
instance,
to
the
influence
of
the
‘caste’
(zat)
system
on
marriage
arrangements,
the
practice
of
‘dowry’
(from
the
bride’s
family
to
the
groom’s
family)
or
a
general
‘double
standard’
which
favours
young
boys
(Garbin,
2004).
However,
most
of
the
young
Bangladeshi
girls
interviewed
in
our
study
did
not
complain
about
the
‘lack
of
freedom’
or
any
‘unfair’
restrictions
imposed
on
them.
In
fact,
some
British
Bangladeshi
girls
(and
also
boys)
indicated
that
their
family
was
‘quite
open’
and
that
they
were,
for
example,
able
to
go
out
freely,
to
‘hang
out’,
as
long
as
their
parents
knew
where
they
were.
Having
said
that,
several
young
British
Bangladeshi
girls
living
in
Camden
mentioned
‘culture’
or
‘tradition’
when
asked
about
the
importance
of
discipline
in
the
family
or
a
possible
‘generation
gap’.
For
instance,
in
the
quote
below,
Basima
(16)
talks
about
the
respect
for
older
people
(morrubis)
and
the
acceptable
‘behaviour’
associated
with
it:
(Basima)
I
respect
older
people,
my
friends
respect
older
people
but
I
don’t
know
about
other
people…I
think
maybe
some
boys
or
girls
they
don’t
really
care
anymore…[…]
In
Camden,
just
walking
down
the
high
street
to
do
some
shopping,
I
saw
two
Bengali
girls
sitting…and
really
publicly
they
were
smoking…and
there
were
lot
of
Bengali
8
people
walking
pass…Like
old
people…[..]
Yeah,
it’s
culturally
wrong…I
think
it’s
disrespectful…
Her
comments
also
suggest
that
outside
the
domestic
space
the
cultural
and
social
regulation
of
gender
roles
and
the
observance
of
specific
types
of
‘correct’
practices
are
very
important.
Particular
spaces
may
indeed
be
meaningful
in
terms
of
gender
division.
Brick
Lane,
the
heartland
of
the
Bengali
community
in
Tower
Hamlets,
is
also
a
highly
masculine
Bengali
space
-‐
with
a
mosque,
many
shops
and
‘Indian’
restaurants
(see
Garbin,
2004).
Another
young
Bengali
girl,
Pari
(15),
mentioned
the
‘cultural’
dimension
as
well
as
‘tradition’
when
referring
to
the
issue
of
‘going
out’,
thus
‘ethnicising’
the
notion
of
parental
authority
and
the
gendered
division
of
space:
(Pari)
She
[my
mother]
is
more
open
like
if
we
go
out
and
stuff
and
as
long
as
we
tell
her
where
we’re
going…Before
she
said
no,
because
girls
are
not
allowed
to
go
out
in
our
tradition,
our
culture…
When
talking
about
the
difference
between
the
‘ideal’
behaviour
of
girls
in
‘her
culture’
and
her
own
behaviour
(and
her
sisters’
behaviour
too),
she
made
a
parallel
between
the
notions
of
respect
and
culture.
In
that
sense,
she
was
again
drawing
the
boundary
of
the
ethnic
group
in
gender
terms,
presenting
the
discretion/modesty
(shorom)
of
(young)
girls
as
an
expected
value
of
community
identity:
(Pari)
In
our
culture,
girls
are
supposed
to
be
low
and
they’re
not
supposed
to
say
anything,
they
should
be
quiet…But
we’re
loud,
me
and
my
sisters,
we’re
all
loud…I
think
some
families
they
teach
respect
and
stuff
like
that,
but
nowadays,
it’s
not
about
respect.
Beyond
this
perceived
cultural
or
ethnic
dimension
of
gender
roles,
for
the
great
majority
of
participants
in
both
groups,
the
boundary
between
home
and
‘outside’
was
socially
meaningful.
Noor
(16
years
old,
from
Camden),
for
example,
sharply
distinguished
between
how
he
behaved
at
home
with
his
parents,
and
outside
home
with
his
friends:
(Noor)
When
I’m
at
home,
with
my
parents
I
can't
do
the
things
that
I
do
when
I'm
with
my
friends…[…]
At
home,
I’m
more
kind,
polite…don’t
make
a
fuss
about
anything…I
do
what
I’m
told…When
I’m
outside,
it’s
freedom,
I
do
whatever
I
want…
Rachel
(15),
a
mixed-‐heritage
girl
from
Catford,
also
referred
to
the
‘rules
at
home’,
contrasting
them
with
her
‘more
open’
attitude
when
among
her
peer
group:
(Rachel)
I’m
just
more
open
with
my
friends…I
am
completely
myself
but
at
times
I
have
to
watch
what
I
say…There’s
more
rules
at
home…
This
issue
of
language
was
a
recurrent
theme.
In
many
cases,
language
(what
is
said
but
also
how
it
is
said)
was
spontaneously
mentioned
by
the
participants
when
they
were
asked
about
the
difference
between
their
behaviour
at
home
and
outside
(at
school
or
among
friends),
as
this
extract
from
Alex’s
interview
shows:
9
(Question)
Do
you
think
you
behave
differently
inside
your
home
and
outside
your
home?
(Alex)
Yes…It’s
usually
the
way
I
speak.
The
words
I
use
when
I
speak
to
my
friends,
be
different
to
the
one
that
I
speak
to
my
dad…
(Question)
With
your
friends?
(Alex)
Like
slang
and
all
that,
they
don’t
like
it.
My
dad
he
says
‘don’t
use
that
language
when
I’m
around’…
Among
the
male
participants
it
was
more
particularly
the
use
of
slang
or
swear
words
which
was
presented
as
an
‘incorrect’
practice
at
home.
This
can
be
illustrated
by
these
extracts
from
the
interviews
with
Nick
(mixed-‐heritage,
15
years
old),
Leo
(mixed-‐heritage,
11
years
old)
and
Ayub
(British
Bangladeshi,
12
years
old):
(Nick)
There’s
more
respect
when
I’m
in
the
house…You
have
to
show
your
mum
respect…You
can’t
talk
to
your
friends
like
you
talk
to
your
parents…It’s
not
right,
you
have
to
show
respect
in
the
house…[...]
Like
you
couldn’t
use
slang
much
when
you’re
with
your
mum…In
the
house
you
have
to
pick
up
after
yourself,
clean…help
out
about
the
house.
(Leo)
Inside
my
house,
I
change
quickly
at
the
doorstep.
If
were
inside
talking
all
that
slang
language,
they’d
understand
and
stuff,
and
at
school
for
language
it’s
like
at
home.
You’d
get
grounded
like
you
are
not
allowed
to
play
outside,
stuff
like
that.
Outside
I
am
free
to
say
anything.
(Ayub)
I
swear
outside.
I
can
behave
however
I
want.
At
home,
I
have
to
behave
good
if
I’m
in
front
of
my
parents.
Muna,
a
young
British
Bangladeshi
also
associated
correct
language
with
a
respectful
attitude
towards
older
generations:
(Muna)
Obviously
you
can’t
go
to
one
of
your
elders
‘Whass’
up,
how
you
doin’!’,
it’s
just
‘Hi,
how
are
you?’…
In
sum,
we
can
say
that
this
notion
of
respect
towards
adults
and
parents
can
reinforce
the
ethnic
boundary
when
associated
with
a
set
of
cultural
or
‘traditional’
gendered
norms.
However,
the
respect
for
older
generations
and
parents,
and
the
broader
differentiation
between
private
and
public
realms,
were
not
exclusively
connected
to
the
social
experience
of
young
British
Bangladeshi
females.
Indeed,
for
both
groups
respect
was
perceived
as
an
important
value,
an
integral
part
of
a
general
‘correct’
behaviour.
Thus,
we
can
quote
here
Charlotte
(mixed-‐heritage,
16)
and
Helen
(also
mixed-‐heritage,
12):
(Charlotte)
Parents’
generation,
they
were
always
brought
up
with
discipline
and
they
learned
respect…Most
of
the
young
people
today,
they
have
no
respect…And
they
have
no
manners
at
all,
and
they
don’t
realise
that
they’re
wrong.
Respect
is
having
a
mutual…If
someone
sees
someone
on
the
road
nowadays,
say
you’re
with
your
friends
and
you
see
a
group
of
people
that
you
don’t
know,
girls
or
boys,
you
are
more
likely
to
have
them
giving
you
a
funny
look,
or
look
at
you
really
weird…Young
10
people
talking
to
adults,
rude,
people
in
shops,
just
rude…They
just
have
a
really
bad
attitude
[...]
Even
if
I
had
big
rows
with
my
mum,
I’ve
never
ever
in
my
life
sworn
at
my
mum,
never
sworn
at
my
dad,
or
maybe
once…I’ve
never
ever
pushed
my
mum
or
my
dad,
even
in
big
arguments
I’ve
always
respected
my
mum
and
dad
to
the
point
where…like:
let
them
finish
saying
what
they’re
saying
and
then
I’m
trying
to
say
what
I’m
saying…It
is
respect
cos
they
are
parents
and
they
are
older
than
me…
(Helen)
No…I
don’t
know
why…We’ve
only
been
in
the
world
for
11
years
or
12
years
and
our
parents
they’ve
been
in
the
world
longer
than
us…So…they’re
more…wise…we
have
to
listen
to
them
cos
they’ve
been
in
the
world
longer
than
us…
3.3
POPULAR
CULTURE
AND
TASTES
In
this
research,
the
study
of
popular
cultural
and
tastes
proved
to
be
crucial
to
our
understanding
of
identity
construction
processes.
We
were
interested
in
broader
subcultural
dynamics
and,
in
particular,
the
production
and
expression
of
intercultural,
diasporic
and
‘hybrid’
identities
through
music,
consumption
patterns,
leisure
or
media.
This
interest
was
also
connected
to
an
exploration
of
the
ways
in
which
young
people
perceived,
embodied
or
even
contested
a
set
of
national,
ethnic,
cultural
and
religious
belongings
and
how
those
processes
impacted
on
their
everyday
social
practices.
During
the
qualitative
stage
of
the
research,
the
data
collected
through
the
semi-‐structured
interviews
revealed
many
commonalities
but
also
major
differences
between
the
two
groups.
In
addition
to
the
interviews,
some
observations
were
conducted
in
the
youth
clubs
(in
Camden,
Brixton
and
Kennington)
where
several
interviews
took
place
with
British
Bangladeshis
and
mixed-‐heritage
boys
and
girls.
Some
important
data
related
to
issues
of
identities,
popular
culture
and
tastes
were
also
collected
during
the
quantitative
stage,
with
the
help
of
the
questionnaire
administered
in
three
schools.
Music
The
focus
of
the
sociological
and
anthropological
research
on
youth
subcultures
has
gradually
shifted
from
a
study
of
‘resistance
through
rituals’
(Hall
and
Jefferson,
1975)
during
the
1970s
and
1980s
to
a
more
post-‐modern
conceptual
framework
concerned
with
the
formation
of
new
ethnicities
and
the
dynamics
of
interculturalism
(Wulff,
1995).
While
the
study
of
‘hybridity’
and
fluid
identities
is
at
the
heart
of
the
analysis
of
subcultural
practices,
it
may
also
still
be
relevant
today
to
approach
the
‘cultural
production
of
multiculturalism’
through
its
particular
role
in
the
(micro)politics
of
the
everyday
life.
The
close
links
between
‘conscious
hip-‐hop’,
black
subculture,
and
urban
resistance
to
cultural
hegemony
is
a
good
example
here
of
the
continual
relevance
of
this
particular
approach
(Garbin,
2004).
Broadly
speaking
and
perhaps
following
a
Durkheimian
framework,
the
subcultural
ritualisation
of
social
life
can
be
crucial
to
the
processes
of
collective
identification,
group
inclusion
and
boundary
maintenance.
In
this
sense,
subcultures
can
be
seen
as
an
expression
of
both
collective
identity
and
an
individual
sense
of
belonging.
In
the
case
of
11
hip-‐hop,
Clay
argues
that
‘by
incorporating
hip-‐hop
culture
into
rituals
of
everyday
life,
black
youth
have
made
it
a
marker
of
black
youth
subculture’
(2003:
1355).
According
to
Clay,
hip-‐
hop
is
thus
an
important
source
of
cultural
capital
which
can
reinforce
ethnic
and
‘racial’
boundaries
and
can
also
serve
to
‘authenticate’
a
black
cultural
experience.
Few
would
disagree
with
the
fact
that
one
of
the
most
salient
aspects
of
globalisation
and
global
capitalism
is
the
increasing
homogenisation
and
standardisation
of
commodities
and
consumer
culture,
in
the
food,
media
or
fashion
industries.
Yet
it
is
also
true
that
we
can
observe
today
the
formation
of
a
global
subcultural
public
sphere,
a
site
of
boundary
transgression,
hybridity
and
intercultural
experiments.
Within
this
subcultural
sphere,
and
particularly
in
music,
the
process
of
hybridisation
is
closely
linked
to
the
construction
of
diasporic
identities,
which
are
said
to
challenge
the
hegemony
of
national,
ethnic
or
cultural
categories
(Gilroy,
1993;
Hall,
1992).
Indeed,
many
second
and
third
generation
of
immigrants
in
the
West
have
been
increasingly
attracted
to
musical
genres
which
blend
‘traditional’
cultural
elements
with
modern
hip-‐hop,
electronic
rhythms,
reggae
beats
or
jungle/dance
music.
A
growing
body
of
literature
has
emerged
concerning
this
new
musical
creativity
and
its
relationship
to
the
formation
of
diasporic
and
intercultural
identities
in
urban
settings.
Thus,
bhangra
trends
among
South
Asian
communities
in
the
UK
or
in
the
USA
(Maira,
2002;
Sharma
et
al.,
1996),
rai
music
among
young
Franco-‐Maghrebi
youth
(Gross
et
al.,
2002)
or
reggaetón
and
various
forms
of
‘Latino
hip-‐hop’
in
the
USA
(Flores,
2000;
Rivera,
2003)
have
been
the
subject
of
recent
studies
in
the
field
of
youth
subcultures.
During
the
qualitative
phase
of
the
research,
the
influence
of
this
hybridised
genre
was
noticeable
for
some
young
British
Bangladeshis
interviewed,
as
bhangra
and
‘Bollywood
remix’,
in
particular,
were
mentioned
several
times.
Bhangra,
which
is
popular
among
youth
all
over
the
South
Asian
diaspora,
is
played
in
radio
stations,
dance
clubs,
private
parties
and
also
during
melas
(Asian
fairs).
Originating
from
Punjab,
it
is
a
form
of
Indian
folk
music
and
dance,
which
dates
as
far
back
as
the
14th
century
and
which
is
traditionally
performed
when
celebrating
important
occasions
such
as
the
harvest
or
weddings
(Huq,
1996:
61).
The
contemporary
forms
of
bhangra,
also
known
as
‘new
bhangra’,
‘bhangra
remix’
or
‘bhangramuffin’2,
have
retained
some
traditional
elements
of
folk
bhangra3,
incorporating
them
into
other
modern
subcultural
musical
genres
-‐
sometimes
themselves
the
product
of
innovative
musical
fusions
(like
ragamuffin
or
UK
garage).
Another
musical
genre,
the
‘Bollywood
remix’,
is
also
popular
among
Bangladeshis
and
other
South
Asian
youth.
It
consists
of
adding
electronic,
dance
music
or
jungle
rhythms
to
songs
(mainly
in
Hindi)
from
successful
Indian
films
produced
in
Mumbai.
Some
British
Bangladeshis
interviewed
said
that
they
listened
to
Club
Asia,
one
of
the
London-‐based
radio
stations
playing
bhangra
or
Bollywood
remix,
while
bhangra
artists
such
as
Jay
Sean
or
RDB
(Rhythm
Dhol
Bass)
were
also
mentioned.
In
her
study
of
the
‘Desi
scene’
and
bhangra
culture
among
second
and
third
generation
Indians
in
New
York,
Maira
states
that
one
can
read
this
South
Asian
diasporic
subcultural
sphere
as
an
‘attempt
to
mediate
between
the
expectations
of
immigrants
parents
(in
this
case,
literally
the
parents’
culture)
and
those
of
mainstream
American
peer
culture
by
trying
to
integrate
signs
of
belonging
to
both
worlds’
(2002:
42).
She
adds
that
‘a
uniquely
Indian
2
3
A
fusion
of
bhangra
and
ragamuffin.
Like
the
dhol,
a
large
drum,
a
traditional
Punjabi
instrument.
12
American
subculture
allows
second-‐generation
youth
to
socialize
with
ethnic
peers
while
reinterpreting
Indian
musical
and
dance
traditions
through
the
rituals
of
American
popular
culture’
(2002:
44).
While
it
may
be
difficult
to
argue
that,
in
the
case
of
British
Bangladeshi
youth,
(Indian)
Bollywood
films
and
(Punjabi)
bhangra
belong
to
their
‘parents’
culture’,
it
is
clear
that
this
particular
subcultural
sphere
blends
elements
of
‘Asianess’
(regardless
of
ethnic
or
religious
divisions)
with
contemporary
modern
musical
genres.
Thus,
through
this
hybridisation,
the
‘Asian
element’,
is
symbolically
relocated
in
a
new
subcultural
framework,
a
process
which
serves
to
delineate
the
boundaries
of
a
positive
contemporary
British
Asian
identity
capable
of
challenging
some
stereotypical
visions
of
Asians
as
‘uncool’,
passive
or
even
‘feminine’
(Desai,
1999;
Huq,
1996).
On
that
matter,
it
is
interesting
that
a
distinction
was
made
between
‘Bengali
music’
-‐
a
rather
wide
category
which
could
include
traditional
love
songs
(gan),
folk
music
or
sometimes,
but
less
often,
songs
from
‘Dhallywood’
films
(the
Bangladeshi
equivalent
of
‘Bollywood’)
-‐
and
Bollywood
songs
or
diasporic
‘remix’
genre.
In
some
cases,
the
Bengali
‘classic’
repertoire
(as
opposed
to
the
‘remix’
genre)
was
associated
with
the
parents’
generation
or
was
described
as
being
‘good
for
laugh’
(Pari).
This
can
be
illustrated
by
the
following
extracts
from
the
interviews
with
two
British
Bangladeshi
boys
Karim
(14),
Ayub
(12)
and
two
girls,
Pari
(15)
and
Fatima
(14):
(Question)
Do
you
listen
to
any
Bengali
music?
(Karim)
The
one
that
sounds
nice…not
the
old
ones,
the
new
ones…
(Question)
The
remix
type?
(Karim)
Yeah…
(Question)
Do
you
listen
to
any
Asian
underground,
you
know
like
RDB
and
stuff?
(Karim)
Yeah,
I
do…
(Question)
So
you
listen
to
bhangra
as
well?
(Karim)
Yeah…
(Question)
What
sort
of
music
are
you
into?
(Ayub)
Rap
and
RnB…
(Question)
What
about
bhangra?
(Ayub)
Yeah…
(Question)
What
about
Bengali
music?
(Ayub)
For
my
mum
and
my
dad!
(Question)
Do
you
listen
to
Bengali
music?
(Fatima)
Sometimes,
yeah…Do
you
mean
Indian?
(Question)
No,
Bengali…
(Fatima)
No…!
(Question)
But,
you
do
listen
to
Bollywood,
some
stuff?
(Fatima)
Yeah…
(Question)
What
sort
of
music
do
you
like
to
listen
to?
(Pari)
Indian…I
love
Indian
music
but
I
do
listen
to
hip-‐hop,
garage
and
stuff…
(Question)
Do
you
like
Bangladeshi
songs?
(Pari)
Sometimes,
depending
on
what
they
are…If
they
make
me
laugh,
obviously
they’re
good
for
laugh,
not
for
listening…But
they
are
some
nice
ones…
(Question)
Classic?
13
(Pari)
Remix
and
classic…
Another
important
aspect
of
the
construction
of
a
positive
Asian
identity
is
its
association
with
black
subcultural
codes,
themselves,
of
course,
the
result
of
constant
hybrid
(and
diasporic)
rearrangements
(Gilroy,
1993).
In
fact,
this
association
operates
well
beyond
the
realm
of
musical
production
and
individual
musical
tastes
as
Desai
(1999)
has
indicated.
In
his
Camden
ethnography,
he
explored
the
appropriation
of
an
archetypical
black
‘hypermasculinity’
by
young
Bengalis
and
examined
its
symbolic
and
social
use
in
local
settings:
Bengali
young
men
have
also
developed
a
new
hypermasculine
archetype
–
the
Bengali
Bad
Boy
–
which
draws
upon
a
range
of
cultural
resources
and
is
deployed
as
a
form
of
resistance
to
racism.
The
Bengali
Bad
Boy
–
tough,
modern,
urban,
assertive
and
aggressive
on
occasions
–
subverts
racist
stereotypes
of
Asian
males
as
feminised
victims
of
violence
and
challenges
white
male
control
in
the
local
area.
However,
the
difference
between
“black
macho”
and
the
Bengali
Bad
Boy
archetype
is
that
black
young
men
who
choose
to
deploy
these
forms
of
masculinity
are
working
within
existing
colonial
stereotypes
of
black
males
as
tough
and
sexually
powerful,
but
Bengali
men
are
inverting
the
stereotype
[...]
(1999:
29).
Given
the
importance
of
black
codes
and
the
influence
of
black
subcultural
styles,
it
is
therefore
not
surprising
that,
in
addition
to
(new)
bhangra
and
other
genres
linked
to
a
South
Asian
hybrid
subcultural
sphere,
the
majority
of
British
Bangladeshi
youth
interviewed
(both
boys
and
girls)
also
expressed
their
preference
for
(mainstream)
black
American
hip-‐
hop
or
black
RnB
music.
While
hip-‐hop
and
RnB
remain
very
heterogeneous
genres,
the
interviews
reflected
a
relative
homogeneity
of
preferences
in
both
groups,
Bangladeshi
and
mixed-‐heritage.
Within
the
mainstream
hip-‐hop
scene,
50
Cent
-‐
perhaps
the
most
famous
(and
controversial)
of
black
American
‘gangsta’
rappers
-‐
was
the
most
often
cited,
before
others,
such
as
Jay-‐Z,
Dr
Dre,
2Pac,
Snoop
Dog
or
Eminem
(a
white
rapper).
One
can,
of
course,
deny
the
authentic
subcultural
‘Blackness’
of
this
mainstream
rap
and
view
it
as
a
global
commercial
genre
(alongside
pop
music
genres),
and
this,
even
if
the
‘macho
gangsta’
attitude
prevalent
in
this
commercial
rap
could
be
linked
to
the
expression
and
embodiment
of
an
archetypical
black
hypermasculinity
as
Desai
noted4.
Increasingly
rappers,
and
in
particular
American
rappers,
are
becoming
major
actors
in
a
global
consumer
culture
directed
at
youth.
50
Cent,
for
example,
launched
his
own
clothing
line
and
signed
a
deal
with
Reebok
for
‘G-‐Unit’5
trainers.
This
clearly
appealed
to
Leo,
a
young
mixed-‐heritage
boy
(11)
from
Brixton
who
talked
about
50
Cent’s
distinctiveness
and
‘creativity’:
(Question)
Why
do
you
like
50
Cent?
4
To
quote
Desai
(1999:
28-‐29):
“Particular
forms
of
masculinity
therefore
function
as
defensive
strategies
in
the
resistance
to
various
forms
of
racism,
either
physical
aggression
or
social
and
political
marginalisation.
Kobena
Mercer
(1994:
130
–
171),
following
Robert
Staples
(1982),
argues
that
because
black
men
in
America
were
denied
more
conventional
attributes
of
masculine
power,
such
as
stable
jobs,
family
life
and
political
influence,
they
developed
’macho’
forms
of
behaviour
to
recuperate
some
sense
of
masculine
power.
Mercer
links
this
concept
of
’black
macho’
to
physical
aggression
and
oppressive
behaviour
towards
black
women.”
5
The
name
of
his
hip-‐hop
label
and
‘crew’.
14
(Leo)
Cos
he’s
different
from
the
other
rappers.
He
sounds
different,
he
acts
different
and
dresses
different
as
well…And
like,
he
makes
up
his
own
trainers
and
hats
and
stuff…So,
he’s
more
creative…
Ayub,
a
12-‐year
old
British
Bangladeshi
boy,
also
admired
the
American
rapper
but
this
time
for
his
fame
and
wealth.
Yet,
he
mentioned
the
‘explicit’
character
of
his
‘lyrics’:
(Question)
Have
you
ever
wished
that
you’d
be
someone
else?
(Ayub)
Yeah,
famous
people…Like
50
Cent…Cos
he’s
famous,
he’s
rich…Everyone
respects
him…The
only
thing
is
that
his
lyrics
are
explicit…
In
the
qualitative
phase
of
the
research,
there
was
a
more
marked
tendency
from
mixed-‐
heritage
youth
to
objectify
the
relationship
between
the
construction
of
black
identities
and
the
sphere
of
cultural
or
social
preferences
and
tastes.
We
shall
explore
this
relationship
in
greater
detail
later,
but
as
regards
musical
preferences,
the
narratives
of
two
participants
were
particularly
interesting.
The
first
participant
is
Rachel,
15
years
old,
living
in
Catford
and
from
British
Jamaican
(father)
and
White
English
(mother)
descent.
During
the
interview
she
compared
herself
to
her
younger
sister,
Rose,
whom
she
described
as
being
‘more
black’.
Rose,
who
has
mainly
black
friends,
likes
hip-‐hop
and
RnB
music,
as
opposed
to
Rachel
who
feels
‘more
white
than
black’
and
who
mainly
listens
to
indie
and
rock
music
(she
mentioned,
for
example,
the
band
Coldplay).
Here
a
clear
link
was
thus
established
between
the
sphere
of
musical
tastes
and
the
perception
of
self
in
terms
of
‘racial’
identity:
(Rachel)
This
might
sound
weird,
but
I
am
more
white
than
I
am
black…Kind
of
my
attitude
towards
things
is
more
stereotypical
kind
of
a
white,
which
is
the
opposite
of
my
sister…I
would
say
she’s
more
black…Almost
all
of
her
friends
are
black…It’s
kind
of
to
do
with
the
music
as
well…Me
and
my
sister
have
different
tastes
in
music…And
the
way
I
act,
is
more
kind
of
British…I
don’t
know
why…
Nick
also
suggested
the
existence
of
this
link
but
he
emphasised
the
cultural
rather
than
‘racial’
dimension,
as
we
shall
see.
First,
he
talked
about
his
preferences
in
music:
(Question)
What
music
do
you
listen
to?
(Nick)
Grime
garage,
garage…
(Question)
Grime
garage?
(Nick)
It’s
like
rap,
but
it’s
faster…and
I
listen
to
rap,
hip-‐hop,
RnB,
lots
of
other
music…I
listen
to
more
black
music,
I
wouldn’t
listen
to
Pop
or
rock
n
Roll…
(Question)
You
don’t
like
it?
(Nick)
No.
(Question)
So
give
me
some
names
of
rappers
or
bands
you
really
like…
(Nick)
Rappers…
at
the
moment
I
like
Riggle
Players,
50
Cent,
Eminem,
Alyah,
Shanti,
Bobby
Valentino…And…say…G-‐Unit…I
prefer
50
Cent
compared
to
the
other
G-‐Unit
members…
At
the
moment,
I
like
Jay-‐Z…Cos…he
don’t
stick
to
the
subject…Cos
most
rappers
would
talk
about
guns,
and
money
and
girls…but
he
has
different
things
to
talk
about…life,
mainly,
you
know…
15
Nick,
15,
is
also
from
a
mixed
Jamaican
and
white
English
background
and
lives
in
Kennington.
The
majority
of
his
time
in
the
youth
club
was
spent
in
the
small
recording
studio,
where
he
was
‘making
beats’
with
other
young
people
from
the
neighbourhood,
an
activity
which
he
hoped
can
be
turned
into
a
real
professional
career
in
the
future:
(Question)
What
do
you
do
with
your
friends?
(Nick)
We
usually
go
to
the
studio…downstairs,
where
you
make
beats,
rap…I
wanna
do
garage,
until
I’m
in
college
and
start
studying
sound
engineering…And
I
can
make
beats
and
I’d
get
paid
of
my
beats…I’ll
get
enough
money
to
get
a
studio…and
I’d
charge
people
for
hours
in
the
studio…I’d
become
a
record
label
man...
The
quote
below
illustrates
how
the
influence
of
a
black
cultural
sphere
was
objectivised
through
Nick’s
reconstruction
and
negotiation
of
his
‘mixed-‐race’
identity.
As
Suki
Ali
(2003)
has
argued,
this
type
of
discourse
associated
with
popular
culture
preferences
and
practices
can
help
us
make
sense
of
the
(performative)
positioning
of
mixed-‐race
subjectivities
within
a
‘post-‐race’
deconstructive
analytical
framework
(2003:9).
Hence,
music
(‘black
RnB
and
hip-‐hop’),
alongside
clothing
style/fashion
and
manners
of
speech,
were
mentioned
as
relevant
and
meaningful
elements
of
this
black
cultural
domain.
Furthermore,
Nick
described
the
dominance
of
a
‘black
heritage’
in
the
contemporary
subcultural
sphere
and
its
influence
in
the
broader
society
and
he
also
stressed
the
positive
dimension
of
the
combination,
the
‘merging’,
to
borrow
the
term
he
used,
of
‘white’
and
black
cultures.
In
other
words,
he
not
only
suggested
a
negotiation
of
‘black’
and
‘white’
cultural
categories
but
also
acknowledged
the
role
of
dialogic
and
intercultural
dynamics,
which
were
constructed
in
opposition
to
the
‘separation’
of
‘black
people
and
white
people’,
prevalent
‘back
in
the
days’:
(Nick)
I
feel
mixed-‐race,
yeah…The
reason
why
I
put
black
and
white
[when
asked
to
choose
between
cards
with
identity
labels]
is
that,
because
black
is
more
in
my
culture…Cos
I
would
dress
like
a
black
person,
talk
like
a
black
person,
listen
to
black
RnB
and
hip-‐hop…but
white
hasn’t
got
much
to
do
with
it
because
there’s
not
a
lot
of
white
culture…White
culture
doesn’t
do
much,
not
as
much
stuff
as
the
black
culture…White
culture
doesn’t
have
as
much…like
food
or,
say,
comedy
of
all
sorts…Most
of
the
stuff
has
come
from
black
heritage…I
reckon
it’s
bonded
together
right
now…Cos
white
people
are
following
a
black
trend,
so
then
it
doesn’t
become
a
black
trend,
it
becomes
a
both
trend,
just
a
straight
trend…
(Question)
White
people
follow
black
trend?
(Nick)
Yeah…There’s
no
problem
with
it…
(Question)
How
do
you
see
that?
(Nick)
How
do
I
see
that?
A
trend
is
basically
a
fashion
statement…clothes…
(Question)
It’s
cool?
(Nick)
Yeah,
but
it’s
merging
as
one…Back
in
the
day
it
wasn’t
so
nice…black
people
and
white
people
separate…It
wasn’t
so
nice…so…
While
mainstream
US
rap,
RnB
or
garage
are
popular
among
almost
all
the
youth
interviewed,
several
participants
also
expressed
very
critical
opinions.
They
mainly
referred
to
the
explicit
character
of
some
songs
and
the
promotion,
by
the
rappers,
of
a
‘gangsta’
16
lifestyle
associated
to
sexist,
misogynist
attitudes.
Before
examining
these
critiques
it
should
be
noted
that
several
youth
also
talked
about
their
parents’
disapproval
of
rap
and
RnB
videos
shown
on
music
channels.
This
was
the
case
especially
among
the
British
Bangladeshis,
as
suggested
by
these
extracts
from
the
interviews
conducted
with
Muna
(14,
girl),
Noor
(16,
boy)
and
Basima
(13,
girl):
(Question)
Does
your
mum
have
an
opinion
about
the
films
that
you
watch
or
the
music
that
you
listen
to?
(Muna)
Yeah,
she
goes
‘Hey
you
watch
all
these
naked
things’…
(Question)
Do
your
parents
say
anything
about
the
music
you
listen
to,
the
films
that
you
watch
(Noor)
Some
hip-‐hop
channels…it’s
not
suitable
for
my
age…it’s
not
suitable
to
watch
in
front
of
your
parents….
(Question)
What’s
on
them?
(Noor)
Some
things
parents
don’t
feel
suitable
to
watch…
(Question)
You’re
talking
about
bikinis
women,
aren’t
you?
(Noor)
Yeah.
(Question)
Your
parents
do
they
have
a
view
about
the
music
you
listen
to?
(Basima)
Yeah
kind
of…Sometimes
when
I’m
watching
RnB
or
hip-‐hop
videos
they…my
mum
changes
the
channel…
(Question)
The
videos
are
really
rude,
the
RnB
ones…?
(Basima)
Yeah…Women
in
bikinis
and
stuff…
In
his
critiques
of
rap
(presented
below)
Abdul,
was
not
referring
to
sexual
references
or
how
women
were
portrayed
in
the
videos
or
lyrics.
Rather,
he
tried
to
establish
a
causal
link
between
rap
music
and
violence
(or
‘gang
crime’
to
use
his
term):
(Abdul)
I
like
the
MCs
and
the
rap
and
all
that…And
I’ve
realised
over
the
years
there’s
more
younger
kids,
coming
on
TV
singing
and
rapping.
They
rap
about
stopping
gang
crime
but
I
realised
that
them
coming
on
TV
and
their
dress
code
and
all
that,
it
just
influences
more
gang
crime
and
the
way
they
present
themselves
on
TV,
the
words
they
say…I
definitely
don’t
agree
with
that
kind
of
music….[…]
I
mostly
listen
to
them
for
the
tune,
not
for
the
words…
He
underlined
a
paradox:
despite
the
fact
that
rappers
were
publicly
denouncing
violence,
their
attitude,
styles
and
lyrics
were
still
encouraging
‘gang
crime’
in
the
context
of
an
increasing
media
visibility
of
rappers.
Yet,
despite
his
critical
stance
and
his
‘disagreement’
with
‘gangsta
rap’
message,
Abdul
still
enjoys
listening
to
rap.
In
the
interview,
he
rationalised
this
by
saying
that
he
was,
in
fact,
making
a
distinction
between
the
‘tune’
and
the
‘words’
of
rap
songs.
Another
type
of
distinction
revolved
around
the
difference
between
sub-‐genres
or
the
opposition
between
‘old’
and
‘new’.
The
latter
distinction
was
particularly
salient
in
the
case
of
garage.
For
example,
‘old
garage’
was
opposed
to
the
most
recent
forms
of
garage,
mainly
UK
garage
or
grime
garage.
While
traditional/old
garage
is
closely
linked
to
American
17
RnB
and
influenced
by
soul
and
funk,
UK
garage
and
grime
garage,
both
British
creations6
are
more
‘underground’,
Jungle,
and
hip-‐hop-‐oriented
(and
thus
more
‘hardcore’
and
‘explicit’).
Two
mixed-‐heritage
participants,
Chris
(17)
and
Charlotte
(16),
were
keen
to
make
this
distinction
when
asked
about
their
tastes
in
music.
They
preferred
RnB/garage
and
the
Motown
repertoire,
the
famous
American
record
label
which
was
created
in
the
1960s
and
introduced
black
music
(soul
and
funk)
to
a
wide
audience
across
the
world:
(Chris)
…The
main
stuff
that
I
listen
to…is
nothing
but
Smooth
FM…I
love
all
my
classic
soul…and
all
that…jazz,
Motown…I
do
like
to
listen
to
RnB
and
garage
and
that
stuff,
but,
the
way
I
put,
I
listen
to
all
types
of
music,
apart
from
serious
Heavy
Metal…I
appreciate
all
types
of
music…RnB
and
stuff,
I
don’t
mind
really...
I
used
to
listen
to
what
my
brother
listen
to…Like
old
school
garage…I
prefer
that
a
lot
more
than
the
New
garage…Obviously
there’s
some
tunes
that
I
do
like
but…But
there’s
nothing
like
the
old
garage…I
remember
I
have
a
CD
‘Pure
Garage
1’,
the
best
garage,
I’ve
heard
in
my
life…It’s
so
old…But
I
can
still
listen
to…
(Charlotte)
I
like
a
lot
of
music…I
like
RnB,
I
like
jazz,
I
like
soul,
I
like
acoustic,
rock…
(Question)
And
RnB?
(Charlotte)
I
like
the
mellow,
funky
beats…I
like
a
lot
of
Funky
music
as
well,
old
Motown…I’m
really
into
the
whole
proper
Funky
music,
70s…[...]
I
love
Heart
and
Magic…They
play
Motown,
they
play
Funky
music…Saturday
night
on
Heart
FM,
it’s
like
having
a
party
in
your
room!
Great
music,
which
is
not
about
sluts
and
whores.
It’s
great,
wonderful
music…
For
Chris
and
Charlotte,
the
reading
of
popular
culture
in
terms
of
an
opposition
between
old
and
new
garage
allowed
them
to
define
the
authenticity
of
a
musical
genre
by
using
such
terms
as
‘old
school’,
‘proper’
or
‘classic’
and
referring
to
one
of
the
most
influential
American
black
music
labels.
In
the
case
of
Charlotte,
the
differentiation
also
served
to
underline
the
perceived
sexist
dimensions
of
new/grime/UK
garage,
as
opposed
to
the
more
‘mellow’
style
of
RnB/soul.
Nathalie
(17),
a
mixed-‐heritage
girl,
held
a
similar
view.
She
strongly
denounced
the
materialism,
rudeness
and
‘disgusting’
sexism
of
(new)
garage
which
she
characterised
as
being
‘violent’
and
‘nasty’:
(Question)
What
sort
of
music
do
you
listen
to?
(Nathalie)
RnB,
hip-‐hop,
reggae,
ragga…
(Question)
Sort
of
black
music,
more
or
less…
(Nathalie)
Yeah…But
I
don’t
like
garage….
(Question)
Why
not?
6
Grime
garage
is
in
fact
said
to
originate
from
East
London:
‘Grime
is
a
music
that
was
born
in
East
London,
lives
in
East
London...
and
maybe
only
makes
sense
in
East
London.
It
is
a
mutt
genre,
a
bastard
blend
of
street
English,
Jamaican
dancehall
reggae
and
two
kinds
of
rave
music:
(1)
drum
’n’
bass,
an
electronic
party
monster
built
from
breakbeats,
or
loops
fashioned
from
the
percussive
“breakdown”
sections
of
other
songs;
(2)
a
U.K.
delicacy
called
garage,
which
rhymes
with
carriage
and
feels
like
RnB
running
a
fever.
The
sum
is
a
fast
clatter
of
syncopated
claps,
alien
chirps
and
machine
bursts.
Grime
vocalists
resemble
turbo-‐charged
rappers,
racing
to
match
backing
tracks
that
thump
about
130
times
per
minute
—
near
your
target
heart
rate
for
vigorous
physical
activity.
(‘Grime
wave’,
http://www.cbc.ca/arts/music/grimewave.html,
accessed
February
2006)
18
(Nathalie)
I
like
the
old
garage,
like
Gabriel…This
new
stuff
is
too
violent…They’re
talking
about
guns,
about
shootings,
they
talk
about
your
car,
your
phone
about
‘oh
I
slept
with
your
girlfriend…I’m
gonna
take
your
girl!’…It’s
just
nasty…When
they
speak
about
girls,
no
respect…disgusting,
no
respect
at
all,
disgusting…
Among
all
the
participants
interviewed,
it
was
Charlotte
who
was
the
most
critical
of
(new/UK)
garage
and
commercial
hip-‐hop.
As
we
shall
see,
through
her
reading
of
mainstream
hip-‐hop
culture
she
constructed
a
discursive
space
where
gender
and
black
politics
were
discussed
and
where,
above
all,
hegemonic
hypermasculine
codes
were
actively
challenged.
At
the
initial
stage
of
the
interview,
Charlotte
made
a
comparison
between
the
contemporary
commercial
hip-‐hop
(described
again
as
sexist
and
rude)
and
the
hip-‐hop
‘before’,
i.e.
when
it
was
connected
to
reggae
and
blues,
at
a
time
when
‘people
actually
used
to
say
stuff
that
was
real’:
(Charlotte)
Hip-‐hop
is
very
similar
to
garage,
it’s
just
different
accents…Hip-‐hop
is
one
of
the
most
disgusting
kinds
of
music
I
know,
because
before
hip-‐hop
was
actually
full
of
talents.
People
actually
used
to
say
stuff
that
was
real...
and
politics…It
was
related
towards
reggae,
because
in
reggae
and
in
the
blues
it’s
all
about
politics
and
what’s
going
on
in
the
world
and…that’s
the
old
reggae
stuff…But
the
hip-‐hop
today
you
can’t
actually
get
a
song
which
doesn’t
say,
which
doesn’t
have
the
words
‘gangster’,
‘whore’,
‘bitch’…
She
then
deplored
the
passivity
of
young
women
who
are
today
consuming
this
commercial
hip-‐hop.
In
doing
so,
they
were
disregarding
the
notion
of
‘respect’
and
‘women’s
rights’,
core
elements
of
(past)
feminist
struggles:
(Charlotte)
Any
girl
who
can
buy
a
CD
that
is
calling
her
a
whore
and
saying
that
a
guy
could
get
her
to
do
anything
he
wanted
and
said
‘oh
I
just
want
you
to
do
this,
I
just
want
you
to
do
that,
I’ve
got
my
other
girlfriend,
I’ve
got
this’…Any
women
who
can
marry...
who
actually
believes
in
that
kind
of…Women
have
fought
so
many
years
for
respect,
they
fought
for
women’s
rights,
they’ve
done
all
this,
like:
‘why
are
you
throwing
it
away
and
let
someone
make
you
feel
that
way
and
make
you
feel
like
trash?
You’re
gonna
dance
in
someone’s
video
when
they’re
basically
calling
you
a
whore
and
you’re
only
there
for
one
thing!’…Like,
they
say
women
have
no
minds
and…I
hate
that!
Charlotte’s
strong
critique
of
mainstream
hip-‐hop
(and
its
consumption
by
girls)
was
not
only
re-‐located
in
the
sphere
of
gender
politics
as
she
also
referred
to
black
struggles
and
resistance.
Interestingly,
in
the
following
discussion
of
‘race’
and
politics
of
naming
(the
use
of
the
word
‘nigger’
in
US
black
rap
songs),
her
own
sense
of
‘blackness’
was
made
more
salient
by
terms
which
suggested
a
sense
of
collective
belonging
(‘our
ancestors’,
‘we’
and
‘us’):
(Charlotte)
We
actually
used
to
listen
to
Bob
Marley
and
Jimmy
Cliff.
They
actually
had
some
kind
of
meaning
to
their
music…Now
it’s
all
‘signal
the
plane’…It’s
a
dance
19
move…They
have
the
whole
song
goes:
‘signal
the
plane,
now
signal
the
plane…wind
down,
wind
down’…Just
telling
the
guys
what
to
do
to
the
girls…You’re
going
there
to
dance,
I
thought
you
was
meant
to
freestyle,
not
be
told
what
to
do…And
then,
every
song
you
listen
to:
‘nigger
this,
nigger
that’…What
is
that
about?
How
many
years
did
people
fight
for
‘oh
we
don’t
wanna
be
called
nigger,
but
yeah,
I’m
gonna
use
it
in
music
now!’…
‘I’m
gonna
propose
it
across
the
world’…
‘Yeah,
it’s
OK
to
call
me
nigger
as
long
as
you’re
not
white!’...I
mean
my
ancestors
had
to
be
called
nigger.
That
was
kind
of
the
point
of:
‘you’re
a
nigger,
you’re
a
slave,
shut
up!’…They
finally
got
‘yeah
we’re
black
people,
that’s
what
we
wanna
be
called’
and
now
these
people
are
like
‘Yeah,
what’s
goin’
on
nigger?’...
‘My
nigger
this,
my
nigger
that...’
He’s
not
your
nigger,
he’s
a
person,
he’s
black…It’s
completely
different,
how
can
you
be
calling
someone
‘a
nigger’
after
all
the
problems
that
used
to
be
around?
Even
though
that’s
over
now,
you
still
have
to
respect
it
because
we
wouldn’t
be
where
we
are
today,
if
people
hadn’t
have
fought
for
people
not
to
call
us
niggers!
Latter,
the
American
rapper
50
Cent
appeared
in
the
conversation.
Unlike
Leo
and
Ayub
who
expressed
their
admiration,
Charlotte
was,
again,
strongly
critical:
(Charlotte)
50
Cent
has
no
actual
knowledge
behind
his…the
words
he
uses…He
said
he’s
a
pimp,
he’s
a
P.I.M.P,
he’s
gangsta,
he
got
shot
in
his
face,
whoa,
great!
What?
People
haven’t
been
shot
before?
That’s
how
you’re
making
your
music…
‘You
got
shot,
why
did
you
get
shot?’
I
doubt
someone
came
along
and
just
‘bang
bang
bang’
for
no
reason…This
guy
is
proposing
drugs…He
says
drug
is
good,
‘have
some
weed,
that’s
real
good!
Yeah,
let’s
do
that…’
Little
kids
listen
to
that
on
the
music…I
was
baby
sitting
and
this
little
girl,
she
turns
around
and
said
‘I’ve
got
a
boyfriend,
I’m
his
bitch’…
(Question)
How
old
was
she?
(Charlotte)
She’s
10!
And
this
is
a
young
girl
and
she’s
actually
thinking
it’s
OK…You
got
young
boys
singing
these
songs
and
they
even
talk
like
the
rappers…So
can
you
imagine
what
they
gonna
be
like
towards
women,
when
they’re
older…Even
in
some
lyrics,
they’re
just
like:
‘Yeah,
I’d
slap
a
bitch
if
she
ever
speaks
to
me
in
that
way’…
I
mean,
proposing:
‘let’s
hit
some
women’…You
see
a
video,
loads
of
women…no
clothes
on…You
want
that…You
go
and
buy
the
CD,
because
you
see
all
them
women
in
that
video…What
they
do
is
they
use
beats
that
are
catchy
[…]
You
see
a
lot
of
women
naked
in
a
video
you
say
‘oh
I
want
that,
I
want
that’…
‘He
smokes
weed,
I’m
gonna
have
to
do
that
to
get
these
women’…The
girls,
you
see
a
nice
man
with
a
six-‐
pack,
‘oh
I
just
want
it
so
I
can
get
the
free
pictures!’…None
of
them
guys
seems
actually
attractive
to
me…I
like
Thierry
Henry,
not
gangsta,
French,
very
romantic,
‘va
va
voum’…He
can
va
voum
me
anytime
he
wants…
Through
this
critique
of
the
controversial
rapper,
Charlotte
was
denouncing
the
influence
of
a
‘gangsta
lifestyle’
on
youth,
which
would
be,
according
to
her,
promoted
by
commercial
hip-‐hop.
This
discussion
also
offered
another
opportunity
for
her
to
condemn
the
tacit
acceptance
by
young
girls
of
the
degrading
image
of
women
by
certain
hip-‐hop
artists.
Finally,
the
reference
to
the
footballer
Thierry
Henry,
was
interesting
as
an
embodiment
of
the
‘black
anti-‐gangsta’
figure
–
i.e.
‘French’
and
‘romantic’
-‐
which
could
be
compared
to
20
the
‘aesthetically
non-‐threatening’
and
non-‐controversial
figure
of
the
black
rapper
and
actor
Will
Smith
as
analysed
by
Suki
Ali
(2003:5).
Cinema,
television
and
visual
media
In
addition
to
music,
we
were
also
interested
in
the
participants’
preferences
in
visual
media,
mainly
cinema,
television
as
well
as
the
press.
Regarding
television,
there
was
a
relative
homogeneity
of
tastes
among
both
groups
as
most
participants
said
they
enjoyed
watching
popular
mainstream
genres
such
as
sitcoms
(Friends),
‘reality
shows’
(Big
Brother),
soaps
(East
enders),
teenage
drama
(Hollyoaks)
or
cartoons
(on
CBBC
Channel
for
example).
Similarly,
recent
mainstream
-‐
mainly
American
-‐
films
tended
to
dominate
the
participants’
preferences
in
cinema.
Finally,
only
few
participants
said
reading
regularly
British
newspapers.
Furthermore,
in
the
context
of
a
global
emergence
of
digital/satellite
technologies,
we
were
keen
to
explore
the
question
of
diasporic
media
(or
‘ethnic
media’),
especially
among
the
British
Bangladeshi
group.
Diasporic
media
are
often
described
as
major
players
in
the
formation
of
‘imagined
communities’
and
new
deterritorialised
‘mediascapes’
among
ethnic
and
migrant
groups
(Appadurai,
1990).
Thus,
as
Tsagarousianou
(2004)
argues
‘whereas
earlier
forms
of
socio-‐cultural
distanciation
were
inextricably
linked
with
temporal
distance,
making
it
very
difficult
for
dispersed
migrants
to
share
experiences
and
form
common
frames
of
making
sense
of
these,
the
sense
of
contemporaneity
and
synchronicity
made
possible
by
diasporic
media
in
late
modernity
enables
new
ways
of
‘coexistence’
and
‘experiencing
together’.
Another
important
dimension
of
diasporic
media
is
that
the
transnational
flows
of
information,
images
and
ideas
entailed
by
their
development
can
disrupt
bounded
notions
of
identity,
belongings
and
‘home’.
This
process
is
closely
linked
to
cultural
hybridisation
and
creolisation
(Hannez,
1996)
as
well
as
the
multidirectionality
and
decentralisation
of
diasporic
flows
(Cunningham
and
Sinclair,
2000).
It
is
also
important
to
note
that
despite
a
growing
body
of
literature
on
the
relationships
between
transnational
communication,
cultural
production
and
diaspora,
few
studies
have
taken
into
account
how
the
perception,
use
and
function
of
ethnic
or
diasporic
media
(including
printed
media)
may
vary
according
to
gender,
different
social
and
domestic
contexts,
or
across
generations,
within
a
given
ethnic/migrant
group.
In
the
case
of
the
printed
media,
there
is
a
plethora
of
newspapers
in
Bengali
language
published
in
Britain,
which
usually
share
a
common
‘journalistic’
format.
In
addition
to
UK
and
international
news,
they
are
also
reporting
the
current
events
in
Bangladesh
(and
in
Sylhet
in
particular)
and
providing
news
about
Bangladeshi
communities
in
the
UK.
In
these
newspapers,
there
is
a
strong
emphasis
on
politics,
both
about
the
situation
in
Bangladesh
and
in
the
diaspora.
Bangladeshi
newspapers
and
magazines
published
in
the
UK7
did
not
appeal
very
much
to
our
British
Bangladeshi
participants.
One
of
the
reasons
explaining
this
could
be
the
little
interest
that
young
people
show
towards
the
political
situation
in
Bangladesh
or
in
their
district
of
origin,
Sylhet
(Eade
and
Garbin,
2006;
Garbin,
2008).
Moreover,
because
they
are
written
in
standard
Bengali
(i.e.
the
national
language
of
Bangladesh),
these
newspapers
7
The
main
ones
are
Surma,
Notun
Din,
Potrika
or
Eurobangla.
21
mainly
target
the
elder
generation
(or
newly
arrived
migrants)
rather
than
an
audience
of
young
British
Bangladeshis,
less
likely
to
read
standard
Bengali.
However,
several
participants
said
that
they
were
having
Bengali
lessons,
but
as
in
the
case
of
Noor
(16),
it
was
not
sufficient
to
‘understand’
the
Bengali
press:
(Question)
Do
you
read
any
Bengali
papers?
(Noor)
No,
cos
I
can't
understand
it.
(Question)
You
can't
read
Bengali?
(Noor)
I
can
read
Bengali,
I
take
Bengali
lessons,
but
not
as
proper.
If
I
go
through
a
paper
it
would
probably
take
me
days
to…
As
far
as
television
is
concerned,
there
are
several
Bengali
channels
available
through
satellite
technology,
such
as
Ekushey
TV,
Bangla
TV
or
Vectone
Bangla.
As
in
the
case
of
the
printed
media,
the
fact
that
the
great
majority
of
the
programmes
are
in
Bengali
could
also
be
a
major
hindrance
for
younger
generations.
Yet,
Channel
S,
a
channel
broadcasting
mainly
in
Sylheti
dialect,
was
recently
created
and
is
now
available
through
satellite
TV.
During
a
discussion
on
TV,
Basima
said
she
liked
the
Channel
S
programmes
when
they
are
‘showing
different
sites
of
Bangladesh’:
(Question)
Do
you
watch
the
Bengali
channels
on
Sky?
(Basima)
Yeah…
(Question)
What
do
you
watch?
(Basima)
Channel
S.
(Question)
‘S’…what
does
it
stand
for?
(Basima)
I
think
Sylhet,
I’m
not
sure…
(Question)
Your
parents
watch
that?
(Basima)
Yeah,
my
mum…
(Question)
What
kind
of
programmes
on
that
channel?
(Basima)
Just
dramas
and
stuff.
(Question)
Bangladeshi
natoks?
(Basima)
Yeah,
and
programmes
where
they
show
Bangladesh,
like
the
really
traditional
stuff.
(Question)
Do
you
like
that?
(Basima)
I
don’t
like
watching
the
dramas
and
stuff
but
I
like
the
programmes
when
they
show
Bangladesh,
like
different
sites
and
stuff.
As
Basima,
many
participants
said
that
their
parents
and
especially
their
mother
were
watching
Channel
S.
However,
their
interest
for
this
channel
and
its
most
popular
programmes,
known
as
natok
(‘dramas’),
appeared
rather
weak.
Munira
(11),
for
instance
was
clearly
rejecting
the
genre:
(Question)
Do
you
like
watching
Bollywood
films?
(Munira)
They’re
OK…
(Question)
Do
you
watch
Bengali
natoks?
(Munira)
No
way!
22
In
the
case
of
Pari
(15),
it
is
interesting
to
note
that
her
comments
about
natoks
echo
the
ones
about
Bengali
music
(‘good
for
a
laugh’):
(Question)
What
films
do
you
like?
(Pari)
Bollywood…
(Question)
What
about
Bangladeshi
natoks?
(Pari)
It’s
just
something
to
watch…If
it’s
on,
then
I
watch
it…
(Question)
Because
you’re
mum
is
watching
it?
(Pari)
Yeah…Cos
we
always
mock
it…But
if
you
sit
down
and
watch
it,
it’s
kind
of
funny
sometimes…
A
parallel
could
be
drawn
here
with
music
and
more
specifically
the
opposition
between
Bengali
songs
and
Bollywood
remix/bhangra
examined
earlier.
Thus
we
could
make
the
hypothesis
that
with
is
‘glamour’
and
worldwide
popularity,
Bollywood
cinema
is
providing
a
positive
image
of
‘Asianess’,
as
opposed
to
the
Bengali/Sylheti
genre
of
natoks,
which
have
been
described
as
being
‘funny’,
subject
to
‘mocking’
(Pari,
above)
or
even
‘stupid’
(Munira,
11).
Having
said
that,
while
all
the
young
British
Bangladeshi
girls
said
that
they
liked
(or
just
watched)
Bollywood
films,
none
of
the
boys
seemed
to
show
a
strong
interest
in
them.
This
suggests
the
need
to
take
the
gender
factor
into
account
when
exploring
the
issue
of
diasporic
media.
Finally
it
should
also
be
noted
that
several
participants
said
that
they
could
hardly
understand
Bollywood
films
(as
they
are
in
Hindi
language,
for
their
great
majority).
For
instance
here
we
can
quote
Shiraj
(14)
and
Basima
(16):
(Question)
Do
you
ever
go
to
the
cinema?
(Shiraj)
Sometimes…
(Question)
What
kind
of
films
do
you
like?
(Shiraj)
Adventure,
action,
thriller…
(Question)
Do
you
like
Indian
films?
(Shiraj)
Depends…
The
only
thing
I
don’t
like
about
them
is
I
don’t
understand
them…
(Question)
Do
you
ever
watch
Indian
films,
Bollywood
films?
(Basima)
Sometimes,
if
there’s
subtitles.
(Question)
You
find
it
really
difficult
to
understand
or...?
(Basima)
Yeah
kind
of…If
there’s
subtitles
it’s
alright
but
if
not
I
just
get
bored
of
the
film
cos
I
can’t
understand
it…
Sport
Sport
is
generally
presented
as
a
central
component
of
adolescent
lives.
In
social
sciences
it
has
gradually
played
a
greater
role
in
recent
years,
for
instance
in
the
analysis
of
masculinities
and
‘bodily
capital’
(Wacquant,
2004)
or
in
the
study
of
the
negotiation
of
national,
ethnic
and
cultural
identities
(Smith
and
Porter,
2004).
Given
the
time
constraint
of
the
research,
we
limited
ourselves
to
a
brief
exploration
of
the
links
established,
in
the
narratives
of
our
participants,
between
sport
and
dynamics
of
identity,
belongings
or
‘allegiance’.
The
questions
were
centred
around
the
notion
of
‘supporting
a
country’
and
23
more
particularly
with
regards
to
two
popular
sports,
cricket
and
football,
as
well
as
the
Olympics.
During
the
interviews
the
participants
seldom
said
that
they
did
not
either
practise
or
watch/follow
sports
on
TV.
Within
the
British
Bangladeshi
sample
there
were
various
responses.
One
type
of
response,
usually
from
the
females,
suggested
a
total
lack
of
interest
in
watching
cricket
and
football.
However,
when
cricket
matches
between
England
and
Bangladesh
were
discussed,
support
would
be
expressed
for
Bangladesh.
Pari
(15),
for
example,
indicated
that
this
support
was
linked
to
what
could
be
defined
as
a
‘parental
context’:
(Question)
Do
you
like
any
sports?
(Pari)
I
did
like
swimming,
but
I
forgot…and
dancing…
(Question)
Did
you
support
the
Bangladeshi
cricket
team?
(Pari)
No!...I
hate
cricket
and
football…
(Question)
If
England
played
Bangladesh
in
cricket…
(Pari)
If
I’m
watching,
and
I’m
with
my
parents,
Bangladesh…
The
question
about
‘allegiance’
to
a
particular
team
proved
difficult
to
answer
for
some
participants
who
were
often
hesitant
or
confused,
especially
when
asked
to
choose
between
England
and
Bangladesh.
However,
several
young
British
Bangladeshis
assumed
that
‘supporting
Bangladesh’
was
the
‘natural’
or
‘obvious’
option.
This
was
indicated
by
the
spontaneous
use
of
such
expressions
as
‘co’s
it’s
my
country’
or
‘cos
it’s
where
I’m
from’
as
can
be
seen
in
several
extracts
presented
below.
It
is
also
interesting
that
none
of
these
expressions
denoting
symbolic
notions
of
national
origin,
belonging
and
‘home’
were
explicitly
associated
with
England
or
Britain.
Noor,
for
example,
who
was
16
years
old,
said
that
he
‘support[s]
anything
to
do
with
Bangladesh’
which
was
‘my
home
country’:
(Question)
Are
you
into
any
sports?
(Noor)
Yeah
mainly
football…
(Question)
Do
you
play?
(Noor)
Yeah.
(Question)
You
know
the
Bangladeshi
cricket
team,
do
you
support
them?
(Noor)
I
don’t
really
watch
cricket
but
I
play
cricket…Yeah,
I
do
support
anything
to
do
with
Bangladesh
anyway…
(Question)
If
England
played
against
Bangladesh,
who
would
you
support?
(Noor)
Bangladesh.
(Question)
Why?
(Noor)
Cos
it’s
my
home
country…
(Question)
Do
you
support
England
in
football…?
(Noor)
Yeah…If
Bangladesh
was
good
I
would
support
them…
(Question)
Why?
(Noor)
They’re
my
country…
(Question)
Do
you
support
Britain
in
the
Olympics?
(Noor)
I
don’t
really
watch
that,
but,
yeah,
I’d
probably
do…
24
Two
female
participants,
Muna
(14)
and
Basima
(16),
also
used
similar
expressions
(‘my
country’,
‘my
home
country’)
when
asked
if
they
would
support
Bangladesh
against
England
in
cricket:
(Question)
Do
you
like
any
sports?
(Muna)
I
like
basketball.
(Question)
Do
you
play
it?
(Muna)
Yeah,
sometimes…and
I
play
football
when
I’m
with
my
mates
sometimes,
just
to…I
don’t
know
how
to
play
professional
but
I
do
know
how
to
kick
a
ball
around…
(Question)
Do
you
support
Bangladesh
in
cricket?
(Muna)
I
don’t
watch
though,
it’s
so
boring…I
don’t
watch
any
sport…
(Question)
If
England
would
play
Bangladesh
in
cricket;
which
team
would
you
support?
(Muna)
Obviously
Bangladesh,
man.
(Question)
Why?
(Muna)
Because
it’s
my
country…
Question)
Do
you
like
any
sports?
(Basima)
Yeah…I
like
football,
but
I
don’t
play
it
that
much
now…When
I
was
in
primary
school,
I
used
to
play
a
lot
of
football…
(Question)
Do
you
do
any
sports
now?
(Basima)
No,
not
really.
(Question)
Do
you
like
cricket?
(Basima)
Yeah.
(Question)
Do
you
support
Bangladesh
in
cricket?
(Basima)
Yeah…I
wanted
to
go
to
the
cricket
match
but
I
had
exams
during
that
time
so
I
couldn’t
go
to
any…
(Question)
Who
was
it
between?
(Basima)
Bangladesh
and
England…
(Question)
So
Bangladesh
against
England,
which
team
would
you
support?
(Basima)
Bangladesh…
(Question)
Why?
(Basima)
Cos
it’s
my
home
country...
(Question)
Do
you
support
England
in
football?
(Basima)
Yeah…
(Question)
But
if
Bangladesh
would
be
against
England
who
would
support?
(Basima)
Bangladesh…
(Question)
Did
you
support
Britain
in
the
Olympics?
(Basima)
Yeah…
Fatima,
a
14-‐year-‐old-‐girl,
said
she
would
support
England
in
football
and
Britain
in
the
Olympics.
Yet,
like
Muna,
she
would
‘obviously’
support
‘her
country’,
Bangladesh,
if
it
was
playing
against
England
in
cricket,
even
if
she
said,
at
first,
that
she
did
not
support
the
Bangladeshi
cricket
team:
(Question)
Do
you
like
any
sports?
25
(Fatima)
I
play
basketball,
at
school
I
play
football….an
I
watch
tennis…
(Question)
Do
you
like
cricket?
(Fatima)
I
like
playing
it,
but
I
don’t
like
watching
it…
(Question)
Do
you
support
the
Bangladeshi
cricket
team…?
(Fatima)
No…
(Question)
Why
not?
(Fatima)
Because
I
don’t
watch
it…
(Question)
If
Bangladesh
was
playing
England,
who
would
you
support?
(Fatima)
Bangladesh,
obviously…Because
that’s
like
my
country
init…
(Question)
Do
you
support
England
in
football?
(Fatima)
Yeah…
(Question)
Britain
in
the
Olympics?
(Fatima)
Yeah…
Similarly,
Ayub
initially
said
that
he
was
not
supporting
Bangladesh
in
cricket
but
then
added
that
he
would
support
his
‘home
country’
if
they
played
against
England.
As
regards
football,
he
confessed
to
‘hating
England’
and
preferring
teams
such
as
Spain
or
Italy:
(Question)
You
watch
football
and
play
it?
(Ayub)
Yeah…
(Question)
Do
you
play
cricket?
(Ayub)
No…
(Question)
Do
you
support
the
Bangladeshi
cricket
team?
(Ayub)
No…
(Question)
If
England
played
Bangladesh,
who
would
you
support?
(Ayub)
Bangladesh…
(Question)
Why?
(Ayub)
Cos
they’re
my
home
country…
(Question)
Do
you
support
England
in
the
world
cup,
football?
(Ayub)
No
I
hate
England…I
support
Italy
or
Spain…because
they’re
good
teams…
(Question)
Do
you
support
Britain
in
the
Olympics?
(Ayub)
No…I
don’t
watch
it…
Abdul
(16)
was
more
hesitant
when
asked
to
choose
between
Bangladesh
and
England
in
cricket.
First
he
described
the
Bangladeshi
team
as
being
‘bad’
before
saying
that
he
would
‘probably’
support
them:
(Question)
Do
you
like
sports?
(Abdul)
I
like
baseball
a
lot…I
played
in
school…I
don’t
know
anyone
with
whom
to
play
it
now…[…]
I
also
like
softball.
I
also
like
football…But
I
haven’t
played
for
some
time…I
do
like
cricket…
(Question)
Do
you
support
the
Bangladeshi
cricket
team?
(Abdul)
Not
really…because
I
believe
that
they’re
bad…
[…]
(Question)
If
England
was
playing
against
Bangladesh,
who
would
you
support?
(Abdul)
I
don’t
know
really…probably
Bangladesh,
cos
it’s
where
I’m
from…But
then
again
England
would
probably
be
a
better
team…
(Question)
Do
you
support
England
in
football?
26
(Abdul)
No…On
their
matches
I’d
support
them,
yeah…But
if
they’re
against
other
teams,
like
Real
Madrid…Obviously
I’d
go
for
the
opposing
team…Cos
I
believe
they’ll
beat
them…But
a
team
which
I
support
since
I
was
young
is
Manchester
United…
Karim
(14)
also
seemed
hesitant.
Yet
because
‘England
would
win’
(against
Bangladesh)
he
would
support
England
in
cricket.
As
for
football
he
chose
Brazil:
(Question)
Sports?
(Karim)
I
like
football…I
used
to
play…I
left
the
team,
school
team…
(Question)
Do
you
play
cricket?
(Karim)
Yeah…
(Question)
Do
you
support
the
Bangladeshi
cricket
team?
(Karim)
I
don’t
like
watching
cricket…
(Question)
If
England
was
playing
against
Bangladesh,
who
would
you
support?
(Karim)
I
know
England
would
win…so…I
don’t
know,
I’d
support
England…
(Question)
You
know,
in
the
world
cup
in
football,
do
you
support
England?
(Karim)
No…Brazil…
(Question)
Do
you
support
Britain
in
the
Olympics?
(Karim)
I
don’t
like
the
Olympics…
Shiraj
(14),
who
supports
the
England
football
team,
used
the
expression
‘my
home
country’
to
say
that
he
was
behind
Bangladesh
in
cricket.
However,
when
it
came
to
a
game
between
Bangladesh
and
England,
he
would
support
both
teams.
In
justification
he
referred
to
his
parents’
national
origin
and
also
to
the
fact
that
he
was
living
in
England:
(Question)
Do
you
like
any
sports?
(Shiraj)
Yeah,
cricket…I
play
for
Westminster,
I
play
for
my
school…
(Question)
[…]
Do
you
support
the
Bangladeshi
cricket
team?
(Shiraj)
Yeah,
but
they’re
not
good…
(Question)
Why
do
you
support
them?
(Shiraj)
My
home
country…
(Question)
If
England
played
Bangladesh?
(Shiraj)
I
would
support
Bangladesh…and
England…
(Question)
Both?
(Shiraj)
Yeah…I
live
in
England
and
my
parents
are
from
Bangladesh,
so…It
doesn’t
matter
whoever
wins…
(Question)
Do
you
support
England
in
football?
(Shiraj)
Yes…International,
so
I
have
to…
Ahmed,
(14)
justified
his
support
for
Bangladesh
in
cricket
in
a
different
way,
mentioning
that
it
was
the
only
sport
‘they’ve
made
into’.
He
also
expressed
his
wish
to
become
a
footballer,
before
saying
that
he
supported
Brazil,
rather
than
England,
in
football.
When
asked
if
he
could
name
someone
he
admires,
he
cited
Ronaldinho,
a
Brazilian
football
player,
and
not
David
Beckham,
who,
according
to
him,
was
popular
in
England
only
because
of
his
nationality:
(Question)
What
sports
do
you
like?
27
(Ahmed)
Football,
tennis…
(Question)
Do
you
play
as
well?
(Ahmed)
Yeah,
I
mainly
do
football,
cos
I
wanna
be
a
footballer
when
I
grow
up…
(Question)
Do
you
like
or
play
cricket?
(Ahmed)
I
don’t
mind
playing
cricket
and
I
don’t
really
hate
it,
I
like
it
as
well…
(Question)
Do
you
support
the
Bangladeshi
cricket
team?
(Ahmed)
Yeah…
(Question)
England
against
Bangladesh,
who
would
you
support?
(Ahmed)
Bangladesh.
(Question)
Why?
(Ahmed)
Cos
England
won
everything
and
Bangladesh
it’s
the
only
sport
that
they’ve
made
into…
(Question)
So
they
deserve
a
chance?
(Ahmed)
Yeah…
(Question)
Do
you
support
England
in
football?
(Ahmed)
No.
(Question)
Really?
In
the
World
Cup
who
would
you
support?
(Ahmed)
Brazil…They’re
my
favourites
and
they
won
all
the
time…
(Question)
Do
you
support
Britain
in
the
Olympics?
(Ahmed)
Yeah,
definitely…
(Question)
Do
you
watch
it
when
it’s
on
telly
and
stuff?
(Ahmed)
Yeah,
obviously…
(Question)
Could
you
name
someone
or
people
you
admire?
(Ahmed)
A
footballer…Ronaldinho…
(Question)
[…]
Why
do
you
look
up
to
him?
(Ahmed)
Cos
he’s
very
skilful
and
he’s
a
very
talented
player,
the
best
player
in
the
world…
(Question)
What
about
Beckham?
(Ahmed)
I
don’t
care,
he’s
rubbish,
I
don’t
like
him…
Everyone
loves
him
because
he’s
from
England,
that’s
it…
Among
the
mixed-‐heritage
participants,
the
use
of
such
expressions
as
‘my
country’
was
usually
associated
with
support
for
England.
Yet,
while
Chris
(17,
Jamaican/English
background)
used
this
expression,
he
did
not
want
to
choose
between
Jamaica
and
England
in
the
Olympics:
(Question)
Do
you
like
sports?
(Chris)
I’m
into
hockey…And
basketball,
I
used
to
play
a
lot
of
basketball…At
Lanfranc…we
used
to
win
all
the
times…
(Question)
In
football
do
you
support
England?
(Chris)
I’m
not
really
interested
in
football…I
don’t
mind
watching
it…I’m
not
bothered
about
it…
(Question)
What
about
Jamaica…?
(Chris)
I’m
not
really
bothered…I
don’t
really
support
football…If
I
had
to
then
it
would
be
Italy…they
have
so
many
good
players
in
their
team…
(Question)
In
the
Olympics…?
(Chris)
England
is
my
country.
Olympics
is
a
lot
different
from
football
I
think…it’s
a
28
better
sport…I
used
to
do
long
jump
but
I
damaged
my
knee...
(Question)
But
what
about
Jamaica?
(Chris)
If
Jamaica
was
running,
then
yeah
‘come
on
Jamaica!’…If
England…Basically
I’d
support
both
team,
but
I
wouldn’t
support
one
before
another…
Leo
(11,
Jamaican/English
background)
said
that
he
supported
Jamaica
in
the
Olympics
and
England
in
football.
He
would
also
support
both
West
Indies
and
England
in
cricket,
except
if
they
played
against
each
other
(in
that
case
he
said
he
would
support
none
of
the
teams):
(Question)
Do
you
support
England
in
football?
(Leo)
Well…
yeah….
I
don’t
support
Jamaica
because
they’re
not
quite
good…
(Question)
You’ve
never
supported
Jamaica?
(Leo)
They
never
play…I
never
see
them
play…
(Question)
They
played
in
the
world
cup
I
think?
(Leo)
They’re
not
good.
I
support
England.
My
dad
would
support
Jamaica
and
England
as
well...
(Question)
What
about
in
the
Olympics?
(Leo)
I
support
Jamaica…
(Question)
Really?
(Leo)
Yeah.
(Question)
Why?
(Leo)
Cos,
like
the
way
it’s
set…If
I
support
English
in
football,
it
will
be
fair
for
my
mum
but
if
I
support
English
again
[in
the
Olympics]
it
won’t
be
fair
for
my
dad…But
they
are
good
in
the
Olympics
so
I
support
them.
(Question)
Jamaica?
(Leo)
Yeah...
And
like
in
cricket,
the
West
Indies
are
good
as
well…
(Question)
So
who
do
you
support
in
cricket?
(Leo)
West
Indies
and
England…
(Question)
If
they
play
against
each
other?
(Leo)
…I
would
support
no
one…
(Question)
No
one?
(Leo)
I
won’t
watch
it.
(Question)
You
wont
watch
it?!
Really?
(Leo)
Yeah.
(Leo)
Whoever
wins,
then
I
say
‘they
won’…
Here
we
can
say
that
Leo
creates
a
discursive
space
associated
with
what
Sultana
Choudhry
(2003)
called
a
‘chameleon
identity
repertoire’.
His
support
for
England
in
cricket
and
Jamaica
in
the
Olympics
suggests
an
ability
to
negotiate
a
double
identity.
Perhaps
more
importantly,
the
reference
to
the
ethnicity
of
his
parents
and
the
desire
‘to
be
fair’
to
both
of
them
when
choosing
which
team
to
support
also
revealed
a
desire
to
keep
both
parents
happy.
The
last
sentence
of
the
quote
refers
to
a
point
which
recurred
in
the
interviews
with
mixed-‐heritage
youth:
the
positive
dimension
of
a
‘dual
belonging’,
the
ability
to
switch
and
navigate
between
two
worlds
in
a
fluid,
neutral,
non-‐conflictual
way.
Nick
(15,
Jamaican/English
background)
seemed
hesitant
when
asked
whether
he
would
support
Jamaica
or
England
in
football
if
they
played
against
each
other.
However,
he
29
indicated
that
a
‘part
of
him’
wanted
Jamaica
to
win
before
saying,
in
the
end,
that
he
would
support
both
teams,
because
‘he
wouldn’t
mind
who
win’:
(Question)
What
about
sport
now,
what
do
you
like?
(Nick)
I
like
basketball,
football…I
play
basketball…in
the
youth
club,
in
the
gym….
(Question)
Do
you
support
any
team
in
football?
(Nick)
I
support
Arsenal…
(Question)
What
about
England
in
football?
(Nick)
England
in
football
aren’t
bad,
but
I
reckon
Brazil
and
France
will
always
be
better…
(Question)
Do
you
support
England,
the
world
cup
and
stuff…
(Nick)
In
the
world
cup
they
ain’t
gonna
win
it…because
of
all
the
best
players
that
play
for
Arsenal
and
all
that,
they’re
foreign…Thierry
Henry
is
French,
he
don’t
play
for
England…
(Question)
What
about
Jamaica?
Do
you
support
Jamaica?
(Nick)
No,
not
really,
cos
they’re
not
in
the
World
Cup…
(Question)
Would
you
support
a
Jamaican
team?
(Nick)
If
they
win
I’d
support
but
I
wouldn’t
get
too
keen
cos
I
know
they
wouldn’t
get
too
far…
(Question)
What
if
England
played
against
Jamaica?
Who
would
you
support?
(Nick)
I
don’t
know!
There’s
a
part
of
me
that
wants
Jamaica
to
win,
just
to
prove…you
know,
just
to
let
them
win…But
I
know
England
will
win
in
the
end
cos
they
got
better
players…Jamaica
on
the
pitch
they
look
unorganised…so
that’s
about
it…
(Question)
So
you
would
support
England
or…
(Nick)
Both!
I
wouldn’t
mind
who
win,
I
wouldn’t
care…
Helen
(12),
whose
mother
is
British
Ghanaian
and
whose
father
comes
from
a
mixed
Burmese-‐Portuguese
parentage,
hesitated
when
asked
to
choose
between
Ghana
and
England
if
they
played
against
each
other
in
football:
(Question)
Do
you
like
any
sports?
(Helen)
Table
tennis,
football,
tennis,
badminton,
running,
croquet,
hockey…I’ve
got
a
long
list…
(Question)
Do
you
support
England
in
football?
(Helen)
I
can’t
really
say
that...but
I
love
Arsenal…England
is
alright
but
I
like
Arsenal
better…
(Question)
Say
Ghana
was
playing
England,
who
would
you
support?
(Helen)
It’s
a
tough
one…I
kinda
have
to
go
for
Ghana,
cos
it’s
my
background…but
England…I
don’t
really
know…I
can’t
really
say…I
don’t
know,
they’re
both
good…
(Question)
In
the
Olympics
would
you
support
Ghana
or
Britain?
(Helen)
I
don’t
really
know…Cos
I
don’t
really
watch
the
Olympics…
Mark
(11,
Jamaican/Scottish
background)
said
he
supported
England
in
football,
cricket
and
Britain
the
Olympics.
In
doing
so,
he
mentioned
the
fact
that
he
was
‘supporting
his
country’.
However,
he
said
that
he
would
support
also
West
Indies,
when
they
are
not
playing
England:
30
(Question)
Do
you
like
any
sports?
(Mark)
Football
and
cricket…
(Question)
Which
team
do
you
support?
(Mark)
Manchester
United…
(Question)
And
cricket?
(Mark)
England…
(Question)
Do
you
play
sport
yourself?
(Mark)
Yeah…cricket…and
football…
(Question)
What
if
England
played
against
West
Indies
in
cricket,
which
team
would
you
support?
(Mark)
England...But
when
West
Indies
are
playing
a
different
team,
I
support
West
Indies…
(Question)
Do
you
support
England
in
football?
(Mark)
Yeah…
(Question)
And
if
they
played
against
Jamaica?
(Mark)
I’d
still
support
England…
(Question)
Britain
in
the
Olympics?
(Mark)
Yeah…
(Question)
Why?
(Mark)
Cos…I’m
supporting
my
country…
Finally,
Charlotte
(16,
Jamaican/
white
English),
talked,
not
without
humour,
about
the
Jamaican
team,
referring
to
the
stereotypical
figure
of
the
marijuana
smoker8
after
expressing
an
unconditional
support
for
the
French
footballer
Thierry
Henry:
(Question)
Would
you
support
England
in
football?
(Charlotte)
Depends
what
the
players
look
like….If
they’re
losing
then
I
probably
won’t,
but
if
they…play
against
France,
no
way!
(Question)
You
would
support
France?
(Charlotte)
Yeah,
they’ve
got
Thierry
Henry…I’d
support
him
wherever
he
goes…
(Question)
What
about
Jamaica?
(Charlotte)
Not
trying
to
be
funny,
but
most
of
them
are
kind
of
lean
on
the
pitch,
like
they
probably
smoked
a
spliff
before
they
come
and
they
kind
of
falling
about…They
all
look
like
they’re
on
drugs
when
they’re
playing…
She
added
that
she
would
support
Jamaica
against
England
in
football
but
added
that
she
would
be
behind
England
in
the
Olympics,
using
the
expressions
‘my
country’
and
‘my
English
people’:
(Question)
But
England
was
playing
against
Jamaica,
who
would
you
support?
(Charlotte)
England…Cos
England
is
more
likely
to
win…
(Question)
In
the
Olympics?
(Charlotte)
I’m
always
supporting
England
in
the
Olympics…England
is
my
country
and
the
Olympics
you
get
good
looking
Olympians
who…The
women
most
of
them
look
like
men
and
the
men
have
got
weird
faces,
so…
(Question)
What
about
Jamaica
or
France
or?
8
She
used
the
patois
term
‘spliff’,
which
means
a
cigarette
of
marijuana
(joint).
31
(Charlotte)
I
guess
I
could
support
Jamaica
when
they’re
running…but
I’d
probably
support
my
English
people
more…
Food
Discourses
about
food
were
examined
in
this
research
in
order
to
shed
some
light
on
the
construction
of
cultural
and
religious
boundaries
associated
with
different
social
or
community
contexts.
One
of
the
key
issues
was
to
explore
the
difference
between
‘food
practices’
at
home
and
outside
the
domestic/family
sphere.
Regarding
the
consumption
of
food
outside
home,
there
was
a
relative
homogeneity
of
responses.
Fast
food
such
as
McDonald’s
or
KFC,
pizzas,
takeaways,
‘fish
and
chips’
(or
even
‘junk
food’)
were
the
most
common
responses
among
both
British
Bangladeshis
and
mixed-‐
heritage
youth.
Only
Helen
(12)
expressed
her
‘disgust’
for
McDonald’s
food,
after
having
watched
‘Supersize
Me’,
a
film
which
strongly
criticises
the
fast
food
industry
in
the
USA:
(Question)
What
do
you
eat
outside
of
home?
(Helen)
I
mostly
go
to
Pizza
Express
or
Marks
and
Spencer’s
or
my
nan’s
house…McDonald’s…I
don’t
like…
(Question)
Why
not?
(Helen)
Cos
I
saw
Supersize
Me…disgusting…He
just
ate
a
lot
of
hamburgers…Pure
lard…horrible…
(Question)
You
don’t
eat
fast
food
or
takeaway
food?
(Helen)
Not
that
much…Just
if
I
have
a
takeaway
I
might
go
to,
this
Chinese
restaurant
in
Thornton
Heath…
For
the
British
Bangladeshi
sample,
food
consumption
reflected
the
maintenance
of
cultural
practices
as,
in
their
great
majority,
the
British
Bangladeshi
youth
interviewed
stated
that
they
liked
‘rice
and
curry’,
which
was
said
to
be
the
main
type
of
food
consumed
at
home.
However,
the
participants
mentioned
as
well
the
consumption
of
other
types
of
food,
in
the
domestic
sphere,
coined
as
‘English’
or
‘Western’,
such
as
pizzas,
pastas,
chips,
etc.
For
instance,
we
can
quote
here
Pari
(15)
and
Muna
(14)
-‐
whose
discourse
also
suggested
the
normality
of
consuming
‘rice
and
curry’
in
a
Bengali
family:
(Question)
What
food
do
you
eat
at
home?
(Pari)
Nice..
I
like
rice
and
curry…She
[my
mum]
also
has
pizza,
fish
and
chips
and
stuff
in
the
fridge,
but
I
like
eating
the
rice…My
sister
and
that,
they
like
the
chips
and
pizza,
but
I
like
eating
the
rice…
(Question)
Why?
(Pari)
There’s
more
flavour…
(Question)
Do
you
eat
different
food
outside?
(Pari)
Yeah,
chips
and
fast
food…
(Question)
How
would
you
describe
the
food
that
you
eat
at
home?
(Muna)
Different
types
of
food…
(Question)
Your
mum
cooks
everything...rice
and
curry?
(Muna)
No
she
does,
obviously…How
can
a
Bengali
family
not!
32
(Question)
I
was
gonna
say…
(Muna)
Everyday
there’s
rice
and
curry
but
sometimes
she
would
make
pasta…She
likes
making
new
things…
The
question
about
the
consumption
of
pork,
which
is
haram
(forbidden)
in
Islam,
was
not
asked
systematically
to
the
young
British
Bangladeshis
interviewed.
Among
the
participants
who
were
asked
about
it,
none
said
eating
pork,
thus
reflecting
a
strong
commitment
to
this
highly
central
religious
prohibition.
However,
concerning
halal9
meat,
a
question
also
included
later
in
the
research
process,
the
responses
indicated
a
more
flexible
attitude.
Furthermore,
several
young
participants
stated
that
they
ate
in
fast
food
restaurants
(such
as
McDonald’s)
without
really
knowing
if
the
meat
served
was
halal
or
not.
In
their
study,
Tizard
and
Phoenix
(1993)
found
that
an
important
proportion
of
youth
from
mixed
British
and
Caribbean
parentage
said
they
liked
African
or
Caribbean
food10
and
for
the
authors,
its
consumption
also
appeared
to
represent
a
strong
marker
of
a
black
cultural
affiliation.
In
our
research
several
mixed-‐heritage
youth
interviewed
indicated
eating
Caribbean
or
‘black’
food
regularly
at
home.
In
their
discourses,
it
was
often
associated
with
dishes
such
as
chicken
and
rice,
as
illustrated
by
the
interviews
with
Jade
(16,
St
Vincent/English
background)
and
Chris
(17,
Jamaican/English
background):
(Question)
What
kind
of
food
you
eat
at
home?
(Jade)
Mostly
black
food,
chicken
and
rice
and
stuff
like
that…
(Question)
Is
that
a
Caribbean
influence?
(Jade)
Yeah…My
dad
cooks
that…
(Question)
Do
you
eat
differently
outside?
(Jade)
Yes…I
don’t
like
it…From
the
canteen,
only
the
salad….
(Question)
And
takeaways?
(Jade)
Yes…Chinese
and
stuff
like
that…I
won’t
eat
McDonald’s…KFC,
but
not
McDonald’s…Everyone
thinks
I’m
weird…!
(Question)
What
kind
of
food
to
eat?
(Chris)
I
don’t
know…Cos
lately
I’ve
started
cooking
for
myself…I
do
a
lot
of
fried
stuff…Fried
tuna
and
rice,
fried
corn
beef
and
rice…
(Question)
British
food?
(Chris)
Well,
when
my
dad
was
living
with
us,
my
mum
used
to
do
a
lot
of
Caribbean
dishes,
but
now
it’s
more
frozen
food,
she
doesn’t
really
like
cooking
herself…Every
now
and
again,
she
does
the
odd
Caribbean
dish,
but
not
often…Usually
I
go
to
my
sister’s,
she
does
a
lot
of
Caribbean
food…frozen
food
now
and
then,
quick
food,
but…So,
it’s
mixed…but
usually
it’s
British
frozen
food,
quick
and
easy,
really…
Question)
Outside?
(Chris)
KFC
or
McDonald’s…Fried
chicken…Cos
I’m
a
mixed-‐race…-‐
I
don’t
really
class
myself
as
a
mixed-‐race
to
be
honest
–
I
class
myself
as
black…My
family,
and…my
brother…quite
a
few
of
my
friends
are
black…I
don’t
really
see
myself
as
mixed-‐
race…Actually
I
don’t
really
see
myself
as
black
all
the
time…
9
‘Licit’
in
Islam,
opposed
to
haram
(‘illicit’,
‘forbidden’).
When
associated
with
meat,
‘halal’
refers
to
the
correct
preparation
of
the
meat,
i.e.
the
specific
ritualised
slaughtering
of
the
animal.
10
It
should
be
noted
that
the
same
proportion
(two-‐third
of
their
sample)
said
they
also
liked
‘British’
food.
33
(Question)
Is
it
in
relation
to
the
way
you
eat?
(Chris)
Yeah…Cos,
you
know
lot
of
people
say
‘black
people
always
eat
chicken’…I
don’t
know
if
it’s
true!
Cos
if
a
black
person
eats
chicken,
I’d
say
there
is
nothing
wrong
with
that…
While
many
mixed-‐heritage
participants
said
they
eat
a
diverse
range
of
food
at
home,
when
black/Caribbean
food
was
consumed,
it
was
said
to
be
cooked
by
the
parent
with
a
black
or
Caribbean
background.
The
difference
between
the
cooking
practices
of
each
parent
was
perhaps
perceived
in
a
stronger
way
in
the
case
of
separated
parents.
Thus,
food
can
be
seen
as
playing
a
role
in
the
construction
of
a
cultural
boundary
between
two
specific
domestic
environments,
a
boundary
negotiated
by
the
mixed-‐heritage
participants
in
their
everyday
social
lives.
Here
we
can
quote
Leo
(11,
Jamaican/English-‐Jamaican
background)
and
Mark
(11,
Jamaican/Scottish
background)
whose
discourses
suggested
this
dualism
associated
with
the
consumption
of
food
in
the
domestic
sphere:
(Question)
How
would
you
describe
the
food
you
eat
at
home?
(Leo)
Sometimes
I
eat
chips.
Sometimes
my
mum
cooks
stuff.
And
my
dad
cooks
rice
and
chicken.
(Question)
So
your
dad
is
cooking
Jamaican
stuff?
(Leo)
Yeah.
(Question)
And
your
mum?
(Leo)
She
cooks
other
food
and
stuff.
Sometimes
she
cooks
chicken
and
stuff…
(Question)
I
forgot
to
ask
you….Was
your
father
born
in
Britain?
(Leo)
Yeah.
But
his
granddad
and
grandma
are
Jamaican…
(Question)
So
they
came
to
England…
(Leo)
Yeah.
(Question)
They
are
here?
(Leo)
But
they
don’t
live
together…
(Question)
Ok.
Do
you
eat
differently
outside
home?
(Leo)
Yeah
chips
and
stuff…
(Question)
Do
you
live
with
your
dad
or
mum?
(Mark)
Both…Sometimes
my
mum,
sometimes
my
dad…
(Question)
With
your
dad,
what
sort
of
food
do
you
eat?
(Mark)
Chicken,
rice,
potatoes
and
sweet
corn…
(Question)
With
your
mum?
(Mark)
Sausage,
beans
and
potatoes…
(Question)
It’s
different
then?
(Mark)
Yeah.
(Question)
Which
food
do
you
like
most?
(Mark)
Chicken…
(Question)
What
about
outside?
At
school?
(Mark)
Chips…and
Chinese…
34
3.4
‘TRADITIONS’,
RITUALS
AND
RELIGIOSITY
The
initial
research
questions
centred
on
religion
were
manifold.
What
is
the
role
of
religion
in
the
life
of
our
young
participants?
How
is
it
perceived
and
expressed
in
the
discourse?
What
part
does
religion
play
in
the
dynamics
of
hybridity
and
‘new
ethnicities’?
Can
we
observe
different
degrees
of
religiosity
in
relation
to
practices
and
rituals,
in
relation
to
the
performing
of
faith?
What
is
the
role
of
religious
education?
How
is
‘tradition’
transmitted
and/or
reinterpreted?
British
Bangladeshi
youth
and
religious
practices
All
the
British
Bangladeshi
interviewees
said
they
were
Muslims.
As
we
shall
see
later,
for
a
majority
of
them
religion
appeared
to
be
a
central
element
in
the
self-‐identification
process.
Religious
education
For
the
British
Bangladeshi
group,
religious
education
and
transmission
are
essential.
First,
it
is
important
to
note
that,
while
none
of
the
young
British
Bangladeshis
interviewed
attend
an
Islamic
school,
all
have
received
(or
still
receive)
some
form
of
religious
‘education’,
mostly
in
the
mosque
or
through
private
tuition,
generally
at
home
and
over
several
years.
This
education
reflects
the
central
role
of
religion
in
the
family
socialisation
process,
as
well
as
the
parental
commitment
to
pass
on
a
set
of
religious
traditions
and
norms.
As
Maréchal
(2003:28)
points
out,
there
is
a
strong
desire
to
see
that
‘the
religious
continuity
is
assured
in
and
through
change
across
several
generations’
in
a
new
diasporic
context.
An
aspect
of
this
context
is
the
settlement
outside
the
Dar-‐ul-‐Islam
(the
Land
of
Islam)
in
a
Western,
un-‐
Islamic,
society
which
was
frequently
seen
as
threatening
‘traditional’
values
and
practices,
religiously
and
culturally
constructed
and
legitimated
(Garbin,
2004).
Moreover,
alongside
the
effort
to
preserve
a
cultural
and
religious
heritage
in
the
domestic
sphere,
we
could
say
that
the
parental
wish
to
transmit
a
set
of
correct
values
and
practices
is
also
linked
to
the
protection
of
the
family
respectability
(izzat),
mainly
through
controlling
the
(public)
behaviour
of
the
young
girls
(Shaw,
1988).
The
parents
combine
with
Islamic
teachers
(mehsab)
and
imams
(usually
Bangladeshis
themselves)
to
train
the
next
generation,
especially
through
the
embodiment
of
religion.
The
‘correct’
(adab)
ritualistic
gestures,
such
as
those
related
to
the
five
daily
prayers,
are
generally
learned
through
practice
or
observation
at
home
or
in
the
mosque11.
It
is
also
within
the
family
that
some
of
the
most
important
Islamic
tenets,
such
as
the
opposition
between
pure/licit
(halal)
and
impure/illicit
(haram)
are
transmitted
and
interiorised.
This
opposition
is
expressed
through,
for
example,
the
prohibition
of
pork
or
alcohol.
The
religious
transmission
within
the
domestic
sphere
appears
to
be
‘tacit’
in
character.
It
represents
a
social
incorporation
of
basic
religious
principles,
a
progressive
constitution
of
an
Islamic
habitus
(Bourdieu,
1986)
which
is
of
great
importance
because
“as
a
religion
which
provides
prescriptions
for
action
encompassing
all
aspects
of
daily
life,
Islam
ensures
that
the
boundaries
defining
Muslim
identity
emerge
in
routine,
mundane
behaviour
as
well
as
through
explicitly
‘religious’
activities”
(Jacobson,
1998:
130).
11
The
young
boy
can
learn
the
bodily
techniques
of
prayers
if
he
accompanies
the
father
to
the
mosque.
35
The
religious
classes
are
taught
by
the
mehsab
or
the
imam
usually
for
a
few
hours
a
week
after
school
or
during
weekends.
During
these
classes,
the
youth
mainly
learn
how
to
read
‘Koranic
Arabic’.
There
are
different
stages
in
this
initial
process
of
fora12,
starting
with
the
alphabet
and
finishing
with
what
is
called
the
‘khatm’
(‘sealing’)
a
term
which
refers
to
the
completion
of
the
Holy
Book.
Sometimes
the
Koran
can
be
read
several
times,
which
was
the
case
for
some
of
the
oldest
adolescents
interviewed,
such
as
Abdul,
16
years
old,
who
also
admitted
that
he
forgot
how
to
read
Koranic
Arabic,
having
stopped
practising:
(Question)
Did
you
have
Arabic
classes,
did
you
go
to
mosque?
(Abdul)
Yeah.
(Question)
Did
you
finish
the
Koran?
(Abdul)
Twice…two,
three
times…But
now
I
can’t
read
a
single
word
of
the
Koran…I
forgot…[…]
Me
and
my
brother
went
to
Drummond
Street
mosque,
four
or
five
years
ago…and
we
started
on
hadda
and
we
finished
in
a
couple
of
weeks
and
then
we
went
to
Koran
and
finished
that
so
quick…And
the
mehsab
told
me
I
should
go
madrassah
cos
I
was
really
good…Then
I
read
at
home,
for
a
couple
of
years…I
went
to
Bangladesh,
I
came
back…I
slightly
stopped
reading…And
now
my
little
brother
and
my
little
sister,
they
go
to
mosque…They
can
read…Cos
I
don’t
sit
down
and
read
at
home,
I
kind
of
forgot…If
I
tried
I
could
easily
get
back
to
it…Cos
when
you
have
the
experience,
it
doesn’t
take
you
as
long
as
when
you
start
from
scratch…
None
of
the
British
Bangladeshi
youth
interviewed
expressed
a
radical
disagreement
with
the
idea
of
religious
education
and
Arabic
classes.
Rupna,
13
years
old,
found
it
‘important’:
(Question)
Did
you
have
a
religious
education?
(Rupna)
Yeah,
I
used
to
learn
Arabic,
but
I
left
cos
I
kind
of
finished
it…
(Question)
For
how
long
did
you
learn?
(Rupna)
For
a
long
time...for
five
years…I
took
breaks...I
didn’t
go
for
a
year
then
I
used
to
go
back…
(Question)
Was
it
your
dad
who
wanted
you
to?
(Rupna)
Most
kids
have
to
learn…that’s
important…
(Question)
You
were
happy
to
have
done
that,
to
do
that?
(Rupna)
Yeah,
I
think
it’s
important…
(Question)
Your
dad
and
mum
also
were
very
religious?
(Rupna)
Yes,
very
religious.
For
Noor
(16),
‘it’s
the
right
thing
to
do’:
(Question)
Did
you
get
Arabic
lessons
or…
(Noor)
Yeah,
every
Saturdays
and
Sundays…
(Question)
Have
you
finished?
(Noor)
No.
(Question)
What
you
up
to?
(Noor)
Koran.
(Question)
Which
sifara
you’re
in?
12
‘Reading’
in
Sylheti.
36
(Noor)
Third
fufa…
(Question)
Do
you
do
it
at
home
or?
(Noor)
Yeah.
(Question)
Do
you
like
it
?
(Noor)
Yeah,
cos
that’s
the
right
thing
to
do...I
know
I
should
read
once,
understand
it
and
everything…
(Question)
Do
you
ask
the
mehsab
about
religion
and
stuff
or…
…
(Noor)
Mainly
the
meshab
and
in
the
Chabotra
mosque,
I
ask
people
there…
(Question)
Do
you
talk
to
your
mum
about
religion
and
stuff?
(Noor)
Yeah.
(Question)
When?
(Noor)
When
I
pray,
when
I
need
to
ask
my
mum
about
something
that
I’m
not
pretty
sure
about…
However,
the
discourse
of
Munira,
11
years
old,
the
youngest
British
Bangladeshi
interviewed,
was
slightly
different
as
she
deplored
the
fact
that
she
is
learning
how
to
read
the
Koran
without
really
understanding
the
meaning
of
Arabic:
(Question)
Do
you
have
Arabic
classes?
(Munira)
Yeah…at
home…
(Question)
Do
you
like
them?
(Munira)
No…Because
all
you
have
to
do
is
just
read,
say
and
remember…
(Question)
And
you
don’t
understand…
(Munira)
No…it’s
all
right…you
have
to
do
it
because…otherwise
I
believe
you
get…
punished…and
I
want
to
read
it…
(Question)
Does
religion
play
a
big
part
in
your
life?
(Munira)
Yes…Because
if
you
don’t
know
nothing
about
your
religion,
you
might
not
achieve
and
follow
it…
Moreover,
Basima’s
view
of
‘Arabic
reading’
is
interesting
insofar
as
it
suggests
a
change
of
perception
regarding
the
function,
use
and
importance
of
religious
education
at
a
more
individual,
intimate
level.
She
describes
a
shift
from
an
initial
stage,
when
the
Koranic
education,
imposed
by
the
parents,
was
perceived
as
‘pointless’
(‘what’s
the
point?’),
to
a
new
stage
characterised
by
what
appears
to
be
a
greater
awareness
of
a
Muslim
identity,
a
greater
recognition
of
a
personal
need
to
gain
religious
knowledge.
This
is
reflected
here
by
a
desire
to
go
back
to
the
basic
learning
of
Arabic
–
often
described
as
the
sacred
and
‘authentic’
language
of
the
Koran:
(Question)
Do
you
talk
about
religion
with
your
parents?
(Basima)
Not
really,
but
I
was
telling
my
mum
the
other
day
that
I
wanna
start
reading
the
Koran
cos
I’ve
never
finished
it.
And
I’m
starting
to
forget
everything
and
I
don’t
wanna
forget
everything
I
read…I
told
her…
(Question)
Over
the
years
the
way
you
think
of
Islam,
has
it
changed?
(Basima)
It’s
more
important
to
me
now…
(Question)
Why?
(Basima)
I
don’t
know,
I
just
find
it
more
important
to
me
now…Like,
before,
when
I
was
really
young
I
didn’t
really
care,
I
didn’t
like
going
to
Arabic
reading,
I
don’t
know,
like
‘what’s
the
point?’
but
now
I
find
it
more
important…
37
In
the
discourse
of
Pari
(15),
a
similar
change
of
perception
regarding
Islam
and
the
teaching
of
Islam
was
suggested.
Indeed,
she
established
a
distinction
between
the
obligatory
and
somehow
‘unavoidable’
aspect
of
the
religious
learning
that
she
was
‘fed
with’
(‘down
my
throat’)
and
her
current
desire
to
gain
religious
knowledge.
She
insisted
strongly
on
the
opposition
between
the
‘to
have
to’
and
the
‘to
want
to’
in
order
to
develop
another
opposition
between
the
acquisition
of
knowledge
in
the
past
and
the
present:
(Question)
Have
you
changed
your
views
about
Islam,
over
the
years?
(Pari)
Before
I
thought
it
was
kind
of
‘in
my
face’,
‘down
my
throat’
kinda
thing.
But
now
if
my
mum
does
say
it…
I
know
there’s
truth
in
it,
and
I
believe
in
it….Before
you
had
to,
now
I
want
to…
The
performance
of
faith:
rituals
and
celebrations
The
praxis
of
religion
is
central
to
the
social
and
even
spiritual
experience
of
Islam.
The
performance
of
faith
through
bodily
practices,
collective
celebrations,
rituals,
dress,
etc.
represents
both
strong
markers
of
religious
identity
and
constant
reminders
of
the
all-‐
encompassing
and
‘total’
dimension
of
Islam
as
a
system
of
beliefs,
norms
and
codes.
During
the
interview
stage
of
the
research
we
asked
the
participants
about
their
religious
practices,
mainly
the
five
daily
prayers
(referred
to
as
salat
but
more
often
as
namaz
among
Bangladeshis),
the
fasting
of
Ramadan
and
the
celebrations
of
Eid.
- Prayers
Among
the
youth
interviewed
there
were
no
strict
followers
of
the
religious
obligation
concerning
prayer
(i.e.
the
five
daily
prayers
and/or
the
participation
in
the
collective
service
of
jumma
every
Friday).
There
was,
in
fact,
a
variety
of
answers,
which
reflected
a
diversity
of
attitudes,
ranging
from
the
ones
who
did
not
pray
at
all
to
those
who
tried
their
best
to
be
regular
in
their
practice.
For
instance,
Shiraj
appeared
to
be
the
most
committed
when
it
comes
to
praying.
He
said
praying
four
times
a
day
(he
is
unable
to
do
the
morning
one).
Jumma
is
organised
in
his
school,
but
he
said
that
he
could
not
always
attend
due
to
lack
of
time:
(Question)
Do
you
do
namaz?
Shiraj)
Yeah.
(Question)
All
five
or?
(Shiraj)
Four…The
one
in
the
morning
I
can’t
do,
fozr…
(Question)
In
school?
(Shiraj)
zohra,
I
can’t
do…
(Question)
Because,
you’re
in
lessons?
(Shiraj)
Yeah.
Jumma,
they
do
it
in
lunch
time…Cos
in
North
Westminster,
year
7,
8
and
9
there
was
a
religious
teacher
called
Mr
Islam
and
he
used
to
get
people
to
pray…He
told
them
one
by
one,
‘come
to
a
room…211’
-‐
or
something
like
that
–
and
then
you
just
pick
if
you
wanna
come
or
not…
38
Question)
Do
you
go
to
jumma,
if
you
can,
on
Friday?
(Shiraj)
If
I
have
the
time…
In
the
case
of
Noor
(16)
the
practice
was
more
irregular.
He
attended
jumma
every
week
(except
during
exams)
and
prayed
at
home,
but
due
to
lack
of
time
and
other
activities,
praying
is
often
difficult
for
him.
He
described
his
lack
of
commitment
as
‘wrong’
and
stressed,
with
some
feeling
of
guilt,
his
moral
duty
to
find
time
to
pray.
However,
he
also
explains
how
the
situation
during
the
‘holy
month’
of
Ramadan
is
quite
different
from
the
rest
of
the
year:
(Question)
[…]
Do
you
pray?
(Noor)
Yeah,
I
do
pray
at
home
sometimes,
but…
(Question)
How
often?
(Noor)
There’s
months
when
I
do
pray
quite
a
lot,
and
months
I
don’t…
I
don’t
always
have
the
time,
but
I
know
that’s
wrong,
I
should
always
have
the
time
to
pray…But
sometimes
I’m
out,
or
work
to
do
or…[…]
I
pray
a
lot
during
Ramadan,
that’s
a
holy
month…
(Question)
[…]
Do
you
go
to
jumma?
(Noor)
Yeah,
every
time….
(Question)
From
school?
(Noor)
There’s
a
mosque
in
school,
but
sometimes
I
can’t
attend
it
cos
I
got
exams…
(Question)
Do
they
encourage
you
in
your
school,
to
do
jumma?
(Noor)
There’s
people
going
around
telling
them,
inviting
people
to
come
along…but
it’s
up
to
you,
if
you
wanna
go
or
not…
Abdul
(16)
also
attended
the
Friday
prayers
but
did
not
perform
the
five
daily
prayers
(namaz).
He
tried
to
pray
five
times
before
Ramadan
but
the
physical
constraint
of
the
ritual
was
too
important
for
him
and
he
got
‘tired’
quickly:
(Abdul)
…I
don’t
really
pray,
I
go
to
Friday
prayers
but
I
don’t
pray
like
everyday….
(Question)
How
come
you
don’t
pray?
(Abdul)
Just
before
Ramadan
started
I
tried
to
pray
five
times
a
day,
except
the
one
in
the
morning…I
did
that
for
a
couple
of
days…but
the
prayers
are
long
and
I
wasn’t
strong
enough
to…Cos
in
namaz
you
stand
up
for
a
long
time…
(Question)
You’re
just
tired…
(Abdul)
Yeah…My
mum
prays
but
my
brothers
don’t
pray…I
just
don’t
pray…
(Question)
How
come
you
go
to
jumma
though?
(Abdul)
Because
my
mum
tells
me
to…
Basima
(16),
who
does
not
attend
the
Friday
jumma
service
(like
all
the
girls
interviewed13),
also
made
reference
to
the
month
of
Ramadan,
the
period
of
the
year
when
she
made
‘an
effort’:
(Question)
Do
you
pray?
13
It
should
be
noted
here
that
mosques
do
not
usually
have
a
female
section,
except
the
largest
ones,
such
as
the
East
London
Mosque,
in
Tower
Hamlets.
39
(Basima)
No,
not
really…Probably
when
Ramadan
comes,
I’ll
make
an
effort…
(Question)
How
come
you
make
an
effort
in
Ramadan,
yourself
or
somebody
tells
you
to?
(Basima)
Me,
just
myself…and
my
mum
tells
me
as
well…
(Question)
Do
you
do
jumma
at
home?
(Basima)
No.
Like
Basima
and
Abdul,
Rupna
(13)
and
Ayub
(12)
mentioned
the
fact
that
their
mothers
have
a
role
to
play
in
their
religious
practices:
(Question)
What
about
religion
now?
Do
you
do
namaz?
(Rupna)
Yeah,
sometimes…
(Question)
When?
(Rupna)
When
my
mum
asks
me,
I
just
go
and
do
it…
(Question)
Do
you
go
to
jumma
as
well?
(Rupna)
No…
(Question)
Do
you
pray?
(Ayub)
Yeah,
sometimes…
(Question)
Do
you
go
to
jumma?
(Ayub)
Every
week…
(Question)
Really?
When
at
school?
(Ayub)
School
prayer…My
mum
said…
Moreover,
Ahmed’s
practice
was
also
rather
minimal
as
he
said
attending
mainly
the
Friday
prayers
during
holidays,
and
not
being
‘bothered’
anymore
with
the
daily
prayers:
(Question)
Do
you
pray?
(Ahmed)
Not
often…
(Question)
How
often?
(Ahmed)
In
the
holidays,
I
do
the
Friday
prayer…I
don’t
pray
that
much,
I
don’t
pray…
(Question)
Why
not?
(Ahmed)
I
can’t
do
it
sometimes…I
don’t
know…sometimes
I’m
not
bothered…Once,
I
went
into
it
and
I
started
praying
for
quite
some
time
and
then
I
just
lost
it…
(Question)
Mainly,
it’s
just
because
of
not
having
time?
(Ahmed)
Yeah…and
sometimes
I
don’t
bother…
(Question)
Do
you
do
Jumma
in
school?
(Ahmed)
No…
Furthermore,
Muna
(14)
admitted
not
praying
anymore,
yet
she
stressed
the
positive
feeling
of
performing
namaz:
(Question)
Do
you
pray,
do
you
do
namaz?
(Muna)
I
used
to…When
I
do
namaz,
I
just
feel
so
good…
Pari’s
(15)
attitude
to
praying
was
very
similar.
Thus,
before
deploring
her
own
‘laziness’
when
it
comes
to
praying,
she
exposed
in
greater
length
the
positive
feelings
she
had
40
when
she
was
praying.
Her
discourse
described
the
‘rewarding’
experience
of
this
mind-‐
body
unifying
ritual
and
the
sensations
of
‘freshness’
and
relaxation
encountered:
(Question)
Do
you
do
namaz?
(Pari)
I
used
to…Namaz
gives
you
a
kind
of
refreshing
feeling
and
makes
you
feel
fresh,
makes
you
feel
relaxed…I
liked
it
when
I
did
it…but
now,
it’s
just
you
feel
lazy…before
you
do
it,
you
feel
lazy,
but
once
you
do
it,
it
just
rewards
you
so
much…it
just
makes
you
feel
so
much
better…
(Question)
Would
you
like
to
get
back
into
it?
(Pari)
I
would
like
to…not
be
lazy
and
get
back
into
it,
yeah…
The
rest
of
the
participants
did
not
really
talk
in
detail
about
their
relationship
and
attitudes
to
praying.
Fatima
(14)
just
said
she
did
not
pray
but
was
‘trying
to’;
Karim
stated
that
he
was
not
praying
and
‘not
going
to
jumma
anymore’,
and
finally
Munira
(11)
said
she
was
still
learning
how
to
pray.
-
Fasting
during
Ramadan
Ramadan
takes
place
during
the
ninth
month
of
the
Islamic
calendar
and
this
month
of
fasting
is
the
holiest
period
for
the
Islamic
faith.
Consumption
of
food
and
drinking
(as
well
as
sexual
intercourse)
is
not
allowed
between
dawn
(fajr),
and
sunset
(maghrib)
and
during
Ramadan,
Muslims
are
also
expected
to
put
more
effort
into
following
the
moral
principles
of
Islam.
Among
all
the
participants,
it
was
again
Shiraj
who
appeared
to
be
the
most
committed
as
he
said
that
he
was
fasting
the
entire
month:
(Question)
Do
you
fast?
(Shiraj)
Yeah.
(Question)
All
of
them?
(Shiraj)
Yeah.
(Question)
Do
you
fast
because
your
parents
told
you
or…?
(Shiraj)
I
want
to…
(Question)
Why
is
it
important?
(Shiraj)
Cos…I
support
a
religion,
I
stick
to
it…and
I
respect
it…
Several
participants,
such
as
Noor
(16)
said
they
were
trying
their
best
to
respect
the
entire
fast:
(Question)
Do
you
fast
during
Ramadan?
(Noor)
Yeah.
(Question)
Is
that
the
time
when
you
pray
a
lot?
(Noor)
Yeah,
I
pray
a
lot
during
Ramadan,
that’s
a
holy
month…
(Question)
Do
you
keep
all
of
them?
(Noor)
I
try
my
best…
41
But
this
was
often
described
as
difficult,
as
instanced
by
the
following
quotes
from
the
interviews
with
Ayub
(12),
Pari
(15)
and
Muna
(14):
(Question)
Do
you
fast?
(Ayub)
Yes,
if
I
can…when
I’m
not
hungry…
(Question)
Most
of
them,
do
you
keep
them?
(Ayub)
Yeah…
(Question)
Why
do
you
fast?
(Ayub)
My
mum
said…
(Question)
Do
you
fast?
(Pari)
I
used
to…
(Question)
Why
not
now?
(Pari)
I
do,
but
then
I
can’t
hold
my
temptations,
I
can’t
resist…Before
I
used
to
do
it,
non-‐stop…But
my
auntie
told
me
not
to
do
it,
because
I
was
getting
skinny…From
then
I
stopped
doing
it,
kinda…
(Question)
Do
you
fast?
(Muna)
Yeah…
(Question)
What
age
did
you
start?
(Muna)
I
don’t
know,
I
can’t
remember…
(Question)
But
you
always
keep
all
of
them?
(Muna)
No,
never…I
don’t
think
I’ve
ever
kept
all
of
them…
(Question)
Why?
(Muna)
I
don’t
know…Sometimes
I
break
it…
The
significance
of
Ramadan
for
Muslims
revolves
around
a
strong
commitment
to
a
religious
ethos
defined
by
purification,
moral
‘regeneration’,
discipline
and
rigour.
When
asked
to
provide
some
reasons
behind
their
decision
to
fast,
the
religious
dimension
and
the
notion
of
a
religious
‘duty’
were
implicitly
invoked.
This
appeared,
for
instance,
in
the
interviews
with
Rupna
(13)
and
Ahmed
(11):
(Question)
Do
you
fast?
(Rupna)
Yeah,
I
did
last
year…
(Question)
When
did
you
start?
(Rupna)
Just
last
year.
(Question)
It
was
your
first
time?
(Rupna)
Yeah,
I
did
it
before
but
not
exactly
all
of
them.
(Question)
Why
did
you
do
it?
What
is
important
for
you
to
do
it?
(Rupna)
Yeah,
it’s
part
of
my
religion…
(Question)
Do
you
fast?
(Ahmed)
Yeah…
(Question)
All
of
them?
(Ahmed)
I
haven’t
done
all
of
them
yet,
but
I’ve
done
like
20…
(Question)
How
come
you
fast?
(Ahmed)
Cos
it’s
a
religious
thing
init…
42
(Question)
Do
you
fast
because
you
want
to
or
because
somebody
else
wants
you
to?
(Ahmed)
I
wanna
but…It’s
to
do
with
the
religion
so
I
have
to…Praying
is
to
do
with
the
religion
as
well,
but…I
don’t
know
how
to
explain
why
I
don’t
do
it…
When
asked
about
the
reasons
of
his
observance
of
the
fast,
Abdul
(16)
clearly
referred
to
a
central
dimension
of
the
Ramadan
experience
which
involved
abstaining
from
food
and
water
and
made
a
symbolic
connection
with
the
daily
suffering
of
the
poor:
(Abdul)
Yes,
I
do
fast…Maybe
I’ll
break
one
or
two…I
fast
because
I
believe
I
should
feel
what
other
people
in
other
countries
are
experiencing
throughout
their
whole
life…like
African
people…Poor
people
have
no
food
and
water
for
the
whole
day…They
have
to
live
on
rations
and
all
that…
Finally,
among
the
British
Bangladeshis
interviewed,
only
Karim
(14)
said
he
did
not
fast
at
all:
(Question)
Do
you
fast
during
Ramadan?
(Karim)
I
tell
my
mum
I
am,
but
no,
I
don’t…
- Eid
The
two
festivals
of
Eid
are
traditionally
of
great
importance
in
the
Islamic
calendar.
They
are
performed
by
Muslims
around
the
world,
thus
providing
a
powerful
symbolic
sense
of
connection
and
unity,
central
to
the
idea
of
a
global,
universal
and
‘imagined
community’
of
the
umma.
On
the
day
of
Eid
ul
Adha,
an
animal
has
to
be
slaughtered,
divided
into
parts
and
then
equally
distributed
to
kin,
friends
and
poor
people
as
zakat
(charity)14.
The
other
festival
of
Eid,
called
Eid
ul
Fitr,
marks
the
end
of
Ramadan
and
charity
and
donations
are
also
important
on
that
day.
In
addition
to
their
deep
religious
signification,
both
Eid
festivals
contribute
to
socialisation
and
the
consolidation
of
links
between
families
and
friends,
as,
for
instance,
clothes
or
money
(salaamis)
are
given
to
children,
food
is
shared
when
relatives
and
neighbours
invite
each
other
for
the
traditional
greetings
(Eid
Mubarrak).
It
is
important
also
to
note
that
in
certain
areas,
for
example
in
Camden,
where
the
fieldwork
for
this
research
was
conducted,
Muslim
pupils
can
enjoy
a
day
off
from
school.
As
Alexander
(2000)
and
Garbin
(2004)
have
shown,
it
is
possible
to
differentiate
several
elements
in
the
event
of
Eid,
regarding
the
way
it
is
lived
and
experienced
by
the
young
British
Bangladeshis.
There
is,
first,
the
religious
moment,
with
the
prayers
at
the
mosque
when,
for
the
occasion,
everyone
is
dressed
up
in
new
clothes
(Sharwani,
Punjabi
and
Shalwar
Kameez
for
the
females
if
they
attend
the
service).
Then,
after
the
prayers,
it
is
time
for
the
visits
to
family
members,
followed
by
the
traditional
meal.
Finally,
young
people
usually
spend
time
with
their
friends
either
in
their
homes
or
outside,
where
they
occupy
visibly
the
public
space,
generally
outside
the
gaze
of
the
parents
and
morrubis
(elders).
14
This
ritual
of
korbani
(sacrifice)
commemorates
Abraham’s
willingness
to
sacrifice
his
son
Isaac.
This
festival
also
coincides
with
Hajj,
the
pilgrimage
to
Mecca,
one
of
the
five
pillars
of
Islam.
43
Let
us
explore
now
how
our
participants
experience
this
particular
festival.
For
Ayub
(12),
the
family
experience
appears
more
important
than
being
with
his
friends:
(Question)
What
do
you
do
for
Eid?
With
your
family
and
what
do
you
do
with
your
friends?
(Ayub)
I
go
out
to
my
relatives’
house,
I
don’t
see
my
friends
on
Eid…just
go
out…to
my
cousins’
house…
(Question)
Not
with
your
mates?
(Ayub)
I
wanna
be
with
my
family
first…
Shiraj
(14),
who
explicitly
mentioned
the
prayers,
talks
about
‘enjoying
himself’:
(Question)
What
do
you
do
on
Eid
day?
(Shiraj)
In
the
morning
I
have
a
bath
and
then
go
to
the
prayers
and
then
I
go
to
people’s
houses.
Food,
video
games…basically
enjoying
myself…
Ahmed
(13)
said
spending
some
time
with
his
friends,
but
only
the
day
after
Eid:
(Question)
What
do
you
do
for
Eid?
With
your
family
and
with
your
friends?
(Ahmed)
Family,
I
go
relatives’
house,
have
meals
and
all
that…The
next
day
and
all
that
with
my
friends...I
go
places…like
cinema
or
other
places…
One
of
the
most
widespread
practices
of
these
youth
during
Eid
day
is
to
‘go
cruising’.
It
generally
means
for
them
travelling
across
(and,
to
a
lesser
extent,
outside)
London
in
cars
usually
rented
and
driven
by
the
oldest
teenagers
of
the
peer
group,
listening
to
loud
music
(hip-‐hop,
RnB,
bhangra,
etc.)
and
sometimes
waving
Bangladeshi
flags
(Garbin,
2004).
Pari
(15)
and
Fatima
(14)
mentioned
this
practice
without,
however,
giving
much
detail:
(Question)
What
do
you
do
for
Eid?
Family?
With
friends?
(Pari)
With
my
family,
just
go
to
cousins’
house
and
stuff…With
my
friends…maybe
hire
a
car
and
go
cruising…
(Question)
What
do
you
do
on
Eid,
with
your
family
and
friend?
(Fatima)
Friends,
we
go
out,
hire
a
car…Family,
we
eat
in
the
house…
Noor
(16)
was
more
precise
as
he
said
going
to
games
arcades
and
Leicester
Square
in
Central
London:
(Question)
What
do
you
do
for
Eid?
(Noor)
Spend
time
with
my
family,
have
a
meal,
chat
to
them
after
that…Going
out
with
my
friend…
We
go
to
arcades
and
Leicester
Square…
(Question)
With
hired
cars,
you
are
cruising
in
cars?
(Noor)
Yeah!
For
Karim
(14),
the
‘cruising’
was
preferably
in
the
Bengali
area
of
East
London,
‘for
the
girls’:
44
(Question)
What
do
you
do
for
Eid
with
your
family
and
friends?
(Karim)
Dinner
with
my
mum
and
then
I
go
with
my
mates…we
hire
a
car
and
go
cruising…
(Question)
And
what’s
your
favourite
area
for
cruising?
(Karim)
East
London…
(Question)
Why
there?
(Karim)
The
girls!
It
was
Muna
(14),
who
was
probably
the
more
enthusiastic
when
speaking
about
Eid.
In
the
quote
below,
she
describes
how,
as
she
is
‘getting
older’,
she
wants
to
spend
more
time
with
her
friends
rather
than
her
family
during
that
day.
Furthermore,
and
more
importantly
perhaps,
she
exposes
her
notion
of
‘having
a
good
time’.
This
appears
to
revolve
around
the
‘cruising’
practice
but
also
around
the
encounter
with
boys,
because
as
she
puts
it
herself,
when
‘looking
nice’,
she
enjoys
‘getting
chupped’:
(Question)
What
do
you
do
for
Eid?
(Muna)
Yeah,
Eid!
Go
out
and
have
a
good
time!
(Question)
With?
(Muna)
With
all
my
mates…in
cars…
(Question)
Always
in
cars…So,
how
much
of
it
do
you
spend
with
your
family?
(Muna)
Before,
I
used
to
spend
most
of
the
time
with
my
family
but
it’s
kind
of
like,
because
I’m
getting
older,
I
always
wanna
go
out…But
always
in
the
morning
with
my
family…
(Question)
What
do
you
guys
do?
(Muna)
My
mum
cooks
and
we
just
eat
before
we
go
out…Sometimes
when
I
come
back
in
the
night
all
my
cousins
are
over
and
it’s
just
so
nice…
(Question)
And
when
you
are
with
your
friends?
What
do
you
do
on
Eid
day?
(Muna)
Go
out,
look
nice,
get
chupped!…Chatted
up!…Eat
out…in
a
restaurant…
The
way
our
participants
described
their
experience
of
Eid
during
the
interviews
echoes
the
analysis
of
Claire
Alexander
(200)
in
her
study
of
British
Bangladeshi
youth
in
South
London.
She
points
out
that,
for
the
young
Bengali
boys
Eid
day
as
a
public
celebration
was
then
an
exclusively
masculine
area
–
a
chance
to
spend
time
with
male
friends,
to
travel
outside
the
area
away
from
the
gaze
of
family
and
community,
to
drive
fast
cars,
talk
to
girls,
stay
out
all
night.
[…]
Eid
days
were
crucially
structured
around
two
major
axes
–
that
of
family
and
that
of
peer
group.
In
addition
to
the
few
immediate
family
obligations,
the
former
was
illustrated
by
the
bonds
across
peer
groups,
between
the
older
and
younger
men,
which
was
manifested
firstly,
in
the
time
taken
to
give
the
little
ones
rides
in
the
hire
cars
(and
the
reciprocal
obligation
to
be
suitably
grateful
and
appreciative
of
the
driver’s
skills);
and
secondly,
in
the
tacit
agreement
to
give
each
other
space
–
physical
and
metaphorical
–
to
do
whatever
they
wanted.
[…]
Eid
day
plans,
then,
were
centred
on
a
notion
of
‘community’
strongly
structured
on
gender
and
age
divisions,
and
although
a
time
of
solidarity,
it
was
also
a
time
when
the
boundaries
between
agesets
were
most
clearly
marked.
(2000:
133-‐134)
45
Although
no
ethnographic
observation
was
conducted
during
Eid
as
part
of
our
research,
several
discourses
suggest
that
young
Bengali
girls
are
also
publicly
engaged
in
their
own
experience
of
‘fun’
during
this
religious
festival.
The
discourses
show,
moreover,
how
young
people,
boys
and
girls,
participate
in
the
reinterpretation
of
tradition
through
this
public
experience
of
amusement,
fun
and
‘good
time’
outside
the
sphere
of
the
Bengali
community
social
control
(shomaj).
The
religious
‘tradition’
has
been
given
a
new
signification
through
a
specific
urban
social
practice,
the
‘cruising’,
very
close
to
what
we
could
call
a
subcultural
use
of
public
space.
The
event
is
also
a
great
visible
expression
of
cultural
hybridity
among
Bengali
and
other
South
Asian
Muslims
youth.
The
emergence
of
‘fun
spaces’
defined
by
their
transgression
and
sinful
potentialities15
(Werbner,
2002)
is
indeed
closely
linked
to
a
bricolage
within
a
cosmopolitan
space,
where
national,
cultural,
ethnic
and
‘traditional’
religious
references
are
re-‐appropriated,
combined,
entangled
or
in
creative
and
innovative
tension16.
To
summarise
this
section,
we
can
say
first
that
religious
education
appears
to
be
fundamental
for
the
parents
of
the
British
Bangladeshis
interviewed.
The
transmission
operates
at
two
distinct
levels
in
the
life
cycle
of
the
youth:
tacitly
through
family
socialisation
and
progressive
embodiment;
and
more
formally,
through
the
teaching
of
the
imam
or
mehsab.
Sometimes
described
as
boring,
repetitive
or
‘pointless’
the
learning
of
Arabic
is
generally
perceived
as
obligatory
by
the
youth.
However
it
is
important
to
note
that
several
older
participants
expressed
a
desire
to
return
to
the
acquisition
of
religious
knowledge,
suggesting
a
greater
awareness
of
a
Muslim
identity.
This
point
was
also
raised
by
Jacobson
(1998)
in
her
study
of
young
British
Pakistanis:
While
the
Islamic
education
that
is
provided
for
children
in
mosques
tends
to
be
extremely
traditional,
with
much
emphasis
for
example
on
learning
by
rote,
increasing
numbers
of
young
people
appear
to
be
committed
to
the
notion
that
they
should
learn
for
themselves
what
it
means
to
be
a
Muslim,
rather
than
simply
accept
what
they
are
told
by
their
parents
and
the
local
imams.
(1998:32)
15
Werbner
points
out
that
the
logic
of
these
‘fun
spaces’
could
be
defined
by
the
relationship
between
‘sin’
and
‘fun’:
‘If
to
if
to
have
fun
is
to
sin,
then
being
sinful
is
fun’
(2002,
189).
16
Of
course,
such
ways
of
celebrating
Eid
are
strongly
criticised
by
the
most
religious
youth
or
members
of
the
shomaj
(the
political
community
of
elders)
including
religious
leaders.
The
extract
below,
which
appeared
just
before
an
Eid
in
a
magazine
sold
at
the
East
London
Mosque,
shows
the
nature
of
these
critiques:
‘For
many
of
the
Muslim
youth,
Eid
has
become
an
opportunity
to
flaunt
their
hired
cars
up
and
down
the
streets
of
London,
Bradford,
Manchester…a
display
that
even
Top-‐Gear
cannot
match!
Eid
for
the
Police
force
in
Britain
means
they
have
to
be
on
high
alert,
as
the
hired
cars
start
to
spin
their
wheels,
many
lose
control
resulting
in
fatal
accidents.
A
more
recent
phenomenon
is
the
hired
limousine
with
tinted
mirrors
(leaving
you
wondering
what’s
happening
inside!).
[…]
The
pulling
over
of
cars
to
chat
up
the
opposite
sex,
the
loud
playing
of
music,
the
flying
of
national
flags,
and
the
desperate
effort
to
walk
in
‘style’
with
those
skin
tight
jeans
makes
you
wonder
whatever
happened
to
modesty
and
humility!
This
is
all
done
in
Muslim
communities
with
no
respect
for
the
elders.
[…]
The
month
of
obedience
and
discipline
cannot
be
followed
by
a
day
of
disobedience
and
licentiousness.
[…]
In
the
excitement
of
the
day,
many
Muslim
youth
fall
into
the
traps
of
shaytan
[Satan],
their
hearts
inclines
towards
evil
and
their
eyes
are
attracted
towards
sin.’
(Insight,
1
(3),
2001).
46
According
to
Jacobson,
this
process
can
pave
the
way
to
an
increasing
role
of
the
religious
identity
in
many
spheres
of
the
individual’s
social
life
and
can
also
result
in
‘a
willingness
to
question
not
the
basic
tenets
of
Islam,
but
aspects
of
traditional
interpretations
of
the
religion’
(1998:32).
In
terms
of
practices,
while
there
was
a
diversity
of
attitudes,
we
can
say
that
none
of
the
British
Bangladeshis
interviewed
showed
a
strict,
scriptural
sense
of
religiosity.
This
could
be
seen
as
different
from,
for
instance,
the
strong
commitment
of
some
young
people
involved
in
religious
associations,
such
as
the
Young
Muslim
Organisation
(YMO),
linked
to
the
East
London
Mosque,
an
institution
which
plays
a
very
central
role
in
the
community
landscape
of
Tower
Hamlets
(Eade
and
Garbin,
2006).
Moreover,
no
girls
said
that
they
were
wearing
the
Islamic
headscarf
(hijab)17,
even
if,
for
instance,
they
were
strongly
opposed
to
the
ban
of
hijab
in
France
(as
were
the
boys).
On
this
issue,
the
discourses
of
Fatima
(14),
Abdul
(16)
or
Shiraj
(14)
can
reflect
the
dominant
feeling
among
the
youth
interviewed:
(Question)
Have
you
heard
of
the
ban
of
hijab
in
French
schools?
(Fatima)
Yeah…I
think
that’s
not
right…because
I
think…it’s
their
religion,
they
should
be
allowed
to
wear
what
they
want…
(Question)
Did
you
hear
about
the
ban
of
hijab
in
French
schools?
(Abdul)
No,
but
I
heard
about
a
girl
that
got
kicked
out
of
a
school
for
wearing
it…I
think
that
is
totally
out
of
order…The
people
that
kicked
her
out
they
have
a
religion
to
follow
if
they
are
religious,
and
she
follows
her
religion…Why
shouldn’t
she
be
allowed
to
wear
it?
She
just
doing
what
she
thinks
is
right,
her
belief…
(Question)
Have
you
heard
of
the
ban
of
hijab
in
French
school?
(Shiraj)
Yes...
(Question)
What
did
you
think
about
that?
(Shiraj)
It’s
just
bad
cos
the
people
that
want
to
wear
headscarf
should
be
allowed,
cos
it’s
religious…Basically
it’s
like
racism…
Several
interviewees
said
praying
rarely
and
some
did
not
pray
at
all,
but
almost
all
of
them
considered
Ramadan
special,
i.e.
a
period
when
they
are
‘trying
their
best’
to
follow
the
obligations
and
moral
codes
of
Islam.
Finally,
their
description
of
the
celebrations
of
Eid
were
interesting
insofar
as
the
experience
of
this
festival
appears
to
crystallise
hybrid
dynamics
of
cultural
belongings
through
a
specific
use
of
public
spaces
which,
for
many
religious
leaders,
contradicts
the
moral
Islamic
principles
and
challenges
the
production
of
a
‘pure’
and
essential
Muslim
identity.
Mixed-‐heritage
youth
and
religious
practices
Within
the
mixed-‐heritage
sample,
the
individuals
who
said
having
a
religion
tended
to
define
it
as
‘Christianity’.
There
was,
moreover,
a
diversity
of
attitudes
towards
the
practice
of
religion.
17
However,
one
interviewee
said
she
wears
it
when
she
goes
to
Arabic
class
and
another
stated
that
she
wore
it
once
when
she
went
to
Mecca
(to
perform
the
‘little
pilgrimage’
of
umrah).
47
Absence
of
religious
identification
and
the
secularisation
of
religious
traditions
While
among
the
British
Bangladeshis
sample
we
could
always
observe
a
‘minimal’
form
of
religious
practice
even
in
the
more
‘secularised’
individuals,
we
found
that
for
several
mixed-‐heritage
participants
the
religious
practice
was
completely
non-‐existent.
For
instance
it
was
the
case
of
John
(17,
Barbados/White
English)
who
does
not
go
to
church
anymore:
(Question)
Do
you
have
a
religion?
(John)
No,
I
was
never
christened…When
I
was
young,
I
used
to
go
to
church,
but
now,
I
don’t
go
to
church,
I
don’t
believe
in
what
the
Bible
says…
Similarly,
religion
appeared
to
play
no
role
in
the
life
of
Jade
(16,
St
Vincent/White
English)
and
Charlotte
(16,
Jamaican/White
English),
who
both
referred
to
the
negative
dimension
of
conflict
between
religions:
(Question)
Did
you
have
a
religious
education?
(Jade)
No…
(Question)
It’s
not
important,
for
you?
(Jade)
No…
(Question)
Why
not?
(Jade)
Too
much
trouble
between
people
from
bothered…
different
religion,
I
just
can’t
be
(Question)
Do
you,
or
did
you,
have
any
religion
education…?
(Charlotte)
I’m
a
C
.of
E.,
Church
of
England,
I
don’t
believe
in
none
of
it
really…
(Question)
Religion
is
not
important
for
you
at
all?
(Charlotte)
Not
at
all…Look
at
all
the
arguments
and
all
the
disputes
that
come
over
religion
and
no
one
actually
knows
if
it’s
really
true…
Alex
(15,
Jamaican/White
English),
who
said
having
no
religion,
goes
to
church
only
to
accompany
his
dad
and
grand
mother,
on
Mother’s
Day:
(Question)
What
is
your
religion…Have
you
got
one?
(Alex)
No…
(Question)
Have
you
been
christened?
(Alex)
I
don’t
know…
(Question)
I
guess
religion
is
not
important
to
you?
(Alex)
No…I
don’t
deal
with
religion…
(Question)
Do
you
go
to
church?
(Alex)
On
Mother’s
Day…with
my
dad
and
dad’s
mum
we
go
to
church…
This
lack
of
religious
commitment
is
often
linked
to
the
absence
of
spiritual
signification
of
traditional
Christian
events
and
celebration.
This
is,
of
course,
an
element
of
the
dominant
trend
of
the
‘secularisation
of
Christianity’
in
contemporary
Western
societies.
48
We
can
examine
here
how
several
participants
described
their
experience
of
‘celebrating’
Christmas
and
Easter
in
this
secularised
way,
for
instance
Jade
(16)
and
Charlotte
(16):
(Question)
Do
you
still
celebrate
Christmas
and
Easter?
(Jade)
Yeah,
Christmas
we
have
a
big
Christmas
dinner…in
family,
normal
Christmas
dinner,
Turkey,
vegetables…Easter
for
me
is
just
chocolate!
(Question)
Do
you
celebrate
Christmas
and
Easter?
(Charlotte)
Anything
that
celebrates
me
getting
presents,
I’m
celebrating…Chocolate
eggs,
Christmas
presents…If
Jesus
wants
me
to
celebrate
his
birthday
and
get
some
gifts
for
it,
I’m
fine!
(Question)
Are
your
parents
religious?
(Charlotte)
No!
No
way…Thank
God
for
that!
The
different
contexts
of
the
individual
experience
of
faith
For
several
other
mixed-‐heritage
participants,
however,
religion
and
religious
practices
appear
to
play
a
more
important
role.
It
should
also
be
said
that
the
experiences
of
belief
and
faith,
though
relatively
diverse,
were
more
present
in
their
discourses
than
in
the
discourses
of
the
young
British
Bangladeshis
interviewed.
Leo
(11,
Jamaican/English-‐Jamaican),
for
instance,
does
not
go
to
church
and
said
that
he
has
not
been
baptised
yet.
This
quote
suggests,
however,
a
link
established
by
Leo
between
luck,
destiny
and
religious
belief:
(Question)
What
about
religion?
(Leo)
Christian.
(Question)
Is
it
important
for
you?
(Leo)
Yeah.
(Question)
Do
you
go
to
church?
(Leo)
No…I
wanna
go
to
church
though…
(Question)
Why?
(Leo)
Cos
when
I
am
older,
something
might
happen.
It
might
give
me
luck…for
going
to
church…and
learn
about
stuff…You
could
be
more
Christian…Cos
I
ain’t
baptised
yet…
He
also
referred
to
the
correct
behaviour
to
adopt
and
the
fact
that
he
is
eager
to
‘stick
to
the
rules’:
(Leo)
I
really
stick
to
the
rules,
even
though
I
don’t
go
church…I
keep
the
swearing
outside,
I
don’t
do
anything,
like
when
I’m
in
secondary
school
I’ll
keep
it
to
them…Jesus
Christ
and
stuff
like
that…I
really
stick
to
the
rules
very
strictly…
Furthermore,
Mark
(11),
who
is
going
to
church
every
Sunday
with
his
(Jamaican)
father,
mentioned
the
religious
notion
of
the
Afterlife
when
asked
why
religion
was
important
for
him:
(Question)
Is
religion
important
for
you?
Are
you
Christian?
49
(Mark)
I’m
Christian…
(Question)
Do
you
go
to
church?
(Mark)
Every
Sunday…
(Question)
With
your
dad?
(Mark)
Yeah…
(Question)
So
is
religion
important
for
you?
(Mark)
Yeah…
(Question)
Why?
(Mark)
Because
when
I
die
I
want
to
go
to
Heaven…
(Question)
Do
you
like
going
to
church?
(Mark)
Yeah…
Nick
(15,
Jamaican/White
English)
says
that
he
believes
in
God.
He
has
a
more
personal,
individual
rather
than
socialised
and
collective
relationship
to
religion.
He
stated
that
he
does
not
go
often
to
church,
that
it
was
‘not
really
on
top
of
his
agenda’,
but
nonetheless
he
is
praying
a
lot
and
regularly
and
also
reading
the
Bible:
(Question)
Do
you
have
a
religion?
(Nick)
Christian…
(Question)
Any
religious
education?
(Nick)
Yeah,
in
school…
(Question)
Do
you
go
to
church
or…
(Nick)
Not
often…I
would
go
if
my
nan
asks
me
to
go
with
her…
(Question)
The
mum
of
your
father?
(Nick)
Yeah.
(Question)
Which
church?
(Nick)
Around
the
corner…I
don’t
remember
the
name,
but
it’s
a
hall…
(Question)
Is
it
important
for
you
to
go
to
church
or…
(Nick)
Not
really,
cos
as
long
you
pray…I
pray
a
lot
before
I
go
to
sleep…but
church
isn’t
really
on
top
of
my
agenda…
(Question)
Do
you
read
the
Bible
or…
(Nick)
I
read
the
Bible,
I
read
the
Bible,
not
all
of
it,
some
parts…
(Question)You
are
Protestant?
(Nick)
Church
of
England…
It
appears
that
a
key
moment
in
his
relationship
to
religion
was
the
death
of
this
father.
Moreover,
in
the
quote
below
he
stresses
the
beneficial
functions
of
religion
in
terms
of
confidence
and
faith:
(Question)
Do
you
believe
in
God?
(Nick)
Yeah,
I
believe
in
God…
(Question)
Before,
you
were
less
religious
or…
(Nick)
I
was
less
religious
before
my
dad
died…Now,
I’m
quite
religious…
(Nick)
Because
I
believe
religion
is
important…Because
religion
is
something
that
puts
faith
in
you…Religion
can
boost
your
confidence
and
explains
certain
things
to
you…
50
Like
Leo,
the
discourse
of
Chris
(17,
Jamaican/White
English)
also
revealed
the
importance
of
a
‘correct
behaviour’
linked
to
religious
principles
when
he
said
that,
with
his
lifestyle,
he
was
‘staying
clear
from
the
bad
things’:
(Question)
Do
you
have
a
religion?
(Chris)
I
am
Christian...
(Question)
Is
religion
important
in
your
life?
(Chris)
Yeah...To
be
honest...I
am
not
the
best
Christian...I
haven’t
been
to
church
as
much...reading
the
Bible
much
and
stuff...But
as
a
Christian
you’re
not
supposed
to
do
bad
things...but
with
my
lifestyle
I
am
staying
clear
from
that...
Concerning
his
practices,
he
described
how
his
participation
in
a
steel
band
prevented
him
from
attending
church
and
going
to
the
Bible
study
group
regularly.
The
last
section
of
the
following
quote
is
also
interesting
as
he
talked
about
the
limit
of
his
religious
commitment.
He
justified
his
refusal
to
cross
the
boundary
towards
a
more
‘serious’
religious
involvement
by
a
desire
to
‘experiment’
and
‘live
his
life’:
(Chris)
Last
year,
I
was
going
to
church
on
Mondays,
going
to
Bible
study...and
church
on
Sunday...but
I
had
steel
band...I
had
to
teach
steel
band
to
young
people
and
new
people...Cos’I
am
one
of
the
best
in
the
band...
(Question)
So
different
priorities?
(Chris)
Yeah...even
it’s
said
that
I
shouldn’t
let
anything
coming
between
me
and
God...I
see
it
now...I
still
go
to
church
and
read
the
Bible
but...I
am
not
gonna
get
baptised
or
anything...serious
like
that,
cos
I
still
have
my
life
to
live...I
know
it
sounds
bad,
God
forgive
me,
but
I
still
wanna
experiment...I
mean,
I
don’t
mean
as
in
bad
stuff,
but...
Rachel
(15,
Jamaican/White
English)
and
Rose
(11,
Jamaican/White
English)
are
sisters
and
both
of
their
parents
are
very
religious.
They
are
also
very
committed
in
their
practices
and
religion
plays
an
important
role
in
their
life.
Rachel,
for
instance,
talked
about
the
fact
she
‘lives
her
life
for
God’:
(Question)
Did
you
have
religious
education?
(Rachel)
Yeah…I’m
Christian…I
go
to
church…
(Question)
Religion
is
important
in
your
life?
(Rachel)
Yeah…I
live
my
life
for
God…every
day…So
it’s
really
important
for
me…
(Question)
Are
your
parents
religious?
(Rachel)
Yes…
(Question)
Do
you
talk
to
them
about
religion?
(Rachel)
Sometimes,
just
a
little
bit…
(Question)
Your
opinion
of
religion
has
it
changed?
(Rachel)
My
understanding
of
religion
has
grown;
I
live
my
life
as
changed…
Rose,
her
youngest
sister,
mentioned
the
notion
of
spiritual
‘help’
and
‘trust’
linked
to
her
religious
faith:
51
(Question)
Did
you
have
a
religious
education?
(Rose)
Yeah…
(Question)
You
went
to
a
Church
of
England
School?
(Rose)
Yes.
(Question)
Religion
is
important
in
your
life?
(Rose)
Yeah.
(Question)
Why?
(Rose)
Because…I
go
to
church
every
week…and…I
don’t
know
how
to
explain
it
really…It’s
important
because
you
have
someone
to
trust…when
you
don’t
think
that
there’s
anybody
else
with
you…
The
parents
of
Helen
(12)
are
also
very
religious.
Helen
talks
about
religion
with
them:
(Question)
You
have
a
religion?
(Helen)
I’m
a
Catholic…
(Question)
You
go
to
church?
(Helen)
Yeah…We
learn
about
Jesus
and
at
school
we
learn
about
God
and
other
religions
like
Buddhism…because
Chinese
people
are
Buddhist…
(Question)
Are
your
parents
religious?
(Helen)
Yeah,
we
are
all
religious...
(Question)
And
do
you
talk
about
religion
with
them?
(Helen)
Yeah,
if
I
have
homework
or
whenever
I
don’t
understand
something
in
the
Bible…
(Question)
You
ask
your
mum?
(Helen)
Both…My
mum
knows
a
lot…
Furthermore,
the
importance
of
religion
in
terms
of
(appropriate)
rules
of
conduct
and
behaviour
in
the
everyday
life
appeared
again
in
the
discourse
when
Helen
stressed
the
need
to
‘follow
the
footsteps
of
God’:
(Question)
How
important
is
religion
to
you?
(Helen)
Being
a
Catholic
is
kind
of
very
important
to
me
because
you
learn
more
about
God
and
you
want
to
follow
his
footsteps.
Not
to
do
this
and
not
to
do
that…and
not
to
follow
this
and
not
to
follow
that…
(Question)
Like
guidelines?
(Helen)
It’s
not
really
strict,
you
can
do
what
you
want
to
do,
but
you
still
have
to
follow
the
footsteps
of
God…If
your
friend
wants
to
smoke,
tell
him
not
to
smoke…Cos
it’s
not
a
really
good
thing…If
your
friend
wants
to
bully
another
kid
cos
of
their
size,
let
them
bully,
but
tell
them
it’s
not
a
really
good
thing…
Finally,
Jade
(16,
St
Vincent/White
English)
who
was
in
foster
care
in
a
Jamaican
family,
used
to
attend
regularly
black
dominated
churches,
such
as
the
Seventh
Day
Adventists.
She
said
‘having
always
holding
on
to
her
faith’.
(Question)
Have
you
got
a
religion?
(Nathalie)
Christian…
(Question)
Did
you
have
a
religious
education
when
you
were
growing
up?
52
(Nathalie)
My
mum
doesn’t
really
believe
in
anything.
My
dad
claims
to
be
a
Catholic,
but
he’s
not…
(Question)
Did
you
go
to
church
and
the
Sunday
school?
(Nathalie)
When
I
was
with
the
Jamaican
family,
we
used
to
go
the
Seventh
Day
Adventists…I’ve
always
believed
in
God,
since
I
was
little…my
brother
used
to
buy
me
little
prayer
books…I
always,
always
held
on
to
my
faith
through
everything
I
went
through…and…I
don’t
know…not
so
much
now…but
I
was
going
to
church
regularly…mainly
black
dominated
churches…
Interestingly,
she
added
that
she
felt
more
‘comfortable’
in
black
churches,
where
the
services
are
livelier,
more
‘upbeat’
as
she
put
it:
(Nathalie)
I
don’t
feel
comfortable
in
a
white
church…I
think
it’s
a
bit
too
boring…They’re
just
singing
‘a-‐lle-‐lu-‐ia…’
[she’s
singing]
and
I’m
like
‘hein?…’…Whereas
with
black…
‘whoa,
yeah!’
[clapping]…Even
when
they’re
talking
about
sensible
stuff,
it’s
just
more
upbeat
and
it’s
not
they’re
doing
anything
wrong…cos
it’s
still
praising
God…it’s
just
in
a
different
manner…
The
last
part
of
her
narrative
exposed
the
more
intimate
nature
of
her
relationship
to
religion.
When
she
talked
about
her
mother
or
the
contexts
in
which
she
developed
a
‘strong
bond
with
God’
religion,
and
her
strong
faith
in
particular,
were
an
important
resource
in
difficult
times.
We
can
see
also
how,
through
her
individual
experience,
several
traditional
Christian
references
and
notions,
such
as
the
omniscience
of
God,
forgiveness,
guilt
and
redemption
became
more
and
more
important:
(Question)
Do
you
talk
a
lot
with
your
parents
about
religion?
(Nathalie)
Not
really…I
try
to
influence
my
mum,
cos
she
drinks
and
stuff…My
mum’s
got
now
a
problem
with
her
liver
and
things
like
that…I’m
trying
now,
more
than
ever,
to
push
her…push
her
towards
God,
cos
obviously
when
the
time
comes,
I
want
her
to
go
to
Heaven…
[Talking
about
God]
He
may
be
mad
at
me,
but
He’ll
forgive
me…He’ll
understand,
He’ll
see
me,
He’ll
know
that
I
feel
guilty
or
I
feel
bad…If
I
don’t
feel
bad,
then
obviously
He
won’t
help
me
but
if
I
feel
guilty
and
apologise
and
He
sees
that
I’m
being
truthful…I’ve
had
a
strong
bond
with
God
because
[…]
I’ve
been
through
lots
of
stuff…with
my
mum
and
dad,
I’ve
been
in
care…I’ve
been
suicidal,
I’ve
attempted
suicide
few
times…I’ve
been
through
so
much
stuff
that
I
know
there’s
a
God…I
know…I
know
He’s
with
me
now…
To
conclude
this
section,
we
can
say
that
the
social
frameworks
related
to
the
experience
of
religion
are
quite
different
when
we
compare
the
two
groups.
While
the
practice
and
‘routine’
of
Islam,
with
its
all-‐encompassing
character,
occupied
a
central
role
in
the
discourses
of
British
Bangladeshis,
the
relationship
to
religion
seemed
more
individualised,
intimate
and
‘privatised’
for
most
of
the
mixed-‐heritage
participants
who
showed
some
form
of
religious
commitment.
However,
the
notions
of
religious
‘guidelines’
and
‘correct’
behaviour
to
be
adopted
in
the
sphere
of
the
everyday
life
were
also
mentioned
several
times.
Furthermore,
the
congregational
aspect,
which
is
important
in
the
Islamic
ethos,
was
significant
as
well
for
several
mixed-‐parentage
youth.
While
this
aspect
could
not
be
explored
in
detail,
it
seems
that
the
practice
of
religion
is
also
articulated
to
ethnic
and
53
cultural
dynamics.
Thus,
it
is
usually
with
the
black
parent
that
the
youth
is
introduced
to
the
religious
realm
and
one
can
also
take
the
discourse
of
Jade
about
‘black
churches’
as
a
relevant
example.
In
that
sense,
for
the
mixed-‐heritage
participant,
the
religious
experience
is
part
of
a
broader
negotiation
of
cultural
positionality
and
ethnic
subjectivities.
Finally,
the
perception
and
construction
of
religion
as
a
resource
for
the
individual
is
dependant
on
the
contexts
of
practice
and
belongings
within
a
social
and
family
trajectory.
In
sum,
the
relationship
to
religion
and
faith
evolves
and
is
never
static.
3.5.
NARRATIVES
OF
IDENTITY
AND
THE
SOCIAL
CONTEXTS
OF
‘NEW
ETHNICITIES’
AND
HYBRID
BELONGINGS
Hierarchy
of
identities
One
of
the
central
questions
here
was
to
see
how
our
young
participants
would
rank
different
‘categories’
of
identity
and
belongings
to
define
themselves.
To
do
so,
they
were
first
shown
a
set
of
cards
labelled
with
a
wide
range
of
possible
identifications.
British
Bangladeshis
youth
The
British
Bangladeshi
youth
had
the
choice
between
the
following
categories
of
identification
during
the
card
task:
EUROPEAN
–
BRITISH
–
ENGLISH
–
LONDONER
–
FROM
CAMDEN
–
BANGLADESHI
–
BENGALI
–
ASIAN
–
MUSLIM
–
SYLHETI
–
MAULVI
BAZAR
–
FROM
NOAKHALI
One
of
the
most
notable
results
of
this
self-‐identification
ranking
exercise
was
the
central
place
occupied
by
ethnic
and,
above
all,
religious
identities.
Indeed,
a
total
of
eight
participants
(four
boys
and
four
girls)
ranked
the
category
‘Muslim’
on
top
of
the
list
of
possible
options
of
identity
(see
table
1).
Moreover,
for
three
participants
(two
boys
and
one
girl)
the
first
choice
was
the
category
‘Bangladeshi’
or
‘Bengali’,
and
one
female
interviewee
chose
to
rank
first
both
Bengali
and
Muslim
identities.
While
‘British’
was
ranked
several
times
within
the
four
first
possible
options,
‘English’
appeared
only
once
and
at
the
fifth
position
(Noor,
16).
The
identity
‘Asian’
appeared
eight
times
within
the
four
first
possible
options
and
the
category
‘London’,
as
well
as
the
local
identity
(‘from
Camden’)
were
rarely
chosen.
Finally,
another
notable
element
in
this
exercise
is
the
fact
that
the
‘European’
category
was
never
ranked.
54
Table
1
-‐
Cards
ranking
task,
British
Bangladeshi
youth
Name
Rupna
Basima
Muna
Munira
Pari
Fatima
Shiraj
Gender
Female
Female
Female
Female
Female
Female
Male
Age
13
16
14
11
15
14
14
Ahmed
Noor
Abdul
Karim
Ayub
Male
Male
Male
Male
Male
13
16
16
14
12
Cards
Ranking
1
Muslim,
2
Bengali/Bangladeshi,
3
Asian,
4
British
1
Bengali,
2
Muslim
1
Muslim,
2
Bengali/Bangladeshi,
3
Asian
1
Muslim,
2
Bangladeshi,
3
British,
4
Sylheti
1
Muslim,
2
British,
3
Bangladeshi
1
Bengali,
2
Muslim,
3
Asian,
4
British
1
Bangladeshi,
2
Muslim,
3
Asian,
4
Bengali,
5
British,
6
Londoner,
7
Camden
1
Muslim,
2
Bengali,
3
British,
4
Asian,
5
Camden
1
Muslim,
2
Sylheti,
3
Bangladeshi/Bengali,
4
Asian,
5
English
1
Muslim,
2
Asian,
3
Bengali,
4
Sylheti,
5
London,
6
Camden
1
Bangladeshi,
2
Muslim,
3
Sylheti,
4
Camden
1
Muslim,
2
Bengali/Bangladeshi,
3
London/Camden
-‐
The
importance
of
religious
and
ethnic
identities
The
Muslim
identity
was,
therefore,
often
prioritised
in
the
ranking
task
and
more
generally
in
the
discussion
about
issues
of
belonging.
The
following
short
excerpts
from
the
interviews
with
Rupna
(13),
Ayub
(12)
and
Ahmed
(13)
illustrate
how
a
Muslim
identity
was
prioritised:
(Rupna)
[When
asked
to
rank
the
cards]
Muslim…The
first
thing
I’d
say
is
Muslim,
that’d
come
to
my
mind…Then
I’d
probably
say
Bangladeshi,
then
Asian
cos
Bangladesh
is
in
Asia…I’d
put
these
two
together
co’s
it’s
kind
of
the
same
meaning
to
me
[‘Bangladeshi’
and
‘Bengali’
cards]…I
thinks
it’s
the
same
thing…
(Question)
So…if
you
ranked
those
cards,
the
first
one
would
be
‘Muslim’?
(Rupna)
Yeah.
(Question)
Why?
(Rupna)
Cos
I
am
this
and
this
[showing
the
other
cards],
but
I
am
mostly
this
[Muslim]…
(Ayub)
The
most
important
identity
is
Muslim…then
Bengali
and
Bangladeshi,
number
2
and
then
Londoner
and
Camden…
(Question)
Why
Muslim
first?
(Ayub)
That’s
what
matters
the
most,
Islam…
(Question)
What
is
your
ranking?
(Ahmed)
The
most
important
card
would
be…It’s
a
hard
one…I
think
it’s
most
important
to
be
Muslim…Then
Bengali,
then
British
then
Asian,
then
from
Camden…
(Question)
Why
Muslim
first?
(Ahmed)
Cos
that
makes
me
who
I
am,
that’s
the
most
important
thing
I
look
up
to…
Let
us
examine
how
the
young
British
Bangladeshi
participants
explained
their
choices
when
prioritising
the
Muslim
identity.
For
Muna
(14),
ranking
the
category
‘Muslim’
first
was
an
‘obvious’
choice
to
make
and
the
Bengali/Bangladeshi
identities
were
ranked
just
after
-‐
she
said
being
‘proud’
of
Bangladesh:
55
(Question)
So
your
first
choice
is
Muslim,
then
Bengali,
Bangladeshi,
finally
Asian.
Why
this
order
of
importance?
(Muna)
Cos
Muslim,
obviously,
to
me
religion
is
more
important
than
where
I’m
from…And
obviously
Bangladesh,
that’s
where
I’m
from,
I’m
proud
of
it,
that’s
what
I
am….And
then
Asian
is
for
other
people…
For
Pari
(15),
who
described
herself
as
‘Muslim
British
Bangladeshi’,
religion
‘comes
first’.
The
use
of
such
expressions
as
‘it
has
to
be’
or
‘Muslim
should
be
the
first
thing’,
suggests
an
interiorised
moral
requirement
to
place
religion
in
a
central
position
in
terms
of
identification
but
also
in
relation
to
the
‘presentation
of
self’.
Moreover,
the
fact
that
she
was
brought
up
in
Britain
was
the
reason
why
she
felt
being
‘more
British
than
Bangladeshi’:
(Question)
What
do
you
say
when
someone
asks
you
where
do
you
come
from?
(Pari)
Bangladesh...
I’m
a
Muslim
British
Bangladeshi…
(Question)
So
first
Muslim,
2
British,
3
Bangladeshi…Why
this
order?
(Pari)
Cos
my
religion
comes
first
and
in
this
country,
obviously
I’m
a
British
Bangladeshi…Ethnicity,
I’m
a
British
Bangladeshi…Cos
I’ve
been
brought
up
in
this
country,
I’m
more
British
than
I’m
Bangladeshi…Muslim
is
the
most
important
to
me…it
has
to
be…In
a
Muslim
person’s
life,
being
Muslim
should
be
the
first
thing,
it
should
come
first…
Munira,
the
youngest
of
the
sample
(11
years
old),
also
ranked
the
religious
identity
in
the
first
position.
Beside
the
fact
that
it
connects
identity
to
the
realms
of
practice
(the
fast)
and
scriptures
(the
Koran),
her
discourse
was
interesting
because
it
underlined
the
universal
aspect
of
Islam.
As
she
explained,
‘it
doesn’t
matter
what
country
you’re
from’:
(Question)
So
you
ranked:
1
Muslim,
2
Bangladeshi,
3
British,
4
Sylheti…Why
Muslim
first?
(Munira)
Cos
I
am
Muslim
and
I
fast
and
I
believe
in
the
Koran…
(Question)
Being
Muslim
is
more
important
than
being
Bangladeshi?
(Munira)
Yeah…Because
it
doesn’t
matter
what
country
you’re
from…because
you’re
still
that...
you
are
Muslim
and…from
Asia…
(Question)
Lots
of
people
come
from
different
countries,
but
they’re
still…
(Munira)
Muslim….
(Question)
Then
Bangladeshi,
why?
(Munira)
So
that
people
know
that
I
am
Bangladeshi…Muslim
that
would
describe
me
because
I
am
a
Muslim,
but
from
which
country,
that
would
be
Bangladeshi…
Noor
(16)
emphasised
his
Muslim
‘genealogy’
and
upbringing
when
talking
about
this
religious
identity.
Moreover,
he
was
keen
to
stress
his
Sylheti
origins
in
a
very
positive
way:
(Question)
Which
cards
would
you
use
to
describe
yourself?
(Noor)
Bengali,
Muslim,
Asian,
Sylheti…English
(Question)
Pick
them
in
order
of
importance…
(Noor)
1-‐Muslim,
2-‐Sylheti,
3-‐Bangladeshi/Bengali,
4-‐Asian,
5-‐English…
(Question)
Why
Muslim
first?
(Noor)
People
are
Muslim,
cos
it’s
important…
56
(Question)
Why?
(Noor)
Basically
because
my
parents
are
Muslim
and
I
was
brought
up
as
a
Muslim…
(Question)
Then
Sylheti?
(Noor)
That’s
my
home
country
and
that’s
where
my
parents
live
and
everything…It
shows
what
part
of
Bangladesh
I’m
from,
and
how
Sylheti
people
are
and…mainly
Sylheti
people
are
successful
and
everything…It
gives
a
good
view
of
Bengali…
(Question)
And
then
Bengali
number
3,
why
is
that?
(Noor)
Cos
I’m
Bengali
and
my
parents
are
Bengali…
(Question)
How
come
Sylheti
first
and
then
Bengali?
(Noor)
Cos…It’s
pretty
much
the
same
thing,
really…and
they’re
both
important
to
me…
When
Bangladeshi
and/or
Bangladeshi
categories
were
ranked
first,
the
family
background
and
the
notion
of
‘origin’
were
often
mentioned.
That
was
the
case
of
Fatima
(14)
and
Shiraj
(14)
for
example:
(Question)
Why
Bengali
first?
(Fatima)
Because
that’s
my
background,
that’s
where
I’m
originally
from…
(Question)
Muslim?
(Fatima)
Because
that’s
my
religion…
(Question)
Asian?
(Fatima)
Because
I’m
Asian…it’s
important
to
me…
(Shiraj)
First
is
Bangladeshi.
(Question)
Then…
2-‐Muslim,
then
3-‐Asian,
4-‐Bengali,
5-‐British,
6-‐Londoner
and
7-‐from
Camden…Why
Bangladeshi
number
1?
(Shiraj)
Cos
my
whole
family
is
basically
from
there
and
I’m
used
to
the
country....
(Question)
Why
number
2
Muslim?
(Shiraj)
Cos
I
am
proud
of
being
a
Muslim…I
respect
my
religion…
(Question)
Asian,
number
3?
(Shiraj)
Cos
I’m
from
Asia…
(Question)
Why
Bengali
after
Asian?
In
sum,
while
the
Muslim
identity
appeared
to
be
very
important
for
the
young
participants,
none
of
them
were
clearly
rejecting
other
forms
of
identification.
In
that
sense,
our
research
provides
an
interesting
contrast
with
earlier
studies
conducted
in
Tower
Hamlets
which
show
that
the
prioritisation
of
an
Islamic
identity
often
involves,
in
the
discourse
of
youth
and
young
adults,
an
opposition
between,
on
the
one
hand,
a
‘backward’,
syncretic
or
‘impure’
Bengali
(or
Sylheti)
‘culture’
and,
on
the
other
end,
a
positive,
modern
and
universal
Muslim
identity
(Garbin,
2004;
Gardner
and
Shukur,
1995).
Moreover,
another
important
element
of
this
part
of
our
research
is
the
existence
of
discourses
suggesting
a
strong
religious
identification
–
which
is
sometimes
perceived
as
‘obvious’
and
therefore
‘naturalised’-‐
for
individuals
yet
not
showing
a
significant
and
strict
sense
of
religiosity
through
regular
practices.
Even
if
it
is
not
explicitly
revealed
by
the
results
of
the
card
task,
the
‘internalisation’
of
an
Islamic
habitus
through
education
may
have
a
strategic
role
to
play
here.
Indeed,
‘learning
to
be
Bengali/Bangladeshi’
and
‘learning
to
be
Muslim’
differ
insofar
as
the
religious
education
is
not
only
tacitly
transmitted
but
also
57
formalised.
This
involves
the
existence
and
development
of
relations
between
the
domestic
sphere
and
Islamic
institutions
such
as
the
mosque
or
the
Koranic
school,
which
reinforces
the
awareness
of
a
‘legitimate’
and
‘normalised’
religious
identity
while
formalising
the
process
of
disciplining
the
body
and
mind.
The
symbolic
dimension
of
the
Islamic
belonging
could
also
be
an
important
factor
explaining
the
centrality
of
the
religious
identity.
The
umma,
the
worldwide
community
of
believers,
is
a
powerful
vector
of
identification
as
it
relates
to
the
perception
and
the
ritual,
social
and
political
experience
of
the
global
territory
of
Islam.
The
construction
of
an
‘imagined
community’
of
Muslims,
challenging
national
and
ethnic
boundaries
thus
relies
on
a
symbolic
global
identity
but
also
on
the
transnational
flow
of
ideas,
images
and
information.
However,
for
the
British
Bangladeshis
interviewed
one
could
not
observe
a
real
engagement
with
a
‘Muslim
public
sphere’
(Mandaville,
2001)
or
a
‘globalised
virtual
Islam’
(Roy,
2002)
as
none
reported
reading
Islamic
newspaper
or
consulting
religious
websites,
for
instance.
Only
in
few
cases,
the
global
dimension
of
an
Islamic
‘community
of
suffering’,
to
borrow
P.
Werbner’s
(2002)
expression,
appeared
in
the
discourses,
as
shown
in
the
quotes
below:
(Question)
Are
you
concerned
about
the
Muslim
community
around
the
world?
(Munira)
Yes…Cos
there’s
a
lot
of
homeless
people
and
orphans…cos
their
parents
got
killed
or
taken
away…they
don’t
have
food…cos
they’re
not
as
lucky
as
we
are
cos
we
have
everything
we
need
and
not
them…
(Abdul)
I
don’t
really
think
about
it
that
much
[the
umma],
but
if
I
do
think
about
it,
I
feel
bad…Cos
conflicts
and
wars…Many
Muslims
are
dying…innocent
Muslims
are
dying
for
no
reasons…Hundred
and
thousands
of
Muslims
are
dying
in
other
countries,
Palestine
and
that…When
one
British
person
dies
in
London,
they
put
it
all
over
the
papers.
In
London,
the
more
religious
you
get…if
you
put
a
hat
on
your
head
you
get
seen
by
the
police
in
a
different
perspective,
like
you’re
a
terrorist
or
something…
Alongside
the
Islamic
identity,
the
Bengali
ethnicity
and/or
the
Bangladeshi
identity
were
important
for
the
youth,
as
mentioned
already.
When
asked
whether
they
were
‘proud’
of
being
Bangladeshi,
the
answers
were
always
positive
and
many
among
the
11
participants
who
have
been
to
Bangladesh
enjoyed
the
experience,
such
as
Rupna
(13)
or
Karim
(14):
(Question)
Have
you
been
to
Bangladesh?
(Rupna)
Yeah,
once.
(Question)
Did
you
like
it
there?
(Rupna)
Yeah
I
liked
it
there…People
were
very
friendly
and
so
on...
I
liked
it
there,
cos
most
of
the
people
there
are
family,
so
cousins
and
so
on...
The
people
are
really
nice…Some
people
are…sad
looking
and…cos
some
people
are
really
poor…They
looked
to
you
and
they
think
that
we
have
the
perfect
life
but
if
you
think
about
it
we’re
not
exactly
that
perfect…
(Question)
Is
Bangladesh
important
for
you?
58
(Rupna)
Yes
it
is
because
I’ve
been…I
was
born
there…I
don’t
know…And
my
mum’s
from
there
as
well…She
was
brought
and
she
came
here
when
she
was
kind
of
old…Not
that
old,
but
she
kind
of
had
her
all
childhood
there.
(Question)
Are
you
proud
of
Bangladesh?
Of
being
Bangladeshi?
(Rupna)
Yes
I
am.
Yeah
I
probably
am.
I
haven’t
thought
of
it
that
way,
so...
(Question)
Have
you
been
to
Bangladesh?
(Karim)
Yeah,
once…when
I
was
7…
(Question)
Did
you
like
it
over
there…?
(Karim)
Yeah,
I
met
my
mum’s
family
which
I
haven’t
met
before…so
it
was
nice…
(Question)
How
did
you
feel
there?
(Karim)
Good…It
was
interesting…
It
was
also
the
case
for
Basima
(16),
who
enjoyed
the
authenticity
of
‘the
culture’,
in
her
own
words
‘the
proper
traditional
stuff’:
(Question)
Do
you
feel
proud
about
Bangladesh?
(Basima)
Yeah.
(Question)
Why?
How
many
times
have
you
been
back
home?
(Basima)
Three
times
Question)
Why
do
you
feel
proud?
(Basima)
I
don’t
know,
because
it’s
my
own
country
and
I
feel
proud
towards
it…
(Question)
Is
it
something
that
you’ve
been
taught
or
you
fell
in
love
there?
(Basima)
I’ve
been
taught,
but
I
went
to
Bangladesh
and
I
really
enjoyed
it…
(Question)
What
did
you
like
about
it?
Everything…Which
is
your
culture
which
you
don’t
see
much
in
this
country…In
Bangladesh,
it’s
proper
traditional
stuff
you
see…
(Basima)
Several
participants
expressed
more
contrasted
views.
It
was
the
case
for
Ahmed
who
felt
that
living
there
was
‘uncomfortable’.
He
rejected
the
idea
of
a
permanent
stay
because
of
the
poor
educational
system
and
the
hard
living
conditions:
(Question)
Have
you
ever
been
to
Bangladesh?
(Ahmed)
Yeah,
once…
(Question)
Did
you
like
it?
(Ahmed)
Some
ways,
yes…
(Ahmed)
I
saw
my
relatives
and
I
learned
more
things
and
a
good
experience…But
otherwise
living
there
was
uncomfortable…
(Question)
How
did
you
feel?
(Ahmed)
I
felt
sorry
for
the
people
that
live
there…
(Question)
How
did
people
perceive
you
there?
(Ahmed)
They
thought
I
was
rich…I
thought
when
I
went
there
that
my
luggage
would
get
robbed…I’ve
got
different
clothes
to
them,
that
they’re
not
used
to…They
think
England
is
the
best
place
to
go
to…Every
Bangladesh
person
want
to
come
to
England…
(Question)
Would
you
live
in
Bangladesh?
(Ahmed)
No.
(Question)
Why
not?
59
(Ahmed)
Life
would
be
a
lot
harder,
and
I
wouldn’t
have
been
able
to
cope
and…I
wouldn’t
get
as
good
education
as
I
do
here…
In
the
last
part
of
the
quote,
Ahmed
described
what
he
thought
were
the
perceptions
of
people
in
Bangladesh
about
British
Bangladeshis
(called
‘Londonis’)
and
their
‘fascination’
for
England.
This
element
was
present
in
the
discourse
of
many
participants.
This
was
the
case
for
Ayub
(12)
who
felt
‘careless’
in
Bangladesh
and
who
also
said
he
would
be
bored
if
he
stayed
permanently
there
-‐
as
his
friends
are
in
the
UK:
Question)
Are
you
proud
to
be
Bangladeshi?
(Ayub)
Yeah…Because
it’s
my
background…My
family
live
there…I
go
every
year…not
every
year…last
year
I
didn’t,
two
years
ago
I
went…
(Question)
During
the
summer?
(Ayub)
Yeah…
(Question)
How
do
you
feel
there?
(Ayub)
Careless...There,
everything
is
cheap…Here
you
go
on
a
bus,
it’s
20p
there,
it’s
10
takas…
(Question)
How
do
people
perceive
you?
(Ayub)
Everyone
looks
up
to
me…Speaking
English…I’m
a
Londoni!
(Question)
Would
you
like
to
live
in
Bangladesh?
(Ayub)
Yeah…
(Question)
Really?
Permanently?
(Ayub)
Not
permanently…a
year
or
two…
(Question)
Why
not
for
ever?
(Ayub)
I’d
be
bored…Here
I
know
everyone,
my
friends
are
here…
Pari
(15)
expressed
her
preference
for
the
rural
environment
before
talking
about
what
she
described
as
the
‘jealousy’
and
‘back-‐chatting’
of
Bangladeshi
people
when
she
stayed
there:
(Question)
Where
did
you
stay
there?
(Pari)
We
don’t
stay
in
one
place
because
we
haven’t
got
a
dad,
so…Our
house
and
stuff
are
taken
over
by
step-‐sisters
and
stuff,
so…They
tell
us
that
we
can
stay,
but
we
don’t
feel
like
it’s
our
own…So
we
stay
in
my
mum’s
place
and
it’s
a
really
poor
area…or
we
stay
in
Dhaka
…
We
rent
out
a
flat
and
stuff,
and
we
stay
there…
(Question)
Do
you
like
the
village
though?
(Pari)
I
like
the
village,
because
everyone’s
there,
you
can
go
out
whenever
you
feel
like,
you
can
go
whenever
you
want,
but
in
Dhaka,
you’re
in
a
penthouse,
you
can’t
even
go
out…Because
of
the
fact
that
there’s
so
much
traffic
and
you
don’t
know
anything
outside
of
the
house…
(Question)
How
do
people
see
you?
(Pari)
I
don’t
know
what
they
think…But
I
know
that
in
front
of
our
faces
they’re
all
like
‘we
love
you…we
missed
you
so
much!’
and
behind
our
back
their
back-‐chatting,
‘look
at
them,
they
come
from
a
different
country’…They’re
jealous…In
our
culture,
in
any
culture,
the
gossip,
they
just
love
gossiping
and
they’ve
got
nothing
better
to
talk
about
than
us,
because
we’re
the
‘hot
topic’
while
we’re
there…
60
Finally,
Abdul
(16),
who
felt
proud
to
be
Bangladeshi,
said
that
since
he
was
born
in
London,
Bangladesh
‘is
not
for
him’.
He
justified
his
dislike
(or
even
‘disgust’)
of
Bangladesh
by
referring
to
the
‘filthiness’
of
streets,
the
political
disorders
and
the
widespread
corruption:
(Question)
Do
you
feel
proud
to
be
Bangladeshi?
(Abdul)
Yeah,
because
everyone
supports
each
other
and
I
was
born
to
be
Bangladeshi,
my
parents
are
Bangladeshi,
I
was
born
as
a
Bengali,
a
Bangladeshi…
(Question)
Have
you
ever
been
to
Bangladesh?
(Abdul)
Twice.
When
I
was
a
baby
and
when
I
was
10
years
old…
(Question)
Do
you
like
Bangladesh?
(Abdul)
No.
Cos
it’s
disgusting…The
streets
are
filthy
and
the
government
is
messed
up…You
can
murder
someone
and
bribe
the
police…When
you
go
to
the
airport
and
if
they
see
that
you’re
rich
they
will
tell
you
‘give
us
money
and
we’ll
let
you
go’…
(Question)
How
people
look
at
you
in
Bangladesh?
(Abdul)
Everyone
looked
at
us
like
‘look
they’re
rich,
they’ve
got
lots
of
money,
let’s
do
this
to
them,
let’s
do
that’…That’s
why
I
got
fed
up…
(Question)
Would
you
live
in
Bangladesh?
(Abdul)
No.
Because
I
feel
that…
it’s
not
for
me…I
was
born
in
London…
(Question)
Are
you
proud
to
be
Bangladeshi
though?
(Noor)
Yeah…Because
it’s
important
and
Bangladeshi
is
something
that
everyone
should
be
proud
of…
The
views
about
Bangladesh
were
often
mixed
as
some
young
people
enjoyed
their
stay
‘back
home’
while
others
complained
about
the
corruption
or
the
political
situation,
like
Abdul,
but
also,
and
more
simply,
about
the
heat,
the
mosquitoes
or
the
‘boredom’
of
village
life,
for
instance.
Yet
for
all
the
young
people
interviewed
the
Bangladeshi
identity
seemed
to
be
very
important.
-‐
British
and
English
identities
As
regards
the
meaning
of
British
and
English
identities
for
our
participants,
there
was
also
a
diversity
of
responses.
For
Rupna
(13)
being
British
did
‘not
mean
anything’:
(Question)
What
about
British?
Do
you
feel
British?
Are
you
proud
to
be
British?
What
does
it
mean
for
you?
(Rupna)
Being
British
doesn’t
really…I
don’t
know…What
do
you
mean?
(Question)
You
are
British
Bangladeshi…
(Rupna)
It
doesn’t
really
mean
anything…It
doesn’t
affect
me…Nobody
asks
me
‘are
you
British?’
Abdul
(16)
said
he
was
proud
to
be
British
and
explained
why:
(Question)
Do
you
feel
proud
to
be
British?
(Abdul)
Very
proud.
I
have
a
shelter,
a
place
to
live,
I
have
a
nice
family…The
government
is
good…
61
Sometimes
Britain
was
seen
in
a
positive
light
when
a
comparison
was
drawn
with
Bangladesh.
It
was
the
case
of
Pari
(15)
and
Shiraj
(14):
(Question)
Do
you
feel
proud
about
Britain?
(Pari)
Depending
what
way…It’s
cleaner
than
in
Bangladesh,
yes…
(Question)
Do
you
feel
proud
to
be
British?
(Shiraj)
Yeah.
(Question)
Why?
(Shiraj)
Cos
say
if
you
go
to
Bangladesh,
you
won’t
have
the
good
technology,
you
won’t
have
all
the
money,
all
the
jobs
and
all
this.
When
you
come
here,
you
have
all
this
luck
for
you…
Ahmed
also
compared
Britain
and
Bangladesh,
in
terms
of
wealth.
But
he
first
mentioned
racism
to
explain
why
‘in
some
ways’
he
was
not
proud
about
Britain:
(Question)
Are
you
proud
about
Britain?
(Ahmed)
Yeah.
But
in
some
ways
I’m
not
because
of
racism…
(Question)
Why
are
you
proud
then?
(Ahmed)
Some
places
are
bad…Some
places
are
nice
and
good…And
the
people
here,
some
are
bad
and
some
are
good…
(Question)
Are
you
proud
about
Bangladesh?
(Ahmed)
Yeah…They’re
quite…like
a
cheap
country…But
if
they
were
as
rich
as
London,
I
think
they
could
fix
it
up
proper…
(Question)
Would
that
make
you
more
proud?
(Ahmed)
Yeah…
Moreover,
we
can
say
that
the
degree
of
identification
with
Englishness
was
very
low.
This
emerged
more
particularly
when
we
asked
the
participants
about
the
difference
between
‘being
British’
and
‘being
English’
or
between
‘British
culture’
and
‘English
culture’.
Indeed,
the
English
category
(ethnicity
or
‘culture’)
was
often
associated
with
whiteness.
For
instance
Ahmed
(13)
felt
that
‘English
culture
is
mostly
white
people’.
He
talked
about
a
more
inclusive
and
multicultural
sense
of
Britishness:
(Question)
What
is
the
difference
between
English
culture
and
British
culture?
(Ahmed)
I
don’t
know…English
culture
is
less
Asian
people
and
British
there’s
more
Asian
and
more
black
people…English
culture
is
mostly
white
people…
(Question)
And
the
difference
between
being
British
and
being
English?
(Ahmed)
English,
there’s
like
mostly
white
people,
less
of
different
cultures…But
if
you’re
British
it’s
multicultural…
Muna’s
discourse
was
very
similar:
(Muna)
I
think
English
culture
is
just
for
white
people…British
culture
is
for…worldwide…everyone…
(Question)
Do
you
think
it’s
possible
for
a
Bengali
person
to
be
English?
(Muna)
No…It’s
possible
for
Bengali
people
to
be
British,
but
not
English…
62
(Question)
Why?
(Muna)
Cos
you’re
Bengali!
Because
you’re
not
white!
Abdul
(16)
referred
to
the
idea
of
formal
citizenship
to
differentiate
between
English
and
British:
(Question)
Do
you
think
there
are
differences
between
English
and
British?
(Abdul)
British,
you’re
a
citizen,
you’ve
got
passport,
you
have
rights…English
you’re
born
in
London…I
can’t
explain…You’re
white…you’re
born
from
an
English
family,
your
parents
are
white…British
you
can
be
black,
born
in
London,
with
a
passport…
-‐
Biculturalism
Finally,
we
asked
the
British
Bangladeshi
participants
if
they
felt
belonging
‘between
two
cultures’.
None
of
the
responses
suggested
a
‘crisis
of
identity’;
instead
their
discourses
often
implied
an
awareness
of
a
combination
of
both
identities
instead
of
a
negative
‘in-‐
betweeness’.
As
the
quotes
below
show,
this
biculturalism
was
expressed
in
many
different
ways.
Here,
it
is
also
interesting
to
see
how
the
markers
and
boundaries
of
Britishness
and
Bengali/Bangladeshi
lifestyle
and
identity
were
constructed
by
the
young
people:
(Question)
Do
you
think
you
are
between
cultures?
Bangladeshi
culture
and
British
culture?
(Basima)
Yeah,
kind
of…
(Question)
How?
(Basima)
I
don’t
know…British
culture,
I
always
go
to
cinema,
with
my
friends
and
stuff…
(Question)
What
is
the
Bangladeshi
culture
side
of
you?
(Basima)
I
like
to
stay
home
with
my
parents,
I
like
to
cook
and
stuff…British
culture,
usually
when
they’re
18,
they
move
out
and
stuff
and
they
put
their
parents
in
nursing
homes…Whereas
in
our
culture
we
wouldn’t
do
that
to
older
persons,
like
grand
parents
we
would
never
put
them
in
a
nursing
home…
(Question)
Do
you
view
yourself
as
been
between
two
or
more
cultures?
Bangladeshi
culture
and
British
culture?
(Muna)
Yeah…Bengali
culture
is
inside
me,
but
English
culture
is
just
the
way
I
talk
and
the
way
I
dress.
(Question)
Do
you
feel
you
are
between
two
cultures?
Part
of
Bangladeshi
culture
and
British
culture?
(Munira)
Yeah…Because
I
live
in
England
and
I
know
most
of
the
things
that
go
around…and
all
the
games
they
sort
of
play
and
the
rules…And
Bangladesh,
sort
of…Cos
I
don’t
know
to
play
all
the
games…And
I
can
speak
both
country
languages…
(Question)
Do
you
think
you
are
between
two
different
cultures?
(Karim)
Yeah…cos
my
parents
are
from
Bangladesh
and
I
was
born
in
England…
(Question)
Do
you
think
you’re
between
two
cultures?
(Ayub)
Yes,
because
I’ve
lived
in
England
all
my
life…and
I’m
from
Bangladesh…
63
(Question)
Do
you
think
you
are
between
two
different
cultures?
(Noor)
Yeah,
cos
being
brought
up
in
England…and
being
a
Bengali,
yes,
you
do
get
two
different
cultures…But
I
feel
more
Bengali
than…
(Question)
British…
(Noor)
Yeah.
(Question)
How
come?
(Noor)
Cos
my
home
country
is
Bangladesh,
you
got
to
relate
to
that
and
everything…My
parents
are
Bengali,
they
brought
me
up
and
everything…
(Question)
It’s
the
values?
(Noor)
Yeah…
Mixed-‐heritage
youth
The
mixed-‐heritage
youth
had
the
choice
between
the
following
categories
of
identification
during
the
card
task:
EUROPEAN
–
BRITISH
–
ENGLISH
–
LONDONER
–
FROM
LOCAL
AREA
–
BLACK
–
WHITE
–
BLACK
BRITISH
–
MIXED-‐RACE
–
MIXED-‐HERITAGE
–
AFRICAN
–
CARIBBEAN
–
CHRISTIAN
–
WEST
INDIAN
–
JAMAICAN
As
shown
by
table
2,
the
category
‘mixed-‐race’
was
ranked
first
by
six
participants
and
second
by
three
participants.
The
religious
identity
(‘Christian’)
was
ranked
at
the
first
position
by
four
participants
and
at
the
second
position
by
one
participant.
Another
interesting
result
of
this
card
task
was
the
fact
that
several
young
people
were
keen
to
rank
a
combination
of
categories
in
addition
to
the
category
‘mixed-‐race’,
for
example
‘white
and
black’,
‘black
and
white’
or
‘white
and
Caribbean’.
Furthermore,
as
it
was
the
case
with
the
British
Bangladesh
sample,
the
‘European’
category
was
never
ranked
within
the
six
first
options.
Table
2
-‐
Cards
ranking
task,
mixed-‐heritage
youth
Name
Leo
Mark
Nick
Alex
Gender
Male
Male
Male
Male
Age
11
11
15
15
John
Chris
Charlotte
Rachel
Rose
Helen
Nathalie
Male
Male
Female
Female
Female
Female
Female
17
17
16
15
11
12
17
Jade
Female
16
Cards
Ranking
1
Black,
2
Mixed-‐race,
3
Caribbean,
4
Brixton
1
Mixed-‐race,
2
Brixton,
3
Caribbean,
4
English,
5
Black
British
1
Mixed-‐race,
2
Christian,
3
British,
4
Kennington,
5
Black
and
White
1
English,
2
British,
3
Mixed-‐race,
4
White
and
Black,
5
Jamaican,
6
London
1
Mixed-‐race,
2
English,
3
Caribbean
1
Mixed-‐race,
2
Jamaican,
3
British
and
English
1
Mixed-‐race,
2
London,
3
English
1
Christian,
2
English,
3
White
and
Caribbean
1
Christian,
2
Mixed-‐race,
3
English
1
Christian,
2
African,
3
Black,
4
Mixed-‐race
1
Christian,
2
Mixed-‐race,
3
White
and
Black,
4
British
and
English,
5
London
1
Mixed-‐race
64
It
is
not
our
objective
here
to
discuss
the
issue
of
terminology
i.e.
the
implications
of
the
use
of
such
expressions
as
‘mixed-‐race’,
‘mixed-‐heritage’,
‘mixed
parentage’,
etc,
even
if
we
acknowledge
the
strategic
importance
of
the
politics
of
naming
in
relation
to
the
ways
in
which
‘mixedness’
has
been
socially/politically
perceived
and
constructed
over
the
years
(Ali,
2003;
Parker
and
Song,
2001;
Tizard
and
Phoenix,
1993).
In
the
set
of
cards
we
only
included
the
categories
‘mixed-‐race’
and
‘mixed-‐heritage’.
While
we
are
mainly
using
the
latter
expression
in
this
report,
all
the
interviewees
chose
to
describe
themselves
using
the
expression
‘mixed-‐race’
and
were
satisfied
and
comfortable
with
it
-‐
one
participant,
Helen
(12),
did
not
understand
the
term
‘mixed-‐heritage’.
Let
us
look
now
at
how
the
respondents
justified
their
choice
when
it
came
to
the
ranking
of
the
cards,
first
with
the
prioritisation
of
the
‘mixed-‐race’
category.
-‐
Being
‘mixed-‐race’
We
can
start
with
Jade
(16,
St
Vincent/White
English)
who
chose
to
rank
only
the
category
‘mixed-‐race’,
explaining
that
she
was
neither
‘full
black’
nor
‘full
white’:
(Question)
Which
of
the
cards
would
you
rank
first?
(Jade)
Mixed
race…
(Question)
What
about
Caribbean?
(Jade)
No,
I
don’t
know,
cos
I’m
not
full
Caribbean…
(Question)
European?
(Jade)
No…Like
if
somebody
asked
me
‘what
I
was’
sort
of
thing,
I’d
just
say
mixed-‐
race,
I
just
wouldn’t
say
I’m
anything
else…
(Question)
White?
(Jade)
No…
(Question)
Black?
(Jade)
No…Cos
I’m
not
full
white
and
I’m
not
full
black…I’ve
never
used
either…Cos…if
I
say
I’m
white,
then
it’s
like…if
I
was
speaking
to
a
black
and
say
‘I’m
white’,
‘yeah
but
you
got
black
in
you’,
sort
of
thing…
(Question)
British?
(Jade)
No…
(Question)
Londoner?
(Jade)
No…
(Question)
English?
(Jade)
If
someone
said
to
me,
yeah
I’d
just
say
I’m
English,
but
I
don’t
think
being
English
is
an
important
part
in
me…
Nathalie
(17,
mixed
African-‐White/White
Scottish),
talked
about
how
the
term
‘mixed-‐race’
was
the
most
appropriate
one
to
describe
her:
(Question)
The
mixed-‐race
identity?
(Nathalie)
I
think
is
probably
the
most
important
one
out
of
all
them…I
don’t
like
being
called
other
names,
I
find
other
names
offensive…It
depends
on
how
it’s
worded…Some
people
say
it,
they
don’t
mean
to
be
offensive,
but
other
times
it
can
be
[...]
65
She
elaborated
more
on
her
choice:
(Nathalie)
I
chose
mixed-‐race,
because
that’s
where
I’m
from…If
you
say
‘what
mixed-‐
races
are
you?’,
then
it’s
Ghanaian,
it’s
Finnish,
it’s
Scottish…and
I
was
born
here.
So
that’s
the
basis
of
me…That’s
like
the
foundation…
John
(17,
Barbados/White
English),
had
a
simple
explanation
for
his
choice:
(Question)
Why
did
you
choose
‘mixed-‐race’?
(John)
It’s
what
I
am,
it’s
who
I
am…
(Question)
What
comes
first
in
the
ranking?
(John)
Mixed-‐race…Because
that’s
the
one
that
describes
me
the
best…
For
Chris
(17,
Jamaican/White
English)
‘mixed-‐race’
was
‘what
defines
him’,
before
the
other
identities,
which,
however,
were
still
important.
The
issue
of
authenticity
also
emerged
when
he
mentioned
the
influence
of
a
Trinidadian
cultural
heritage
without
‘real
blood
link’
with
Trinidad
and
Tobago:
(Chris)
So
first
mixed-‐race,
then
Jamaican
and
English,
even
maybe
British
here
as
well
cos
it’s
similar.
Christian,
mixed-‐heritage,
black
and
white
even...from
local
area,
and
then
West
Indian,
Caribbean
and
Trinidadian...
(Question)
Why
mixed-‐race
first?
(Chris)
Cos
at
the
end
of
the
day,
if
someone
saw
me,
they’d
say
I
am
a
mixed-‐race
person,
that’s
what
defines
me...Cos
thinking
about
it,
everything
is
here...mixed-‐
race...Christian
is
my
religion,
is
not
part
of
a
mixed-‐race
person...
West
Indian,
Caribbean
and
Trinidadian...at
the
bottom...I
don’t
have
actually
real
blood
link
to
that
[Trinidad],
but
any
link
I
have
is
my
steel
[band],
so
I
do
appreciate
that...The
food,
the
culture
that
they
have
or
the
things
they
do...I
am
glad
I
have
knowledge
of
Trinidad
and
Tobago...
Mark
(11,
Jamaican/Scottish)
justified
his
choice
of
putting
the
mixed-‐race
identity
on
top
of
the
list
by
referring
to
the
fact
that
he
eats
‘black
food’
with
his
dad
and
‘white
food’
with
his
mum,
suggesting
the
importance
of
family
socialisation
in
the
construction
of
a
mixed
belonging
(‘I
feel
both’):
(Question)
First
is
mixed-‐race?
(Mark)
Yeah…
(Question)
Why?
(Mark)
Cos
when
I’m
with
my
dad,
I
eat
all
the
black
food…And
when
I’m
with
my
mum,
I
eat
white
food…So
I
feel
both…
For
Charlotte
(16,
Jamaican/White
English)
using
the
term
‘mixed-‐race’
was
the
‘easiest
way’
to
describe
her
identity.
It
is
also
interesting
to
see,
how,
in
the
quote
below,
she
explained
66
why
she
did
not
feel,
black,
white
or
European,
for
instance,
before
saying
that
‘colour’
or
origin
did
not
matter
to
her:
Question)
Which
cards
would
you
choose?
(Charlotte)
I
would
be
a
mix
between
Mixed
Race,
Londoner
and
English…That’s
it…
(Question)
What
about….
[the
other
cards]
?
(Charlotte)
Well,
I’m
not
white…I’m
not
European…
(Question)
Why
not?
(Charlotte)
I
am,
cos
England
is
part
of
Europe
innit?...But
we
still
got
our
Pound
so
I’m
not
European.
I
didn’t
get
Euros,
so
I’m
not
European!
Christian,
I’m
definitely
not
Christian…and
I’m
not
black
because
I’m
mixed-‐race…I’ve
got
white
in
me,
you
know…West
Indian…I
ain’t
from
West
India…From
Norwood,
I
wouldn’t
want
anyone
to
know
that
really…It’s
something
that
I
don’t
like
people
knowing…black
British,
I’m
not
black…Caribbean,
I’ve
never
been
to
the
Caribbean…I
guess
I
could
use
British,
but
I
guess
English
is
easier
to
use…Because
England
is
the
actual
place
I’m
from,
not
from
Ireland
or
nothing…
(Charlotte)
Londoner,
I’m
a
Londoner
[…]
because
I’ve
lived
in
few
places
in
London,
so…[…]
If
I
just
had
to
describe
myself,
I’d
say
I’m
Charlotte,
I’m
not…It
doesn’t
matter
where
I’m
from
or…what
colour
I
am…I’m
just
me…
(Question)
Do
you
feel…?
(Charlotte)
Mixed-‐race,
really…Cos
I’m
mixed
black
and
I’m
mixed
white,
so
that’s
two
races…It’s
the
easiest
way
to
say
it,
isn’t
it?
-‐
Religious
identity
Moreover
and
as
said
earlier,
religion
came
up
as
an
important
category
for
the
youth
during
the
card
task.
Helen
(12,
Eurasian/British
Ghanaian)
for
example,
‘felt
strongly’
about
the
black
identity
and
her
African
‘roots’
but
choose
to
rank
the
card
‘Christian’
first
because,
as
she
put
its,
‘faith
comes
before
anything
else’:
(Question)
What
is
the
most
important
card
for
you?
(Helen)
Christian…cos
your
faith
comes
before
anything
else…Of
course,
your
family
and
things,
but
your
belief
makes
you
stronger…
(Question)
Next
one?
(Helen)
African…I
feel
strongly
about
Africa…My
roots...
(Question)
Your
roots?
(Helen)
Where
my
parents
are
from…
(Question)
Then?
(Helen)
Black,
I
feel
strongly
about
that…
(Question)
Then?
(Helen)
Mixed
race,
cos
that’s
who
I
am…
For
Rose
(11,
Jamaican/White
English),
one
the
youngest
interviewees
of
the
sample,
being
Christian
was
also
the
most
important
identity:
(Rose)
So
first
Christian,
second
mixed-‐heritage,
then
English...
(Question)
Why?
67
(Rose)
Christian
is
the
most
important
cos
I’m
Christian,
so…And
it’s
one
of
the
main
things
in
my
life…Mixed-‐heritage,
because
my
parents
come
from
different
places,
so
that’s
what
I
am…And
then
English
because
you
can
really
tell
I’m
English,
anyway
so…
(Question)
Would
you
use
mixed-‐heritage
then...
or
mixed-‐race?
(Rose)
I’d
say
mixed-‐race
Similarly,
in
the
case
of
Rachel
(15,
Jamaican/White
English)
being
a
Christian
was
described
as
a
‘top
priority’
in
her
life:
(Rachel)
I
would
say
that
I
was
white-‐Caribbean
and
Christian…and
English
I
guess…
(Question)
How
important
are
each
of
these
cards?
(Rachel)
If
someone
asks
me
where
I’m
from,
I
would
say
English…I
wouldn’t
say
white-‐
Caribbean,
so
those
two
would
be
the
most
important,
English
and
Christian…
(Question)
How
would
you
rank
them?
(Rachel)
Christian,
English
and
then
white-‐Caribbean
[combining
the
two
cards]
(Question)
Why
Christian
first?
(Rachel)
Because
I
feel
like
being
a
Christian
shapes
my
life…It’s
like
top
priority
in
my
life…The
reason
why
I
put
white-‐Caribbean
at
the
bottom
is
because
I
don’t
think
that
is
important
to
me…My
background
is
obviously
partly
that,
but
it’s
not
important
in
my
life…
-‐
‘Mixed-‐race’
and
relationship
with
black
identity
Many
mixed-‐heritage
youth
(black/white
background)
interviewed
in
Tizard
and
Phoenix’s
(1993)
research
reported
being
often
regarded
as
black.
In
our
study
we
did
not
ask
specifically
the
participants
if
they
were
considered
as
black
but
rather
if,
according
to
them,
their
identity
or
ethnicity
has
ever
been
‘mistaken’.
As
shown
by
some
quotes
below,
there
was
a
diversity
of
answers.
Mark
(11,
Jamaican/Scottish
background)
for
instance
said
that
he
has
been
mistaken
for
being
Caribbean,
and
he
did
not
have
a
problem
with
this:
(Question)
Do
people
mistake
your
identity
sometimes?
(Mark)
Yeah…they
think
I’m
Caribbean…
(Question)
How
do
you
react?
(Mark)
I
say,
I’m
not
Caribbean,
my
mum’s
white…
(Question)
Are
you
angry
when
they
say
that?
(Mark)
No.
(Question)
You
don’t
care…
(Mark)
Yeah…
For
Charlotte
(16,
Jamaican/White
English)
it
was
different
as
she
has
never
been
‘called
black’:
(Question)
Do
people
mistake
your
identity?
(Charlotte)
Yeah,
I
get
a
lot
of
people
thinking
I’m
Spanish,
I
don’t
know
why…
(Question)
Or
Asian
or…?
68
Not
Asian…I’ve
never
been
called
Asian,
I’ve
never
been
called
black…Spanish,
that’s
all
about
it…
(Charlotte)
Chris
(17,
Jamaican/White
English),
who
said
that
‘most
people
know
he
is
mixed-‐race’,
was
however
reflecting
on
the
ambiguity
of
the
identification
through
the
skin
colour
when
talking
about
him
and
also
about
two
mixed-‐race
friends:
(Chris)
Most
people
know
that
I
am
mixed-‐race...Some
people
do
think
I’m
black...I
know
a
guy
with
my
colour
of
skin,
which
is
very
light,
and
his
dad
is
black,
like
my
dad,
and
his
mum’s
black
as
well...But
then
again,
my
two
friends,
a
lot
of
people
think
they’re
Asian,
which
is
weird.
Like,
they
do
look
Asian,
but
then
again,
they
don’t...I
probably
say
that
because
I
know
them...
Nathalie
(17,
mixed
African-‐White/White
Scottish)
presented
the
range
of
identities
(including
white
and
‘light
skin
Jamaican’)
she
has
been
associated
with
before
saying
how
she
was
happy
with
her
‘mixedness’,
a
subject
of
people’s
admiration:
(Question)
Do
people
mistake
you
for
something
else?
(Nathalie)
Yes…Hungarian,
Spanish,
I’ve
been
Portuguese…some
people
ask
me
if
I’m
just
a
light
skin
Jamaican…Some
thought
I
was
white…
(Question)
Do
you
mind
that?
(Nathalie)
I
laugh
at
it,
I
just
think
it’s
funny…
(Question)
Are
you
happy
with
who
you
are?
(Nathalie)
Yeah…and
I
like
saying
‘I’m
Ghanaian,
Finnish
and
Scottish’
…They
go
‘whoa!’….
‘That
is
a
mix!’…
Furthermore,
and
it
is
an
important
point,
we
can
say
that
our
participants
did
not
really
wish
to
prioritise
a
black
identity
when
asked
how
they
would
describe
themselves.
Leo
(11,
Jamaican/English-‐Jamaican
background)
could
be
seen
as
an
exception
here,
as
he
ranked
the
category
‘black’
at
the
first
position
during
the
card
task.
He
also
said
that
‘he
would
like
to
be
a
proper
black
person’
so
that
people
‘look
up’
to
him:
(Question)
How
would
you
rank
the
cards?
(Leo)
First
is
black.
(Question)
Then
second
most
important
for
you?
(Leo)
White…First
black,
cos
I
really
wanna
be
black…
(Question)
And
you
feel
white
as
well…a
bit?
(Leo)
Yeah…
(Question)
What
about
British?
(Leo)
Not
really…
(Question)
So
are
you
happy
with
who
you
are?
Would
you
be
someone
else?
(Leo)
…I
would
like
to
be
like
a
proper
black
person…
(Question)
Why?
(Leo)
Cos
there’s
more
thing
to
think
about,
and
they’d
really
think
that
you
are
a
black
person…So
people
look
up
to
you…they’ve
got
something
in
their
head,
like
that
they
think
you’re
mixed-‐race…
69
Moreover,
Mark
(11,
Jamaican/Scottish)
felt
‘black
British’
when
with
his
dad’s
family
(this
context-‐based
identification
process
will
be
explored
further
in
a
next
section):
(Question)
Number
5?
(Mark)
English…
(Question)
Then?
(Mark)
Black
British…
(Question)
Why?
(Mark)
Cos
when
I’m
with
dad’s
family,
I
feel
black
with
them…but
I’m
still
British…
Nathalie
(17,
mixed
African-‐White/White
Scottish)
talked
about
her
relation
to
blackness
and
whiteness.
She
implicitly
made
reference
to
her
curly
hair
as
a
physical
marker
of
blackness,
a
positive
‘part
of
her
identity’,
something
that
people
envy:
(Question)
What
about
the
identity
as
black?
(Nathalie)
I’m
far
to
be
black…I’m
just
as
much
far
to
be
black
as
I
am
to
be
white
…I’d
say,
yeah,
it
is
important…Because
that’s
a
part
of
my
identity…That’s
part
of
my…hair…Some
people,
they
would
pay
to
get
their
hair
curly
or
pay
to
get
it
shaved.
-‐
West
Indian
and/or
African
‘roots’
For
several
participants,
the
West
Indian
or
African
identities
had
a
role
to
play
in
terms
of
dynamics
of
self-‐identification.
For
instance,
Chris
(17,
Jamaican/White
English)
was
very
keen
to
appropriate
a
Trinidadian
heritage
and
culture
when
talking
about
his
participation
in
a
steel
band.
Nathalie
(17,
mixed
African-‐White/White
Scottish)
mentioned
her
social
and
family
history/trajectory
to
make
sense
of
what
she
called
a
‘mixture’
of
a
West
Indian/Jamaican
cultural
‘day
to
day’
influence
and
an
African/Ghanaian
origin:
(Question)
And
the
West
Indian
identity?
(Nathalie)
I’d
say
it’s
important
because
of
the
influence
it
has
had
in
my
life…Like,
the
music,
the
people,
the
food…Even
carnival
is
mainly
West
Indian
[...]
West
Indian…and
African
at
the
same
kind
of
level…because
of
the
influence
it
has
had…I’d
say
I’m
a
mixture…West
Indian
is
day
to
day,
I
don’t
really
listen
to
African
music
or
African
dancing…It’s
more
based
on
the
Jamaican
[…]
I
had
a
stronger
Caribbean
influence…on
the
Ghanaian
I
know
a
few
bits,
influence
is
not
that
really
strong…After
next
year
[when
she
goes
to
Ghana]
it
might
be
different…in
Ghana…I
haven’t
been
to
Jamaica
yet…My
partner’s
mum,
she’s
Jamaican,
I
lived
with
her
for
a
long
time…My
foster
carer…well,
I’ve
been
there
twice…my
other
foster
carer
who
I
was
with
when
I
was
15,
she
was
Jamaican…When
I
was
pregnant
at
15,
I
had
a
miscarriage,
but
when
I
was
pregnant,
the
father,
that
was
partner,
he
was
Jamaican…so
all
his
family
was
Jamaican…and
I
was
around
Jamaicans,
and
the
music,
and
the
food.
Moreover,
the
quote
below
shows
how
important
this
‘African
origin’
was
for
her:
(Question)
How
important
is
your
African
side?
70
(Nathalie)
It’s
very,
very
important,
cos
my
family
is
very
strict
and
traditional,
I’ve
got
to
learn
more
about
it…I’d
say,
it’s
more
important…Cos
a
lot
of
my
family
follow
certain
rules…
While
Nathalie
mentioned
her
future
trip
to
Ghana
and
how
it
might
change
the
perception
of
her
identity,
the
majority
of
the
participants
have
never
been
to
Africa
or
the
Caribbean,
i.e.
to
visit
the
‘black
side’
of
their
family.
It
was
the
case
of
Leo
(11,
Jamaican/English-‐
Jamaican
background)
who,
interestingly,
found
it
embarrassing
to
speak
Jamaican
patois:
(Question)
Do
you
have
any
family
in
Jamaica
then?
(Leo)
Yeah,
I
think
my
cousins
are
in
Jamaica.
I
don’t
really
see
them
often
cos
I
never
go
to
Jamaica.
(Question)
So
you’ve
never
been
to
Jamaica…
(Leo)
Yeah.
(Question)
With
your
parents,
which
language
do
you
speak?
English?
(Leo)
English…And…I
don’t
speak
Jamaican,
cos
I
think
it’s
embarrassing.
I
could
speak
it…but
I
don’t
wanna
speak
it…
(Question)
What’s
the
difference
between
English
and
Jamaican?
(Leo)
Jamaican
is
a
bit
louder,
English
is
kind
of
more
posh.
-‐
British/English
identities
If
we
look
now
at
how
British
and
English
identities
were
perceived
by
the
mixed-‐heritage
youth,
we
can
say
first
that
the
establishment
of
a
direct
correspondence
between
‘being
English’
and
‘being
white’
was
not
recurrent
among
them
-‐
while
it
was
a
salient
tendency
among
many
of
the
British
Bangladeshi
youth
interviewed.
Some
participants,
like
Nick
(15,
Jamaican/White
English)
or
Alex
(15,
Jamaican/White
English)
did
not,
in
fact,
really
make
a
difference
between
English
and
British:
(Question)
Do
you
feel
European?
(Nick)
No…None
of
them…
(Question)
What
about
English?
(Nick)
English
is
basically
the
same
as
British…This
is
country
[British
card],
this
is
part
of
the
country
[English
card]…
(Question)
Do
you
feel
patriotic
about
Britain?
(Alex)
What’s
that
mean?
(Question)
Like
proud…
(Alex)
Yeah…
(Question)
Why?
(Alex)
I’m
not
sure…Cos
that’s
where
I’m
from…
(Question)
Do
you
feel
patriotic
with
any
other
country?
Like
Jamaica
or?
(Alex)
No…
(Question)
Do
you
make
a
difference
being
English
and
British?
(Alex)
I
don’t
think
there
is
a
difference…
71
When
asked
if
they
were
proud
about
Britain
only
Jade
said
that
‘she
did
not
like
Britain’:
(Question)
Do
you
feel
proud
about
Britain?
(Jade)
No…I
don’t
like
Britain…I
don’t
like
the
people,
I
just
don’t
like
it…It’s
just
the
rudeness…Basically
you
can
be
walking
the
street
with
your
friends,
and
you
hear
people
bitchin’
about
you
behind
you
back…for
no
reason,
people
just
being
people…
(Question)
Is
it
any
other
country
that
you
do
like?
America?
(Jade)
I
just
know
Florida,
but
sometimes
they
are
worse
than
the
people
over
here….Over
here,
there’s
only
a
few
decent
people,
but…some
of
them
are
just
so
bitchy
and
so
rude…Cos
they
think
cos
they’re
American,
they’re
better
than
you…
Some
participants,
like
Rachel
(15,
Jamaican/White
English),
did
not
provide
clear-‐cut
responses:
(Question)
Do
you
feel
patriotic
or
proud
about
Britain?
(Rachel)
Yeah,
I
guess…but
not
hugely…But
yeah,
proud
to
be
British…
(Question)
Do
you
see
a
difference
between
being
British
and
being
English?
(Rachel)
I
think
there
are
differences…Like
if
you
live
in
Scotland
or
Wales…You’d
say
Scotland
is
better
than
England…
It
was
also
the
case
of
Chris
(17,
Jamaican/White
English)
who,
however,
stressed
the
advantage
of
a
‘free’
British
health
care
system
when
drawing
a
comparison
with
the
USA,
before
explaining
why
he
preferred
the
term
‘English’
to
the
term
‘British’:
(Question)
Do
you
feel
proud
about
Britain?
(Chris)
Not
necessarily...Yes
and
no.
Like
if
someone
came
up
to
me
and
says
‘fight
for
your
country!’...And
I’d
say
yeah...I
live
in
Britain...They
have
certain...whassit
called,
certain
regulations
we
get
for
free...like
the
NHS
for
example,
we
get
that
free,
whereas
in
America,
you
have
to
pay
for
all
of
that...Britain
is
better
cos
we
got
lots
of
things
for
free,
through
the
NHS
and
all
that...
[…]
To
be
honest
I
don’t
like
the
word
British...It
sounds
corny...I
would
prefer
to
be
called
English...You
know,
there
is
a
game,
if
someone
says
a
word
to
you,
you
gotta
say
the
first
thing
you
think...So
if
someone
said
‘English’;
I’d
probably
say
like
‘myself’,
or
‘language’
or
‘education’...But
if
someone
said
‘British’,
I’d
probably
think
‘pork’,
pork
chop’
something....So
personally
I
don’t
like
the
word
‘British’...
Other
participants
were
more
definite
in
their
responses,
for
instance
Jade
(16,
St
Vincent/White
English)
whose
pride
of
being
English
was
linked
to
the
language:
(Question)
What
about
the
British
identity?
(Nathalie)
I’d
say
it’s
important
cos
I’m
proud
to
be
British…I
am
proud
to
be
born
here…
(Question)
And
English?
(Nathalie)
English,
I’m
proud
of
because
English
is
the
same
as
British
and
a
lot
of
people
speak
the
English
language…or
learn
it…So
I’m
very
proud…even
the
American
speak
English,
they
don’t
speak
American…
72
-‐Urban
and
local
identities
Finally,
it
seemed
that
there
was
a
stronger
emphasis
on
urban/local
identities
among
mixed-‐heritage
youth
than
among
British
Bangladeshis.
For
instance,
Nathalie
(17,
mixed
African-‐White/White
Scottish)
said
she
was
‘proud’
to
be
from
London
and
also
talked
about
her
local
area:
(Question)
What
about
being
a
Londoner?
(Nathalie)
I’d
say
it’s
important
as
well,
cos
I’m
proud
to
be
from
London…
(Question)
From
you
local
area?
That’s
Thornton
Heath?
(Nathalie)
Yeah,
around
there…I
think
it’s
important
cos
that
influences
me,
the
way
that
I
am,
the
way
that
I
speak…
For
Nick
(15,
Jamaican/White
English),
being
from
Kennington
was
an
important
part
of
his
identity.
During
the
interview,
he
referred
to
a
sense
of
family
and
unity
(Question)
Which
card
would
be
number
4?
(Nick)
From
Kennington…
(Question)
It’s
important
for
you?
(Nick)
Yeah,
it’s
like
a
family
unit…Everybody
knows
each
other,
like
a
culture…Everybody
is
connected
in
some
way…It’s
like
a
family,
do
you
know
what
I’m
trying
to
say?
Everybody
has
to
get
along
with
each
other…
(Question)
There’s
a
strong…
(Nick)
Bond…Especially
with
the
youth
together…
Moreover,
when
initially
asked
about
how
he
would
describe
himself,
Leo
(11,
Jamaican/English-‐Jamaican
background)
talked
about
the
significance
of
a
local
urban
identity,
especially
with
regards
to
language
and
the
bodily
technique
of
an
authentic
‘bop’
Brixton
street
style:
(Leo)
I’d
say
I
am
from
Brixton…
(Question)
Why?
(Leo)
Cos
I
talk
like
them,
I
walk
like…
(Question)
You
walk?
(Leo)
Yeah,
you
know
the
people
how
they
walk…They
have
this
kind
of
style…It’s
called
the
‘bop’…
(Question)
The
bop?
What
does
that
mean?
(Leo)
It’s
like
they
walk
in
a
certain
kind
of
way…
(Question)
And
you
can
tell
that
they’re
from
Brixton?
(Leo)
Yeah...But
if
it
was
you,
a
Frenchman,
who
would
walk
in
this
kind
of
style,
it
would
really
look
funny…
73
Contexts
of
identities
British
Bangladeshi
youth
One
of
the
central
objectives
of
our
research
was
to
shed
light
on
how
British
Bangladeshi
and
mixed-‐heritage
youth
negotiate
and
‘manage’
their
multiple
identities
in
context.
To
do
so,
we
asked
our
participants
which
identity
they
would
use
to
describe
themselves
in
reference
to
three
different
environments:
at
home,
at
school
and
with
their
friends.
The
results
for
the
British
Bangladeshi
youth
are
presented
in
the
table
3,
below.
Table
3
–
Identities
and
contexts,
British
Bangladeshi
youth
Name
Gender
Age
Rupna
Basima
Muna
Munira
Pari
Fatima
Shiraj
Ahmed
Noor
Abdul
Karim
Ayub
Female
Female
Female
Female
Female
Female
Male
Male
Male
Male
Male
Male
13
16
14
11
15
14
14
13
16
16
14
12
Identity
at
home
Identity
at
school
Identity
with
friends
(outside
school)
Bengali/Bangladeshi
Bengali/Bangladeshi
English
Bengali
British
Bengali
Bengali
Bengali/British/Muslim
Bengali
(with
Bengali
friends)
Bangladeshi
Muslim
Bangladeshi
Mixed
British
Bangladeshi
Bangladeshi
British
Bengali
Bengali/Muslim
Bengali/Muslim
Bengali/Muslim
Bengali
British
British
Bengali/Muslim
English/Bengali
English/Bengali
Bengali
Bengali/British
Bengali
Bangladeshi
From
Camden
-‐
Muslim
Bengali
Bengali/Londoner
Among
the
British
Bangladeshi
participants
there
was
a
strong
tendency
to
choose
the
categories
‘Bangladeshi’
and
‘Bengali’
with
reference
to
the
domestic
sphere.
For
instance,
we
can
quote
here
Fatima
(14):
(Question)
When
at
home
which
card
would
you
choose
to
describe
yourself?
(Fatima)
I
feel
more
Bangladeshi…Cos
my
whole
family
is
Bangladeshi…And
when
outside
with
friends,
not
everyone
is
Bangladeshi,
but
when
I’m
at
home,
I
feel
more
Bangladeshi…
The
dominant
aspect
of
this
choice
was
language.
It
appears
that
British
Bangladeshi
participants
mainly
speak
Sylheti/Bengali
at
home
with
their
parents.
Yet,
many
also
said
switching
often
between
languages,
i.e.
speaking
English
with
their
siblings
or
a
combination
of
English
and
Sylheti/Bengali
to
their
siblings
and
parents.
In
addition
to
language,
Basima
(16)
also
mentioned
food
as
a
relevant
marker
of
her
sense
of
Bengaliness
at
home:
(Question)
At
home
do
you
feel
more
British,
Muslim,
Bengali…which
one?
(Basima)
More
Bengali…
(Question)
Why?
(Basima)
Cos
we
talk
Bengali
all
the
time,
and
we
have
curry
and
stuff…
74
Abdul
(16),
Munira
(11)
and
Ahmed
(13)
also
referred
to
language
as
shown
by
the
quotes
below:
(Question)
When
you
are
at
home,
do
you
feel
more
Bengali,
British
or
Muslim?
(Abdul)
Bengali…Because
everyone
in
the
house
is
Bengali
and
I
speak
to
my
mum
and
my
brother-‐in-‐law
in
Bengali…
Question)
At
home,
which
card
would
you
choose?
(Munira)
Bangladeshi…Because
there’s
Bangladeshi
people
around
me
and
I
always
talk
in
that
way…
(Question)
When
you’re
at
home
do
you
feel
more....?
(Ahmed)
Bengali…
(Question)
How
come?
(Ahmed)
Cos
mostly
I
speak
Bengali
at
home…
Religion
was
not
as
important
as
Bengali/Bangladeshi
ethnicity
but
was
still
present
in
the
discourses.
In
his
response,
Noor
(16)
mentioned
the
practice
of
religion
(the
prayers)
as
well
as
language:
(Question)
When
you’re
at
home,
do
you
feel
more....like
Bengali,
British
or
English
or
Muslim
or...?
(Noor)
Mainly,
bit
of
both,
of
Bengali
and
Muslim…
(Question)
How
come?
(Noor)
Cos
I
talk
more
Bengali,
cos
prayers
and
everything.
(Question)
You’re
practising
Islam?
(Noor)
Yeah…
Ayub
(12)
also
mentioned
the
prayers:
(Question)
At
home,
which
identity?
(Ayub)
Muslim…
(Question)
Why?
(Ayub)
Cos
I
have
to
pray…
Pari’s
(15)
sense
of
identity
at
home
was
different
in
comparison
with
the
rest
of
the
participants.
It
involved
a
combination
of
religion,
with
her
mother’s
practices,
ethnicity,
with
the
Bengali
TV
programmes,
and
Britishness,
with
her
dress
style:
(Question)
When
at
home,
do
you
feel
more
British,
Muslim
or
Bangladeshi?
(Pari)
There’s
not
a
certain
thing
I
feel…I
don’t
know,
all
of
them,
because
when
I’m
at
home,
it’s
all
about
Islam
cos
my
mum
is
always
talking
about
it,
she’s
praying
or
she’s
reading
or
there’s
a
Bengali
programme
on,
so
here
it’s
Bengali
and
the
way
I’m
dressed,
I’m
dressed
like
a
British
person.
Regarding
the
school
environment,
we
can
say
that
language
represents
a
relevant
marker
as
well
when
several
participants
justified
their
choice
of
a
British
identity
in
this
context.
75
The
following
quotes
from
the
interviews
with
Basima
(16)
and
Ahmed
(13)
can
illustrate
this:
(Question)
When
you’re
at
school?
(Basima)
Probably
British…
(Question)
Why?
(Basima)
Cos
we’re
talking
in
English
all
the
time
and
I
don’t
know…
I
think
that’s
about
it…
(Question)
Which
identity
when
you’re
at
school?
(Ahmed)
British…
(Question)
Why?
(Ahmed)
Cos
everyone
around
me
is
speaking
English.
Different
people
and
they’re
British
as
well…
Ayub’s
(12)
response
suggested
the
influence
of
a
specific
peer
group
socialisation
as
he
defined
his
identity
at
school
in
the
context
of
a
separation
betweens
different
‘crews’:
(Question)
At
school?
(Ayub)
Bengali…because
everyone
is
separate,
everyone’s
got
their
own
crew,
like
Bengali…
(Question)
So
you’re
part
of
the
Bengali
crew
then?
(Ayub)
Bengalis,
Indians…
While
Fatima
(14)
said
‘she
felt
British
because
everyone
in
the
school
was
British’,
Pari’s
answer
was
different:
(Question)
For
the
school,
which
card
would
you
choose?
(Pari)
I’m
more
British
than
anything…Because
there’s
not
religion,
except
for
R.E….And
you
know
they
don’t
consider
you
as
Bangladeshi,
kind
of
thing…Cos
they
don’t
know
I’m
born
in
Bangladesh
or
anything…They
just
think
you’re
Indian…
Several
youth,
such
as
Abdul
(16)
and
Noor
(16)
chose
to
combine
categories
of
identity
(Bengali,
British
and
English)
in
reference
to
the
school
environment:
(Question)
At
school
which
card
would
you
choose?
(Abdul)
A
bit
of
Bengali
and
British…Because
I
was
born
in
London
and
there’s
other
people
that
were
born
in
their
country…
(Question)
And
when
you
are
at
school?
(Noor)
Mainly
English
and
Bengali…English
because
the
whole
school
is
basically
in
England
and
everything…a
lot
more
speak
English
with
people…And
Bengali
because
everyone,
the
community
at
school
is
mainly
Bengali…And
being
a
Bengali
is
pretty
important
to
me.
Shiraj
combined
the
religious
and
ethnic
identities,
justifying
his
choice
of
the
category
‘Muslim’
by
highlighting
the
relation
between
religious
affiliation
and
the
socialisation
dynamics
in
his
school:
76
(Question)
What
about
when
you’re
at
school,
which
card
would
you
choose?
(Shiraj)
Muslim.
(Question)
Why?
(Shiraj)…and
Bengali…
(Question)
How
come
Muslim?
(Shiraj)
…There’s
not
a
lot
of
Bengalis
in
my
school…You’ll
see
Muslims
and
Muslims
hanging
around…The
Christians
will
start
hanging
around
with
us
too…
Munira,
who
attends
a
Church
of
England
school,
explained
why
she
chose
the
category
‘Muslim’:
(Question)
And
when
you
are
at
school?
(Munira)
Muslim,
because
I
am
Muslim,
you
don’t
have
to
know
what
other
country
I
am
from…Everyone
knows
I
am
Muslim
and
you
don’t
have
to
know
if
I’m
Bangladeshi…
(Question)
Maybe
it’s
because
you
go
to
a
Church
of
England
school?
(Munira)
Yeah,
and
I’m
still
a
Muslim…
Regarding
the
peer
group
context,
there
was
also
a
diversity
of
responses.
For
instance,
Rupna
(13)
chose
the
English
card
because
of
language,
but
Fatima
(14),
also
because
of
language,
felt
Bengali:
(Question)
What
about
with
your
friends?
(Rupna)
This
[the
‘English’
card].
(Question)
English?
(Rupna)
Yeah…Because
I
will
speak
that
language
to
communicate
with
most
of
them,
so…
(Question)
With
your
friends?
(Fatima)
I’d
feel
Bengali…Cos
most
of
my
friends
are
Bengali,
and
I
talk
Bengali
to
them…
Shiraj
(14)
chose
the
religious
category,
saying
that
he
has
some
(non-‐Bengali)
Muslim
friends:
(Shiraj)
Actually
Muslim…They’re
not
Muslim,
they’re
Christian…But
the
Kosovan
one
and
the
Somalian
one,
they’re
Muslim…So
I
prefer
Muslim.
While
Ahmed
(13)
felt
British
because
‘his
friends
are
British’,
Noor
chose
English
(and
‘a
bit
of
Bengali’)
because
of
the
English
language
that
he
speaks
with
them:
(Question)
With
your
friends?
(Noor)
Mainly
English,
but
a
bit
of
Bengali…Cos
we
talk
in
English
and
the
environment
is
mainly
in
English,
everywhere
you
go,
it’s
basically
England…
(Question)
What
are
you
doing
that
makes
you
feel
English?
(Noor)
I
talk
in
English…
77
Abdul’s
(16)
discourse
was
interesting
insofar
as
it
suggested
the
role
of
ethno-‐national
boundaries
in
reinforcing
the
awareness
of
a
Bengali
identity
in
the
peer
group
context:
(Question)
With
your
friends?
(Abdul)
It
depends
which
friends
I’m
with,
cos
most
of
the
time
I’m
with
friends
that
are
from
other
countries
and
I
feel
Bengali…
(Question)
Why?
(Abdul)
Because
it’s
like
a
category
kinda
thing,
they’re
from
Sudan
or
Iraq
or
whatever
and
I’m
from
Bangladesh,
I’m
Bengali…
Finally,
in
order
to
make
sense
of
the
variety
of
discourses
on
identity
among
friends,
we
also
took
into
account
the
socialisation
patterns
of
youth
and
the
composition
of
their
peer
groups.
Table
4
shows
the
importance
of
‘Bengali
friends’
but
also
how
diverse
the
ethnic
background
of
our
young
participants’
friends,
especially
school
friends,
can
be.
Table
4
-‐
Peer
groups
and
socialisation,
British
Bangladeshi
youth
Name
Rupna
Basima
Gender
Female
Female
Age
13
16
School
South
Camden
South
Camden
Muna
Female
14
Haverstock
Munira
Female
11
St
M.
C.
of
E.
Pari
Female
15
E.
G.
Anderson
Fatima
Female
14
South
Camden
Shiraj
Male
14
N.
Westminster
Ahmed
Male
13
N.
Westminster
Noor
Male
16
South
Camden
Abdul
Male
16
N.
Westminster
Karim
Male
14
South
Camden
Ayub
Male
12
South
Camden
Peer
groups/friends
‘I’ve
got
a
mixture
of
friends’
‘My
closest
friends,
they’re
all
Bengali…But
obviously
in
school
I
have,
like,
other
friends…
Some
are
Turkish,
white
girls,
black
and
Somalians’
‘I’ve
only
got
Bengali
friends
outside
of
school…like
my
mates
I
used
to
go
primary
school
with’.
At
school:
‘All
different…some
are
Arabic,
Iranian,
Croatian,
Kosovan,
Italian,
Malian,
Jamaican,
white…everywhere…’
‘Some
friends
from
Bangladesh,
but
I
don’t
quite
like
staying
with
them…and
English
people
of
course
and
my
two
best
friend’
Only
Bengali
friends
Bengali
friends
but
also
‘Filipino,
Indian…Somalian
[friends]’
at
school
Mixed
Mixed:
‘There’s
Bengali,
mixed-‐race,
there’s
black,
there’s
white…I’ve
got
a
mate
he’s
a
quarter
Singaporean
and
three
quarters
Bengali…I’ve
got
a
mate
that
is
Chinese
and
Italian’
Bengali
friends
and
‘three
of
my
friends
are
Moroccan,
from
Afghanistan
and
Turkish’
Bengali
friends
and
‘I’ve
got
Arabic
friends,
Somalian
friends,
black
friends,
all
sorts…I’ve
got
white
friends’
Mixed
‘Most
of
them
are
Bengali,
some
are
Indian,
one
or
two
of
them,
and
the
rest
are
English’
78
Moreover,
during
the
interview,
we
asked
our
participants
to
indicate
the
ethnic
background
of
their
three
best
friends.
While
a
certain
diversity
of
ethnic
backgrounds
was
also
noticeable
(see
table
5),
especially
among
boys,
three
quarter
of
the
respondents
had
at
least
one
Bengali
boy
or
girl
among
their
three
best
friends.
Table
5
-‐
The
three
best
friends
of
British
Bangladeshi
participants
Name
Gender
Age
School
Best
friend
1
Best
friend
2
Best
friend
3
Rupna
Female
13
South
Camden
Bengali
girl
Black
girl
White
girl
Basima
Female
16
South
Camden
Bengali
girl
Bengali
girl
Bengali
girl
Muna
Female
14
Haverstock
Somali
girl
Arabic
girl
White
girl
Munira
Female
11
St
M.
C
.of
E.
Bengali
girl
Bengali
girl
White
English
girl
Pari
Female
15
E.
G.
Anderson
Bengali
girl
Bengali
girl
Bengali
girl
Fatima
Female
14
South
Camden
Bengali
girl
Bengali
girl
Bengali
girl
Shiraj
Male
14
N.
Westminster
Filipino
boy
Kosovan
boy
Somali
boy
Ahmed
Male
13
N.
Westminster
Black
boy
Black
boy
Mixed-‐race
boy
Noor
Male
16
South
Camden
Bengali
boy
Bengali
boy
Bengali
boy
Abdul
Male
16
N.
Westminster
Sudanese
boy
Arabic
boy
Arabic
boy
Karim
Male
14
South
Camden
Bengali
boy
Bengali
boy
Kuwaiti
boy
Ayub
Male
12
South
Camden
Indian
boy
Bengali
boy
English
boy
Regarding
these
friendship
links
with
Bengali
youth,
Fatima
(14)
talked
about
an
easier
interaction
based
on
a
common
‘culture’
and
‘background’:
(Question)
Your
friends?
They
are
only
Bengali?
(Fatima)
Not
only,
Filipino,
Indian…Somalian….school
friends…
(Question)
What
about
your
three
closest
friends?
(Fatima)
One
is
my
age
and
she’s
Bengali,
then
S.
is
Bengali
and
then
N.
is
Bengali…My
age…
(Question)
Why
are
they
your
three
best
friends?
(Fatima)
Cos
it’s
easy
to
interact
with
them
and,
it’s
easier
to
talk
to
them…because
they
know
about
their
culture,
because
they’re
Bengali
and
everything…
But
it
was
the
important
notion
of
mutual
understanding
which
was
dominant,
as
shown
by
the
discourses
of
Basima
(16),
Pari
(15)
and
Noor
(16):
(Question)
Who
would
you
say
are
your
three
best
friends?
(Basima)
The
three
closest
ones
are
Bengali…
(Question)
Why?
(Basima)
I
don’t
know,
sometimes
they
understand…you…your
background
and
stuff.
(Question)
Because
they’re
Bengali
as
well?
(Basima)
Yeah...
(Question)
So
you
have
only
Bengali
friends
then?
(Pari)
At
the
moment,
yeah…
79
(Question)
No
others,
why?
(Pari)
Because
I
get
along
with
my
kind
of
cultural
people
more,
they
understand
me
more…
(Question)
What
about
your
three
best
friends?
(Noor)
All
Bengali,
yeah…
(Question)
How
come?
(Noor)
Because
they
understand
my
problems,
they
would
know
what’s
going
on
cos
they’re
Bengali
as
well…If
I
have
any
home
problems,
it’s
easier
to
understand
because
they’re
Bengali
as
well…They
probably
went
through
the
same
problems…
Mixed-‐heritage
youth
As
suggested
by
table
6
(below)
there
was
a
great
diversity
of
identities
chosen
by
the
mixed-‐heritage
participants
for
each
different
context.
Regarding
the
domestic
environment,
and
as
opposed
to
the
British
Bangladeshi
case,
there
was
no
real
dominant
trend.
Leo
(11,
Jamaican/English-‐Jamaican
background)
said
that
he
‘felt
black’
in
all
three
environments,
even
with
his
white
English
mother,
who,
according
to
him
also
wants
‘to
be
on
the
black
side’.
Mark
(11,
Jamaican/Scottish
background)
said
that
he
sees
himself
as
‘black
British’
when
with
his
dad
and
‘English’
with
him
mum.
In
the
case
of
parents
living
separately,
this
sense
of
biculturalism
with
an
ability
to
navigate
between
different
social
and/or
domestic
worlds
was
indeed
salient
among
some
mixed-‐heritage
youth.
For
instance,
Chris
(17,
Jamaican/White
English)
explained
how
at
home
with
his
white
mum
his
‘English,
British
side’
was
more
important
even
though
she
‘sees
him
as
a
black
person’,
while
with
his
Jamaican
brother-‐in-‐law
he
felt
more
Jamaican:
(Chris)
[My
identity
at
home]
is
a
mixture
of
both,
Jamaican
and
English...Even
my
mum
talks
about
the
black
people,
the
black
culture
and
all
that.
It’s
racist
but...my
mum
sees
me
as
a
black
person
and
she
makes
joke
about
it...Say
for
example,
I
am
talking
to
her,
she
would
come
up
with
something
like
‘Oh
nigger,
please’
...
Even
my
brother
would
laugh,
and
he’s
black
himself,
and
he
makes
black
jokes...And
I’d
say,
when
I
am
with
my
brother-‐in-‐law,
it’s
more
my
Jamaican
side,
and
when
I
am
with
my
mum
it’s
more
my
English,
British
side.
80
Table
6
–
Identities
and
contexts,
mixed-‐heritage
youth
Name
Gender
Age
Leo
Male
11
Mark
Male
11
Nick
Male
15
Alex
Male
15
John
Male
17
Chris
Male
17
Charlotte
Female
16
Rachel
Female
15
Rose
Female
11
Helen
Female
12
Nathalie
Female
17
Jade
Female
16
Background
(F=Father;
M=Mother)
(F)
Jamaican/
(M)
English-‐Jamaican
(F)
Jamaican/
(M)
Scottish
Identity
at
home
Identity
at
school
Black
Black
Identity
friends
school)
Black
Local
area
Black
‘More
black’
-‐
South
Norwood
South
Norwood
-‐
-‐
Black
-‐
-‐
-‐
-‐
-‐
Christian
Christian
Mixed-‐race
-‐
Ditto
Ditto
+
local
area
Mixed-‐race
Mixed-‐race
Black
British
(with
father)
English
(with
mother
(F)
Jamaican/
(M)
Black
and
white
(with
White
English
mother)
(F)
Jamaican/
(M)
Mixed-‐race
and
White
English
South
Norwood
(F)
Barbados/
(M)
-‐
White
English
(F)
Jamaican/
(M)
Jamaican
(with
White
English
brother-‐in-‐law)
British/English
(with
mother)
(F)
White
English/
English
and
Black
(M)
Jamaican
(with
mother)
(F)
Jamaican/
(M)
-‐
White
English
(F)
Jamaican/
(M)
Christian
White
English
(F)
Eurasian/
(M)
Christian,
mixed-‐race
Ghanaian
and
African
(F)
Ghanaian-‐ Christian,
mixed-‐
Finnish/
(M)
White
race,
African
and
Scottish
West
Indian
(F)
St
Vincent/W
Mixed-‐race
(M)
White
English
Charlotte
(16,
Jamaican/White
English)
who
grew
up
in
a
white
environment
and
lives
with
her
British
Jamaican
mother
and
white
English
step-‐father
talked
about
a
‘mix’
of
identities
at
home,
playing
with
stereotypes
when
giving
some
interesting
anecdotes:
(Charlotte)
In
my
mum’s
house,
I
guess
I
feel
English….No
actually,
in
fact,
it’s
a
mix
between
black
and
English…Because
sometimes
my
mum
wants
to
kick
off,
like
you
just
hear
some
Jamaican
accents
flying
about
the
house…Then
I
have
a
step-‐dad,
he’s
very
British,
so…He
speaks
very
like,
he
speaks
like
‘oh
dear’
[imitating
stereotypical
English
accent]…He
drinks
a
lot
of
tea…He’s
proper
stereotyped
English
person…Speaks
very
well,
drinks
a
lot
of
tea,
he
has
lots
of
scones.
Not
a
lot
of
English
people
have
scones
and
tea
and
stuff…it’s
more
like
coffee,
burger,
a
bit
of
chips…I
guess
I’m
pretty
much
English…
Helen
(12,
Eurasian/British
Ghanaian)
and
Nathalie
(17,
mixed
African-‐White/White
Scottish)
also
chose
a
combination
of
identities,
including
‘mixed-‐race’:
81
with
(outside
At
home,
which
identity
would
describe
you?
What
identity
is
the
strongest?
(Helen)
Being
a
Christian…to
me…I
like
being
a
Christian
and
I
like
also
being
African
and
mixed-‐race,
cos
some
people
they
don’t
really
know
that
much
about
Africa…so
I
told
them
about
being
African
and
then
they’re
fascinated…
(Question)
(Question)
So
when
you’re
at
home
what
identity
is
important
to
describe
you?
(Nathalie)
Christian
and
mixed-‐race…Cos
my
faith
again,
is
the
strongest
part
me…and
mixed-‐race
because
that’s
my
foundation…
of
Moreover,
regarding
the
school
context,
there
was
also
a
certain
diversity
of
responses.
Chris
(17,
Jamaican/White
English)
said
he
felt
‘more
black
because
surrounded
by
black
people’,
but
also
because
a
lot
of
teachers
and
students
thought
he
was
black:
(Question)
And
at
school?
(Chris)
Black...
A
lot
of
teachers
and
students
thought
I
was
more
black...
(Question)
What
sort
of
identity
would
you?
(Nick)
At
school,
I
feel
more
black,
because
surrounded
by
black
people…
Several
participants
referred
to
a
local
neighbourhood
identity,
like
Alex
(15,
Jamaican/White
English):
(Question)
At
school
how
do
you
feel?
(Alex)
South
Norwood…Cos
that’s
where
I
hang
about
most
of
the
time…
When
John
(17,
Barbados/White
English)
mentioned
the
lack
of
interaction
between
black
and
white
pupils,
he
explained
that
being
mixed-‐race
allows
him
to
‘mix
with
both’
in
the
school
environment:
(Question)
At
school
how
do
you
feel?
(John)
Mostly
mixed-‐race…Because
black
people
don’t
mix
with
the
white
people
that
much
and
the
white
people
don’t
mix
with
the
white
people
that
much…Being
a
mixed-‐race
I
can
mix
with
both…
Regarding
the
important
dimension
of
friendship
and
peer
grouping,
there
was
no
clear
dominant
pattern
of
socialisation
among
the
mixed-‐heritage
youth
interviewed.
Table
7
gives
some
details
about
the
variety
of
these
dynamics
of
socialisation.
It
is
interesting
to
note
that
Rachel
(15,
Jamaican/White
English)
‘feels
more
white’
and
has
mostly
white
friends
while
several
youth,
like
Rose
(11),
her
younger
sister,
and
Leo
(11,
Jamaican/English-‐Jamaican),
whose
identification
to
blackness
was
more
salient
than
the
rest
of
the
individuals
in
the
sample,
said
having
mostly
black
friends.
Yet,
as
Les
Back
(1996:
157)
has
shown
this
attachment
to
a
black-‐dominated
peer
group
does
not
necessarily
involve
the
prioritisation
of
an
exclusive
black
identity
by
the
mixed-‐heritage
individuals.
Indeed,
in
the
case
of
Rose
the
mixed-‐race
and
religious
identities
were
also
greatly
socially
relevant
in
specific
contexts,
including
the
school
context.
82
It
emerged
that,
in
fact,
many
youth
move
between
different
peer
groups.
For
instance,
several
participants
said
having
a
mixed
group
of
friends
outside
school
(a
friendship
usually
based
on
local
ties
and/or
on
a
past
common
primary
school
attendance)
and
mostly
black
friends
at
school
(see
table
7).
Moreover
the
three
best
friends
of
many
participants
are
ethnically
diverse.
Four
youth
also
said
having
at
least
a
mixed-‐race
boy
or
girl
among
their
three
best
friends.
Table
7
-‐
Peer
group
and
socialisation
Name
Gender
Age
Leo
Male
11
Mark
Male
11
Nick
Male
15
Alex
Male
15
John
Male
17
Chris
Male
17
Charlotte
Female
16
Rachel
Female
15
Rose
Female
11
Helen
Female
12
Nathalie
Female
17
Jade
Female
16
Background
(F=Father;
M=Mother)
(F)
Jamaican/
(M)
English-‐
Jamaican
(F)
Jamaican/
(M)
Scottish
(F)
Jamaican/
(M)
White
English
(F)
Jamaican/
(M)
White
English
(F)
Barbados/
(M)
White
English
(F)
Jamaican/
(M)
White
English
(F)
White
English/
(M)
Jamaican
(F)
Jamaican/
(M)
White
English
(F)
Jamaican/
(M)
White
English
(F)
Eurasian/
(M)
Ghanaian
(F)
Ghanaian-‐Finnish/
(M)
White
Scottish
(F)
St
Vincent/W
(M)
White
English
Peer
group/friends
Mostly
black
Jamaican
friends
‘All
colours’
Mixed
outside
and
at
school
mostly
black
friends
Mixed
outside
and
at
school
mostly
black
friends
‘I
don’t
really
care
what
they
are…a
mix,
white,
black…some
Asians’
‘Mixed
friends…few
Asians,
lot
of
black
people…whites.
I
try
to
be
with
everyone
as
much
as
possible’
Mixed,
different
groups
of
friends
‘Most
of
my
friends
are
actually
white…a
couple
of
black
friends,
but
no
other
racial
background’
Mostly
black
friends
Mixed
Mixed
outside
and
at
school
mostly
black
friends
Mostly
white
friends
(before
mostly
black
friends
at
school)
83
Table
8
-‐
The
3
best
friends
of
mixed-‐heritage
participants
Name
Gender
Age
Leo
Male
11
Mark
Male
11
Nick
Male
15
Alex
Male
15
John
Male
17
Chris
Male
17
Charlotte
Female
16
Rachel
Female
15
Rose
Female
11
Helen
Female
12
Nathalie
Female
17
Jade
Female
16
Background
(F=Father;
M=Mother)
(F)
Jamaican/
(M)
English-‐
Jamaican
(F)
Jamaican/
(M)
Scottish
(F)
Jamaican/
(M)
White
English
(F)
Jamaican/
(M)
White
English
(F)
Barbados/
(M)
White
English
(F)
Jamaican/
(M)
White
English
(F)
White
English/
(M)
Jamaican
(F)
Jamaican/
(M)
White
English
(F)
Jamaican/
(M)
White
English
(F)
Eurasian/
(M)
Ghanaian
(F)
Ghanaian-‐Finnish/
(M)
White
Scottish
Best
friend
1
Best
friend
2
Jamaican
boy
Best
friend
3
Mixed-‐race
boy
Mixed-‐race
Mixed-‐race
boy
boy
Black
boy
Black
boy
(Caribbean)
(African)
Mixed-‐race
Black
boy
(Caribbean)
White
boy
Black
boy
Portuguese
boy
Mixed-‐race
boy
-‐
Mixed-‐race
boy
White
Irish
girl
Black
boy
White
girl
Mixed-‐race
boy
Italian-‐Belgian
boy
White
girl
Black
girl
Black
girl
White
girl
White
girl
White
girl
Black
girl
Black
(African)
Black
girl
(Caribbean)
girl
(F)
St
Vincent/W
(M)
White
girl
White
girl
White
English
Black
boy
(Caribbean)
Black
boy
Black
girl
White
girl
Black
(Caribbean)
girl
White
girl
-‐
Biculturalism
and
the
location
of
‘mixed-‐race’
identity
The
aim
of
this
last
section
is
to
shed
some
light
on
the
ways
in
which
the
biculturalism
and
the
multiplicity
of
identities
is
described
in
relation
to
the
positionality
and
the
location
of
‘mixed-‐race’
belongings.
One
of
the
most
important
findings
of
the
research
is
that
there
was
no
apparent
feeling
of
marginality
expressed
when
our
mixed-‐heritage
participants
talked
about
their
identities
and
experiences
of
different
cultural
and
social
worlds.
As
it
was
the
case
with
the
British
Bangladeshi
youth
interviewed,
they
did
not
see
themselves
as
being
‘caught
between
two
cultures’.
Rather,
they
were
keen
to
use
such
expressions
as
‘combination’,
‘mix’,
‘mixed
culture’,
etc.
when
referring
to
their
sense
of
identity.
The
data
collected
also
showed
how
the
sense
of
identity
was
fluid,
changing
and
contextually
contingent.
For
instance,
we
can
quote
Chris
(17,
Jamaican/White
English)
whose
discourse
also
suggested
the
role
that
social
contexts
played
in
the
dynamics
of
cultural
affiliation:
(Question)
Do
you
view
yourself
between
two
cultures?
Or
more...
(Chris)
I
wouldn’t
say
‘in
between’,
but
sometimes...depending
on
who
you’re
with
personally...you
can
be
pushed
to
be
more
of
one
certain
culture
than
the
other...or
acting
as
both...I
don’t
know...I
just
see
myself
as
part
of
a
mixed
culture,
really...
84
Similarly
Rachel
said
she
felt
part
of
both
black
and
white
cultures;
yet
she
also
indicated
that,
in
the
past,
she
had
‘whished
being
just
part
of
one
or
the
other’:
(Question)
Do
you
feel
between
two
cultures?
Black
and
white?
(Rachel)
I
don’t
know
whether
between…I’d
just
say
that
I’m
part
of
both…
(Question)
I
was
wondering
how
comfortable
you
are
with
being
mixed
or
if
you
wanna
be
one
side
more
than
the
other
at
all?
(Rachel)
I
think
I
have
done
sometimes…wished
that
I
could
be
just
part
of
one
or
the
other…But
it
don’t
wish
that
now…I’m
glad
that
I’m
mixed-‐race…
Like
Helen
(12,
Eurasian/British
Ghanaian)
all
the
participants
were
comfortable
with
their
‘mixed’
identity:
(Question)
Are
you
happy
with
who
you
are?
(Helen)
Yeah…Because
I’m
mixed
and
God
made
me
different…
For
many
youth,
the
most
positive
aspect
of
a
‘mixed-‐race’
identity
was
the
ability
to
negotiate
black
and
white
social
worlds,
to
navigate,
with
a
great
fluidity,
between
the
two.
For
example,
when
saying
that
she
‘can
be
anywhere
she
wants’,
Nathalie
suggested
that
‘being
mixed-‐race’,
having
‘the
best
of
both
worlds’,
allowed
her
a
certain
social
and
cultural
ubiquity:
(Question)
So
it’s
really
black
world
and
white
world,
you’re
going
in
and
out
of
these
cultures?
(Nathalie)
I
mix
with
both…That’s
the
reason
I
like
to
be
mixed-‐race,
that’s
why
I
always
say
to
everybody
‘I
love
being
mixed-‐race,
the
best
of
both
worlds’,
and
it
really
is
that,
it
is…Sometimes
you
get
frown
up,
you
get
looked
upon
differently…but
on
the
whole…As
long
as
I
am
outspoken…you
can
say
look
‘I’m
half
of
both,
yeah,
I
can
be
anywhere
I
want,
half
here,
half
there!’
Similarly
John
(17,
Barbados/White
English)
thought
that,
thanks
to
his
mixed-‐race
identity
‘he
can
mix
with
anything’.
Interestingly,
his
discourse
suggested
an
opposition
between
the
perceived
rigidity
of
racial
boundaries
at
school
and
his
own
‘competence’
to
cross
and
challenge
a
black/white
boundary:
(Question)
How
do
you
feel
at
school?
(John)
Mostly
mixed-‐race,
cos
black
people
don’t
mix
with
the
white
people
that
much
and
the
white
people
don’t
mix
with
the
white
people
that
much…Being
a
mixed-‐race
I
can
mix
with
both…
(Question)
You’re
comfortable
in
both
groups?
(John)
Yeah…
(Question)
Would
you
say
you’re
happy
with
who
you
are?
(John)
Yeah…You
cannot
change,
so
it’s
better
to
get
on
with
it…What
I
am
is
the
best
cos
I
can
mix
with
anything…I’ve
always
been
happy
with
who
I
am…
Jade
(16,
St
Vincent/White
English)
also
talked
about
the
school
environment
and
her
position
in
relation
to
the
black/white
boundary:
85
(Question)
Do
you
feel
comfortable
with
different
groups?
(Jade)
Yeah…Here,
in
the
common
room,
it’s
mainly
black
people,
and
friends
don’t
like
coming
down
here…but
I
just
don’t
care…If
it’s
a
room
for
the
white
people
I
go
there,
if
it’s
a
room
for
the
black
people
I
go
there…it
don’t
actually
bother
me…
In
their
discourses,
Nathalie
(17,
mixed
African-‐White/White
Scottish)
and
Charlotte
(16,
Jamaican/White
English)
reconstructed
their
mixed-‐race
position
not
only
in
relation
to
ethnic
or
racial
boundaries
but
in
a
context
of
inter-‐group
debate
or
even
tension.
Indeed,
in
the
quote
below,
Charlotte
talks
about
how
she
can
share
both
black
and
white
‘points
of
view’
without
privileging
one
over
the
other
and
indicating
also
how
she
would
feel
‘equally’
offended
by
insults
directed
towards
white
and
black
people:
(Charlotte)
I’m
not
like:
‘should
I
be
on
the
black
side?’,
I’m
both…If
I
was
in
a
debate,
I’d
find
it
more…
of
a
plus
point…Cos
I
can
see
it
from
a
white
person’s
point
of
view
because
I’ve
lived
with
white
people.
I
can
see
it
from
a
black
person’s
point
of
view…If
someone
was
to
insult
someone
who
is
white,
I
would
feel
offended
because
my
dad’s
white…There’s
part
of
me…half
of
me
is
white…I’ve
got
a
lot
of
white
in
me…And
if
someone,
say
a
white
person,
was
to
insult
black
people,
I
would
feel
just
as
offended…It’s
equal…It’s
not
like
‘oh
I
am
more
offended,
because
it’s
black,
or
I’m
more
offended
if
it’s
white’,
it’s
exactly
the
same…
She
added
that
‘being
mixed-‐race’
can
signify
a
more
‘open-‐minded’
approach
to
differences
between
people:
(Charlotte)
If
you’re
mixed-‐race
you
should
be
proud
to
be
mixed-‐race,
because
you’ve
got
more
of
a
chance
to
be
more
open-‐minded.
Because
you
can
see
it
from
both
sides…Because
sometimes
it
can
be
very
different,
like,
my
dad’s
side
are
very
different
from
my
mum’s
side.
In
ways
they’re
similar.
The
last
part
of
her
discourse
was
perhaps
the
most
interesting
as
she
presented
the
‘mixed-‐
raced’
identity
as
a
resource
which
could
be
mobilised
to
actively
challenge
stereotypes,
representing
a
instrument
of
symbolic
‘protection’
in
a
culturally
and
racially
divided
environment:
(Charlotte)
But
then
you
can’t
actually
be
stereotyped
because
if
anyone
says
‘you’re
this’
you
can
say
‘well,
at
the
end
of
the
day,
I’m
half
of
you,
I’m
half
of
your
culture,
so
you’re
still
part
of
me!
And
if
someone
black
was
saying
something
about
white
people,
I
would
say
‘well,
I’m
half
of
you,
so…’
Nathalie
first
exposed
her
reaction,
her
resistance,
to
some
accusations
of
‘passing’
before
expressing
her
pride
of
being
mixed-‐race:
(Nathalie)
Yeah…when
I
was
in
Croydon…
I’ve
got
a
really
strong
character,
and
some
people
cos
of
my
skin
colour,
because
of
the
way
I
speak,
it’s
just
the
way
I’ve
been
brought
up,
certain
things
I’ve
learnt…
They
said
something
about
me,
‘she’s
trying
to
be
something
she’s
not’
and
I’m
like
‘will
you
excuse
me,
would
you
like
to
repeat
that?’
and
then
when
they
find
out
that
I’m
mixed-‐race
then
‘oh…oh’
Some
people
86
think
I’m
lying…
‘Why
I
am
not
gonna
say
I
am
mixed-‐race?’
I’m
proud
of
it…I’m
proud
to
be
me!
This
notion
of
resistance
to
a
specific
external
perception
of
her
identity
was
also
present
in
the
final
part
of
the
quote
when
she
explained
how
she
refused
to
be
identified
as
black
at
school.
Moreover,
and
like
Charlotte,
she
felt
belonging
to
‘both
sides’.
As
a
result,
she
said
it
was
normal
and
legitimate
for
her
to
be
equally
offended
by
bad
comments
about
black
and
white
people:
(Nathalie)
And
then
in
school,
people
made
comments
about…There
was
the
black
girls,
I
end
up
hanging
around
with
more
black
people
and
mixed-‐race
people
than
I
do
with
whites…It’s
nothing
racist
or
anything…It’s
just
the
way
it
works
out…and
I
was
with
a
group
of
black
girls
and
there
were
two
white
girls
there…And
they
said
all
white
girls
give…oral…sex…
And
I
said
‘excuse
me,
that’s
my
mum,
that’s
my
nan,
that’s
a
lot
of
people
in
my
family’…
And
I
said
‘my
skin
colour
is
not
black,
so
you
cannot
see
me
as
black’…
‘But
we
do,
we
do…we
see
you
as
black’…and
I
said
‘well
I’m
not
black,
so
if
you
can’t
see
me
for
what
colour
that
I
actually
am,
then,
don’t
speak
to
me!’…And
I
walked
off.
Because
I’m
both
sides…If
someone
was
to
make
a
comment
about
black
people,
I’ll
be
going
mad!
How
come,
yeah,
you’re
gonna
claim
‘oh
that’s
racist’
but
then
when
you
do
the
same
thing
to
the
other
side,
it’s
not
racist,
it’s
just
your
personal
opinion?
It
works
both
ways;
I
won’t
stand
for
either…
The
narratives
of
Charlotte
and
Nathalie
show
the
ways
in
which
composite
identities
can
be
constructed
as
resources
socially
relevant
in
specific
contexts.
In
sum,
the
mixed-‐heritage
youth
clearly
have
the
competence
to
negotiate
and
‘manage’
their
multiple
identities
in
different
environments.
As
said
earlier
the
mixed-‐heritage
participants
were
comfortable
with
their
‘mixed-‐race’
identity
and
several
were
keen
to
express
how
they
were
proud
of
it.
While
many
were
stressing
that
they
were
neither
‘fully
black
nor
fully
white
but
both’,
some
were
also
happy
to
show
a
preference
for
a
socialisation
in
white
or
black-‐dominated
peer
groups.
However
there
was
a
marked
tendency
to
move
across
social/ethnic
groups.
An
important
element
is
that
beyond
a
simple
ethno-‐racial
dualism
many
identities
were
associated
with
different
contexts.
Regarding
our
British
Bangladeshi
participants,
while
we
could
also
observe
a
diversity
of
discourses
on
identity
and
belongings
some
dominant
trends
emerged.
For
instance,
religious
and
ethnic
identities
were
often
prioritised
by
British
Bangladeshi
youth
and
Britishness
was
perceived
as
more
inclusive
than
the
English
identity,
which
was
often
synonymous
with
whiteness.
A
certain
discrepancy
between
a
strong
discursive
association
to
an
Islamic
identity
and
an
average
or
low
level
of
religiosity
was
also
observed.
This,
we
argued,
could
suggest
the
importance
of
a
progressive
incorporation,
‘formalisation’
and
‘naturalisation’
of
an
Islamic
habitus.
Moreover,
Bangladeshi
youth
chose
to
associate
different
identities
with
different
contexts.
Within
the
domestic
sphere
the
ethnic
and
religious
categories
seemed
to
be
the
more
meaningful,
whereas
the
participants
referred
to
a
diverse
range
of
identities
when
talking
87
about
the
social
spaces
outside
home
(i.e.
at
school
or
with
their
friends).
Language
appeared
to
be
a
crucial
marker
of
affiliation
to
these
context-‐based
identities.
Here
young
people
were
stressing
their
ability
to
switch
code
easily;
they
were
drawing
the
attention
on
their
skills
for
the
negotiation
of
an
everyday
urban
multiculturalism.
The
recurrent
emphasis
on
language
perhaps
also
suggests
the
perception
of
the
strategic
role
that
communication
is
playing
in
the
shaping
of
composite
belongings
and
new
ethnicities.
Finally,
the
analysis
of
patterns
of
socialisation
revealed
that
while
many
participants
had
ethnically
mixed
peer
groups,
friendship
with
other
British
Bangladeshi
boys
and
girls
was
valued
in
terms
of
a
mutual
understanding
linked
to
a
social
and
cultural
proximity.
This
proximity,
in
addition
to
a
desire
to
conform
to
parental
wishes
and
views,
were
the
main
reasons
given
by
the
British
Bangladeshi
youth
interviewed
when
they
said
that
they
would
prefer
to
marry
within
their
ethnic
and
religious
group
(table
9).
Table
9
-‐
Dating,
opinion
on
arranged
marriage
and
marriage
preference,
British
Bangladeshi
youth
Name
Gender
Age
Boyfriend/girlfriend
Opinion
on
arranged
marriage
Marriage
preference
Rupna
Female
13
No
Would
mind
one
‘It
doesn’t
matter’
Basima
Female
16
‘I
just
don’t
like
boys’
Muna
Female
14
Munira
Female
11
Pari
Female
15
Fatima
Female
14
British
Bangladeshi
at
‘As
long
as
it’s
not
forced,
there’s
Muslim,
preferably
the
moment
nothing
wrong
with
arranged
Bengali
husband
marriages’
Never
‘I
personally
think
it’s
OK’
Bengali
husband
Shiraj
Male
14
No
Agrees
Bengali
wife
Ahmed
Male
13
No
‘That’s
wrong’
Does
not
know
Noor
Male
16
Abdul
Male
16
Karim
Male
14
British
Bangladeshi
at
‘Love
marriages
are
better’
Bengali
wife
the
moment
No
‘I
would
say
love
marriages
are
Bengali
wife
better’
Bengali
and
white
‘I
don’t
want
one’
‘I
don’t
mind
marrying
a
girlfriends
in
the
past
Bengali
or
someone
else
Asian’
Ayub
Male
12
‘I
don’t
see
anything
wrong
with
Bengali
husband
arranged
marriages’
One
black
boy
and
‘I
wouldn’t
mind
an
arranged
Bengali
Muslim
husband
several
Bengalis
before
marriage’
Never
‘That’s
OK’
Bengali
Never
‘Everyone
should
marry
whoever
Bengali
wife
they
want’
3.6.
MULTICULTURALISM,
RACISM
AND
DISCRIMINATION
In
this
final
section,
we
will
explore
the
issues
of
racism
and
discrimination
in
relation
to
our
participants’
lives
and
social
experiences.
But
first
let
us
look
at
their
views
of
multiculturalism
in
contemporary
Britain.
Living
in
multicultural
Britain
88
The
young
people
interviewed
acknowledged
the
cultural
diversity
of
today’s
Britain
and
the
great
majority
of
them
viewed
it
in
a
positive
light.
Among
the
British
Bangladeshi
sample,
we
can
quote,
for
example,
Karim
(14),
Noor
(16),
Shiraj
(14)
Basima
(16)
or
Abdul
(16):
(Question)
Britain
is
a
multicultural
society?
(Karim)
Yeah…
(Question)
How
do
you
feel
about
that?
(Karim)
It’s
a
good
thing,
different
people…
(Question)
Do
you
think
Britain
is
a
multicultural
society?
A
place
with
lots
of
cultures?
(Noor)
Yeah,
I
think,
Britain
has
a
lot
of
cultures
in
different
areas…
(Question)
How
do
you
feel
about
this
multiculturalism?
(Noor)
I
think
it’s
a
good
thing
because
instead
of
being
one
country
with
the
same
people,
there’s
quite
a
lot
of
different
people.
(Question)
Do
you
think
Britain
is
a
multicultural
society?
(Shiraj)
Yeah.
(Question)
How
do
you
feel
about
that?
(Shiraj)
It’s
ok,
cos
we’re
getting
more
friends,
a
lot
of
people
from
the
place
you’re
from
and
other
countries.
(Question)
How
do
you
feel
about
Britain
being
multicultural?
(Basima)
I
think
it’s
great.
(Question)
Why?
(Basima)
Lots
of
different
around
whereas
it’s
the
same
people…I
don’t
see
anything
wrong
with
like
mixed
cultures…
Among
several
mixed-‐heritage
participants,
like
Nick
(15,
Jamaican/White
English)
or
Rose
(11,
Jamaican/White
English),
a
similar
type
of
discourse
was
observed:
(Question)
Britain
as
a
multicultural
society….Do
you
understand?
(Nick)
Multicultural,
basically
there’s
a
lot
of
cultures…Lots
of
culture
that
do
get
along…
(Question)
How
do
you
feel
about
that?
(Nick)
Ok,
I
feel
fine…
(Question)
Is
Britain
multicultural?
(Rose)
Yeah…
(Question)
How
do
you
feel
about
it?
Good
thing,
bad
thing?
(Rose)
I
think
it’s
a
good
think…Because
everybody
get
to
know
different
people
from
different
cultures…
Some
were
talking
more
specifically
about
London,
like
John
(17,
Barbados/White
English)
and
Chris
(17,
Jamaican/White
English)
-‐
who
also
mentioned
tourism:
(Question)
Do
you
think
Britain
is
multicultural?
89
(John)
In
London
yeah….But
even
in
London
there
are
some
parts
that
aren’t.
But
where
I’m
living,
it’s
alright…
(Question)
Britain
as
a
multicultural
society?
(Chris)
I
don’t
know
because...I’d
say
Croydon
is
a
multicultural
place...Like
London...A
lot
of
foreigners,
Europeans
come
over,
for
the
tourist
attractions...
Similarly
Pari
(British
Bangladeshi,
15)
was
explaining
how
London
was
multicultural
and
how
‘people
do
something
about
racism’,
which,
according
to
her,
is
more
prevalent
outside
the
metropolis,
in
rural
areas.
The
last
part
of
her
discourse
was
interesting
as
she
expressed
her
feeling
of
‘happiness’
and
sense
of
‘safety’
living
in
a
multicultural
city:
(Question)
Britain...is
it
multicultural
society?
(Pari)
Yeah…I
think
London
is…But
outside
London
like
Hertfordshire
and
whatever,
I
think
there
is
a
lot
of
racism
going
on…We
don’t
know,
cos
we
don’t
live
there…Other
people
live
there,
other
people
are
facing
it…Because
we
live
in
London,
there
is
a
lot
of
tackling
against
racism
and
stuff,
and
people
do
something
about
it…I
think
London
is
more
multicultural…I
mean
Britain
is,
the
whole
of
Britain
is,
but
there’s
more
in
London…
(Question)
How
do
you
feel
about
that?
Where
you
live?
(Pari)
I
feel
safer,
happier…I’d
rather
be
here
in
London,
than
anywhere
else…
More
nuanced
views
about
multiculturalism
were
also
expressed,
however.
Nathalie
(17,
mixed
African-‐White/White
Scottish)
was
referring
to
racism
and
a
certain
discrepancy
between
the
discourse
of
multiculturalism
and
the
way
she
perceived
its
reality:
(Question)
Do
you
think
Britain
is
a
multicultural
society?
(Nathalie)
It
supposed
to
be…but
a
lot
of
people
are
racist…Multicultural,
but
it’s
not
accepting…
For
Jade
(16,
St
Vincent/White
English)
multiculturalism
implied
more
the
idea
of
a
‘separation’
than
the
idea
of
a
‘mix’:
(Question)
What
do
you
think
of
multiculturalism?
(Jade)
All
the
mix
of
the
different
cultures
and
stuff…But
it
isn’t
really
a
mix…they’re
all
separate…Living
in
one
country
but
they
are
all
separate…
These
notions
of
separation
and
division
were
also
present
in
Charlotte’s
discourse
when
she
deplored
the
negative
effects
of
racialised
identity
politics.
According
to
her,
England
would
be
a
better
place
if
people
decided
‘to
drop
the
whole
colour
thing’
and
communicated
more:
(Question)
How
do
you
feel
about
Britain
being
a
multicultural
society?
It’s
a
good
thing,
a
bad
thing?
(Charlotte)
Yeah,
it’s
a
good
thing…but
you
still
get
the
racism…If
everyone
stopped
thinking
about
the
past
and
‘who’s
white,
who’s
black’
and
‘who’s
acting
white,
who’s
acting
black,
who’s
acting
Asian’…I
think
if
everyone
just
drop
their
guard
and
see
people
just
as
people,
then
I
think
England
would
get
a
lot
better…England
has
90
the
potential
to
be
a
lot
better
than
what
it
is…Because
if
there
was
more,
say,
black
people
in
the
House
of
Parliament
or…Black
people
would
have
a
bit
of
hope…Then,
I
think
everything
would
be
different
if
everyone
just
decided
to
drop
the
whole
colour
thing
and
just
communicate
with
everyone…We
have
so
many
different
people
in
this
country…we
have
people
from
France,
people
from
South
Africa…We
have
people
from
all
over…We
just
have
to
get
to
know
them,
find
out
about
them,
not
because
of
the
colour
of
their
skin,
but
where
they’re
from…
Perception
of
discrimination
We
also
wanted
to
know
what
were
the
perceptions
of
our
participants
concerning
the
degree
of
discrimination
and
racism
in
the
British
society,
especially
in
the
job
market,
media,
police
and
educational
sector.
Regarding
the
job
market,
only
Abdul
(British
Bangladeshi,
16)
thought
that
there
was
some
racism
in
this
sphere:
(Question)
Do
you
think
there
is
racism
in
media,
in
the
police,
in
education?
(Abdul)
Job
market
kind
of,
because
say
there’s
a
white
person
and
an
Asian
person…and
the
Asian
person
has
better
qualifications,
say…They’ll
put
the
Asian
person
on
a
second
level…Sometimes
it
can
be
true,
sometimes
it
can’t…In
football
as
well…it’s
like
very
racist…I
rarely
see
Asian
players
on
the
pitch…Media,
not
really…They
just
pick
on
everyone…
When
reflecting
on
their
experiences
at
school
(and
in
a
highly
multicultural
environment,
for
most
of
them)
the
great
majority
of
the
interviewees,
from
both
samples,
did
not
think
that
there
was
a
significant
level
of
racism
and
discrimination
in
British
education.
Only
Charlotte
(16,
Jamaican/White
English),
talked
about
the
stereotypical
views
of
black
girls
held
by
some
teachers,
who
would
then,
according
to
her,
‘give
more
time’
to
white
and
Asian
girls:
(Question)
What
about
racism
in
education?
(Charlotte)
In
schools,
I
think…it’s
more…black
girls
just
either
decide,
because
I
went
to
a
girls’
school
obviously,
they
either
decide
to
[mobile
phone
interruption]
…
start
being
educated
cos
the
teachers
kind
of
stereotype
them…
‘They
don’t
wanna
work,
they
don’t
wanna
work’…
They
give
more
time
to
the
white
girls
and
the
Asian…
(Question)
Have
you
experienced
any
forms
of
discrimination
in
schools
or?
(Charlotte)
Yeah,
certain
people,
they
just
like
‘oh
she’s
just
trouble
anyway’
…me
and
the
Black
girls…
‘oh
I
wanna
learn’
but
they
dismiss
them…
This
notion
of
stereotyped
views
and
representations
was
very
present
in
discourses
about
media.
We
can
quote
here
Chris
(17,
Jamaican/White
English)
who
gave
the
example
of
a
stereotype
of
terrorist
‘influenced
by
the
media’,
Basima
(British
Bangladeshi,
16)
who
evoked
the
portrayal
of
the
‘Asian
female’
or
Ahmed
(British
Bangladeshi,
13)
who
mentioned
the
production
of
a
negative
image
of
Muslims:
91
(Question)
Do
you
think
there
is
racism
in
the
media?
(Chris)
I
can’t
think
of
anything
at
the
moment...But
a
lot
of
stereotypes
are
influenced
by
the
media...Say
for
example,
if
there’s
a
bomb
scare
in
Croydon,
you
gonna
think
of
a
guy
with
a
beard
and
a
turban,
an
Asian
guy...And
that’s
only
because
of
the
media...I
try
not
to
stereotype
because
of
the
media...
(Question)
What
about
racism
in
the
media?
(Basima)
I
think
the
media
are
still
kind
of
racist
because
when
they
have
like
a
role
of
Asian
female,
it
would
be
typical…
(Question)
Do
you
think
there
is
racism
in
the
media?
(Ahmed)
Yeah
because
sometimes
if
it
shows
like
a
Muslim
person
or
Iraqi
person,
the
media
would
act
something
to
make
them
look
bad,
not
positive
about
the
person…
Charlotte
talked
about
a
certain
bias
of
the
media
in
favour
of
‘white
people
from
the
country’:
(Question)
Do
you
think
Britain
is
a
racist
country?
In
the
media
for
example?
(Charlotte)
Yep!
Because,
I’m
not
being
funny,
but
all
these
times,
when
all
these
people
go
missing,
you
get
all
these
kids
and
stuff,
they
go
missing…And
it’s
always,
most
of
the
time,
you
get
big
stories
like
certain
black
people…But
my
friends
he
got
stabbed
out
of
gang-‐related
stuff,
you
didn’t
see
him
on
a
main
paper…
(Question)
Not
a
racist
crime?
(Charlotte)
No…but
even
the
racist
crimes
down
here…Like,
around
the
corner
there
was
a
big
group
of
white
guys
and
they
used
to
hate
back
people,
they
used
to
beat
up
Back
people,
one
of
them
died
from
it…Never
went
in
the
papers…Kids
go
missing
around
here
all
the
time,
it
never
goes
in
the
papers.
But
you
get
someone
from
the
country
and
who
is
very
white
and
who
has
a
very
good
family
or…and
they’re
in
the
papers
straight
away!
For
the
great
majority
of
the
participants,
it
was
the
police
which
were
perceived
to
adopt
discriminatory
practices.
The
dominant
opinion
among
the
youth
interviewed
was
that
policemen
were
targeting
specifically
black
and
Asian
people:
(Question)
What
about
in
the
police?
(Fatima)
Yeah,
I
think
some
white
policemen
are
racist
towards
Asians…I’ve
heard
it
from
other
people,
how
they
are
really
bad
to
Asians,
white
policemen
are
more
bad
to
Asians…
Question)
Racism
in
the
media,
police
or
education?
(Muna)
Police,
some
policemen
are
really
racist,
because
you
know
sometimes,
when
there’s
police
officers
that
stand
there
and
stop
cars,
yeah…It’s
true,
yeah,
whenever
you
see
who
they’ve
pulled
over,
it’s
mostly
black,
Asian
people…
Pari
(British
Bangladeshi,
15)
described
a
violent
experience
which
happened
to
her
(Bengali)
friends
in
East
London:
92
(Question)
Do
you
think
there
is
racism
in
the
police?
(Pari)
Yeah,
there
is,
definitely…Because
the
other
day
in
East
London,
my
friends,
they
were
just
doing
their
business,
this
is
long
time
ago…just
hanging
around,
playing
and
the
police
just
all
of
sudden
came,
rushed
in
and
beat
them
up
and
then
went…And
then
again,
the
other
day,
the
same
police,
came
back
in,
started
beating
up
one
boy,
even
when
an
old
lady
got
in,
saying
‘stop
it!’,
they
started
hitting
the
old
lady
and
the
children…I
think
they
brought
it
up
in
the
Respect
meeting…If
the
police
beat
us
up,
then
who
do
we
turn
to?
Apparently
the
police
are
saying
that
they
started
it…But
that’s
a
lie…and
obviously
they
gonna
believe
the
police
more
than
anybody
else…
Charlotte
(16,
Jamaican/White
English)
also
relied
on
her
personal
experience
to
denounce
the
prejudiced
tendencies
of
the
police:
(Question)
What
about
the
police?
(Charlotte)
Oh
yes…I’ll
tell
you
what:
my
boyfriend
is
white,
he
drives
and
sometimes
like…he
smokes
weed,
so
he’ll
be
lean
or
whatever…And
he
don’t
really
get
stopped
by
police…I
think
he
got
stopped
twice,
and
that’s
when
I
was
with
him…and
the
police
let
him
off…But
whenever
I’m
going
in
a
car
with
a
black
guy,
even
a
proper…normal
black
guy…Cos
I
don’t
really
hang
about
with
the
kind
of
gang
people…I
can
tell
you
that
I’ve
been
stopped
in
so
many
cars
with
black
guys
by
the
police…They’ve
got
their
windows
open,
the
music
ain’t
even
playing
that
loud
and
they’ll
get
stopped…
Interestingly
Nick
(15,
Jamaican/White
English)
said
that,
as
he
is
‘classed
black’
by
the
police,
he
would
be
singled
out,
contrary
to
Nathalie
(17,
mixed
African-‐White/White
Scottish)
who
could
‘pass’
for
white:
(Nick)
[Racism]
it’s
definitely
with
the
police
force
as
well…The
police
would
count
me
as
black,
I’ll
be
classed
black…If
something
went
down,
police
would
say
‘oh
it
was
a
black
youth’
they
would
pull
up
every
black
youth
they
see…in
a
group…
(Question)
Do
you
think
the
police
are
racist
then?
(Nick)
Some
of
them
are…
(Question)
What
about
racism
in
the
police?
(Nathalie)
With
black
people,
yeah…but
because
I’m
so
light,
I
usually
get
away…I’m
OK…But
black
people,
fully
black
people,
yeah…
Abdul
(British
Bangladeshi,
16)
raised
the
issue
of
anti-‐Muslim
prejudice
among
the
police
in
London:
(Abdul)
In
some
places
yeah,
there’s
lot
of
racism
and
in
some
places
there
isn’t…In
central
London
some
Muslims
get
racially
abused
a
lot…and
by
the
police
probably…The
police
they
pick
on
them
all
the
time…They
pick
particular
people…Some
people
get
abused
by
their
second
names
in
certain
areas…
This
question
of
anti-‐Muslim
sentiment
was
particularly
important
among
the
British
Bangladeshi
participants.
Many
pointed
a
growing
Islamophobia
in
the
West,
and
in
Britain
in
particular,
after
the
‘9/11’
attacks
in
New
York
and
the
‘7/7’
bombings
in
London
and
in
93
the
general
context
of
the
‘war
on
terror’
led
by
the
USA
and
its
allies.
The
following
quotes
can
illustrate
this:
(Basima)
More
and
more
Muslim
people
in
this
country
are
getting
stopped
by
police
and
getting
searched
because
they
think
they’re
terrorists…when
they
have
like
a
beard
and
a
hat
and
stuff…
(Question)
Do
you
think
there’s
more
prejudice
towards
Muslims
since
9/11?
(Basima)
Yeah…
(Question)
Where
do
you
get
that
view
from?
(Basima)
Well,
I’ve
seen
it
myself
this
black
girl,
yeah…my
friend
is
doing
this
documentary
about
9/11
and
people,
and
she
said
openly
that
she’d
be
afraid
if
she
sat
next
to
a
Muslim
man…
(Question)
Do
you
think
there
is
a
new
type
of
racism
against
Muslims?
(Basima)
Yeah…
(Question)
Do
you
think
there
is
a
new
form
of
racism,
Islamophobia?
(Pari)
I
think
so,
people
get
bullied
because
they’re
Muslim…Or
some
people
because
they’re
wearing
headscarf
they
would
get…something
at
them…
My
friend’s
parents
saying
‘don’t
wear
a
scarf
to
school
today’…when
the
9/11
thing
happened…she
wasn’t
wearing
a
headscarf
anymore…They
were
happy
cos
they
were
forced
to
wear
it,
not
forced
to
wear
it,
but
they
would
get
told
off
if
they
didn’t
wear
it,
and
then
all
of
sudden,
after
the
9/11
thing,
they
were
told
not
to
wear
it…Because
of
the
fact
that
they
might
get
attacked…
(Question)
Are
you
concerned
with
Muslim
communities
around
the
world?
You
know
like
Iraq…
(Ahmed)
Yeah,
because
George
Bush,
he
hates
Iraqis
and
all
that…I
don’t
like
him…I
think
he’s
a
prick…
(Question)
Do
you
think
since
9/11,
there’s
more
prejudice
towards
Muslim
people?
(Ahmed)
Yeah,
yeah,
definitely…
(Question)
Have
you
seen
it?
(Ahmed)
Yeah…Americans
held
prisoners
and
they
start
taking
the
piss…they
put
them
in
underpants
and
all
that…
(Question)
Are
you
concerned
about
Muslim
communities
around
the
world?
(Abdul)
I
don’t
really
think
about
it
that
much,
but
if
I
do
think
about
it,
I
feel
bad…Cos
conflicts
and
wars…Many
Muslims
are
dying…innocent
Muslims
are
dying
for
no
reasons…Hundreds
and
thousands
of
Muslims
are
dying
in
other
countries,
Palestine
and
that…When
one
British
person
dies
in
London,
they
put
it
all
over
the
papers…
In
London,
the
more
religious
you
get…if
you
put
a
hat
on
your
head
you
get
seen
by
the
police
in
a
different
perspective,
like
you’re
a
terrorist
or
something.
(Question)
After
9/11
more
prejudice
against
Muslims,
you
think?
(Abdul)
There’s
more
hatred
against
Muslims
in
London…Before
[the
London
bombings],
it
was
mainly
in
America…
(Question)
Since
9/11,
do
you
think
people
are
more
wary
of
Muslims?
(Karim)
Yeah,
because
you
hear
white
people
beating
up
Muslim
people…
94
(Question)
How
do
you
feel
about
Iraq
and
Israel?
(Ayub)
I
don’t
know…
(Question)
Since
9/11,
do
you
think
people
are
more
prejudiced
against
Muslims?
(Ayub)
Yeah…and
because
the
bombings
and
everything,
they
think
all
Muslims
are
like
that…
Experience
of
racism
While
the
previous
sections
dealt
essentially
with
the
perception
of
discrimination
and
Islamophobia,
this
final
section
explores
the
more
personal
experiences
of
racism.
Regarding
our
British
Bangladeshi
participants,
it
is
important
to
take
the
urban
context
of
South
Camden
into
account
and
especially
the
history
of
racist
hostility
against
the
Bangladeshi
population
in
such
areas
as
Somers
Town
(Desai,
1999).
In
the
quote
below
Basima
(16)
evoked
her
experience
in
this
particular
area
when
she
was
younger:
(Question)
Have
you
ever
experienced
racism
or
discrimination…Like
teasing,
name
calling…hitting?
(Basima)
I
can’t
remember
much
of
it,
but
when
I
was
younger
in
my
area,
Somers
Town,
it
used
to
be
really
racist…
(Question)
How
young?
(Basima)
When
I
was
about
8,
9,
10….
(Question)
So
have
you
experienced?
(Basima)
Just
like
‘Paki’
and
stuff,
‘you
smell
of
curry’…
While
no
participants
mentioned
having
been
the
victim
of
a
physical
violent
racist
attack,
many
British
Bangladeshis
interviewed,
like
Basima,
reported
having
been
verbally
abused
in
South
Camden.
As
illustrated
by
the
following
quotes
all
these
racist
experiences
appear
to
be
of
a
similar
nature,
as
all
of
the
interviewees
said
that
they
have
being
called
‘Paki’:
(Question)
Have
you
experienced
racism?
(Pari)
Yeah,
a
lot…Under
our
block,
people
used
to
say
‘Paki’
and
stuff
like
that…I
use
to
retaliate…Once
I
did
retaliate
and
I
said
‘honkey’
back…and
they
just
ran…They
were
saying
‘Paki!’
and
they
were
starting
running
and
I
went
after
them…
‘Honkey!’
(Question)
Any
physical
violence?
(Pari)
No
(Question)
Have
you
experienced
racism
or
any
forms
of
discrimination?
(Fatima)
Yeah,
in
Robert
Street…
(Question)
Oh
obviously
because
of
the
whites
and
the
Bengalis
and
stuff…
(Fatima)
Yeah…just
name
calling,
like
‘Pakis’
and
stuff…
(Question)
Never
beaten
up
or
anything?
(Fatima)
No…
(Question)
Have
you
ever
experienced
racism?
(Shiraj)
Yeah.
(Question)
Did
they
physically
hurt
you
or…
95
(Shiraj)
Name
calling…
(Question)
How
did
you
deal
with
it?
(Shiraj)
Answer
back
to
them
and
then…
(Question)
You
started
a
fight…
(Shiraj)
Yeah…He
called
me
a
‘Paki’…
(Question)
Have
you
experienced
any
forms
of
racism
or
discrimination?
(Ahmed)
Yeah…It’s
like
little
things,
like
‘Paki’
and
stuff
like
that…
(Question)
In
your
school?
(Ahmed)
Around…in
Camden…small
things,
I
just
black
it
out
(Question)
You
just
walk
away…Have
they
ever
attacked
you?
(Ahmed)
No…
(Question)
Did
you
experience
racism
here
in
Camden?
(Ayub)
Yeah…name
calling,
‘Paki’…
Four
participants
among
all
the
mixed-‐heritage
young
people
interviewed
indicated
that
they
also
have
been
verbally
abused.
For
instance
John
(17,
Barbados/White
English)
reported
having
been
called
‘nigger’
in
a
Brighton
pub:
(Question)
Have
you
been
victim
of
racism?
(John)
Yeah…Mostly
name
calling…Once
I
was
not
allowed
into
somewhere
because
they
cussed
me
at
being
black…
(Question)
Where?
(John)
It
was
on
the
coast…a
pub
in
Brighton…I
was
with
black
friends
and
white
friends
as
well,
we
all
went
in,
and
then
they
say
‘no
we
don’t
want
you
in’…So
we
just
all
went
out…
(Question)
Name
calling?
(John)
Someone
across
the
street,
white
guys,
and
then
they
ran
off…Calling
me
‘nigger’
and
stuff
like
that…I
didn’t
care…So
if
they
were
to
come
down
to
London,
they
would
be
shocked…They
can
see
that
everyone
gets
along…and
they
would
be
the
ones
who
would
be
out…be
the
ones
who
everyone
hated…That
was
in
Brighton…I
don’t
really
care…
While
Nathalie
(17,
mixed
African-‐White/White
Scottish)
recalled
some
racist
name
calling
at
school:
(Nathalie)
Someone
said
that
I
belong…on
a
Klux
Klux
Klan
cross…He
was
very
little,
that
young…and
then
I
said
to
him
‘would
you
like
it
if
somebody
would
say
that
about
you
because
you’re
white?’…It
was
racism
and
my
mum
went
mad…So
in
school,
kids
used
to
say
stuff,
and
I
used
to
tell
my
mum
and
she’d
say
‘just
say
to
them:
‘I’m
this
colour
because
my
dad
is,
you’re
this
colour
because
you
don’t
wash!’
I
was
laughing…When
I
go
to
the
shops,
the
security
man
will
follow
me
around!
[laughing]
(Question)
Have
you
been
teased
about
it?
(Nathalie)
Yeah,
I
used
to
be
called
‘the
Albino’…
96
(Question)
Who
by?
(Nathalie)
People
in
my
school…in
secondary…and
said
I
was
Ben
Ladden’s
daughter,
because
of
my
skin
colour,
and
‘sunshine
baby’
that’s
really
sweet!
[laughing]
Like
Nathalie,
Chris
(17,
Jamaican/White
English)
said
that
he
has
been
verbally
abused
because
of
his
particular
‘mixed-‐race
appearance’.
He
described
the
experience
he
had
with
a
black
customer
when
he
was
working
in
a
sport
shop:
(Question)
Have
you
experienced
any
racism,
discrimination?
(Chris)
Yeah,
man,
lots
of
time...
(Question)
Where?
(Chris)
In
the
street...
(Question)
From
whom?
(Chris)
White
people...black
people...Cos
I
am
mixed-‐race,
and
I
was
telling
you
earlier
about
how
black
people,
Jamaicans,
like
yardies
and
all
that,
they
don’t
like
mixed-‐
race...They
don’t
believe
in
half
breed,
that’s
how
they
call
them...I
was
working,
just
before
Christmas,
and
I
was
serving
two
customers,
a
white
customer
and
an
Asian
customer,
and
there
was
a
black
customer...It
was
a
busy
day,
Christmas
Eve
even...The
third
day
before
Christmas
Eve...And
the
black
guy
said
‘can
I
change
my
trainers’
and
I
said
‘sir,
I’m
sorry
I’m
serving
this
other
customer,
you
came
after
this
customer’....And
that
was
it...He
started
calling
me
F-‐this,
CU-‐that,
C-‐U-‐N-‐T-‐that!
I
couldn’t
believe
it...And
then
he
called
me
a
half
breed...I
was
really,
really
offended
by
that...but
I
couldn’t
do
anything
cos
I
am
working...I
didn’t
want
to
jeopardise
my
job...just
because
of
the
ignorance
of
one
customer...I
just
kept
my
cool
and
I
just
calmed
down...It’s
not
worth
it...
Charlotte
also
provided
a
detailed
account
of
her
experiences
of
(verbal)
racism,
mainly
in
the
school
environment.
She
started
by
indicating
that
her
school
‘was
extremely
racist’
and
that
‘being
mixed-‐race
was
probably
one
of
the
worst
things
to
be’.
She
described
how
some
black
girls
insulted
her
using
offensive
names
such
as
‘half
breed’
(like
in
the
case
of
Chris):
(Question)
Did
you
like
your
school?
(Charlotte)
No…Because
my
school
was
extremely
racist…as
in
like…you
used
to
have
the
black
girls
and
you
used
to
have
the
white
girls…and
the
Asian
girls…Sometimes
they
used
to
mix…But
sometimes
not…Because
black
girls
used
to
give
more
abuse
to
mixed-‐race
girls
than
to
white
girls,
I
don’t
understand
why,
but
mostly
black
Africans
and
proper
black
Jamaicans
they
used
to
really…They
thought
that
mixed-‐race
girls
is
wrong,
it’s
just
wrong…It’s
wrong
to
be
mixed
…you’re
either
black
or
you’re
white…And
then
the
Asian
girls
used
to
socialise
with
their
own
part…Certain
white
girls
used
to
hang
about
with
the
black
girls…But
being
mixed-‐race
in
my
school
was
probably
one
of
the
worst
things
to
be…They
used
to
say
that
my
parents
were
gonna
be
punished
by
God
because
they
decided
to
mix
cultures…And
people
calling
me
names…
(Question)
Who?
Black
girls?
97
(Charlotte)
Yeah…They
used
to
call
me
‘stupid
half
breed’
and…just
because
of
the
fact
that
I’m
mixed-‐race
they
used
to
always
insult
me,
and
because
I’m
not
bad
looking
either
that
used
to
make
things
worse…
There
is
a
great
contrast
therefore,
here,
between
this
type
of
discourse
and
the
one
analysed
earlier
suggesting
the
flexible
and
‘comfortable’
positionality
of
a
‘mixed-‐race’
identity.
Indeed,
in
the
extract
below
Charlotte
talks
about
the
difficulty
to
‘be
accepted
as
mixed-‐race’
by
both
black
and
white
people:
(Question)
Have
you
experienced
any
forms
of
racism?
(Charlotte)
Yep,
a
lot
of
racism…More
when
I
was
younger
than
what
I
do
get
now…For
mixed-‐race
people,
it’s
kind
of
hard
to
be
accepted,
because
some
black
people
don’t
like
you
because
you
got
white
in
you
and
some
white
people
don’t
like
you
because
of
the
fact
that
you
are
just
mixed-‐race…You
just
get
called
‘half
breed’
and
‘pick
and
mix’…
4. SUMMARY
OF
MAIN
RESEARCH
FINDINGS
1-‐Local
identity
• Several
young
people
said
they
felt
that
they
belonged
to
a
‘local
community’
or
talked
about
a
sense
of
‘home’
among
their
own
religious
or
ethnic
group.
• Many
contrasted
the
‘boredom’
of
the
countryside
with
life
in
multicultural
London.
• However,
in
Camden
and
in
South
London,
several
participants
made
reference
to
the
existence
of
tensions
or
even
violent
conflicts
occurring
in
their
localities
between
groups
of
young
people
(always
male)
from
different
areas
and/or
ethnic
groups.
2-‐Private/public
sphere
boundary
• For
the
great
majority
of
participants
in
both
groups,
the
boundary
between
home
and
‘outside’
was
socially
meaningful.
• In
many
cases,
language
(what
is
said
but
also
how
it
is
said)
was
spontaneously
mentioned
by
the
participants
when
they
were
asked
about
the
difference
between
their
behaviour
at
home
and
outside
(at
school
or
among
friends).
• British
Bangladeshi
girls
(and
also
boys)
indicated
that
their
family
was
‘quite
open’
and
that
they
were,
for
example,
able
to
go
out
freely,
to
‘hang
out’,
as
long
as
their
parents
knew
where
they
were.
• However
several
young
Bangladeshi
girls
living
in
Camden
mentioned
‘culture’
or
‘tradition’
when
asked
about
the
importance
of
discipline
in
the
family
or
a
possible
98
‘generation
gap’.
Some
were
‘ethnicising’
the
notion
of
parental
authority
and
the
gendered
division
of
space.
•
In
sum,
we
can
say
that
the
notion
of
respect
towards
adults
and
parents
can
reinforce
the
ethnic
boundary
when
associated
with
a
set
of
cultural
or
‘traditional’
gendered
norms.
3-‐Popular
culture
and
tastes
Music
• The
influence
of
a
hybridised,
diasporic
genre
was
noticeable
for
some
young
British
Bangladeshi
interviewed,
as
bhangra
and
‘Bollywood
remix’,
in
particular,
were
mentioned
several
times.
Through
this
hybridisation,
the
‘Asian
element’,
is
symbolically
relocated
in
a
new
subcultural
framework,
a
process
which
serves
to
delineate
the
boundaries
of
a
positive
contemporary
British
Asian
identity.
• The
influence
of
black
codes
and
hip-‐hop
subcultural
styles
is
important
among
young
people
from
both
samples.
• There
was
a
marked
tendency
from
mixed-‐heritage
youth
to
objectify
the
relationship
between
the
construction
of
black
identities
and
the
sphere
of
cultural
or
social
preferences
and
tastes.
• While
mainstream
US
rap,
RnB
or
garage
were
popular
among
almost
all
the
youth
interviewed,
several
participants,
especially
female,
also
expressed
very
critical
opinions.
They
mainly
referred
to
the
explicit
character
of
some
songs
and
the
promotion,
by
the
rappers,
of
a
‘gangsta’
lifestyle
associated
to
sexist,
misogynist
attitudes.
Media
• Regarding
television,
there
was
a
relative
homogeneity
of
tastes
among
both
groups
as
most
participants
said
watching
popular
mainstream
genres
such
as
sitcoms
(Friends),
‘reality
shows’
(Big
Brother),
soaps
(East
Enders),
teenage
drama
(Hollyoaks)
or
cartoons
(on
CBBC
Channel
for
example).
Similarly,
recent
mainstream
-‐
mainly
American
-‐
films
tended
to
dominate
the
participants’
preferences
in
cinema.
• Only
few
participants
said
reading
regularly
British
newspapers.
• Bangladeshi
newspapers
and
magazines
published
in
the
UK
did
not
appeal
very
much
to
British
Bangladeshi
participants.
One
of
the
reasons
explaining
this
could
be
the
little
interest
that
young
people
show
towards
the
situation
in
Bangladesh
or
in
their
district
of
origin
in
Sylhet.
99
•
All
the
young
British
Bangladeshi
girls
said
that
they
liked
(or
just
watched)
‘Bollywood’
films
but
none
of
the
boys
seemed
to
show
a
strong
interest
in
them.
This
suggests
the
need
to
take
the
gender
factor
into
account
when
exploring
the
issue
of
diasporic
media.
Sport
• The
question
about
‘allegiance’
to
a
particular
team
proved
difficult
to
answer
for
some
participants
who
were
often
hesitant
or
confused.
• However,
several
young
Bangladeshis
assumed
that
‘supporting
Bangladesh’
in
cricket
was
the
‘natural’
or
‘obvious’
option.
This
was
indicated
by
the
spontaneous
use
of
such
expressions
as
‘cos
it’s
my
country’
or
‘cos
it’s
where
I’m
from’.
It
is
also
interesting
that
none
of
these
expressions
denoting
symbolic
notions
of
national
origin,
belonging
and
‘home’
were
explicitly
associated
with
England
or
Britain.
• Several
mixed-‐heritage
participants
created
a
discursive
space
associated
with
a
‘chameleon
identity
repertoire’.
For
example
a
support
for
England
in
cricket
and
for
Jamaica
in
the
Olympics
-‐suggesting
an
ability
to
negotiate
a
double
identity.
Food
• Regarding
the
consumption
of
food
outside
home,
there
was
a
relative
homogeneity
of
responses.
Fast
food
such
as
McDonald’s
or
KFC,
pizzas,
takeaways,
‘fish
and
chips’
(or
even
‘junk
food’)
were
the
most
common
responses
among
both
British
Bangladeshis
and
mixed-‐heritage
youth.
• For
the
British
Bangladeshi
sample,
food
consumption
reflected
the
maintenance
of
cultural
practices
as,
in
their
great
majority,
the
British
Bangladeshi
youth
interviewed
stated
that
they
liked
‘rice
and
curry’,
which
was
said
to
be
the
main
type
of
food
consumed
at
home.
However,
the
participants
mentioned
as
well
the
consumption
of
other
types
of
food,
in
the
domestic
sphere,
coined
as
‘English’
or
‘Western’,
such
as
pizzas,
pastas,
chips,
etc.
• Among
the
British
Bangladeshi
youth,
none
said
eating
pork,
thus
reflecting
a
strong
commitment
to
this
highly
central
religious
prohibition.
• Concerning
the
consumption
of
halal
meat,
the
responses
indicated
a
more
flexible
attitude.
• Many
mixed-‐heritage
participants
said
eating
a
diverse
range
of
food
at
home,
but
several
mixed-‐heritage
youth
interviewed
indicated
eating
Caribbean
or
‘black’
food
regularly.
In
their
discourses,
it
was
often
associated
with
dishes
such
as
‘chicken
and
rice’.
• When
black/Caribbean
food
was
consumed
at
home,
it
was
said
to
be
cooked
by
the
parent
with
a
black
or
Caribbean
background.
100
•
The
difference
between
the
cooking
practices
of
each
parent
was
perhaps
perceived
in
a
stronger
way
in
the
case
of
separated
parents.
Thus,
food
can
be
seen
as
playing
a
role
in
the
construction
of
a
cultural
boundary
between
two
specific
domestic
environments,
a
boundary
negotiated
by
the
mixed-‐heritage
youth
in
their
everyday
life.
4-‐‘Traditions’,
rituals
and
religiosity
• While
none
of
the
young
British
Bangladeshis
we
interviewed
attend
an
Islamic
school,
all
have
received
(or
were
still
receiving)
some
form
of
religious
‘education’,
mostly
in
the
mosque
or
through
private
tuition,
generally
at
home
and
over
several
years.
This
education
reflects
the
central
role
of
religion
in
the
family
socialisation
process,
as
well
as
the
parental
commitment
to
pass
on
a
set
of
religious
traditions
and
norms.
• None
of
the
British
Bangladeshis
interviewed
showed
a
strict,
scriptural
sense
of
religiosity
and
there
were
no
strict
followers
of
the
religious
obligation
concerning
prayer
(i.e.
the
five
daily
prayers
and/or
the
participation
in
the
collective
service
of
jumma
every
Friday).
There
was,
in
fact,
a
variety
of
answers,
which
reflected
a
diversity
of
attitudes,
ranging
from
the
ones
who
did
not
pray
at
all
to
those
who
tried
their
best
to
be
regular
in
their
practice.
• Most
of
them
also
indicated
‘trying
their
best’
to
fast
the
entire
period
of
Ramadan.
When
asked
to
provide
some
reasons
behind
their
decision
to
fast,
the
notions
of
purification
and
religious
duty
were
implicitly
invoked.
• The
festivals
of
Eid
were
described
as
important
religious
and
family
events.
Yet
British
Bangladeshi
youth
also
participate
in
the
‘reinterpretation
of
tradition’
through
a
public
experience
of
amusement,
fun
and
‘good
time’
outside
the
sphere
of
the
Bengali
community
social
control
(shomaj).
The
religious
‘tradition’
has
been
given
a
new
signification
through
a
specific
urban
social
practice,
the
‘cruising’,
very
close
to
what
we
could
call
a
subcultural
use
of
public
space.
• Within
the
mixed-‐heritage
sample,
the
individuals
who
said
having
a
religion
tended
to
define
it
as
‘Christianity’.
• While
among
the
British
Bangladeshi
sample
we
could
always
observe
a
‘minimal’
form
of
religious
practice
even
in
the
more
‘secularised’
individuals,
we
found
that
for
several
mixed-‐heritage
participants
the
religious
practice
was
completely
non-‐
existent.
• This
lack
of
religious
commitment
is
often
linked
to
the
absence
of
spiritual
signification
of
traditional
Christian
events
and
celebration.
101
•
While
the
practice
and
‘routine’
of
Islam,
with
its
all-‐encompassing
character,
occupied
a
central
role
in
the
discourses
of
British
Bangladeshis,
the
relationship
to
religion
seemed
more
individualised,
intimate
and
‘privatised’
for
most
of
the
mixed-‐
heritage
participants
who
showed
some
form
of
religious
commitment.
•
The
perception
and
construction
of
religion
as
a
resource
for
the
individual
is
dependant
on
the
contexts
of
practice
and
belongings
within
a
social
and
family
trajectory.
In
sum,
the
relationship
to
religion
and
faith
evolves
and
is
never
static.
5-‐Narratives
of
identity
and
the
social
context
of
‘new
ethnicities’
and
hybrid
belongings
Hierarchy
of
identities
(British
Bangladeshi
youth)
• While
the
Muslim
identity
was
often
prioritised
by
the
British
Bangladeshi
participants,
none
of
them
were
clearly
rejecting
other
forms
of
identification.
• Many
discourses
suggested
a
strong
religious
identification
–
which
was
sometimes
perceived
as
‘obvious’
and
therefore
‘naturalised’-‐
for
individuals
yet
not
showing
a
significant
and
strict
sense
of
religiosity
through
regular
practices.
• For
all
the
young
people
interviewed
the
Bangladeshi
identity
seemed
also
to
be
very
important.
• The
views
about
Bangladesh
were
often
mixed
as
some
young
people
enjoyed
their
stay
‘back
home’
while
others
complained
about
the
corruption
or
the
political
situation,
but
also,
and
more
simply,
about
the
heat,
the
mosquitoes
or
the
boredom
of
village
life,
for
instance.
• We
can
say
that
the
degree
of
identification
with
Englishness
was
very
low
and
the
English
category
(ethnicity
or
‘culture’)
was
often
associated
with
whiteness.
• When
we
asked
the
British
Bangladeshi
participants
if
they
felt
belonging
‘between
two
cultures’,
none
of
the
responses
suggested
a
‘crisis
of
identity’.
Their
discourses
often
implied
an
awareness
of
a
combination
of
both
identities
instead
of
a
negative
‘in-‐betweeness’.
Hierarchy
of
identities
(Mixed-‐heritage
youth)
• ‘Mixed-‐race’
was
preferred
to
other
expressions
(such
as
‘mixed-‐parentage’,
‘mixed-‐
heritage’,
etc.)
and
was
constructed
as
a
viable
category
of
identification.
• For
several
participants,
religion
and
also
the
West
Indian
or
African
identities
had
a
role
to
play
in
terms
of
dynamics
of
self-‐identification.
102
•
The
participants
did
not
really
wish
to
prioritise
a
black
identity
when
asked
how
they
would
describe
themselves,
even
if
some
said
that
they
were
often
perceived
as
black.
•
The
establishment
of
a
direct
correspondence
between
‘being
English’
and
‘being
white’
was
not
recurrent
among
them
(while
it
was
a
salient
tendency
among
many
of
the
British
Bangladeshi
youth
interviewed).
Many
said
to
be
‘proud
to
be
British’.
•
It
seemed
that
there
was
a
stronger
emphasis
on
urban/local
identities
among
mixed-‐heritage
youth
than
among
British
Bangladeshis.
Contexts
of
identities
(British
Bangladeshi
youth)
• Among
the
British
Bangladeshi
participants
there
was
a
strong
tendency
to
choose
the
categories
‘Bangladeshi’
and
‘Bengali’
with
reference
to
the
domestic
sphere.
The
dominant
aspect
of
this
choice
was
language.
• It
appears
that
British
Bangladeshi
participants
mainly
speak
Sylheti/Bengali
at
home
with
their
parents.
Yet,
many
also
said
switching
between
languages
often,
i.e.
speaking
English
with
their
siblings
or
a
combination
of
English
and
Sylheti/Bengali
to
their
siblings
and
parents.
• Regarding
the
school
environment,
we
can
say
that
language
represents
a
relevant
marker
as
well
when
several
participants
justified
their
choice
of
a
British
identity
in
this
context
• Many
chose
a
combination
of
identities
in
reference
to
social
contexts
outside
home.
• Three
quarter
of
the
respondents
had
at
least
one
Bangladeshi
boy
or
girl
among
their
three
best
friends.
The
issue
of
cultural
proximity
and
‘mutual
understanding’
seemed
to
be
central
here.
Contexts
of
identities
(mixed-‐heritage
youth)
• There
was
a
great
diversity
of
identities
chosen
by
the
mixed-‐heritage
participants
for
each
different
context.
• Regarding
the
domestic
environment,
and
as
opposed
to
the
British
Bangladeshi
case,
there
was
no
real
dominant
trend.
However,
in
the
case
of
parents
living
separately,
a
sense
of
biculturalism
with
an
ability
to
navigate
between
different
social
and/or
domestic
worlds
was
salient.
• Regarding
the
important
dimension
of
friendship
and
peer
grouping,
there
was
also
no
clear
dominant
pattern
of
socialisation
among
the
mixed-‐heritage
youth
interviewed.
In
fact,
many
youth
move
between
different
peer
groups.
103
•
An
attachment
to
a
black
dominated
peer
group
does
not
necessarily
involve
the
prioritisation
of
an
exclusive
black
identity.
•
One
of
the
most
important
findings
of
the
research
is
that
there
was
no
apparent
feeling
of
marginality
expressed
when
our
mixed-‐heritage
participants
talked
about
their
identities
and
their
experiences
of
different
cultural
and
social
worlds.
As
it
was
the
case
with
the
British
Bangladeshi
youth
interviewed,
they
did
not
see
themselves
as
being
caught
‘between
two
cultures’.
Rather,
they
were
keen
to
use
such
expressions
as
‘combination’,
‘mix’,
‘mixed
culture’,
etc.
when
referring
to
their
sense
of
identity.
The
data
collected
also
showed
how
the
sense
of
identity
was
fluid,
changing
and
contextually
contingent.
•
For
many
youth,
the
most
positive
aspect
of
a
‘mixed-‐race’
identity
was
the
ability
to
negotiate
black
and
white
social
worlds,
to
navigate,
with
a
great
fluidity,
between
the
two.
In
sum,
the
mixed-‐heritage
youth
clearly
have
the
competence
to
negotiate
and
‘manage’
their
multiple
identities
in
different
environments
as
there
was
a
marked
tendency
to
move
across
social/ethnic
groups.
6-‐
Multiculturalism,
racism
and
discrimination
Living
in
multicultural
Britain
• The
young
people
interviewed
acknowledged
the
cultural
diversity
of
today’s
Britain
and
the
great
majority
of
them
viewed
it
in
a
positive
light.
• More
nuanced
views
about
multiculturalism
were
however
expressed
(with
reference
to
racism
and
ethnic/racial
divisions).
Perception
of
discrimination
• When
reflecting
on
their
experiences
at
school
(and
in
a
highly
multicultural
environment,
for
most
of
them)
the
great
majority
of
the
interviewees,
from
both
samples,
did
not
think
that
there
was
a
significant
level
of
racism
and
discrimination
in
British
education.
• This
notion
of
stereotyped
views
and
representations
was
very
present
in
discourses
about
media.
• For
the
great
majority
of
the
participants,
it
was
the
police
which
were
perceived
to
adopt
discriminatory
practices.
The
dominant
opinion
among
the
youth
interviewed
was
that
policemen
were
targeting
specifically
black
and
Asian
people.
•
Many
British
Bangladeshis
pointed
a
growing
Islamophobia
in
the
West,
and
in
Britain
in
particular,
after
the
‘9/11’
attacks
in
New
York
and
the
‘7/7’
bombings
in
London.
104
Experience
of
racism
• While
no
participants
mentioned
having
been
victim
of
a
physical
violent
racist
attack,
many
among
the
British
Bangladeshis
we
interviewed
reported
having
been
verbally
abused
in
South
Camden.
• Four
participants
among
all
the
mixed-‐heritage
young
people
interviewed
indicated
that
they
also
have
been
verbally
abused.
• Some
said
having
been
verbally
abused
because
of
a
particular
‘mixed-‐race
appearance’.
105
REFERENCES
Ahmed,
B.,
Nicolson,
P.
and
Spencer,
C.
(2000).
The
social
construction
of
racism:
The
case
of
second
generation
Bangladeshis.
Journal
of
Community
and
Applied
Social
Psychology,
10,
33-‐48.
Alexander,
C.
(1996).
The
Art
of
Being
Black.
Oxford:
Clarendon
Press.
Alexander,
C.
(2000).
The
Asian
Gang:
Ethnicity,
Identity
and
Masculinity.
Oxford:
Berg.
Ali,
S.
(2003).
Mixed-‐Race,
Post-‐Race:
Gender,
New
Ethnicities
and
Cultural
Practices.
Oxford:
Berg.
Alibhai-‐Brown,
Y.
and
A.
Montague
(1992).
The
Colour
of
Love:
Mixed
Race
Relationships.
London:
Routledge.
Appadurai,
A.
(1990).
Disjuncture
and
Difference
in
the
Global
Cultural
Economy.
In
M.
Featherstone
(Ed.),
Global
Culture
(pp.
295-‐310).
London:
Sage.
Arends-‐Toth,
J.
and
van
de
Vijver,
F.J.R.
(2003).
Multiculturalism
and
acculturation:
Views
of
Dutch
and
Turkish-‐Dutch.
European
Journal
of
Social
Psychology,
33,
249-‐266.
Back,
L.
(1996).
New
Ethnicities
and
Urban
Culture.
London:
UCL
Press.
Berry,
J.W.
(1990).
Cultural
variations
in
cognitive
style.
In
S.
Wapner
(Ed.),
Bio-‐Psycho-‐Social
Factors
in
Cognitive
Style
(pp.
289-‐308).
Hillsdale,
N.J.:
Erlbaum.
Berry,
J.W.
(1997).
Immigration,
acculturation,
and
adaptation.
Applied
Psychology:
An
International
Review,
46,
5-‐34.
Berry,
J.W.
(2001).
A
psychology
of
immigration.
Journal
of
Social
Issues,
57,
615-‐631.
Bourdieu,
P.
(1986).
Outline
of
a
Theory
of
Practice.
Cambridge:
Cambridge
University
Press.
Bourhis,
R.Y.,
Moïse,
L.C.,
Perreault,
S.
and
Senécal,
S.
(1997).
Towards
an
interactive
acculturation
model:
A
social
psychological
approach.
International
Journal
of
Psychology,
32,
369-‐386.
Bunt,
G.R.
(2000).
Virtually
Islamic:
Computer-‐mediated
Communication
and
Cyber-‐Islamic
Environments.
Cardiff:
University
of
Wales
Press.
Campbell,
J.D.,
Trapnell,
P.D.,
Heine,
S.J.,
Katz,
I.M.,
Lavallee,
L.F.,
and
Lehman,
D.R.
(1996).
Self-‐concept
clarity:
Measurement,
personality
correlates,
and
cultural
boundaries.
Journal
of
Personality
and
Social
Psychology,
70,
141-‐156.
Carey,
S.
(2000).
Looking
for
the
Buzz:
Heroin
-‐
The
Drug
of
Choice.
Drug
Use
among
Bangladeshi
Youths
on
the
Ocean
Estate.
Report
for
the
London
Borough
of
Tower
Hamlets
Community
Partnership.
Choudhry,
S.
(2003).
Coming
of
the
Chameleons:
The
emergence
of
a
“discourse
of
choice”
amongst
children
of
South
Asian
and
White
Parents.
Paper
given
at
Conference
on
Bangladeshis
in
Britain,
Tower
Hamlets.
Clay,
A.
(2003).
Keepin’
It
Real:
Black
Youth,
hip-‐hop
culture
and
Black
Identity.
American
Behavioral
Scientist,
6
(10),
1346-‐1358.
Coleman,
H.L.K.,
Casali,
S.B.
and
Wampold,
B.E.
(2001).
Adolescent
strategies
for
coping
with
cultural
diversity.
Journal
of
Counseling
and
Development,
79,
356-‐364.
Cunningham,
S.
and
Sinclair,
J.
(2000).
Floating
Lives:
The
Media
and
Asian
Diasporas.
St
Lucia,
Australia:
University
of
Queensland
Press.
Desai,
P.
(1999).
Spaces
of
Identity,
Cultures
of
Conflict:
The
Development
of
New
British
Asian
Masculinities.
Unpublished
PhD
thesis,
University
of
London.
Diener,
E.,
Emmons,
R.A.,
Larsen,
R.J.
and
Griffin,
S.
(1985).
The
Satisfaction
With
Life
Scale.
Journal
of
Personality
Assessment,
49,
71-‐75.
106
Durojaiye,
M.
(1970).
Patterns
of
friendship
choice
in
an
ethnically
mixed
junior
school.
Race,
13,
189-‐200.
Eade,
J.
(1989).
The
Politics
of
Community:
The
Bangladeshi
Community
in
East
London.
Aldershot:
Ashgate.
Eade,
J.
(1991).
The
political
construction
of
class
and
community:
Bangladeshi
political
leadership
in
Tower
Hamlets,
East
London.
In
P.
Werbner
and
M.
Anwar
(Eds.),
Black
and
Ethnic
Leaderships
in
Britain:
The
Cultural
Dimensions
of
Political
Action.
London:
Routledge.
Eade,
J.
(1997).
Nationalism,
Community
and
the
Islamization
of
Space
in
London.
In
B.
Metcalf
(Ed.),
Making
Muslim
Space
in
North
America
and
Europe.
Berkeley
and
Los
Angeles:
University
of
California
Press.
Eade,
J.
(1998).
The
search
for
wholeness:
The
construction
of
national
and
Islamic
identities
among
British
Bangladeshis.
In
A.
Kershen
(Ed.),
A
Question
of
Identity.
Aldershot:
Ashgate.
Eade,
J.
and
D.
Garbin
(2002).
Changing
narratives
of
violence,
struggle
and
resistance:
Bangladeshis
and
the
competition
for
resources
in
the
global
city’.
Oxford
Development
Studies,
30,
137-‐49.
Eade,
J.
and
Garbin,
D.
(2006)
‘Competing
Visions
of
Identity
and
Space:
Bangladeshi
Muslims
in
Britain’,
Contemporary
South
Asia,
vol.
14,
no.2,
pp.
181-‐193.
Eversley,
J.
and
H.
Khanom
(2002).
Forced
Marriage
in
the
Bangladeshi
Community.
Report
for
London
Borough
of
Tower
Hamlets.
Flores,
J.
(2000).
From
Bomba
to
Hip-‐Hop:
Puerto
Rican
Culture
and
Latino
Identity.
New
York:
Columbia
University
Press.
Forrest,
L.
(2001).
English
children’s
national
identity:
National
symbols
and
the
principles
of
Identity
Process
Theory.
Unpublished
BSc
dissertation,
University
of
Surrey.
Garbin,
D.
(2004).
Migration,
territoires
diasporiques
et
politique
identitaires:
Bengalis
musulmans
entre
“Banglatown”
(Londres)
et
Sylhet
(Bangladesh).
Unpublished
PhD
thesis,
University
of
Tours.
Garbin,
D.
(2008)
‘A
Diasporic
Sense
of
Place:
Dynamics
of
Spatialization
and
Transnational
Political
Fields
Among
Bangladeshi
Muslims
in
Britain’
in
Smith,
M.
P.
and
Eade,
J.
(eds):
Transnational
Ties:
Cities,
Identities,
and
Migrations.
New
Brunswick
and
London:
(CUCR,
Vol.
9)
Transaction
Publishers.
Gardner,
K.
(2002).
Age,
Narrative
and
Migration:
The
Life
Course
and
Life
Histories
of
Bengali
Elders
in
London.
Oxford:
Berg.
Gardner,
K.
and
A.
Shukur
(1995).
I’m
British,
I’m
Asian,
and
I’m
here:
The
changing
identity
of
British
Bengalis.
In
R.
Ballard
(Ed.),
Desh
Pardesh:
The
South
Asian
presence
in
Britain.
London:
Hurst
and
Co.
Ghuman,
P.A.S.
(1994).
Coping
with
Two
Cultures:
A
Study
of
British
Asian
and
Indo-‐
Canadian
Adolescents.
Clevedon:
Multilingual
Matters.
Ghuman,
P.A.S.
(2003).
Double
Loyalties:
South
Asian
Adolescents
in
the
West.
Cardiff:
University
of
Wales
Press.
Gilroy,
P.
(1993).
The
Black
Atlantic:
Modernity
and
Double
Consciousness.
London:
Verso.
Glynn,
S.
(2002).
Bengali
Muslims:
The
new
East
End
radicals?
Ethnic
and
Racial
Studies,
25,
969-‐88.
Gross,
J.
et
al
(2002):
Arab
Noise
and
Ramadan
nights:
Rai,
Rap
and
Franco-‐Maghrebi
Identities.
In
Inda,
J.
X.
and
Rosaldo,
R.
(Eds.),
The
Anthopology
of
Globalisation,
a
Reader.
London:
Blackwell.
107
Hall,
S.
(1992).
New
ethnicities.
In
J.
Donald
and
A.
Rattansi
(Eds.),
‘Race’.
Culture
and
Difference.
London:
Sage.
Henriques,
F.
(1975).
Children
of
Conflict:
A
Study
of
Interracial
Sex
and
Marriage.
London:
Penguin.
Herman,
M.
(2004).
Forced
to
choose:
Some
determinants
of
racial
identification
in
multiracial
adolescents.
Child
Development,
75,
730-‐748.
Huq,
R.
(1996).
Asian
kool?
Bhangra
and
beyond.
In
S.
Sharma
et
al
(Eds),
Dis-‐orienting
Rythms:
the
politics
of
the
New
Asian
dance
music.
London:
Zed
Books.
Hutnik,
N.
(1986).
Patterns
of
ethnic
minority
identification
and
modes
of
social
adaptation.
Ethnic
and
Racial
Studies,
9,
150-‐167.
Hutnik,
N.
(1991).
Ethnic
Minority
Identity
in
Britain:
A
Social
Psychological
Perspective.
Oxford:
Clarendon
Press.
Hutnik,
N.
and
Barrett,
M.
(2003).
Ethnic
minority
identity:
Twenty
years
on.
Poster
presented
at
the
11th
European
Conference
on
Developmental
Psychology,
Milan,
Italy,
August
2003.
Jacobson,
J.
(1998).
Islam
in
Transition:
Religion
and
Identity
Among
British
Pakistani
Youth.
London:
Routledge.
Keith,
M.
(1995).
Making
the
street
visible:
Placing
racial
violence
in
context.
New
Community,
21,
551-‐565.
Kotalova,
J.
(1996).
Belonging
to
Others,
Cultural
Construction
of
Womanhood
in
a
Village
in
Bangladesh.
Dhaka:
UPL.
Liebkind,
K.
(2001).
Acculturation.
In
R.
Brown
and
S.L.
Gaertner
(Eds.),
Blackwell
Handbook
of
Social
Psychology:
Intergroup
Processes
(pp.
386-‐406).
Oxford:
Blackwell.
Mahtani,
M.
(2002).
Interrogating
the
Hyphen-‐Nation:
Canadian
Multicultural
Policy
and
‘Mixed
Race’
Identities.
CERIS
Working
Paper
No.
20,
Toronto.
Mandaville,
P.
2001.
Transnational
Muslim
Politics:
Reimagining
the
Umma.
London
:
Routledge.
Manouka,
A.
(2001).
Self-‐concept
and
ethnic
identity
of
Albanian
children
who
have
emigrated
in
Greece.
Unpublished
MSc
dissertation,
University
of
Surrey.
Maréchal,
B.
(2003).
Modalities
of
Islamic
Instruction.
In
Maréchal,
B.
et
al
(Eds),
Muslims
in
the
Enlarged
Europe:
Religion
and
Society.
Leiden:
Brill.
O’Connor,
R.,
Howe,
C.,
Warden,
D.
and
Cassidy,
C.
(2001).
A
longitudinal
investigation
of
the
experiences
and
expectations
of
racism
and
discrimination
in
young
people
of
majority
and
minority
cultures.
GARA
Annual
Report,
Department
of
Psychology,
University
of
Strathclyde.
Office
for
National
Statistics
(1998).
Estimates
of
the
population
by
ethnic
group
and
area
of
residence,
1998,
Great
Britain
(source:
Labour
Force
Survey).
London:
HMSO.
Panesar,
T.
(2002).
Forced
Marriages
and
Moral
Panics.
Unpublished
MSc
dissertation,
Queen
Mary
College,
University
of
London.
Parekh,
B.
(2000).
The
Future
of
Multi-‐Ethnic
Britain:
The
Parekh
Report.
London:
The
Runnymede
Trust/Profile
Books.
Parker,
D.
and
Song,
M.
(2001).
Rethinking
‘Mixed
Race’.
London:
Pluto
Press.
Pavot,
W.
and
Diener,
E.
(1993).
Review
of
the
Satisfaction
With
Life
scale.
Psychological
Assessment,
5,
164-‐172.
Pitt-‐Rivers,
J.A.
(1977).
The
Fate
of
Shechem,
or
the
Politics
of
Sex:
Essays
in
the
Anthropology
of
the
Mediterranean.
Cambridge:
Cambridge
University
Press.
108
Redfield,
R.,
Linton,
R.
and
Herskovits,
M.
(1936).
Memorandum
on
the
study
of
acculturation.
American
Anthropologist,
38,
149-‐152.
Rivera,
R.Z.
(2003).
New
York
Ricans
from
the
Hip-‐hop
Zone.
New
York:
Palgrave
Macmillan/St.
Martin's.
Rosenberg,
M.
(1979).
Conceiving
the
Self.
New
York:
Basic
Books.
Roy,
O.
2002.
L’Islam
Mondialisé.
Paris
:
Seuil.
Rozario,
S.
(2001).
Purity
and
Communal
Boundaries:
Women
and
Social
Change
in
a
Bangladeshi
Village.
Dhaka
:
UPL.
Rudmin,
F.W.
(2003).
Critical
history
of
the
acculturation
psychology
of
assimilation,
separation,
integration
and
marginalization.
Review
of
General
Psychology,
7,
3-‐37.
Samad,
Y.
and
Eade,
J.
(2002).
Community
Perceptions
of
Forced
Marriage.
Report
for
the
Community
Liaison
Unit,
Foreign
and
Commonwealth
Office.
Shaw,
A.
(1988).
A
Pakistani
Community
in
Oxford.
Oxford:
Blackwell.
Smith,
A.
and
Porter,
D.
(2004).
Sport
and
National
Identity
in
the
Post-‐War
World.
London:
Routledge.
Smith,
J.A.
(1995).
Semi-‐structured
interviewing
and
qualitative
analysis.
In
J.A.
Smith,
R.
Harré
and
L.
Van
Langenhove
(Eds.),
Rethinking
Methods
in
Psychology.
London:
Sage.
Solomos,
J.
and
Back,
L.
(1995).
Race,
Politics
and
Social
Change.
London:
Routledge.
Takriti,
R.
(2002).
The
Development
of
Religious
Identity
in
Christian,
Hindu
and
Muslim
Children.
Unpublished
PhD
thesis,
University
of
Surrey.
Tizard,
B.
and
Phoenix,
A.
(1993).
Black,
White
or
Mixed
Race?
Race
and
Racism
in
the
Lives
of
Young
People
of
Mixed
Parentage.
London:
Routledge.
Tizard,
B.
and
Phoenix,
A.
(2001).
Black,
White
or
Mixed
Race?
Race
and
Racism
in
the
Lives
of
Young
People
of
Mixed
Parentage
(2nd
edition).
London:
Routledge.
Tsagarousianou
(2004).
Rethinking
the
concept
of
diaspora:
mobility,
connectivity
and
communication
in
a
globalised
world.
Westminster
Papers
in
Communication
and
Culture,
1
(1),
53-‐66.
Twine,
F.W.
(2004).
A
White
side
of
Black
Britain:
Towards
a
theory
of
racial
literacy.
Ethnic
and
Racial
Studies,
27.
Vadher,
K.
(2004).
Adaptation
and
identification
processes
of
young
adult
British
Hindus.
Unpublished
BSc
dissertation,
University
of
Surrey.
Van
Oudenhoven,
J.P.,
Prins,
K.S.
and
Buunk,
B.P.
(1998).
Attitudes
of
minority
and
majority
members
towards
adaptation
of
immigrants.
European
Journal
of
Social
Psychology,
28,
995-‐1013.
Verma,
G.
and
Bagley,
C.
(1978).
Race,
Education
and
Identity.
London:
Macmillan
Press.
Vermeulen,
H.
and
Penninx,
R.
(Eds.)
(2000).
Immigrant
Integration:
The
Dutch
Case.
Amsterdam:
Het
Spinhuis.
Wacquant,
L.
(2004).
Body
and
Soul:
Notebooks
of
an
Apprentice
Boxer.
Oxford
and
NY:
Oxford
University
Press.
Watson,
J.
(Ed.)
(1977).
Between
Two
Cultures:
Migrants
and
Minorities
in
Britain.
Oxford:
Blackwell.
Werbner,
P.
(1990).
The
Migration
Process:
Capital,
Goods
and
Offerings
among
British
Pakistanis.
Oxford:
Berg.
Werbner,
P.
2002.
Imagined
Diasporas
among
Manchester
Muslim:.
The
Public
Performance
of
Pakistani
Transnational
Identity
Politics.
Oxford
and
Santa
Fe
:
SAR
Press/J.
Currey
.
Werbner,
P.
and
T.
Modood
(1997).
Debating
Cultural
Hybridity:
Multicultural
Identities
and
the
Politics
of
Anti-‐Racism.
London:
Zed.
109
Wilson,
A.
(1987).
Mixed
Race
Children:
A
Study
of
Identity.
London:
Allen
and
Unwin.
Wulff,
H.
(1995).
Introducing
youth
culture
in
its
own
right.
In
V.
Amit-‐talai
and
H.
Wulff
(Eds.),
Youth
Cultures:
a
cross-‐cultural
perspective.
London
and
NY:
Routledge.
110